Tag: GARRISON INVESTIGATION

  • When Tony Summers Fell in Love with Patricia Lambert


    A long time ago, Anthony Summers wrote a good book on the JFK case. It was called, appropriately enough, Conspiracy. In fact, since I have not updated my Top Ten JFK Books of late [2013], I still list it as one of the best books in the field. (I will update that list soon and probably will add two books to it. Which means two will be removed.) Conspiracy posited a plot between the Mob, the CIA and Cuban exiles to kill President Kennedy. For its time, 1981, the book took in a large amount of space. Summers had talked to a lot of people and had ties to several House Select Committee on Assassinations staffers, including the last chief counsel Robert Blakey.

    Although the late Gaeton Fonzi liked that first version of Summers’ book, in a summary critique of the publisher’s proofs, he made some cogent criticisms. One of them was that he thought Conspiracy overplayed the role of the Mob in the murder of Kennedy. Always gracious and understanding, Fonzi excused this fault by saying that Summers was clearly following the HSCA line as outlined by Blakey. Fonzi actually had seen what had happened to the HSCA after Richard Sprague left and Blakey took the job as Chief Counsel. In his wonderful book, The Last Investigation, Fonzi is at pains to show what a difference there was in the approaches of the two chief counsels. In fact, this is one of the key attributes of that sterling tome. It is a serious failing of Conspiracy. Because Summers tells the reader very little about what happened to the HSCA as a result of the change in leadership. And that’s not good. Because, as Fonzi reveals, Blakey had his Mob theory mapped out from the very beginning of his tenure. That is, when he was first recruiting personnel to staff his version of the committee. (Fonzi, p. 256) This is an important piece of information that should have guided Summers as he wrote his book. Apparently, he was not aware of it. Or if he was, he ignored it.

    Then, something odd happened to Conspiracy. In its later reissues, Summers changed the title of the book. The new title was Not in Your Lifetime. This signified what literary types would call a semiotic change. Because those four words were taken from Chief Justice Earl Warren’s famous comment to a reporter about when all the data from the Warren Commission would be made available to the public. Warren famously replied, with words to the effect, there may come a time, but it would be after they were both dead. In other words, no one around when he spoke would live to see all the information. I personally thought this title change was inexplicable. The first title seemed to represent the book’s thesis. But now Summers was backtracking to safer ground. I couldn’t really understand why.

    As time went on, I got an idea as to why. In 1993, Summers, along with Gus Russo and Dale Myers, served as consultants on the late Mike Sullivan’s weird PBS Frontline show, “Who Was Lee Harvey Oswald?” To his credit, Summers eventually asked that his name to be taken off the program. But he certainly stayed involved for a long time. Way after it became obvious as to what Russo and Myers had become. And in fact, on July 25th of this year Dale Myers revealed something at his “Secrets of a Homicide” blog that makes the mystery of why Summers stuck it out so long even more puzzling. Myers and Russo had always intimated that this program was done in a completely open ended manner. That is, there was no slant to it upon the inception of the production. Well, when Sullivan died Myers could not resist saluting him for letting him appear on television. Along the way, in an interview with Gus Russo, Myers blew open the cover story about that program. Russo said that far from being an honest and open-ended program that proceeded inductively, this was not Sullivan’s plan at all. Russo said “Sullivan suggested we start with finding out who pulled the trigger in Dallas first and work backward from there to find out if anyone else was involved.” In other words, the show started with a deduction and proceeded from there. That deduction was that Oswald shot Kennedy, and there may have been a second shooter. In light of that very late revelation, we should not admire Summers for eventually having his name taken off the show. Instead, we should ask: Why did he stick around at all? We shall see why.

    In that same anniversary year, Summers sent out letters to researchers asking them for new developments in the JFK case. He was prepping an article for Vanity Fair. That article, which appeared in December of 1994, turned out to be an interesting piece of work. In more than one way.

    At the beginning, Summers and his wife Robbyn Swann made some rather revealing and self-serving remarks. On the very first page, in the banner, the article said that the Assassination Records Review Board was at work and “more than two million classified documents on the assassination have been released”. Since the Review Board has just starting up at that time, and many of the released documents had been delayed with tags specifying future review, this seemed like an exaggeration, or perhaps a projection. Because the process was just beginning to play out and the endgame was not anywhere in sight. For example, the HSCA Mexico City Report, aka the Lopez Report, had not yet been fully declassified. But further, according to the Board’s Final Report, it was not 2 million documents which had been declassified, it was two million pages of documents. Which makes for a big difference.

    Secondly, the husband-wife pair could not resist taking rhetorical shots at the two people responsible for the creation of the ARRB. That is, Jim Garrison and Oliver Stone. On the first page of the essay, this sentence appears: “In 1967 the case was muddied by the follies of New Orleans district attorney Jim Garrison, who claimed to have uncovered a plot hatched by the military and intelligence power elite.” Not satisfied with that, on the next page, this sentence appears: “Oliver Stone’s 1991 movie JFK was a dubious piece of scaremongering…” And then a few pages after that, there is another revealing comment which showed that Summers, years later, had not changed his mind about the Robert Blakey paradigm. The couple write that, “The most durable conspiracy theory is that the mafia killed the president.” That statement was so far from the state of the research that to call it an outlier is being too kind.

    But the very next passage tells us even more about the writing duo. In referring to Judith Exner, and calling her “believable” (which is the last word I would use to describe her), the article foreshadows a story to be recycled by both Seymour Hersh, and then Peter Jennings, in his 1998 TV special Dangerous World. Namely that presidential candidate Kennedy sent Exner to Chicago with a briefcase full of money for Sam Giancana. The corroborating source for this fantastic story ended up being a man named Martin Underwood, who used to work for Mayor Richard Daley. The ARRB investigated this tale, and another one attributed to Underwood, namely that Cuban G2 chief Fabian Escalante was somehow in Dallas the day Kennedy was killed. Underwood had been pushed on the ARRB by none other than Summers’ recent research partner Gus Russo. To put it mildly, when questioned under oath by the ARRB, Underwood would not substantiate the stories . (See ARRB Final Report, pgs. 112, and 135-36) In this case, Summers and Swann would have been better served had they waited until the Review Board was done with its work instead of just starting. They then would have seen that Exner was not “believable”. But this eagerness for falling for these phony character assassination stories became a hallmark of the duo. For, according to Lisa Pease, Summers’ wife actually volunteered to be chief researcher for the late David Heymann’s bizarre biography of Robert Kennedy. (E mail communication of November 1, 2013) Which is really kind of startling considering who and what Heymann was, and the kind of writing he represented. (Click here.) There will be a long expose about Heymann’s dishonest writing techniques published in the near future by a journalist who actually has researched his sources and archives. Suffice it to say, it will not be flattering to his memory.

    This leads us to another problem that the writer later developed with Summers’ work: his exclusive focus on Cuba as the key to the murder. Summers was so obsessive about this point that he actually ridiculed any idea that Kennedy’s assassination could be related to anything else, e.g. Vietnam. Because in March of 1992, David Talbot was editing a supplement to the San Francisco Examiner. On the eve of the Oscars program, in which JFK was nominated for many awards, he consulted with Summers about the concepts behind the film. One of which was that President Kennedy was killed as a result of his intent to pull American advisors out of Vietnam. Summers was eager to jump aboard the bandwagon criticizing the film. Talbot quoted him as saying, “There is as much evidence that JFK was shot because of his Vietnam policy as that he was done in by a jealous mistress with a bow and arrow.” What makes that statement so surprising is that there had been earlier work done on this subject by both Peter Scott and Fletcher Prouty. And it had been around for years. Further, John Newman’s masterly book on the subject, JFK and Vietnam, had been published in December of the previous year. Summers had four months to read it. Apparently, without doing any research, he knew better than to read it. But to any objective reader, Newman made a strong and scholarly case that, against the military’s wishes, Kennedy was doing just what the film said he was: withdrawing from Vietnam. And further, that this policy was reversed by Lyndon Johnson, who had opposed it from 1961. Newman’s book was so effective, and the ARRB releases on the subject so compelling, that we now have a short bookshelf full of volumes that certify this as fact. And this was very helpful in helping to define Kennedy’s foreign policy on a broader scale, and also those who opposed it. In other words it began to give us a fuller picture of his presidency and who he was. Yet, if one looks at the index to the 1991 version of Conspiracy, one will note that there are no references to the subject of Vietnam. Funny, because that guy who’s “follies muddied up the case”, Jim Garrison, did think that there was a relationship between Kennedy’s Vietnam policy and his death. And he thought that many years previous to Newman. It turns out that Summers was wrong in that regard. Garrison was not “muddying up” anything. He was actually being prophetic.

    Another specious statement in the Vanity Fair article is this one: “A mounting body of testimony suggests that the Kennedy brothers approved the plots to murder Castro.” What is this “mounting body of evidence?” It is actually a Summers/Swann mirage. There is one unnamed Cuban, and, of all people, Manuel Artime, Howard Hunt’s figuratively adopted son, and then former Florida senator George Smathers. In the last case, the authors fail to mention that Smathers changed his story about this issue after he testified to the Church Committee. In that earlier interview, Smathers had claimed that Kennedy was violently opposed to anyone even bringing up the subject of assassination. (See The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, pgs. 327-29) After he was gotten to by rightwing political operative Lucianna Goldberg, Smathers changed his tune. But beyond that, and much more pertinent, the ARRB fully declassified the secret CIA Inspector General Report on the subject. In an appendix, the Agency admitted that they could not claim executive approval for the plots. Again, if the authors had waited, the cause of truth would have been better served.

    But the above points out two overall themes of the Summers/Swann work on the subject. First, a penchant for smearing Kennedy with any dubious evidence available. And second, a tendency to keep the subject matter of the crime confined to where the HSCA left it. And with only those overtones applied to the subject, i.e. the Mob, and Cuba. To use a differing and more current example, Jim Douglass, in his admirable JFK and the Unspeakable, attempted to break out of this straitjacket. That is, he tried to show that the cause of Kennedy’s murder was not just Cuba. Further, it was not just Vietnam. It was about both those things and more. And, in fact, there is a growing line of scholarly work on this subject that has tried to break through the Summers/Swann dated and artificial confinement. Authors like Douglass, Donald Gibson, Richard Mahoney, Philip Muehlenbeck and Robert Rakove have all tried to further reveal the Kennedy record in other areas of opposition to the Power Elite. The net result of their work indicates that Kennedy was not just in conflict with the Mob, the CIA and Cuban exiles over Cuba. Not by a long shot. The range of opposition was much larger than that. And there was much more on the table than just Cuba. In fact, there are even some observers today who think that Cuba was not even the real motive for the crime. But in the face of all this new information by new authors, Summers and Swann remain locked in their 1981 time capsule. They have updated little or nothing on the international scene. Which in light of all the above, seems both narrow-minded and a bit lazy.

    II

    In fact, from reading this reissue, there is little evidence that Summers has done any extensive work with the new releases of the ARRB. Why do I say that?. To make a point of comparison, when this writer reissued his book Destiny Betrayed last year, that book was about 90% completely rewritten. There was no other way to write it and be honest with the reader. For the simple reason that the over 2 million pages that had now been declassified had altered the main subjects of the book. Which were Kennedy’s foreign policy, Lee Harvey Oswald, the Jim Garrison inquiry, and the apparatus arrayed to stop Garrison from succeeding. In fact, the book was so different that it really should have been retitled.

    One cannot say that about Not in Your Lifetime. In fact, one could cogently argue the opposite. Namely that the earlier versions of the book are actually better. Why? Because Tony Summers has given into his long evident proclivity to be in the spotlight. He understands that one way to do this is to, as he did with Talbot, bash Jim Garrison. In any way possible. Therefore, in an earlier edition of the book, Summers actually repeated the specious information in a CIA memorandum that Garrison had met with John Roselli in Las Vegas. In a private letter Garrison said that he would not know Roselli if he saw him. In his Church Committee testimony Roselli said the same about Garrison. (E mail communication with Joan Mellen, November 5, 2013) Evidently, Summers did not think it prudent to check on such a charge before printing it.

    Another related point is the complete reluctance to review any of the abundant new evidence the ARRB has declassified revealing the multiplicity of means which the CIA and FBI employed to cripple Garrison’s inquiry right from the start. This included the employment of double agents in his camp, electronic surveillance by Allen Dulles’ personal agent Gordon Novel, the interference run by CIA lawyers to make sure certain witnesses would not be returned to New Orleans for questioning, etc. It also includes surveillance of Garrison’s office by the FBI. And further the aid given to Washington by compromised journalists both on a national level and local level, i.e. Dave Snyder. This is all out in the open now, thanks to the declassified files of the ARRB. As far as Summers is concerned, its the far side of the moon.

    But it’s even worse than that. As revealed in a note to Jefferson Morley, Summers has now swung all the way around. For he has now enlisted in the ranks of the anti-Garrison zealots: Dave Reitzes, Stephen Roy, and their Queen Bee, Patricia Lambert. This is a bit much even if you understand Summers’ game. Because these people have all proven themselves to be so agenda driven that they are simply not trustworthy. Let us start with Lambert herself. Lambert wrote a book about the Shaw prosecution called False Witness. In that book she never revealed a most important fact, one which energized the book. She was the closest of friends with the late FBI asset on the Garrison case, James Phelan. In fact, as this author found out later, she was the godmother to Phelan’s daughter. Even after all the declassified materials about Phelan reveled what a liar he was about himself, Lambert was still praising the man! (Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition, p. 383) She simply refused to confront the facts that 1.) Phelan was an FBI asset, 2.) He lied about this throughout his life, and 3.) He lied about it even after the declassified documents revealed he had been lying! (ibid, pgs. 246-47)

    Question for Summers: Does it get any worse than that?

    But Lambert could not bring herself to admit this in her book, or even after Phelan died. For instance, Lisa Pease once did an article for Probe comparing Phelan’s compromised career with that of former naval intelligence officer Bob Woodward’s. In her book, in reference to this essay, Lambert characterized it as being “incomprehensible”. To Lambert anything which peels away the carefully carpentered journalistic front about Phelan cannot be deciphered.

    And perhaps nothing reveals more about the agenda of her book than what the failure does. Because by not revealing this point, it allows her to begin her book with something she tries to pound the reader with, but which is actually irrelevant. Lambert begins False Witness with pages about Garrison’s alcoholic father, whose affliction got him in trouble with the law. Lambert continues this litany with relish and gusto. If Garrison had similar problems one might be able to see the point. But he didn’t. If Garrison had been close to his father, it might also be relevant. But he wasn’t. Garrison’s mother divorced the man when her son was six years old. Garrison never saw his father again. That is an important point that Lambert leaves out. But now that we know it, this opening crescendo is seen as nothing but cheap character assassination.

    Which is something that Lambert continues throughout the book. (See this review of her book.) This brings us to Tony Summers and his romance with her. In an interview Summers did with Jefferson Morley, Summers said he has now discounted the Clinton witnesses because of the work of Lambert. Which, if you have read False Witness, is utter hogwash. For, as expected, Lambert simply took a machete to these witnesses and this incident. And she did it in keeping with her agenda of villifying Garrison and upholding Phelan. For Summers to fall for the dog and pony show is simply incomprehensible. As noted in a review of False Witness by myself and Bill Davy, Lambert concocted one of the most bizarre conspiracy theories ever propounded in the literature. Namely that all the witnesses in both the hamlets of Clinton and Jackson made up the story of seeing Oswald, David Ferrie and Clay Shaw in 1967. (Reitzes upholds this wild conspiracy also.)

    To say this is untenable does not begin to indicate how bizarre it is. Because, as Joan Mellen notes, there is now Bureau corroboration that Oswald witness Reeves Morgan made a call to the FBI about the incident back in 1963. (A Farewell to Justice, p. 234) Further, there is witness certification that Hoover’s agents visited the hospital that Oswald applied for a job at in the area. (ibid) In 1965, conservative publisher Ned Touchstone heard about the visit by the threesome, and he and a friend of his visited one of the witnesses, Ed McGehee. (ibid, pgs. 214, 215) Lesson to Tony Summers on the space-time continuum: 1963 and 1965 precede 1967, which is the year Garrison encountered these witnesses. Further, Garrison lived in New Orleans. These events took place about 100 miles north of the city. Therefore, what Lambert and Reitzes are proffering is nonsense.

    What makes it even worse is this: Summers admits that he had only been to the area once. (Which makes him more authoritative than Reitzes, who has never been there.) This author has visited the area and talked to the witnesses on three occasions. The first witness addressed was the daughter of Reeves Morgan. She recalled Oswald visiting her father’s house one night in the late summer of 1963. Therefore, to buy into Lambert’s byzantine plot, Reeves Morgan had to have enlisted his little daughter to lie for him – and to continue the lie for 30 years! The obvious question would be: Why? Why would he do it and then why would she continue it forever?

    Actually, it’s even worse than that. Because the other group of witnesses who saw the threesome were workers for the civil rights group Congress of Racial Equality. That’s right, they were African-Americans trying to secure the right to vote. Lambert is so desperate that she actually intimates a plot between rightwing caucasians (some of whom are actually Klansmen), and oppressed blacks! Again, for what end? And how was it done? It’s something out of a sci-fi novel. But Summers buys into this alchemy.

    The truth is this: One cannot even begin to understand the Clinton-Jackson incident by visiting the area once. Which it appears is what Summers did. On this author’s third visit I was still discovering things about the episode that I had not learned on the two previous excursions. For instance, how on earth did Oswald know the names of doctors who were working at the hospital in Jackson? Why was Marydale Farms, owned by Shaw’s boss Lloyd Cobb, shut down the day of the assassination? And why was Reeves Morgan told to shut up about that fact? (DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, p. 186) In his blindness, Summers ignores these kinds of questions. And many others. The Clinton-Jackson incident cannot be denied today. And to propose that dozens of witnesses, young and old, white and black, liberal and conservative, that they all lied for Jim Garrison is simply a non starter. One can be in denial about it, as Lambert is. But as we have seen, that is part of her agenda. And it’s why Joan Mellen had a hard time interviewing Garrison investigator Anne Dischler, who was instrumental in that particular part of Garrison’s inquiry. When Mellen first drove up to her home, Dischler refused to see her. The reason being that she had read the smear done on her in False Witness.. It took much time and effort to convince Dischler that Mellen was not going to do the same. And Dischler requested that Mellen insert a statement in her book that Lambert had distorted the evidence about the incident and also caricatured her.

    What probably drove Lambert up the wall was the photograph Dischler saw of Shaw, Ferrie and Oswald in the car in Clinton during the voting drive. And the fact that registrar Henry Palmer said to her that Oswald had actually signed up to vote. (Mellen, p. 217) But he and Sheriff John Manchester at first decided to conceal that fact. So they did what they could to erase it. In other words, if there was a conspiracy, it was not one to fabricate, but to conceal. The opposite of what Lambert proffers. Because there was a surfeit of evidence, it was unsuccessful. In that light, False Witness is about as agenda driven as a book can be. How Summers missed all this is truly troubling.

    III

    But that’s not all Summers missed. In that online interview with Morley, the Irish author says he also decided to withdraw from the main text of his book the story of Rose Cheramie. This is the woman that Oliver Stone began his film with. The prostitute, junkie and drug runner who predicted the Kennedy assassination before it happened.

    Again, because of the releases of the ARRB, this story had gotten stronger since Stone’s film was released. There had been contributions from the HSCA declassified files, Garrison’s files, and the work of radio host Jim Olivier. Plus researcher Bob Dorff had straightened out an evidentiary point that the HSCA had confused.

    Francis Fruge was a state trooper who was called in by a hospital administrator to escort Rose Cheramie to a state hospital. On the way there, she began to talk about a plot to kill President Kennedy. Fruge dismissed it as being the ravings of a bad drug trip. But she also repeated it to a doctor at the hospital, Victor Weiss. Fruge then talked about this to a fellow trooper on his return. A young intern named Wayne Owen heard about it while he was there. And in Todd Elliott’s new book, he names two more witnesses who had heard about her speaking of a plot before the assassination. The first was Dr. Louis Pavur at Moosa Memorial Hospital, the initial place Rose was taken to, and the place where Fruge picked her up from. Pavur also said that the FBI came to Moosa Hospital and began scouring for records about her. This testimony is backed up by the widow of L. G. Carrier, who was with the Eunice Police Department at the time. Jane Carrier said that her husband told her about the FBI going to Moosa and visiting the police station shortly after the assassination. Further, Jane said her husband actually heard Rose talking about the Kennedy assassination while she was temporarily incarcerated, before Fruge picked her up. (See Elliott, A Rose by Many other Names, pgs. 14-15.) That makes six witnesses.

    This was all too much for the Lambert/Reitzes/Roy patrol. Especially since Fruge talked to the bartender at the saloon where Rose traveled through with her two companions. He identified the two men with her as Sergio Arcacha Smith and Emilio Santana. Summers failed to talk to HSCA attorney Jon Blackmer, so he mistakenly writes down the name of Santana as “Osanto” in the 1991 edition of Conspiracy. (Summers, p. 592) He then uses this Italian sounding misspelling to escape into a weak and unfounded story about Arcacha Smith and (naturally) Carlos Marcello.

    In reality of course, Santana and Arcacha Smith tie in directly to 544 Camp Street. And Santana was a CIA employee out of the Directorate of Plans. But further, a friend of Arcacha Smith’s, Carlos Quiroga, flunked a polygraph test given to him by Jim Garrison. One of the questions was if he had seen the weapons used in the Kennedy assassination prior to Kennedy being killed. (DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, p. 329) In other words, with all this new information, the Cheramie story now leads somewhere that Lambert and Reitzes and Roy do not want it to go. As in a political campaign, they had to do something about it.

    So Reitzes now played Karl Rove. In a technique that recalls his partner in cover up, John McAdams, he tried to present something not by Fruge, as being by Fruge. And he then distorted its meaning. He tries to say that when Fruge first met up with Jim Garrison he did not tell him anything like what he told the House Select Committee in his long, detailed, compelling deposition about Cheramie. As with what most of Reitzes writes, this struck me as being in opposition to the actual record. Why? Because I had never seen any kind of “entering interview” or “entering summary” written by Fruge about his experience with Cheramie in Garrison’s files. And I had the extant file collection Garrison had left with his son Lyon. In fact, I was the first person who Lyon let duplicate those files. With the help of others, I then put together an alphabetical index to the collection. There was no such Fruge interview that I read. Peter Vea worked as a researcher for Joan Mellen on the Garrison files at NARA. Neither of them recalled any such interview or summary by Fruge.

    So how does Reitzes turn the trick? He passes off a short three paragraph memo by investigator Frank Meloche on Cheramie as being by Fruge. He then tries to say this memo represents everything Fruge knew about Cheramie. In reality, this is nothing but a brief progress report from Meloche to Garrison. It is not meant to be comprehensive about anything. Certainly not about Fruge’s initial investigation. In just three paragraphs, how could it be? Fruge’s HSCA deposition on the subject was well over ten pages long. But yet, Reitzes tries to pass this off as being 1.) by Fruge, and 2.) definitive of his knowledge. It is neither.

    It is incredible to me that people like Summers actually take Reitzes seriously. Because he has been shown to be not worth reading more than once already. (Click here for one instance.) And when it comes to Garrison, the man is simply off the map. If one clicks on this response to his review of Bill Davy’s book, one will see that it is very hard not to come to the conclusion that Reitzes is a fabricator.

    Does this mean there never was any such “entering interview” or “entering summary” with or by Fruge with Garrison? No it does not. It could have existed and is now gone. The reason being that many of Garrison’s most important files were pilfered by the infiltrators in his office e.g. William Gurvich, Gordon Novel, Bill Boxley. But the problem with Summers and his new cohorts is that they will never admit to this because it shows that the FBI and CIA were attempting to undermine Garrison in many ways. Which leads to the conclusion that Garrison must have been onto something. And the Cheramie episode indicates he was. Therefore, in light of this, the closest thing we have to such an interview is the one done by Fruge with the HSCA. Reitzes didn’t like it. So, like Lambert in Clinton-Jackson, he concocted a nefarious “plot”. One in which several people participated in several locations, including Dallas. Because, through his superior, Fruge called Dallas to offer the police Cheramie’s testimony. The police declined. The anti-conspiracy crowd is so desperate that they now manufacture grand conspiracies everywhere. And somehow Summers doesn’t see through any of this.

    To wrap up Reitzes, he also tried to imply that there was no one who heard Cheramie say any such thing at East Hospital in Jackson. He does this by writing that the man attributed with this knowledge by the HSCA, Donn Bowers, later denied he heard Cheramie say these things. What Reitzes fails to make clear is this: the man who said Bowers told him these things was Dr. Victor Weiss. And it was Weiss who actually first started Garrison down this path toward Cheramie. A friend of Weiss’, A. H. Magruder, had a talk with the doctor over the Christmas holiday of 1963. Weiss told Magruder about Cheramie’s disclosures at that time, which was only a month after the assassination. To anyone but Reitzes, it’s clear from this memo what happened. Weiss did not want anyone to know it was he, not Bowers, who had the direct knowledge of Cheramie’s information pre-assassination. Which, although it is not admirable, is understandable in light of the explosiveness of her statements.

    To give him his due, Reitzes is nothing if not tireless. As Jim Hargrove has noted, the man is addicted to internet posting. As far back as the late nineties, he was posting at the rate of thousands per month, on more than one web site. In fact, more than one administrative service had flagged him as a web abuser. As Davy quotes in his response to his review of Let Justice be Done, some researchers have called Reitzes so internet addicted that he is divorced from the real world. And he is so violently anti-Garrison that he even said that certain witnesses Garrison interviewed didn’t exist. But yet, no matter how often he is exposed as being both an addict and an alchemist, he never stops. And since many people are not familiar with the ins and outs of New Orleans, and since Reitzes has his own echo chamber in Roy, David Von Pein and McAdams, unsuspecting lambs get snookered. As far away as Ireland.

    IV

    In the Morley interview, Summers says that he also now discounts the role of David Ferrie. Again, this is startling. For at least two reasons. First, it is very obvious today that Ferrie lied to the FBI. When Jim Garrison did not buy his story about ice-skating and duck hunting in Texas, the DA turned Ferrie over to the Bureau. In his FBI interview, Ferrie said, among other things, that he never owned a telescopic rifle, or had used one, and further, he would not know how to use one. This from a man who was used by the CIA as a trainer for both Operation Mongoose and the Bay of Pigs. (ibid, DiEugenio, p. 177) In that interview, Ferrie also said he did not know Oswald, and that Oswald was not a member of the CAP squadron in New Orleans. Yet, among others, CAP member Jerry Paradis, a drill instructor for Ferrie, said that Oswald was in the CAP with Ferrie. (ibid) Further, we also know that there is a photo showing Oswald and Ferrie on a cookout in the CAP. Ferrie was clearly lying. And these were fabrications in a legally binding document.

    But it’s even worse than that. Because right after the assassination, Ferrie was hard at work trying to track down any evidence that would link him to Oswald. This included calling former members of the CAP to see if there were any photos depicting the two together. And he was also calling anyone who might say that Oswald had borrowed his library card that summer. (DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, p. 152) In addition to perjury, Ferrie was now liable for obstruction of justice.

    If Summers can find any other suspect who did these things, and who we have strong evidence about in the way of phone calls, I would like to see it.

    But actually it’s even worse than that. Because it appears Summers never looked through any of the ARRB released files from the Garrison inquiry before he reissued his book. Today, there is evidence that Ferrie was in possession of a diagram of Dealey Plaza before the assassination. When a former acquaintance of Ferrie’s, Clara Gay, tried to secure it, Ferrie’s employers at G. Wray Gill’s office yanked it away from her. (Destiny Betrayed, p. 216) Can Summers mention another suspect who had such a diagram?

    For his discounting of Ferrie, Summers mentions Roy. Roy is the guy who, even after Dean Andrews told Harold Weisberg that Shaw was Bertrand, tried to deny the value of that long suppressed confession. Roy said that the description of Bertrand given by Andrews to the FBI was not an exact match for Shaw. When several people told Roy that Andrews had been threatened, and therefore felt he was in danger if he spilled the beans, Roy said words to the effect, how did Andrews say that? In fact, this was intimated at in his Warren Commission testimony. (ibid, p. 88) He then told at least three other people he had been threatened: Mark Lane, Jim Garrison, and, if one can believe it, Anthony Summers. (ibid, p. 181) To Roy, that means nothing. And apparently today, it means nothing to Summers.

    Roy is an interesting piece of work in other regards. Being in cahoots with Lambert, he once referred to the Clinton-Jackson incident by putting it in quotation marks. He even tried to defend the legacy of the late Paul Mandel. Mandel was the reporter at Life magazine who, within days of the assassination, tried to explain the bullet hole in the front of Kennedy’s throat by writing that JFK had turned around toward the depository building. Thereby attributing that bullet strike to Oswald. This, of course, is not evident in the Zapruder film. Which Life had at the time of Mandel’s writing. When Mandel’s son Peter complained in a column for Huffington Post about the fact that researchers had pointed out this subterfuge by his father, Roy jumped onto a Kennedy assassination forum and said words to the effect, see these people have families too. I didn’t quite understand what this meant. Was Roy saying one could not point out any discrepancies in the MSM record on the JFK case since the author may have a son or daughter who was still alive? That’s quite a pardon to grant in lieu of freedom of speech. But I did point out that, 58, 000 Americans had paid an even harsher price in Vietnam by Life being a main part of the cover up about Kennedy’s death. Roy didn’t seem to sympathize with any of them.

    When this writer tried to pin Roy down on his beliefs about the assassination, that is did he buy the Warren Comission or not, he would not reply. Since then we have it from other sources that today Roy thinks the Commission was correct. That is, Oswald did it. Which is the face of the ARRB is truly amazing. But now we know where Roy is headed with his work on Ferrie. The same place Wesley Liebeler was for the Commission.

    V

    We should conclude this essay with the reason Summers reissued his book at this time. In the October 25, 2013 issue of National Enquirer a story was run by reporters John Blosser and Robert Hartlein. It was headlined as the following “Exclusive: Second Gunman in JFK Assassination.” The very first sentence in the story is this: “Lee Harvey Oswald did not act alone – and the Enquirer can finally name the second gunman who fired the fatal shot at President John F. Kennedy from the grassy knoll in Dallas 50 years ago!” Who is the grassy knoll assassin who the tabloid breathlessly builds suspense about? Herminio Diaz, a Cuban exile who the story, quoting Summers, links to mobster Santo Trafficante. Through Summers, the story also says, “Lee Harvey Oswald did not act alone.” Summers is further quoted as saying, “…the same people who hired Lee Harvey Oswald … also hired Herminio Diaz.” Oh really? So Oswald shot at Kennedy for that mental defective Trafficante? I call him that because he would have to be to hire a guy who could not hit a moving car let alone a passenger in it at that distance. But as the reader will note, this Mob orientation fits what Summers has been trying to do for decades. We will understand that more thoroughly by tracing how Summers discovered the story.

    The genesis goes back to 2007 and Summers’ longstanding relationship with Robert Blakey. It turns out it’s a thirdhand story. Diaz allegedly told Tony Cuesta, another Cuban exile about his role. That occurred back in the sixties. Diaz then died in a raid on Cuba. While imprisoned, Cuesta told a man named Reinaldo Martinez. Cuesta then died. Martinez kept his own knowledge to himself for about 40 years. He then told Robert Blakey. And then Blakey and Summers visited with Martinez in 2007. Summers then held the story for this reissue of his book.

    Except it was not even new in 2007. John Simkin reported it in a post on his forum back on November 6, 2004. Except he wrote something that the tabloid, and apparently Summers, left out. Before he died, Cuesta told Fabian Escalante of Castro’s G2 that he himself had been involved in the assassination of President Kennedy. He also named Diaz and Eladio del Valle as being involved in the murder plot. It turns out that Cuesta told this information to Escalante back in 1978. To his credit, Escalante said he did not know of its accuracy. But that makes the information 35 years old. And Escalante divulged much of this information at a conference in Rio De Janeiro in 1995. In fact, in a documentary broadcast in Cuba based on Escalante’s information, Diaz was named as an assassin, along with del Valle and three Chicago mobsters. So the idea that the tabloid tries to get across, that somehow this is explosive new information, that is simply wrong. And it would be interesting to know how they justified that claim. Was it via Blakey, or Summers? Because if its either one of them they are not anywhere near as current on the research as they think they are.

    But what is even worse is the idea that somehow Oswald was on the sixth floor and shot at Kennedy. If there is one thing that is clear today it is these two facts: Oswald was not on the 6th floor, and Oswald did not shoot anyone that day. And the proof is in the declassified files of the ARRB.

    On his blog Larry Hancock fairly typified this Blakey/Summers plot as being Mafia oriented. Summers replied on his blog by saying that he did not think that the assassination “was necessarily Mafia driven.” He then goes on to add in his characteristic Summerese language: “Indeed, I have not in the end expressed any certainty that there was a conspiracy…” If that isn’t enough for you, he then tops that with this: “Although I think this is entirely possible.”

    What is one to think of such a writer? This is fifty years after the fact. When the ARRB has declassified 2 million pages of documents, and done an extensive review with the medical witnesses. Which culminated with the official photographer, John Stringer, swearing that he did not take the pictures which depict Kennedy’s brain. When we now know that the “stretcher bullet”, CE 399, was at FBI HQ before the FBI ever got it into custody. When over 40 witnesses at Parkland and Bethesda now say that the back of Kennedy’s skull was blasted out. When the man who the FBI said showed CE 399 to the witnesses who found it, has now reversed field and said he did no such thing. When the NAA test Robert Blakey used to connect the Magic Bullet to the head shot has been shown to be a fraud. (According to Gary Aguilar, Summers was still proffering this test in 1998, after Wallace Milam had seriously challenged it.) And when we now know that the rifle found at the Texas School Book Depository is not the rifle that the Warren Commission says Oswald ordered.

    In the face of all that, and even in the face of his own tabloid disclosures, Summers is still saying: Well maybe. Maybe not. It might have been a conspiracy. But maybe it wasn’t. Its possible. By surfing the internet and meeting up with the likes of Lambert, Roy and Reitzes we might need another 50 years to convince Summers.

    As for me, I really hope it’s the last round for Tony. He used this decades old story to get a tabloid cover to boost sales of a book which has seen better days and better versions. Meanwhile, there is a whole cohort of researchers from the UK and down under who we need much more than reissues of this dated book. While Summers has been cavorting around with the likes of Lambert, Roy and Reitzes, others have been listening to people like Greg Parker, Sean Murphy, Lee Farley, Martin Hay, Hasan Yusuf and Seamus Coogan. And if Summers had been doing the same, it would have made his book a lot more relevant.


    Postscript

    May 15, 2015

    At the (disappointing) AARC Conference last September in Washington, the above fears about Summers were both confirmed and amplified.

    Attorney Andrew Krieg was a consultant to the conference who also helped publicize it. From the podium, Andrew played a video clip of Jim Garrison’s 1967, FCC-sanctioned response on NBC to the attack on him previously broadcast by the network. Summers couldn’t control himself. After Andrew spoke ever so briefly about that clip, the visitor from across the pond burst out from the dais, “Garrison’s investigation was a circus. And after talking to him, I know it was a circus!” In other words, for Summers, one cannot even play a favorable clip of a man who risked everything to try and bring the JFK case to court. Even after he has been dead for twenty years. I guess there is no statute of limitations for being a “circus” in Summers’ world.

    Which is odd considering some of the things noted above about Summers on the JFK case. When my time came to speak, even though I was relegated to a break-out room, I thought that since Jim Garrison could not speak for himself, I should say something in his defense. So I said, “I think Tony Summers’ writings on Garrison constitute a circus.”

    Further, Robert Blakey was at this conference. He said that he still believed in the single-bullet fantasy – even though the two tests he used to bolster that fantasy have both been invalidated: namely, the NAA bullet lead testing of Vincent Guinn, and the trajectory work of Thomas Canning. Yet Summers cannot bring himself to utter any negative words about Robert Blakey, or what he did to the HSCA. Today, with what we know about the HSCA, this is really kind of mind boggling.

    But in a roundabout way, it does all make some sense. When one views Summers’ overall work on the JFK case, and on Kennedy himself, and when one adds into the equation his current marriage to his wife Robyn, one can begin to sort out the outlines of a paradigm. If one cuts out any references to Garrison, says the Mafia did it, and also goes after Kennedy’s sex life (which Summers has done more than once), then one can at least hope to be taken seriously by the MSM.

    Which Summers and his wife want to be. Concerning this last, I have it on reliable sources that Robyn Swan Summers volunteered her services to the late David Heymann before he passed away. She wanted to be considered as chief researcher for that fabricator on his next book on the Kennedys. Considering who Heymann was, she had to know what she was getting into. And evidently, she had no qualms about jumping into Heymann’s latest exercise in scatology. Talk about a circus. (Click here for a take on Heymann.)

    As I noted above, Summers was trying to tell David Talbot way back in 1992 that there was no validity to the idea that JFK was withdrawing from Vietnam (a verifiable thesis which Jim Garrison was onto way back in 1968). So although Summers found no merit in this key proposition – or in the withdrawal perhaps being a motive for his murder – he did a lot to push the Judith Exner angles and the Marilyn Monroe angles on the public. He once wrote a long newspaper article on Exner that was published in the UK; and he did a book on the whole Monroe/JFK/RFK mythology.

    I call it that since, for months, I actually researched this stuff myself. Which meant I had to read Summers’ book on Monroe, entitled Goddess. After taking pages of notes on it, and analyzing its sources, I found it to be just about bereft of any historical value. In that woeful book, Summers relied on people like Jeanne Carmen, James Haspiel and Robert Slatzer. Talk about a circus. There’s a three ringer for you. Rarely has any serious author ever relied on such a trio of fantasists as Summers did in Goddess. In fact, one can say that Summers probably launched Carmen’s fraudulent career, because later Heymann used her. Thus one can see why his wife wanted to work with the late mythomaniac. Let me put it this way: anyone who could listen to the likes of Carmen for anything more than five minutes without laughing had no sense of humor. (A quality, by the way, that is sorely lacking in Summers’ output.) Reading what she said to Summers and Heymann literally had me rocking in my chair.

    Summers is touchy about this subject. When I first printed my essay, “The Posthumous Assassination of John F. Kennedy”, in Probe Magazine, I criticized him for taking such people seriously. He wrote me a letter taking issue with what I wrote and demanded we print the correspondence. Which we did. And I replied to it by specifically scoring his use of Haspiel. When Lisa Pease and I then published The Assassinations, we included that essay in that anthology. Summers, apparently forgetting his first letter, wrote me again! How offended was he? He actually asked us to consider cutting out the comments I made about him in future editions of the book! This was so silly, I did not even reply.

    This could go on further but it is probably too long already. Yet I hope from the broadest outlines of my argument readers can understand where I am coming from. If not, then I refer them to this essay. Unlike many others, I don’t look back at the work of Paul Hoch, Peter Scott, Russ Stetler, Josiah Thompson and Summers from the period 1979-1992 with very much appreciation. I mean, for God’s sakes, these guys actually swallowed the HSCA! (See the now suppressed manuscript called Beyond Conspiracy.) Paul Hoch actually once said that he felt that Bob Blakey’s approach to the JFK case was better than Richard Sprague’s. For a time, Thompson swallowed the fraud of Vincent Guinn’s NAA testing. And to this day, like Blakey, Summers says that the Mafia killed JFK. And to do so, he merrily jettisons the discoveries of Jim Garrison about 544 Camp Street, the Clinton-Jackson incident, and David Ferrie feverishly covering up his relationship to Oswald right after the assassination. Along the way he jumps into bed with not just Blakey, but Patricia Lambert’s crazy book on Jim Garrison (click here for a review of it) and also with Oswald-did-it advocate Stephen Roy aka David Blatburst. Which, when one looks at it, is yet another three ring circus.

    People in glass houses should not throw stones.

  • James DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland


    When I first heard that Jim DiEugenio would be turning his ten part review of Vincent Bugliosi’s overblown tome, Reclaiming History, into a book, I was happy to endorse him. Ever since I first discovered DiEugenio’s website CTKA.net, I knew that he was a devoted and honest researcher. Prior to his writing Reclaiming Parkland, DiEugenio completely rewrote the first edition of his 1992 book, Destiny Betrayed. In this reviewer’s opinion, Destiny Betrayed (the second edition) was an exceptionally well written and sourced book. This reviewer can honestly state that after reading Reclaiming Parkland, it is in the same league with DiEugenio’s previous book. However, Reclaiming Parkland. isn’t just a review of Bugliosi’s book. The book is divided into three sections. In section one, the author discusses Bugliosi’s past, from his childhood and career as assistant district attorney of Los Angeles County, to his participation in the utterly shoddy mock trial of Oswald in London. Section two of the book is the author’s very long review of Reclaiming History. In section three of the book, the author mainly discusses the failure of Hollywood heavyweight, Tom Hanks as a true historian, and how much influence the CIA and the Pentagon have today on how Hollywood produces films, and therefore what the American public sees on their movie and TV screens.

    Introduction

    The author begins his book by telling the reader that Bugliosi was once a subscriber to the excellent Probe magazine, which the author edited along with the esteemed Lisa Pease back in the nineties. The author then moves onto explaining how the mainstream media in the United States have praised Bugliosi’s book without reservation,or as the author put it directly in his book;

    Any book that supports the original Warren Commission verdict of Lee Harvey Oswald as the lone assassin of JFK is not going to be roundly criticized in the mainstream media (hereafter referred to as the MSM). (DiEugenio, Introduction).

    One such review which the author uses as an example to demonstrate this point is the review of Reclaiming History, in The Wall Street Journal by journalist Max Holland. As the author explains to the reader, Holland is a vehement defender of the Warren Commission’s conclusion that Lee Harvey Oswald was the lone assassin (ibid). Readers of this review may already be aware of the fact that DiEugenio provided a critical review of Holland’s deceptive documentary on the assassination, The Lost Bullet, on his website (read that review). The author reveals that in the year 2001, Holland became the first author outside of the Government to be given the Studies in Intelligence award by the CIA (ibid).

    On the issue of why he decided to write such a long review of Reclaiming History, the author more or less explains that it was because the negative reviews of the book which he had read were narrow in focus (ibid). In other words, the previous reviews were not based on the entire book. How the author could undertake such a feat, is in this reviewer’s opinion, is a testament to his commitment to exposing the lies and the omissions of facts. Traits which all too common amongst Warren Commission defenders.

    One of the most truly ridiculous claims that any researcher of the JFK assassination could make, is that the Kennedy murder is a simple case. Yet, this is precisely what Bugliosi told the author in an interview with him (ibid). To demonstrate the absurdity of this statement, the author provides several examples of complex issues pertaining to the assassination. The author begins by explaining how the seven investigations into the President’s murder, from 1963 to 1998, differed in opinions on various pieces of evidence, such as whether or not the single bullet theory was true, and how the Church Committee in the 1970’s came to the conclusion that the FBI and the CIA had withheld important documents from the Warren Commission (ibid). Although Bugliosi has nothing but scorn for the critics of the Warren Commission, he is on record for believing that Senator Robert Kennedy was the victim of a conspiracy. As the author writes, Bugliosi said the following during a civil trial of the RFK assassination:

    We are talking about a conspiracy to commit murder … a conspiracy the prodigious dimensions of which would make Watergate look like a one-roach marijuana case. (ibid).

    In the introduction to Reclaiming History, Bugliosi gave his readers the pledge that he would not knowingly omit or distort anything about President Kennedy’s assassination, and that he would set forth the arguments of the Warren Commission critics the way they would want them set forth, and not the way Bugliosi wanted (ibid). However, as DiEugenio demonstrates throughout his nine chapter long review of Reclaiming History, this was not the case. Not by a long shot. (The nine chapters include one which was excised.) The author concludes the introduction to his book by briefly explaining the purchase of the film rights to Reclaiming History. by the Tom Hanks and Gary Goetzman owned production company, Playtone (ibid). As mentioned previously, what the reader will learn by reading this book is that, contrary to what he likes to proclaim, Tom Hanks is not in any way a true historian.

    I: The prosecutor

    Aptly titled The Prosecutor, this first chapter explores Vincent Bugliosi’s career as assistant DA of Los Angeles County, where he shot to fame for his prosecution of Charles Manson and several of his followers for the August, 1969, Tate/LaBianca murders (ibid). The reader will also read about Bugliosi’s indictment for perjury following the Manson gang convictions, his two attempts to become the District attorney of Los Angeles County, and his run for the Attorney General of California. The Author begins the Chapter with the following quote by Bugliosi during an interview with Playboy magazine in 1997:

    “People say I’m an extremely opinionated person. If opinionated means that when I think I’m right I try to shove it down everyone’s throat, they are correct … As for arrogant, I am arrogant and I’ m kind of caustic … The great majority of people I deal with are hopelessly incompetent, so there’s an air of superiority about me.” (DiEugenio, Chapter 1).

    As anyone who reads Reclaiming Parkland. will understand, Bugliosi was being candid when he described himself as arrogant and extremely opinionated. After a brief introduction into Bugliosi’s childhood, family background, and service in the United States Army prior to joining the Los Angeles county District attorney’s office, the author moves onto a discussion of the two murder cases which helped bolster Bugliosi’s reputation as a prosecutor more than any others. The first case was the murder convictions of former Los Angeles Police Officer Paul Perveler and his girlfriend Kristina Cromwell. Bugliosi had successfully convicted them in February, 1969, for conspiring to murder Cromwell’s husband Marlin, and Perveler’s wife Cheryl (ibid).

    As most people who have heard of him are aware, Bugliosi co-authored the bestselling book Helter Skelter with Curt Gentry. The book was based on the murders of Sharon Tate, Jay Sebring, Abigail Folger, her boyfriend Victor Frykowski, Steve Parent, and Leno LaBianca and his wife, Rosemary. Bugliosi had successfully convicted Charles Manson and several of his followers, such as Tex Watson and Susan Atkins, for these horrific murders. Curiously, like Reclaiming History, Helter Skelter was published by W.W. Norton, and following its publication in 1974, it went on to become the number one best-selling true crime book to date (ibid).

    The author spends several pages in his book explaining why Bugliosi’s motive for the crimes is not supportable today. The author also spends several pages comparing Bugliosi’s views on the investigation of the Tate/LaBianca murders, to those of President Kennedy’s assassination. According to Bugliosi, the murders were inspired in part by Manson’s prediction of Helter Skelter, a so-called apocalyptic war which he allegedly believed would arise from tensions over racial relations between whites and blacks. However, as the author explains, the more likely motive for the murders was to get a friend of Manson’s named Bobby Beausoleil out of jail for murdering Gary Hinman in July, 1969 (ibid). Hinman was stabbed to death by Beausoleil, after Manson sliced Hinman’s ear due to a dispute over a bad batch of mescaline (ibid). As the author writes, Manson once actually said that the real motive for the murders was to get Beausoleil out of jail. This was confirmed by Susan Atkins (ibid). In fact, the Los Angeles Police had actually thought the Tate and LaBianca murders were copycat murders (ibid). All of this would seem to undermine Bugliosi’s motive for the crimes.

    The author also scores Bugliosi by showing how Bugliosi’s opinions on the investigations of the Tate/LaBianca murders contradict his opinions on the investigation of President Kennedy’s assassination. For one thing, Bugliosi spent many pages in Helter Skelter complaining about how the Los Angeles Police had initially failed to connect the Tate murders to the LaBianca murders; because of the similarity of the crimes. However, in Reclaiming History, Bugliosi refuses to acknowledge the similarities between the attempted plot to assassinate President Kennedy in Chicago, and his eventual assassination in Dallas (ibid). Bugliosi also complains in Helter Skelter about the length of time it took for the gun used by Tex Watson during the murders to arrive at the San Fernando Valley Police station, but doesn’t have any qualms about the Dallas Police departments delay in sending three of the four bullets removed from the body of J.D Tippit, to the FBI lab in Washington for ballistics tests.

    The author goes on to explain that following the prosecution of Tex Watson for the Tate/LaBianca murders, Bugliosi was indicted for perjury. This came about after someone leaked a transcript of Susan Atkins’ discussion about the murders with Virginia Graham, a fellow inmate of Atkins in the Sybil Brand jail (ibid). The transcript was leaked to Los Angeles Herald Examiner reporter, William Farr. Bugliosi was one of two lawyers involved in the Manson trials to be indicted for perjury, the other being Daye Shinn. Bugliosi’s assistant, Stephen Kay, testified at his perjury trial that William Farr had asked him (Kay) to hand Bugliosi a manila envelope (ibid). Kay had also testified that Farr was in Bugliosi’s office during the afternoon that Bugliosi accepted copies of Graham’s statement for storage, and that Bugliosi had threatened to remove him and a fellow assistant named Don Musich from the Tate/LaBianca cases, if either he or Musich asked for a hearing into the passing of the manila envelope between Farr and himself. (These proceedings had been covered by the LA Times in June and October of 1974. The reader can also read about this incident.)

    Then there’s Bugliosi’s two time campaign to become the DA of Los Angeles in 1972 and 1976, and his run for Attorney general of California in 1974 (ibid). As the author explains, all three campaigns were personal and rabid in nature. For instance, in his 1976 run for DA against John Van de Kamp, Bugliosi accused Van de Kamp of not prosecuting 7 out of 10 felony cases when he was District attorney; whereas in actual fact, Van De Kamp had the highest prosecution rate in the whole of California, at an 80% prosecution rate (ibid). Bugliosi also stated that Van De Kamp had never prosecuted a murderer or rapist. But in actual fact, Van De Kamp had successfully prosecuted two murder cases (ibid).

    If all of the above isn’t enough to convince the reader that Bugliosi has a tendency for hyperbole, then consider each of the following. Bugliosi had harassed his former milkman, Herbert H. Wiesel, after Bugliosi suspected him of having an affair with his wife (ibid). Bugliosi later broke into the home of a woman named Virginia Caldwell, who claimed that Bugliosi was having an affair with her, after Caldwell refused to have an abortion at Bugliosi’s request. After striking her, he then convinced Caldwell to concoct a cover story that the bruise on her face, was actually caused by her child hitting her with a baseball bat (See Fact Check Vincent Bugliosi).

    To my knowledge, no one has ever put all of these quite pertinent facts about Bugliosi into one place before.

    II: The Producers

    Following his long discussion of Bugliosi’s character, and his career as a prosecutor, the author moves onto a discussion of how Playtone producers Tom Hanks and Gary Goetzman, along with actor Bill Paxton, conceived the idea of turning Reclaiming History. into a television mini-series; which thankfully never came to fruition. Included in this chapter is a biography of Hanks, which serves as a prelude to the author’s discussion of why Tom Hanks is not a true historian. The author actually begins this chapter with the following statement by Gary Goetzman in the Hollywood trade magazine Daily Variety, in June, 2007: “I totally believed there was a conspiracy, but after you read the book, you are almost embarrassed that you ever believed it.” (DiEugenio, Chapter 2). For Goetzman to say that he was “almost embarrassed” to believe that President Kennedy’s assassination was a conspiracy after reading Reclaiming History. is, in this researcher’s opinion, utterly absurd. In this day and age, the evidence that there was a conspiracy is simply overwhelming.

    According to the author’s sources, the idea to produce a mini-series based on Reclaiming History, actually originated with actor Bill Paxton. As it turns out, Paxton had an interest in the assassination, because on the morning of the assassination, at the age of just eight, Paxton’s father took him to see President Kennedy in Fort Worth, Texas, as the president emerged from a Texas hotel (ibid). As Paxton told Tavis Smiley on Smiley’s talk show, he (Paxton) wondered whether anyone had told the story of the assassination without bias, without an agenda, and without a conspiracy (ibid). It is apparent to this reviewer that Paxton had an agenda from the beginning: namely that Oswald had acted alone. And as the author put it, Paxton was; “…uniquely unqualified to inform any prospective buyer about the merits of Reclaiming History. .” (ibid).

    The author then goes on to explain how the positive reviews of Reclaiming History. had influenced Tom Hanks and Gary Goetzman to purchase the film rights to the book. Within a period of just three months after Hanks and Goetzman had purchased the rights to the book, the President of HBO films, Colin Callender, announced that HBO would be producing a ten part mini-series based on the volume (ibid). And as the author painstakingly explains in the book, the film which came out of all this, entitled Parkland, does not even resemble Reclaiming History. . The author asks the reader, how did a man like Tom Hanks ” … get into a position to make such momentous public decisions about highly controversial and very important historical issues?” (ibid).The author tells us that in order to understand all of that, we must understand who Tom Hanks is (ibid). Whilst I will spare the reader every sordid detail about Tom Hanks’ past, from his childhood, to his career as an actor and producer, I will briefly give the reader an overview of what, in this reviewer’s opinion, is the essential information to understanding why Tom Hanks bought into Reclaiming History.

    Born in Concord, California, in 1957, Tom Hanks began his screen acting career in the 1980 slasher film, He Knows You’re Alone (ibid). Hanks, of course, starred in the multi awarded film, Forrest Gump, and in the Ron Howard directed film, Apollo 13. Reading through Reclaiming Parkland, it is this reviewer’s opinion that the three productions in which Hanks was an actor and/or producer, which are essential in understanding the type of historian that Hanks is, are From the Earth to the Moon, Saving Private Ryan and Charlie Wilson’s War (the author discusses the latter film in Chapter 12 of the book).

    From the Earth to the Moon was a 12 part television mini-series by HBO, which was co-produced by Hanks (ibid). As Hanks’ biographer David Gardner wrote, Hanks believed the NASA space missions of the 1960’s ” … were amongst the few lasting, happy memories he had of the era” and ” … he [Hanks] wanted to reclaim the ’60’s for his own generation by giving the space program a context he felt it had been denied.” (ibid). Reading through these quotes, it immediately struck this reviewer that Hanks was much more concerned about the space programs than the four political assassinations of the era. Worse still, as the author explains, towards the end of part 4 of From the Earth to the Moon, the script says that a person had wired into NASA during the Apollo 8 space flight in 1968 and the script now said that the flight ” … redeemed the assassinations of King and RFK that same year since, a woman named Valerie Pringle said so.” (ibid). That quote almost made this reviewer’s eyes pop out of their sockets. For how could any true historian contemplate that a manned space mission had somehow “redeemed” the RFK and MLK assassinations? In this reviewer’s opinion, such a notion is completely ridiculous.

    In 1998, Hanks starred in the Steven Spielberg directed film Saving Private Ryan; which, as the author writes, was a fictional film, with Hanks’ goal being to “…commemorate World War II as the Good War and to depict the American role in it as crucial.” (ibid) The author states that the film was actually 90% fiction, and that Tom Hanks had to have known it was so (ibid). But in spite of this, Hanks made the following remarks:

    When I saw the movie for the first time I had the luxury of being in a room by myself, so I wept openly for a long time. I have never cried harder at a movie, or almost in real life, than at the end of this one-it was just so painful. I think an absolutely unbelievable thing has occurred here, and I am part of it, and I sort of can’t believe it. (ibid).

    It is quite curious that Hanks actually said the above. For why would an alleged true historian cry over a fictional film? The author tells the reader that the story of Frederick “Fritz” Niland (portrayed as James Ryan in the film) was first reported in the book Band of Brothers, authored by Stephen Ambrose (ibid). As the author explains, Ambrose is Tom Hanks’ favorite historian. Hanks first met him when Ambrose worked as a consultant on Saving Private Ryan (ibid). Ambrose was also instrumental in influencing Hanks and Gary Goetzman to launch Playtone. What’s important to bear in mind, is that Ambrose was critical of Olive Stone’s film JFK, and demeaned several Warren Commission critics such as Jim Garrison and Jim Marrs in the New York Times, following the release of JFK. (ibid). But Ambrose didn’t just demean the critics of the Warren Commission. He also made the comment that ” … it seems unlikely at best that he [Kennedy] would have followed a course much different from the one Lyndon Johnson pursued” (ibid). But as the author writes this is “completely fatuous”, as books such as James Blight’s Virtual JFK have utilized declassified documents (such as President Kennedy’s National Security Action Memorandum # 263) to show that Kennedy was withdrawing from the Vietnam War at the time of his death (ibid). Ambrose was also exposed as a liar and a serial plagiarizer (ibid). For one thing, Ambrose lied when he said that it was Eisenhower’s idea for him to write Eisenhower’s official biography (ibid). Ambrose also lied when he said he spent hundreds of hours with Eisenhower to write his biography. In reality, Ambrose had merely met with Eisenhower three times; which totalled only five hours (ibid). With someone like Ambrose as Tom Hanks’ favorite historian, it comes as no shock to this reviewer that Hanks decided to produce a film upholding the Warren Commission’s conclusion that Oswald acted alone in murdering President Kennedy.

    There is also one other important detail about Hanks which is not in Reclaiming Parkland, but which the author told this reviewer about on Greg Parker’s research forum, Reopen the Kennedy case. Apparently, Tom Hanks named his sons, Truman and Theodore Hanks, after the American presidents Harry Truman and Theodore Roosevelt. As most of us know, it was Truman who had two atomic bombs dropped on Japan during World War Two. However, this reviewer wasn’t aware that Roosevelt helped force Colombia out of its northern province when they voted not to sell it to use for the Panama Canal. Roosevelt then helped fake a rebellion (with help from the French), sending ships into the Caribbean to prevent the Colombian Army from restoring order. As anyone who has a true understanding of the sort of President that John F. Kennedy was should know, Kennedy would never have contemplated the aforementioned acts by Truman and Roosevelt. But it would seem that Tom Hanks is quite unaware of these differences. So how can we say that Tom Hanks is someone who admired President Kennedy, and therefore, is someone we can trust to tell the truth about his assassination? In this reviewer’s opinion, we cannot.

    III: You call this a trial?

    What follows next is the author’s masterful discussion of the shameful London Weekend Television mock trial of Oswald in 1986. Vincent Bugliosi was the mock prosecutor at this trial. According to the author, it was this trial which inspired Bugliosi to write his overgrown tome, Reclaiming History. (DiEugenio, Chapter 3). Since the trial can be viewed online on YouTube, it is not this reviewer’s intention to spend a considerable amount of time discussing it here. Suffice it to say, the author meticulously explains to the reader just how biased the trial was in Bugliosi’s favor, and also illuminates the incompetence of Gerry Spence, the acting defense attorney, in defending the deceased Oswald.

    In the opening paragraphs of his discussion, the author makes a number of astute observations of just why the trial was strongly biased against Oswald, and how this ultimately led to the jury finding Oswald guilty. First of all, obviously, Oswald was not present at the trial. As the author soundly explains, Oswald would have been the most important witness to his defense, as he would have been able to inform the jurors of his connections to extreme right wing figures such as David Ferrie, Guy Bannister, and Clay Shaw (ibid). Shockingly, Bugliosi actually wrote in Reclaiming History. that it was probably better for the cause of pursuing the truth behind Kennedy’s assassination that Oswald died. (ibid). In this reviewer’s opinion, this is one of the most bizarre statements that Bugliosi has made concerning the assassination.

    Furthermore, the author notes that the following important witnesses were also absent from the trial: Marina Oswald, who, amongst other things, testified before the Warren Commission that her husband owned the alleged murder weapon. The three autopsy doctors who performed the autopsy on the President’s body at Bethesda Naval hospital were also absent. Also, Sylvia Odio, the young Cuban woman who testified before the Warren Commission that Oswald and two Latin looking men had visited her at her apartment in Dallas, was also absent from the trial (DiEugenio, Chapter 3). Odio’s testimony was crucial, as it strongly implied that Oswald was being framed for the assassination.

    The author also makes several other sharp observations, such as the fact that the prosecution called a total of fourteen witnesses, whereas the defence called a total of only seven witnesses (ibid). The prosecution had also used scientifically false evidence against Oswald, namely, the Neutron Activation Analysis tests, which Bugliosi’s witness, Vincent Guinn, presented to the jury as evidence that CE 399 (the magic bullet) went through both President Kennedy and Governor John Connally. This was allegedly accomplished by showing that the lead from the core of CE 399, was identical to the lead fragments embedded in Governor Connally’s wrist (ibid). Neutron Activation Analysis has since been thoroughly debunked as a valid scientific method for identifying the origin of lead fragments.

    Another key point the author makes is that the jurors (unlike in an actual trial) were not allowed to view the actual exhibits located in the National Archives in Washington. As an example of why this is important, the author states that the marksman who originally tested the rifle in evidence, said it had a defective telescopic sight and the bolt was too difficult to operate, but the jurors wouldn’t be able to know that for themselves since they weren’t allowed to actually handle the rifle. Furthermore, the defense was limited, as the 2 million pages of documents declassified by the Assassination Records Review Board, following the passing of the JFK act were not yet available. (ibid

    In his discussion of each of the witnesses, the author first introduces them by describing who they were, and how they were involved with the assassination, and/or its aftermath and the investigations which followed. The author then provides an evaluation of how the witnesses were questioned by both Vincent Bugliosi, and Gerry Spence. For the purpose of this review, I will discuss the author’s evaluation of one of the prosecution witnesses, and one of the defense witnesses. Let’s begin with Ruth Paine, in whose house Oswald allegedly stored the rifle the Warren Commission concluded was used to assassinate President Kennedy. As the author introduces her, Ruth Paine testified at the London trial that she had helped Oswald obtain his job at the TSBD prior to the assassination (ibid). During the trial, Bugliosi attempted to make a major issue out of the fact that Oswald had normally visited the Paine home (where his wife was staying) on weekends after obtaining the job at the TSBD, but had broken that so-called routine by instead arriving on the Thursday night prior to the assassination (ibid). The author scores Bugliosi by pointing out that Oswald had broken that so-called routine the previous weekend, since he didn’t turn up at the Paine home (ibid). The author also scores Gerry Spence by pointing out that Spence failed to mention that Oswald’s “routine” was only one month old (ibid).

    Bugliosi also tried to make a big deal out of the fact that Ruth Paine claimed someone had left the light on in the Paine garage on Thursday evening. Bugliosi asked Paine if she thought that it was Oswald who left the light on, and she responded that she thought it was him. The author scores Spence and the presiding judge for not objecting to the question, as it called for a conclusion not based on observable facts (ibid). It was an opinion which was contradicted by the testimony of Marina Oswald who said Oswald was in their bedroom at the time. The author also scores Spence for not objecting to Bugliosi’s question to Ruth Paine about how Oswald viewed the world around him, since Paine had limited contact with Oswald (ibid). In this reviewer’s opinion, the author could also have criticized Spence by noting, for example, that during his cross-examination, he didn’t ask Paine about the metal file cabinets which contained what appeared to be the names of Cuban sympathizers. The information about these metal file cabinets was contained in the report by Dallas deputy Sheriff, Buddy Walthers, to Bill Decker, who at the time of the assassination was the Sheriff of Dallas County. (See Warren Commission, Volume 19, p. 520 for Walthers’ report).

    In his discussion of reporter Seth Kantor, the author gives credit to Spence for using Kantor, as Kantor discussed Ruby’s phone calls with Mafia enforcers such as Barney Baker, Lenny Patrick, and Dave Yaras, in the latter part of 1963 (ibid). Kantor also testified that he had seen Ruby at Parkland Hospital, just as he testified that he had before the Warren Commission (ibid). However, the author criticizes Spence for not using Kantor more effectively on how Ruby had entered the basement of the Dallas Police Department, where he shot Oswald as Oswald was being transferred to the County jail (ibid). As a matter of fact, throughout the entire discussion of this sordid trial, the author rightly criticized Spence for not calling many of the key witnesses to the assassination to testify. For example, Victoria Adams and Sandra Styles (both of whom were on the rear stairs of the TSBD when Oswald was allegedly coming down the stairs, but never noticed him) were not called to testify. In the reviewer’s opinion, reading the author’s takedown of this trial was delightful.

    IV: On first encountering Reclaiming History

    Since it was the London trial’s guilty verdict which inspired Bugliosi to write Reclaiming History, what naturally follows, in Chapter 4, is the beginning of the author’s meticulous discussion of just why Bugliosi’s book is nothing but a cover-up tome for the Warren Commission. The author begins his discussion of Reclaiming History. with the following quote by Bugliosi in the U.S. News and World Report:

    The conspiracy theorists are guilty of the very thing they accuse the Warren Commission of doing … There is no substance at all for any of these theories, they’re all pure moonshine … I’m basically telling them that they’ve wasted the last 10 to 15 years of their lives. (DiEugenio, Chapter 4)

    But in reality, as the author shows, it was Bugliosi who had wasted twenty years of his life writing a specious book defending the utterly ridiculous Krazy Kid Oswald concept. In the opening paragraph of the chapter, the author actually writes that Bugliosi has the personal attributes of humour, self-effacement (emphasis added) and intelligence (ibid). Whilst Bugliosi may be both funny and intelligent, this reviewer couldn’t help but think that the author had erred in describing him as a self-effacing person, as Bugliosi’s arrogance in upholding the Oswald acted alone theory, and demeaning the critics of the Warren Commission, is simply palpable. (In discussions with the author, Mr. DiEugenio has informed me that this quality is one Bugliosi displays in private.)

    DiEugenio begins his long discussion of Reclaiming History. by first complementing Bugliosi on three of his previous books: No Island of Sanity, The Betrayal of America, and The Prosecution of George W. Bush for Murder. The author recommends all three of these books, and writes that compared with Reclaiming History, all three of these books were brief, and were actually based on facts, the law, and morality (ibid). The author writes that Reclaiming History. is essentially divided into two separate books, which Bugliosi smugly entitled “Matters of fact: What happened” and “Delusions of Conspiracy: What did not happen” (ibid). Book one covers topics such as the autopsy, the Zapruder film, evidence of Oswald’s guilt, and Oswald’s possible motive. Book two is comprised of nineteen chapters, and covers topics such as the various groups suspected of being involved in the assassination, including the Sylvia Odio incident, and a ferocious attack on Oliver Stone’s film JFK, and critics such as Mark Lane and David Lifton (ibid). Bugliosi also makes an abundance of negative remarks throughout his overblown book, such as “…simple common sense, that rarest of attributes among conspiracy theorists…” and “But conspiracy theorists are not rational and sensible when it comes to the Kennedy assassination.” (ibid).

    Perhaps one of the most interesting revelations about Reclaiming History. is that it was actually co-authored by two other Warren Commission defenders; namely, Dale Myers, and the late Fred Haines. DiEugenio credits this discovery to David Lifton (ibid). Haines apparently wrote most of the section of the book on Oswald’s biography. Dale Myers apparently wrote a lot about the technical aspects of the assassination in the book, such as the photographs taken during the assassination, and the acoustics evidence (ibid). However, Bugliosi and Myers had a falling out, so Myers’ name wasn’t mentioned on the front cover of the book (ibid).

    The author devotes a large section of this chapter to a discussion of Oswald’s alleged ownership of the Mannlicher Carcano rifle discovered on the sixth floor of the TSBD. Like every Warren Commission defender before him, Bugliosi states that Oswald owned the rifle, and the author describes the rifle as the centrepiece of Bugliosi’s case against Oswald (DiEugenio, Chapter 4). According to Bugliosi: “If there is one thing that is now unquestionably certain, it is that Lee Harvey Oswald ordered and paid for one Mannlicher Carcano rifle that was found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository.” (ibid). In light of all the compelling evidence DiEugenio presents to the contrary, to say that it is now unquestionably certain that Oswald owned the rifle is a rather unjustified statement to make, and the book specifically demonstrates why that is so.

    But first, the author explains that the first type of rifle reported as being found on the sixth floor of the TSBD, was a 7.65 mm German Mauser bolt action rifle (ibid). To bolster his argument, the author cites the affidavits and reports by Dallas Deputy Sheriff, Eugene Boone, and Dallas Deputy Constable, Seymour Weitzman, in which they reported that the rifle discovered was a 7.65mm German Mauser (ibid). In this reviewer’s opinion, the Mauser discovered was probably one of the two rifles owned by TSBD employee, Warren Caster, and that Caster then participated in a cover-up to dispense with the Mauser story. (Read through this reviewer’s discussion of this pertinent issue.) It is perhaps also worthwhile noting that Sam Pate told HSCA investigators that he observed DPD detective, Charlie Brown, carrying two rifles outside the TSBD following the assassination (click ).

    Oswald allegedly purchased and mailed the money order for the rifle on the morning of March 12, 1963, during his work hours (ibid). However, Oswald’s time sheet at work for March 12 shows that Oswald was working when he allegedly purchased and mailed the money order (ibid). Furthermore, the money order allegedly arrived and was deposited by Klein’s sporting goods at the First National Bank of Chicago (a distance of approximately 700 miles), received by the Chicago Post Office, then processed and deposited in the bank by Klein’s all within a period of 24 hours! As the author states, this supposedly happened before the advent of computers, and that he; ” … sends letters within the county of Los Angeles that do not arrive the next day” (ibid). So this is truly exceptional.

    To make matters worse for Bugliosi (and Warren Commission defenders alike), the date of the duplicate deposit slip for Klein’s bank deposit on the rifle reads February 15, 1963; whereas the money order for the rifle was allegedly deposited on March 13, 1963. There were also no financial endorsements on the back of the money order, which Robert Wilmouth, the Vice President of the First National Bank of Chicago, claimed there should have been (ibid). Worse still, Oswald allegedly ordered a 36 inch long Mannlicher Carcano rifle, using a coupon from The American Rifleman magazine, but he was instead shipped a 40.2 inch long rifle (ibid). This reviewer could go on, but to do so would take too long, and I would refer the reader to Gil Jesus’s website for even more details on this topic. This reviewer can state that DiEugenio leaves Bugliosi standing on nothing but quicksand on this issue. And further, contrary to the above noted pledge made by the prosecutor, Bugliosi does not state the critics’ case on this point as they themselves would make it.

    V: Oswald’s Defense

    Throughout this entire chapter, the author proves that Bugliosi’s claim that; “There was not one speck of credible evidence that Oswald was framed,” is preposterous (DiEugenio, Chapter 5). The issues discussed by the author include the provenance of CE 399, the Neutron Activation Analysis tests used to allegedly determine that the lead fragments embedded in Governor Connally’ wrist originated from CE 399, the Tippit shooting and the Walker shooting (both of which the Warren Commission concluded Oswald was responsible for), Oswald’s alibi at the time President Kennedy was assassinated, Marina Oswald’s credibility and so forth.

    As far as CE 399 is concerned, the author notes the familiar fact that Darrell Tomlinson, who allegedly discovered the bullet on a hospital stretcher in Parkland Hospital, testified to the effect that the bullet was not found by him on Governor Connally’s stretcher (ibid). The author also cites the interview of Parkland Hospital security chief, O.P Wright, by Josiah Thompson, during which Wright told him that Tomlinson gave him a sharp nosed, lead colored bullet (ibid). This is not at all what CE 399 looks like. As the study by statistics professor Cliff Spiegelman and metallurgist Bill Tobin showed, Neutron Activation Analysis was useless as a means of identifying lead fragments as originating from a particular bullet (ibid). This finding was supported by a separate study by statistician Pat Grant and metallurgist Rick Randich, which was actually released before Reclaiming History. was published (ibid). Yet in spite of this finding, Bugliosi tried to argue in his book that Neutron Activation Analysis was still reliable (ibid).

    As far as the Tippit shooting is concerned, the author argues that the four shell casings recovered after the shooting were two Remington Peters and two Winchester Western casings, whereas the bullets removed from Officer Tippit’s body were three Winchester Westerns and one Remington Peters, and therefore, the shell casings had been switched (ibid). Furthermore, the author also cites the discovery of a wallet in the vicinity of the shooting, which contained ID for both Oswald and his alleged alias, Alek James Hidell. This reviewer discussed this pertinent issue on his blog in an article entitled Oswald and the Hidell ID. Regarding the Walker shooting, which occurred on the night of April 10, 1963, the author cites the fact that the bullet recovered in Walker’s home was originally reported as a 30.06 being steel jacketed bullet, and that a witness named Walter Kirk Coleman, told the FBI that he observed two men driving away from the Walker home following the shooting in separate cars, whereas the Warren Commission concluded that Oswald had acted alone. Furthermore, Michael Paine (Oswald’s friend and Ruth Paine’s husband) actually testified before the Warren Commission that he had dinner with the Oswalds on the night of April 10, 1963; which tends to exonerate Oswald as the shooter. (This was amended later by Ruth Paine.)

    Like every other Warren Commission defender, Bugliosi discounts the testimony of TSBD employee Victoria Adams before the Warren Commission, where she testified that both she and her co-worker, Sandra Styles, had taken the rear stairs to the first floor from the fourth floor shortly following the assassination and they didn’t encounter Oswald coming down the stairs (ibid). Adams allegedly told David Belin during her testimony that she saw William Shelley and William Lovelady on the first floor, as soon as she stepped off the stairs (ibid). Shelley’s and Lovelady’s testimony indicates they had gone to the railroad tracks, and then returned to the TSBD. This was then used to discredit Adams’ testimony that she had arrived on the first floor shortly following the assassination (ibid). The author scores Bugliosi and the Warren Commission, by noting that neither Shelley nor Lovelady made any mention of going towards the railroad tracks in their first day affidavits. Furthermore, the author notes that Sandra Styles was not called to testify before the Warren Commission, and neither were Dorothy Ann Garner or Elsie Dorman, both of whom were with Adams and Styles on the fourth floor viewing the President’s motorcade (ibid). Relying on Gerald McKnight however, the author errs in stating that the FBI kept Sandra Styles interview with them separate from the other TSBD employees, for in Warren Commission exhibit 1381. Styles interview is included amongst the interviews of 73 TSBD employees.

    It would take an entire essay on its own to thoroughly discuss all of the problems with Marina Oswald as a witness. For the purpose of this review, I will limit my discussion. The author scores Bugliosi by noting the many contradictions Marina Oswald made concerning the so-called backyard photos, Oswald’s rifle practice, the so-called Walker note which Oswald allegedly left her, and the Warren Commission’s own doubts about using her as a witness. For example, Alfredda Scobey, a member of Richard Russell’s staff, claimed that she lied directly on at least two occasions (ibid). Warren Commission lawyers Joseph Ball and David Belin described her to be; “at best and unreliable witness” (ibid). Furthermore, Norman Redlich told the FBI and the Secret Service that she was a liar (ibid).

    Chicago and Mexico City

    As most researchers of the assassination are aware, in early November, 1963, the Secret Service had discovered a plot to assassinate President Kennedy in Chicago. In fact, the author opens this chapter with the following quote from Edwin Black, who wrote about this plot in the Chicago independent, in November, 1975:

    There are strong indications that four men were in Chicago to assassinate John F. Kennedy on November 2, 1963, twenty days before Dallas. Here’s how it happened.

    The designated patsy for the assassination plot in Chicago was a disgruntled ex-Marine named Thomas Arthur Vallee (ibid). As the author explains to the reader, there are many similarities between the Chicago plot and the assassination in Dallas, and between Oswald and Vallee. There are so many that no objective researcher (which Bugliosi is not) could possibly dismiss all of them as meaning nothing. For example, as James W. Douglass, the author of the fine book JFK and the Unspeakable discovered, the President’s motorcade in Chicago would have taken him past the building in which Vallee was working, in a similar slow turn in which his motorcade made in Dallas from Houston Street onto Elm Street (ibid). As far as Oswald and Vallee are concerned, both of them had been US Marines, and both of them had been stationed in a U2 base in Japan while in the Marines. Also, just like Oswald, the cover unit for Vallee’s probable CIA recruitment was allegedly called the Joint Technical Advisory Group. Like the Oswald who appeared at Sylvia Odio’s, Vallee had actually spoken bitterly about President Kennedy after the Bay of Pigs invasion failed (ibid). Yet Bugliosi never mentionsd any of the above in Reclaiming History. . He does however, snidely describe Black’s magazine article as follows; “For a long magazine article trying to make something of the Vallee story … see HSCA record 180-10099-10279…” (ibid). This about what is perhaps the most crucial essay written on the JFK case at that time.

    One of the most important events related to the assassination was the impersonation of Oswald at the Russian and Cuban embassies in Mexico City. Just as the Warren Commission concluded before him, Bugliosi believes that Oswald actually was in Mexico City attempting to get a visa to travel to Cuba (ibid). Whilst DiEugenio is amongst those researchers who believes it unlikely Oswald ever went to Mexico City in late September, 1963, this reviewer has not made up his mind on the matter yet. However, there is little doubt that Oswald was being impersonated. Referring to the so-called Lopez Report, written by HSCA investigators Eddie Lopez and Dan Hardway, Bugliosi calls it “A giant dud” (ibid). But this came as no shock to this reviewer, since it was CIA Officer David Philips (one of the CIA Officers involved in the Mexico City cover-up and who lied under oath before the HSCA on this matter) who helped encourage Bugliosi to write a book on the assassination! (ibid)

    The author spends many pages discussing the numerous problems with Oswald’s alleged trip to Mexico City; in fact, it is one of the longest sections of the book. Whilst Bugliosi is fond of referring to the assassination as a simple case, the author thoroughly demonstrates that the entire Mexico City debacle on its own destroys that utterly absurd belief. For instance, the author scores Bugliosi on this crucial issue by noting the fact that it has never been firmly established how Oswald allegedly went to Mexico City, after first travelling to Houston from New Orleans (ibid). However, Sylvia Odio testified before the Warren Commission that two Mexican looking Cubans had visited her apartment with Oswald in Dallas, in late September on either Thursday the 26th or Friday the 27th; whereas Oswald allegedly boarded a bus to Houston on the 25th (ibid). Bugliosi actually believes Oswald was at Sylvia Odio’s apartment with the two Cubans, but claims that it actually occurred on either the 24th or the 25th of September (ibid). Bugliosi also believes Marina Oswald’s testimony before the Warren Commission, where she testified that Oswald went to Mexico City, even though she initially denied that he did! (ibid).

    The impersonation of Oswald in the Russian consulate in Mexico City is one of the most significant factors pertaining to the assassination. For Oswald allegedly spoke to Valery Kostikov, a man suspected by the CIA of being the KGB agent in charge of assassinations in the Western Hemisphere (ibid). In fact, the information about Kostikov was quite conveniently revealed on the day of the assassination. As the author explains, Oswald’s alleged meeting with Kostikov implied that Oswald had conspired with the communists to assassinate President Kennedy (ibid). This then forced President Lyndon Johnson to cover-up the assassination, because, as he told Senator Richard Russell on the phone; “… they’re testifying that Khrushchev and Castro did this and did that and kicking us into a war that can kill forty million Americans in an hour.” (ibid) However, if the reader can comprehend it, Bugliosi didn’t think that this was important enough to mention in Reclaiming History.

    VI: Bugliosi on the Zapruder film and the Autopsy

    Here, the author discusses Bugliosi’s opinions on both the famous Abraham Zapruder film, and Kennedy’s utterly horrendous autopsy. As the author writes, in defiance of common sense and logic, Bugliosi actually believes the Zapruder film is not really all that important in understanding the assassination. Why? Because according to him, physical evidence such as the three spent shell casings discovered on sixth floor of the TSBD provide conclusive evidence that only three shots were fired at the President (DiEugenio, Chapter 6). The author scores Bugliosi by pointing out that one of the shell casings discovered on the sixth floor (CE 543) had a dented lip, and could not have been fired at the time of the assassination (ibid).

    Just like the overwhelming majority of Warren Commission defenders, Bugliosi believes in the single bullet theory, and actually writes in his book that President Kennedy and Governor Connally were aligned in tandem when the same bullet allegedly went through both men (ibid) However, he then doubles back on himself in a subsequent page in his book when he writes that they were not actually aligned in a straight line. DiEugenio argues that Bugliosi was actually misinformed on this matter by his ghost writer, Dale Myers (ibid). Myers says Connally was six inches inboard of JFK. Yet, as Pat Speer has pointed out, the HSCA said the distance was less than half of that. Bugliosi actually included in his book Senator Richard Russell’s objection to the single bullet theory in the Warren Commission’s executive session hearing on September 18, 1964, in which he wanted his objection to the single bullet theory described in a footnote (ibid). However, Bugliosi discounts the fact that Chief Counsel J. Lee Rankin fooled Russell into believing there would be a stenographic record made of his objection, when in actual fact, there wasn’t (ibid).

    As far as the autopsy is concerned, Bugliosi doesn’t believe it was botched; even though he actually acknowledged on the same page of his book that his own primary expert, Dr Michael Baden, claimed that it was (ibid). As the author writes, Baden claimed: “Where bungled autopsies are concerned, President Kennedy’s is the exemplar.” (ibid) This reviewer finds this to be incredibly ironic. Adding further to the irony, Bugliosi tries to defend the autopsy doctors by stating that the HSCA medical panel’s critique of the autopsy was “considerably overstated”. But at the same time, he agrees with the HSCA medical panel that the autopsy doctors had mislocated the bullet entry hole in the back of President Kennedy’s skull! (ibid) As the author writes, “What he [Bugliosi] seems to be trying to do is to soften the critique of the autopsy and actually vouch for the competence and skill of the pathologists.” (ibid) This reviewer couldn’t agree more.

    What’s worse, in this reviewer’s opinion, is that Bugliosi actually tries to pin the blame about the limited autopsy on the President’s own family. The author scores Bugliosi on this assertion by informing the reader that both Drs. Humes and Boswell told the Assassination Records Review Board that this was not true (ibid). In fact, Dr Humes actually told a friend that he was given orders not to perform a complete autopsy, but this order did not come from Robert Kennedy (ibid). But perhaps the final blow to Bugliosi’s absurd assertion comes from Admiral Galloway, who was the commanding Officer of the Bethesda Naval Center. Galloway claimed that; “…no orders were being sent in from outside the autopsy room either by phone or by person.” (ibid). Bugliosi can blame the Kennedy family all he wants for the botched autopsy, but Reclaiming Parkland proves that they were not responsible.

    VII: Bugliosi vs. Garrison and Stone

    Former New Orleans District Attorney, Jim Garrison is, without a doubt, one of the most – if not the most – vilified Kennedy assassination investigator ever. Garrison has been berated by Warren Commission defenders for prosecuting prominent New Orleans businessman, and CIA agent, Clay Shaw, for conspiring to assassinate President Kennedy. By the same token, Oliver Stone, the director of the controversial film JFK, has been berated by Warren Commission defenders for what they conceive to be a distortion of facts in his film about the assassination JFK. Being the zealous Warren Commission defender that he is, Bugliosi pummels both Garrison and Stone (DiEugenio, Chapter 7).

    As the author reveals, Bugliosi uses Harry Connick, who was Garrison’s successor as district attorney, as a witness against Garrison in Reclaiming History. (ibid) But what Bugliosi omits is that Connick had destroyed many of the court records and investigative files pertaining to Garrison’s investigation and the prosecution of Clay Shaw (ibid). Connick also fought the Justice Department for over one year before he was finally ordered by a federal court to turn over Garrison’s file cabinets to the Assassination Records Review Board (ibid). As any objective minded person can understand, using such a man as a witness to berate his predecessor does not make for a convincing argument. Incredibly, in spite of all the evidence which surfaced prior to his writing Reclaiming History, Bugliosi also does his best to deny that David Ferrie and Oswald knew each other. The author scores Bugliosi with the famous photo of Oswald and Ferrie in the Civil Air Patrol, which surfaced in the nineties. Bugliosi also tried to discount the fact that six witnesses claimed that Ferrie and Oswald knew each other (ibid). Even worse in this reviewer’s opinion, Bugliosi tried to deny that Oswald was ever associated with the notorious Guy Banister at Banister’s office at 544 Camp Street in New Orleans. Bugliosi does so in spite of the fact that Oswald had 544 Camp Street stamped on the flyers he was passing out in August, 1963; and despite the fact that no less than thirteen witnesses indicated that Oswald was either at 544 Camp Street or seen with Banister. Amongst the witnesses who saw Oswald there were Banister’s secretary, Delphine Roberts, and two INS agents named Wendell Roache and Ron Smith (ibid). This reviewer could also go on about, for example, Bugliosi’s denial that Clay Bertrand was in reality Clay Shaw, but to do so would take a very long essay. Suffice it to say, by going through the declassified files of the ARRB, DiEugenio has supplied a surfeit of witnesses for that fact also.

    Bugliosi refers to Oliver Stone’s film JFK, as being a “Tapestry of Lies” (ibid). Reclaiming Parkland provides a detailed discussion of the film. There are certain scenes that are not entirely accurate as far as the historical record is concerned. However, the author argues that in any movie a certain amount of dramatic license is allowed, and that a film has to allow for “…the ebb and flow of interest and emotion in order to capture and sustain audience interest.” (ibid). One issue for which Bugliosi pummels both Stone and his screenwriter, Zachary Sklar, is whether President Kennedy was withdrawing from the Vietnam War. Bugliosi actually writes that the evidence President Kennedy was withdrawing from the Vietnam War is at best conflicting and ambiguous (ibid). Yet, as the author explains, books such as Jim Blight’s Virtual JFK and Gordon Goldstein’s Lessons in Disaster, which were based on the many declassified documents pertaining to this issue, show beyond a doubt that President Kennedy was in fact withdrawing from Vietnam (ibid). Bugliosi also writes that President Johnson’s intentions in Vietnam were not really certain. The author scores Bugliosi by noting that in Reclaiming History, there is no mention of Fredrick Logevall’s book Choosing War, which proves that from the moment he became President, Johnson’s intention was to escalate the war in Vietnam. (ibid). Furthermore, Bugliosi leaves out the fact that back in 1961, Johnson urged Ngo Dinh Diem to ask Kennedy to send combat troops to Vietnam! (ibid). The author proves that Bugliosi was clearly being less than comprehensive about the Vietnam War.

    VIII: Bugliosi on the first 48 hours

    The first Official investigation of the President’s assassination was by the Dallas Police department. As the author puts it, Bugliosi has nothing but fulsome praise for the DPD’s investigation of the assassination (DiEugenio, Chapter 8). Throughout this entire chapter, the author chronicles what he terms ” … some of the unbelievable things done by the first official investigators of the John F. Kennedy assassination.” (ibid). Whilst Bugliosi happily praised the DPD and former Dallas district attorney, Henry Wade, it was later revealed that Wade and the DPD had been responsible for framing African Americans, e.g. James Lee Woodard, for crimes which they didn’t commit (ibid). The investigation into wrongful convictions was undertaken by Craig Watkins, who was elected the district attorney of Dallas in 2006. As the author writes, Watkins claimed that most of the convictions by Wade, “were riddled with shoddy investigations, evidence was ignored and defense lawyers were kept in the dark.” (ibid).

    The author also spends several pages discussing the brown paper sack which Oswald allegedly used to carry the rifle into the TSBD, on the morning of the assassination. The only two witnesses who allegedly saw Oswald carrying a package on the morning of the assassination were Buell Wesley Frazier (Oswald’s co-worker who drove him to work on that very morning) and his sister, Linnie Mae Randle. Not only do both witnesses have serious credibility problems, but Jack Dougherty, the only TSBD employee who saw Oswald enter the building, claimed he didn’t see Oswald carrying any package. Nor did any other TSBD employee, besides Frazier (ibid). When the FBI tested the paper bag, they found no abrasions or gun oil on its interior surface. (ibid) Oswald allegedly made the bag using paper and tape from the TSBD shipping department. However, no TSBD employee, including Troy Eugene West, who worked as a mail wrapper using the tape and paper the bag was made from, ever recalled seeing Oswald with any paper or tape (ibid). Furthermore, no photographs of the bag were taken by the DPD where it was allegedly discovered (ibid). The reader is encouraged to read through Pat Speer’s work on the paper bag.

    According to the Warren Commission and Bugliosi, Jack Ruby entered the basement of the DPD where he shot Oswald, by coming down the ramp from Main Street. This ramp was guarded by Dallas Policeman, Roy Vaughn (ibid). But what Bugliosi discounts is that Vaughn, reporter Terrance McGarry, cab driver Harry Tasker, and DPD Sgt Don Flusche (among others) all denied that Ruby came down the ramp (ibid). As the author explains, although former DPD Officer Napoleon Daniels said he saw Ruby come down the ramp, he claimed this was when no car was going up the ramp (ibid). Yet, Ruby allegedly came down the ramp when the car driven by Lt Rio Pierce and Sgt James Putnam was exiting the ramp, and neither one of them saw him (ibid). Bugliosi also claims that if Ruby had planned to kill Oswald in advance, he would have been in the basement well ahead of the transfer (ibid). However, the author scores Bugliosi by pointing out that a church minister claimed he was on an elevator with Ruby at Police headquarters at 9:30 am, with the transfer occurring at about 11:20 am (ibid). The author also points out that three TV technicians named Warren Richey, Ira Walker, and John Smith all claimed they saw Ruby outside the Police station before 10:00 am, standing near their broadcast van (ibid). Like Ruby, Bugliosi claims that Ruby’s motive for killing Oswald was to spare Jacqueline Kennedy the ordeal of a trial, but he also writes that Ruby liked to be in the middle of things no matter what it was (ibid). However, Bugliosi again minimizes the instances where Ruby placed himself as part of a larger apparatus. For example, the fact that Ruby had given former Dallas deputy Sheriff Al Maddox a note in which Ruby claimed he was part of a conspiracy, and that his role was to silence Oswald (ibid).

    IX: Bugliosi and the FBI

    Just as he defends the Dallas Police department’s investigation of the assassination, Bugliosi also defends the utterly shoddy investigation of the assassination by the FBI. At the time of the assassination, the man who was at the helm of the FBI was J. Edgar Hoover, who’s sordid past the author spends page after page exposing, and to whom he refers to as an “ogre” (DiEugenio, Chapter 9). In his book, Bugliosi wrote; “J. Edgar Hoover, since his appointment as FBI director in 1924, at once formed and effectively ran perhaps the finest, most incorruptible law enforcement agency in the world.” (ibid). In this reviewer’s opinion, for anyone to claim that Hoover ran the finest and most incorruptible law enforcement agency in the world, is a rather startling comment to make. In upholding Hoover’s professional integrity and character, Bugliosi ignores or heavily discounts, for example, the Palmer raids of 1919/1920, the deportation of Emma Goldman, the FBI’s campaign against Martin Luther King and the Black Panthers, and the framing of Bruno Hauptmann. The important thing to keep in mind is that Hoover was directly involved in all these heinous acts (ibid).

    In upholding the FBI’s investigation, Bugliosi also ignores the fact that Warren Commissioner Hale Boggs once famously said; “Hoover lied his eyes out to the Commission – on Oswald, on Ruby, on their friends, the bullets, the gun, you name it.” (DiEugenio, Chapter 9). Bugliosi also ignores what the Warren Commission’s own chief counsel, J. Lee Rankin, said of the FBI’s investigation. Namely that; “They [the FBI] are concluding that Oswald was the assassin … that there can’t be a conspiracy. Now that is not normal … Why are they so eager to make both of these conclusions.” (DiEugenio, Chapter 9). Several former FBI agents and employees, such as Laurence Keenan, Harry Whidbee, and William Walter, provided information that Hoover had determined from the beginning that Oswald was the lone assassin (ibid). Finally, on the very next day following the assassination, instead of investigating the assassination from his office, Hoover was at the racetrack running the inquiry between races . (ibid). Yet, this is the man Bugliosi, and Warren Commission supporters alike, defend as an investigator into the Kennedy murder.

    X: Bugliosi hearts the Warren Commission

    Of course, no defence of the Oswald acted alone theory would be complete without defending the Warren Commission itself. Here, the author explains why the Warren Commission’s investigation was spurious from the start. For one thing, there was no defense team representing Oswald (DiEugenio, Chapter 10). The author also argues that since Oswald had been essentially convicted by the national media, the pressure was on the Warren Commission to find Oswald guilty. As a matter of fact, in a document dated January 11, 1964, and titled “Progress report”, J. Lee Rankin prepared a work outline, with subheadings titled “Lee Harvey Oswald as the Assassin of President Kennedy”, and “Lee Harvey Oswald: Background and Possible Motives” (ibid). Therefore, before the first witness was called to testify, the Warren Commission decided that Oswald was the assassin. In fact, Earl Warren didn’t even want to call any witnesses to testify before the commission, or have the power to subpoena them. (ibid). One must ask how the Commission was to investigate the assassination, if they weren’t going to subpoena any witnesses? The author also spends much time discussing Senator Richard Russell’s internal criticisms of the Commission. He then does something that very few, if any, writers in the field have done. He fills in, at length, the sordid backgrounds of the commission’s three most active members: Allen Dulles, John McCloy, and Gerald Ford. Besides being interesting and revelatory on its own, this helps us understand why the Commission proceeded as it did. For the author collectively refers to these three men as the Troika , as Reclaiming Parkland. shows, it was they who controlled the Commission proceedings. (ibid). It is amazing that in the over 2,600 pages of Reclaiming History, Bugliosi could not bring himself to do such a thing. Probably because he knew that it would seriously hurt his attempt to rehabilitate the Commission’s effort.

    XI: The DA acquits everyone

    As one can easily guess, what the author discusses here is how Bugliosi dismisses any involvement of suspect groups in the assassination. This includes President Johnson, the Mafia, the FBI, the CIA, the KGB, Fidel Castro, and the radical right-wing (DiEugenio, Chapter 11). As the author meticulously demonstrates, two of Bugliosi’s most ridiculous denials are that Jack Ruby had no connection to the Mafia, and that the CIA was not at all complicit in the assassination. On Ruby and the Mafia, Bugliosi wrote in his book that Ruby “was no more of a Mobster than you or I…” (ibid). The author explains that although this may be true in a purely technical sense, Ruby was associated with Mafia figures such as Joe Campisi and Joseph Civello (ibid). Further, Ruby also idolized Lewis McWillie, the Mafia associate who was involved in transporting guns to Cuba with Ruby. And according to British journalist John Wilson, Ruby had visited an American gangster named Santo, in a Cuban prison. Wilson was almost certainly referring to Mafia don, Santo Trafficante. (ibid). But perhaps most significantly, Ruby was in contact with Mafia figures such as Lenny Patrick and Barney Baker leading up to the assassination (ibid). As the author writes, Bugliosi believes this was over a labor dispute, something which the even the anti-conspiracy advocates of the HSCA didn’t believe. (ibid)

    The author refers to Bugliosi’s section on possible CIA involvement in the assassination as one of the worst in Reclaiming History. (ibid). Bugliosi argues that there is no evidence that Oswald had any relationship with the CIA. However, the author scores him by pointing out that Oswald was a member of the Civil Air Patrol with the CIA affiliated David Ferrie (ibid). And Ferrie had recruited many of these young men for future affiliation with the military. And it was at this point that Oswald began to show an interest in Marxism and in joining the military. A contradiction that Bugliosi acknowledges but never explains. As DiEugenio also notes, there is very little, if anything, in the section dealing with the role of James Angleton. Which is quite odd given all the work that serious analysts have done on the Oswald/ Angleton relationship due to the ARRB declassification process.

    Bugliosi actually writes that once Oswald was in Mexico City, the CIA initiated background checks on Oswald, and informed other agencies of Oswald’s possible contacts with the Soviets (ibid). The author refutes this claim by stating that the CIA had sent the wrong description of Oswald to other agencies, and that Angleton had bifurcated Oswald’s file so that only he had all the information about him. This then resulted in no investigation of Oswald by the CIA before the assassination. (ibid)

    Shockingly, Bugliosi also tries to minimize any antagonism between the CIA and the President Kennedy. The author scores Bugliosi by noting that after President Kennedy realized the CIA had deceived him with the Bay of Pigs invasion, he fired CIA director Allen Dulles, deputy director Charles Cabell, and Director of Plans Richard Bissell (ibid). The author also explains that CIA officers who are suspected of being involved in the assassination, such as David Philips, Howard Hunt, and James Angleton, were all close to Dulles (ibid). To further undermine Bugliosi, President Kennedy issued National Security Action Memoranda 55, 56, and 57, to limit the CIA’s control over paramilitary affairs (ibid). He also issued orders that the CIA would not be able to supersede the charges of American ambassadors in foreign countries (ibid). In sum, what the author has shown here is that Bugliosi’s belief that President Kennedy was warm and friendly towards the CIA is simply unfounded.

    XII: Hanks as Historian: A Case Study

    From this stimulating and comprehensive discussion of the many shortcoming of Reclaiming History. the book now shifts to focus to a review of Tom Hanks’ qualities as a historian, the CIA’s influence in Hollywood today, and a review of an early script of the film Parkland.

    The discussion of Hanks as a historian is keyed around a review of his purchase of the book by George Crile called Charlie Wilson’s War. That film was a Playtone production which Hanks had control over and which tells us much about his view of what makes good history. Therefore, DiEugenio entitles his chapter about the film, A Case Study. In the film, Hanks starred as Charlie Wilson, the conservative Democrat from Texas who was a member of the United States House of Representatives (ibid). As the author explains, Wilson was a staunch supporter of the CIA’s policy of arming the Afghan rebel groups, such as the Mujahideen, to fight the Soviets after they invaded Afghanistan (ibid). The author spends time here discussing Wilson, Crile’s book, and the film of the book. In fact, it is hard to point to another discussion of this adaptation which is as multi-layered and as comprehensive as this one. DiEugenio does this because, in his own words it, “…reveals all we need to know about his [Tom Hanks’] view of America, and also what he sees as the function of history.” (ibid). In this reviewer’s opinion, once you read through this illuminating chapter, it’s hard to disagree with the author on either observation. And that is not very flattering to Hanks.

    In both Crile’s book and Hanks’ film of the book, Wilson is portrayed as a hero of the Afghan refugees (ibid). But the author shows that there are many omissions and distortions of facts to support this image of Wilson. For one thing, in his book, Crile only gives a brief mention about the opium trade out of Afghanistan, and about the dangers of supplying weapons to radical Muslim fundamentalists (ibid). As the author also reveals, Wilson was an admirer of Central American dictator, Anastasio Somoza. And Wilson’s closest partner in the Afghan operation was CIA Officer Gust Avrakotos, a man who backed the coup orchestrated by the Greek colonels in 1967 (ibid). The author also reveals that Wilson used his position as a member of the House appropriations committee and its sub-committee on defense to raise the funds for CIA director William Casey who, in turn, allowed General Zia, the Pakistani dictator and Islamic fundamentalist, to have complete control over all weapons and supplies the CIA brought into Pakistan (ibid). Through General Zia, Charlie Wilson and the CIA ended up working with Muslim extremists such as Jalaluddin Haqqani, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, and finally, Osama Bin Laden (ibid.) These all turned out to be disastrous associations, since these men all turned out to be anti-American terrorists who the USA ended up combating later.

    In this reviewer’s opinion, perhaps worst of all, Wilson persuaded the United States Congress not to take retaliation against Pakistan for building nuclear bombs. Which eventually resulted in about eighty nuclear warheads being built by Zia and Pakistan (ibid). Yet, this is the sort of man Playtone decided to produce a movie about, and whom Tom Hanks himself portrayed as a hero in the film. Go figure. As DiEugenio notes, in and of itself, that decision tells us much about Hanks the historian. Especially since, by the time the film was released, Steve Coll’s much better, more honest, and comprehensive book, Ghost Wars, had been in circulation for three years. There is no evidence that Hanks ever read Coll’s award winning book on the subject. Which tells us a lot about his qualities as an amateur historian.

    XIII: Where Washington Meets Hollywood

    In this chapter, the author gives the reader a true understanding of just how closely the CIA is associated with Hollywood. This reviewer vividly remembers watching Michelle Obama announce the winner of the 2013 Oscar awards from the State Room of the White House. From there, she announced Ben Affleck’s CIA inspired film, Argo, as the winner of the Best Picture Oscar. (DiEugenio, Chapter 13). My initial response to this was something like, “Well, that’s interesting”. It was only after reading through this chapter of the book that the reality of this event hit me like a ton of bricks. The author discusses two people who, unknown to this reviewer, have had an enormous influence on how films are produced in the United States. These two people are Phil Strub, the Pentagon’s liaison to Hollywood, and Chase Brandon, a twenty five year veteran of the CIA’s clandestine services branch before becoming the CIA’s first chief of their entertainment liaison office, in 1996 (ibid).

    Reading about the influence these two men have had in film production was, to say the least, rather startling. As the Pentagon’s liaison to Hollywood, Phil Strub has the power to actually make film producers to alter their screenplays, eliminate entire scenes, and can even stop a film from being produced. (ibid) As the author explains, for film producers to be able to rent military equipment, such as tanks and jet fighters, they must first seek approval from Strub and his colleagues (ibid). But even if the producers are finished shooting the film, and then editing it for release, the film must first be screened in advance by the generals and admirals in the Pentagon (ibid). In other words, in a very real way, with military themed projects, the Pentagon decides what the public is allowed to see. One example the author uses to demonstrate this point is the film Thirteen Days, which was based on the Cuban Missile Crisis. Strub and the Pentagon didn’t cooperate with the film’s producer, Peter Almond, because the film portrayed Air Force General Curtis Lemay in a realistic manner (ibid). Therefore, Strub refused to cooperate with Almond, even though the negative portrayal of LeMay in the film was accurate (ibid). However, most shocking of all, the author reveals that the Unites States Congress never actually gave Strub the power to curtail free speech or to limit artistic expression (ibid). However, by doing so, Strub and the Pentagon have the ability to exercise influence on the cinematic portrayal of historical events, such as the Missile Crisis.

    Equally enlightening was the author’s discussion of Chase Brandon. Since becoming the CIA’s first chief of its entertainment liaison office, Brandon has been astonishingly effective in influencing film producers to portray the CIA in a positive light. For example, Brandon provided the writers of the film, In the Company of Spies, with ideas of what should go into the script, and both the film-makers and the actors met with high officials of the CIA (ibid). And the film actually premiered at CIA headquarters in Langley (ibid). Brandon also worked on the TV series entitled, The Agency. Michael Beckner, who was the producer and writer of the show, submitted drafts of each script to Brandon, which Brandon then forwarded to his CIA superiors (ibid). The production team were then allowed access to shoot the film at CIA headquarters, and an original CIA assigned technical advisor actually became an associate producer of the series! (ibid). Brandon used the show to deflect criticism of the CIA for its negligence in predicting and combating the Islamic terrorist threat, which so surprised the Bush administration. Aiding Brandon in this Hollywood endeavor was Bruce Ramer, who is one of the most influential entertainment lawyers in the film industry. One of Ramer’s clients is the legendary director and producer, Steven Spielberg (ibid). Spielberg and Hanks are best friends. They even drive each other’s kids to private school. What’s noteworthy in this reviewer’s opinion is that Spielberg was an early proponent of George Bush’s invasion of Iraq in 2003. He and Hanks are friends with both Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, and Spielberg has donated close to $700,000 to political candidates (ibid). With all of the above in mind, and much more, this reviewer now understands how it came to be that Michelle Obama, from the White House, presented the Oscar to a CIA inspired film. But as the author notes, this incestuous relationship furthers the tyranny of the two party system in America. Which leaves the public with little choice at the ballot box.

    XIV: Playtone and Parkland

    Following on from his discussion of the CIA’s influence on film production, the author moves onto a discussion of the movie Parkland, co-produced by Tom Hanks and Gary Goetzman, and directed by Peter Landesman (ibid). But prior to discussing the film itself, the author provides the reader with an insight into Tom Hanks’ own relations to the Agency. For one thing, Hanks is a close working associate of Graham Yost, a man who worked with Hanks on Playtone’s two mini-series, Band of Brothers and The Pacific (DiEugenio, Chapter 14). Yost is the executive producer of the FX series entitled The Americans, which was created and produced by a former CIA agent named Joe Weisberg (ibid). For the film Charlie Wilson’s War, Hanks and Playtone hired Milt Beardon as a consultant, the former CIA station chief in Islamabad who was involved in the US-backed Mujahedeen war against the Soviets. (ibid). In this regard it is interesting to note that although it was revealed too late to be included in the book, director/writer Landesman had consulted with infamous intelligence asset Hugh Aynesworth on the script of Parkland. (Dallas Morning News, August 28, 2013)

    As for the film Parkland, the author writes that he was able to obtain an early draft of Peter Landesman’s script for the film (ibid). Oddly, Landesman had no experience in directing or writing a produced screenplay prior to this assignment (ibid). But apparently, this didn’t bother Tom Hanks. Essentially, the film depicts the time period of a few hours before, and 48 hours following the assassination. The main locations in the film are Parkland Hospital, the Dallas FBI station, Dallas Police headquarters, and Abraham Zapruder’s home, office, and the film labs where his film was developed and copied (ibid). As the author explains, the script omits any mention by Dr. Malcolm Perry (who was played by Hanks’ own son, Colin Hanks) that the wound to President Kennedy’s throat was one of entrance (ibid). Hanks and Landesman also omit from the script any mention of the backwards movement of the President’s body, after he is shot in the head (ibid). The script also has Oswald’s brother, Robert, recognize the rifle shown to him at DPD headquarters as Oswald’s; even though the last time Robert saw him was before Oswald allegedly purchased it in March, 1963. (Wisely, this last howler was omitted from the edited film.)

    Landesman and Hanks also tried to demean Marguerite Oswald in the script simply because she thought Oswald was some kind of intelligence asset and wanted him to be represented by an attorney. (ibid) As the author writes: “Maybe Hanks forgot: in America the defendant is innocent until proven guilty.” (ibid) Perhaps even worse is the script treatment of James Hosty, the FBI agent who was assigned to keep an eye on Oswald after his return from the Soviet Union (ibid). According to the script, when someone asks Hosty why he has been keeping an eye on Oswald, he replies; “I couldn’t tell. Just a sorry son of a bitch.” (ibid). Evidently, someone, perhaps Aynesworth, later told Landesman that there was a lot more to Oswald than just that. Like, for example his defection to the USSR at the height of the Cold War. So, again, this was incorporated into the completed film. (ibid).

    Although the film has already been released and is headed to home video, the author reviewed the early draft of the script to show that Hanks had an agenda. Namely, as with Reclaiming History, the book it was adapted from, from the start, it was meant to uphold the Warren Commission’s conclusion.

    XV: My Dinner with Giorgio

    What the author has demonstrated thus far is that Vincent Bugliosi and Tom Hanks are not genuine historians. In Chapter 15, the author discusses his meeting with Giorgio DiCaprio (the father of actor Leonardo DiCaprio). The author met with DiCaprio after it was announced by Entertainment Weekly, that Leonardo DiCaprio’s production company, Appian Way, had purchased the film rights to Lamar Waldron and Thom Hartmann’s bizarre book, Legacy of Secrecy (DiEugenio Chapter 15). This reviewer has never read Legacy of Secrecy, and after reading DiEugenio’s review of it on CTKA website, I felt that it would be a huge waste of time. At the meeting at Appian Way, with the author and Giorgio were Paul Schrade, a witness to Robert Kennedy’s assassination, documentary film producer Earl Katz, and Waldron himself (ibid). Essentially, what the author demonstrates here is that much like Tom Hanks, Giorgio DiCaprio and Katz did not do their homework either on the JFK , or the book they decided to adapt.

    After briefly discussing Waldron and Hartmann’s theory that the Mafia had the President assassinated, the author explains what specifically transpired at the meeting with Giorgio, Katz, and Waldron, and how loud and argumentative Waldron was when challenged by both the author and Shrade. For example, when the author and Schrade brought up the importance of John Newman’s work on the entire Mexico City charade, Waldron shouted the following weird remark, “What does he [Newman] know about Mafia!” As the author writes, as he sat in stupefied silence, neither Giorgio nor Katz asked Waldron what the Mafia had to do with Mexico City (ibid). As most informed researchers are aware, the Mafia had nothing to do with Mexico City. Furthermore, when the author and Schrade brought up the issue of how Waldron and Hartmann incorrectly referenced Edwin Black’s essay on the Chicago plot to assassinate Kennedy, to a book called the The Good Neighbour, by George Black in their footnotes, Waldron accused the error on his footnote editor (ibid). DiEugenio notes, he has never heard of a footnote editor, and this reviewer has never heard of one either. Incredibly, Giorgio DiCaprio then also blamed this error on the footnote editor (ibid). Suffice it to say, after reading through the author’s discussion of this meeting, it is readily apparent that Giorgio DiCaprio is a novice on the subject of President Kennedy’s assassination.

    Afterword

    In the interesting Afterword, DiEugenio tells us that, just like the book Reclaiming History, the film Parkland is irrelevant today. And for the same reasons. Neither work tells us anything about how President Kennedy was killed or what that event means to America today. He then intertwines two subjects: The decline of the USA after Kennedy’s death, with the decline of American cinema after 1975. This reviewer has never seen this done before. It is quite a fascinating subject in and of itself. And it tells us something about the scope of the book.

    The author also tells the reader that Oliver Stone’s decision to produce and direct the film JFK, for which he was exoriated in the national media, was a gutsy and patriotic act which resulted in the declassification of two million pages of documents pertaining to the President’s assassination. But yet, after the impact of Strub and Brandon, the conditions in Hollywood today are so poor, that the public knows little or nothing about those discoveries of the ARRB. Furthermore, the author pays a tribute to John Newman for his milestone books, JFK and Vietnam and Oswald and the CIA. As the author put it, a real historian like John Newman is worth a hundred Vincent Bugliosis, a hundred Tom Hanks, and a thousand Gary Goetzmans (p. 384). Because an author like Newman liberates the public from a pernicious mythology about the past. One that, as with Vietnam, helped gull the country into a huge and disastrous war in Southeast Asia.

    In this reviewer’s opinion, the American public owes a debt to Jim DiEugenio, an ordinary, everyday American citizen, who through his dedication, courage, and above all, patriotism, produced an insightful book explaining why Reclaiming History is a sham, and explaining the influence the CIA and the Pentagon have on what the public is allowed to see on their theater and television screens. Perhaps the biggest lesson to be learned from reading this book is that no one should be afraid to voice their opinions against those who have attained fame, power, and prestige.

    Let me put it this way; if Jim DiEugenio can do it, then I think the rest of us can as well.


    This review was based on the unexpurgated, uncorrected proof version of Reclaiming Parkland. Interested readers can see the expurgated sections.

  • “Shoot Him Down”:  NBC, the CIA and Jim Garrison

    “Shoot Him Down”: NBC, the CIA and Jim Garrison


    garrison
    Jim Garrison

    With the arrival of the 40th anniversary of President Kennedy’s assassination, it was hardly surprising that one of the major television networks attempted to make the case for Lee Oswald’s sole guilt. Despite four decades of solid research indicating a conspiracy, the American viewing public was once again treated to a one-sided, unfair and unbalanced presentation. In light of this, it might be instructive to look at how one of the other networks tackled the case for conspiracy some 37 years ago. The mystery of the assassination is still a popular subject among people of all ages. A college student might not know how to ask a girl out, but you can bet they have strong opinions on the JFK assassination based solely on the network specials that run every so often.

    On June 19th, 1967 NBC aired an hour long “analysis” of New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison’s investigation titled, The JFK Conspiracy: The Case of Jim Garrison. While unnecessary to rehash Garrison’s case here, in summary Garrison’s investigation focused on three individuals: A former Eastern Airlines pilot and probable CIA asset, David Ferrie; ex-FBI man and private detective Guy Banister; and Managing Director of the International Trade Mart, Clay Shaw. Garrison believed all three were connected to American intelligence and had, at a minimum, conspired to set up Oswald as a potential patsy in the JFK assassination. Barely three months into his investigation, Garrison’s main suspect, the forty-nine year old David Ferrie, died apparently of natural causes. Banister had also passed away in 1964 as a result of a heart attack. On March 1st, 1967 Garrison arrested the surviving member of this trio, the CIA connected Clay Shaw. By mid-March both the Grand Jury and a three-judge panel had ordered Shaw to trial.

    Garrison’s case was big news and predictably the news media swung into attack mode. None was more vicious or had more resources at their disposal than NBC. For the job as lead investigative reporter, NBC assigned Walter Sheridan. Shortly after Shaw’s arrest Sheridan arrived in New Orleans and began questioning witnesses — perhaps bribing and intimidating would be a better choice of words. Sheridan questioned a former electronics expert and CIA asset Gordon Novel and immediately put him on a $500 a day retainer. (Novel had briefly consulted with Garrison’s team). Sheridan then urged Novel to skip town to avoid being indicted and paid him an additional $750 while Novel was in Columbus Ohio. Attorney Dean Andrews, who received the call from a “Clay Bertrand” to represent Oswald, was promised a recording studio if he cooperated with Sheridan. Andrews was overheard bragging, “I can get the equipment here. All I have to do is make a phone call, I’ll have open credit, I can pay off on any terms. Look, Bobby Sarnoff promised me those facilities. He’d better pay off, baby.” Bobby Sarnoff was, of course, Robert Sarnoff, NBC president and later chairman of the board of its parent company RCA.

    Garrison’s main witness at the time was Perry Russo, a young insurance agent who had claimed he overheard a conspiratorial conversation between Shaw, Ferrie and Oswald at Ferrie’s home. Sheridan “interviewed” Russo and seriously distorted his statements during the broadcast. As the New Orleans States-Item reported, “Russo said Sheridan, WDSU-TV reporter Richard Townley and Saturday Evening Post writer James Phelan repeatedly visited his home in attempts to persuade him to cooperate with NBC and the defense.” Russo said he met with the trio with the full knowledge of the district attorney’s office and reported everything that happened to Asst. DA Andrew Sciambra. Russo said, “Sheridan offered to set me up in California, protect my job and guarantee that Garrison would never get me extradited back to Louisiana” if he cooperated. He accused Townley of threatening him with public humiliation unless he changed his story and cooperated with the NBC program. The 25-year-old witness said members of the trio told him both, “NBC and the Central Intelligence Agency are out to wreck Garrison’s investigation.” Of course, Russo’s accusations were met with denials, but as we shall see Russo’s claims seem to have been accurate.

    Another of Garrison’s witnesses was Vernon Bundy, a heroin addict and prisoner who had testified at the preliminary hearing that he had seen Shaw and Oswald together at the Lake Pontchartrain seawall. Once Bundy had been exposed in the preliminary hearing, he was now fair game for Walter Sheridan and NBC. In their attempt to discredit Bundy, NBC aired interviews with two fellow convicts, Miguel Torres and John Cancler. Cancler, a convicted burglar and pimp, appeared first and said Bundy had told him he was going to lie to the DA’s office to get out of prison. Torres, whose own record of heroin abuse, burglary, pimping, assault, and suspected murder out rivaled Cancler’s, was currently serving a nine-year sentence for robbery. He said that Bundy told him he was going to make up a story about Shaw to get the DA to “cut him loose” from prison. After the airing of the NBC special, Garrison invited Messrs. Torres and Cancler to repeat their stories in front of the Grand Jury. Both pleaded the Fifth Amendment and were subsequently convicted of contempt. Another problem with Torres’ story is his accusation that Bundy needed the DA to “cut him loose” from prison. In a recently released memorandum from the New Orleans DA’s files, former aide William Gurvich wrote of his investigation of Bundy. Gurvich states, “Shortly after my interview with Bundy, I contacted local narcotics officers for background information on him. I also made an extensive inquiry into his criminal history.” Of his heroin use Gurvich writes, “[Bundy] uses four or five capsules of heroin daily… This amount is considered sufficient for addiction, but is not an excessive amount as the more heavily addicted use as much as 20-30 capsules daily.” Gurvich goes on to write “Bundy claimed he was in Parish Prison at the time because he went there voluntarily when he felt himself reverting back to the use of narcotics and feared the consequences of his addiction. Official records corroborate this.” Bundy was on probation for breaking into a cigarette machine, but was not serving time. So much for Bundy needing to be “cut loose.” Since NBC offered to relocate Perry Russo to California and provide him with a job if he changed his original testimony one can only imagine what incentives Sheridan offered Cancler and Torres.

    Garrison’s one time “aide”, the aforementioned William Gurvich also assisted Sheridan having left the DA’s office several weeks earlier. As Garrison noted shortly after the broadcast Gurvich didn’t so much resign as “drift away about six weeks ago” and that since that time he had been in contact with Walter Sheridan. Gurvich also admittedly made off with the DA’s master file. The CIA was so smitten with Gurvich that they wanted to make sure he was in touch with Shaw’s lawyers. In their enthusiasm to give Shaw’s lawyers all the help they could the CIA recommended:

    Shaw’s attorneys ought to talk to William H. GURVICH. This is an excellent suggestion. It is assumed they have done so, or plan to, but we should try to assure that they do.

    One other witness Sheridan used makes for an interesting case study of Sheridan’s abuse of power. Fred Leemans, the owner of a Turkish bath house in New Orleans, originally stated that Shaw had frequented his establishment using the name of Clay Bertrand. By the time Sheridan and company got to him, he went on the NBC special claiming he had been offered a $2500 bribe by one of Garrison’s men in exchange for his incriminating testimony. After the NBC special had aired, Leemans came forward with the truth. In a sworn statement Leemans admitted that part of the reason he participated in the show was threatening phone calls “relative to the information that I had given Mr. Garrison.” Leemans also recalled a visit from a man with a badge who stated that he was a government agent. The man supposedly told Leemans that the government was checking bar owners in the Slidell area for possible income tax violations. The man also warned him “it was not smart” to be involved in the Clay Shaw case “because a lot of people that had been involved got hurt.” An anonymous caller told Leemans to change his statement and claim he had been bribed. The caller also suggested that Leemans contact Irvin Dymond, one of Shaw’s attorneys. After contacting Dymond, Leemans was introduced to Walter Sheridan. Leemans claimed Dymond offered an attorney and bond in the event he was charged with giving false information to the DA’s office. Leemans said his appearance on the show was taped in the office of Aaron Kohn, managing director of the Metropolitan Crime Commission, in the presence of Sheridan and Dymond.

    The newly released CIA files present an interesting biography of “reporter” Sheridan. In 1955 Sheridan was security approved as an investigator for the CIA. A month later this was cancelled because Sheridan accepted a position at the ultra-secret National Security Agency. In 1956 he was security approved once again by the CIA so that he could attend their “Basic Orientation Course”. After leaving the NSA, Sheridan went to work for Bobby Kennedy’s Justice Department in the “Get Hoffa” squad, where his tactics in nailing Hoffa earned him a rebuke from none other than Chief Justice Earl Warren and paved the way for Hoffa’s eventual release. With this background in the intelligence communities Sheridan was now apparently qualified to work for NBC as a reporter, despite having no previous journalism experience. However, documents reveal that Sheridan did not sever contact with the CIA. In early May of 1967 the Counter Intelligence office of the CIA issued a memorandum for the Deputy Director of Plans which stated:

    Richard Lansdale, Associate General Counsel, has advised us that NBC plans to do a derogatory TV special on Garrison and his probe of the Kennedy assassination; that NBC regards Garrison as a menace to the country and means to destroy him. The program is to be presented within the next few weeks. Mr. Lansdale learned this information from Mr. Walter Sheridan of NBC.]

    As noted previously, during Sheridan’s tenure in New Orleans he enlisted the aid of Richard Townley from NBC’s affiliate, WDSU-TV. Townley’s loose tongue offered further proof that the NBC White Paper was no more than a deliberate attempt to sabotage the investigation and to ruin Jim Garrison. A recently released FBI memo reads:

    A local FBI agent reported that Richard Townley, WDSU-TV, New Orleans, remarked to a special agent of the New Orleans office last evening that he had received instructions from NBC, New York, to prepare a one hour TV special on Jim Garrison with the instruction “shoot him down.”

    After the program aired, Garrison petitioned the FCC who agreed that the program was biased and granted Garrison a 30-minute rebuttal to air on July 15 at 7:30 P.M. — hardly equal time. Nevertheless, the NBC program aided greatly in the discreditation of the DA’s office and potentially contaminated the Shaw jury pool.

    In addition to the aforementioned Richard Townley, the local New Orleans news media seemed to have more than its fair share of newscasters willing to flack for the intelligence agencies. Ed Planer, also of WDSU, offered to share information he had relative to the Garrison probe with the FBI. Also reporting to the FBI was Assistant U.S. Attorney Gene Palmisano. In a May 12th memo from the New Orleans office to Director Hoover, Palmisano stated that he had received information that NBC was planning a White Paper concerning Garrison and that this news special would destroy the credibility of Garrison’s investigation.

    As these repeated and obviously orchestrated attacks on the DA’s office continued, Garrison decided to fight back. On July 7 Walter Sheridan was charged with four counts of public bribery and Richard Townley was charged with attempted bribery and intimidation of witnesses. Sheridan’s New Orleans attorneys of record were Milton Brener, a former Assistant D.A. under Garrison, now vociferously anti-Garrison, and Edward Baldwin of Baldwin and Quaid. In May of 1967, Baldwin’s partner James Quaid wrote a letter to Richard Helms, then Director of the CIA, requesting that the Agency place his name “on their referral list of qualified attorneys in this area.” However, Sheridan’s Washington representation is much more illuminating.

    Herbert Miller was a former head of the Criminal Division of the Department of Justice who had worked closely with Walter Sheridan. In the aftermath of the assassination Miller was the Department of Justice’s point man in Dallas coordinating the Justice, FBI and Texas investigations. After leaving the DOJ, Miller entered private practice in the Washington firm of Miller, McCarthy, Evans, and Cassidy — the Evans in this case being former FBI Assistant Director Courtney Evans. In 1967 Miller went to work for the CIA representing the Agency’s interests in the Hans Tofte case. (Tofte was a long-time CIA covert operative who worked in the Domestic Operations Division with his protégé, Tracy Barnes. In 1966 he was fired by the Agency for apparently hoarding classified material in his apartment.) While he was representing the CIA in the Tofte flap, Miller found time to interject himself into the Garrison investigation. On May 1, 1967, Miller began offering intelligence on the Garrison investigation to the CIA.

    Later that week Miller called CIA Associate General Counsel Richard Lansdale to inform him of the expected arrival in Washington of Alvin Beauboeuf. Beauboeuf was one of assassination suspect David Ferrie’s close friends, having accompanied him on his mad dash to Texas on the day of the assassination. Miller’s source on Beauboeuf was Walter Sheridan. As Lansdale notes in his memo, “[the NBC special] is expected to ‘bury’ Garrison because everyone is convinced that Garrison is a wild and dangerous man.” Miller went on to assure the CIA that “Beauboeuf would be glad to talk with us or help in any way we want.” Garrison would note that after Beauboeuf’s Washington trip “a change came over Beauboeuf; he refused to cooperate with us further and he made charges against my investigators.”

    To recap, we have evidence that NBC reporter Sheridan was providing intelligence on the Garrison investigation to a CIA lawyer, a situation that indicates certain sinister possibilities. In fact, recently declassified records show that Sheridan wasn’t satisfied with solely presenting his own warped view of Garrison. A May 11th CIA memo reveals that Sheridan wanted to meet with the CIA “under any terms we propose” and that Sheridan desired to make the CIA’s view of Garrison “a part of the background in the following NBC show.”

    While Sheridan’s litigation was pending, Miller began doing double duty as a conduit between Shaw’s lawyers and the CIA. In May of 1968 Miller wrote to the CIA’s Lansdale:


    Dear Dick:

    Enclosed are the documents I received from Clay Shaw’s attorney, Ed Wegmann.

    Best Regards,

    Herbert J. Miller, Jr.


    The following month Miller provided the Agency with at least two more such packages.

    Miller was certainly a very busy man during this time frame. While Miller was acting as a CIA courier for Shaw’s lawyers and representing Walter Sheridan, he was also performing similar duties for Gordon Novel. While Novel was fighting extradition from Ohio, Miller came to his aid and was successful in getting an Ohio court to quash Garrison’s subpoena. Miller also provided the CIA with the transcripts from Novel’s civil suit against Garrison and Playboy. After Novel successfully avoided Garrison’s extradition he sent a clipping to former CIA Director Allen Dulles. In his own handwritten marginalia to Dulles, Novel took great pride in Miller’s victory, noting what a great job “Miller the Killer” did for him. It is interesting to note that the supposedly itinerant Novel now had four lawyers representing him: Miller, Stephen Plotkin, Jerry Weiner, and Elmer Gertz. Gertz, who had also represented Jack Ruby, was one of Novel’s lawyers in his civil suit. When answering a list of interrogatories posed to him by Playboy’s lawyers Novel stated that payment of legal fees to Weiner and Plotkin were “clandestinely remunerated by a party or parties unknown to me.” It was later revealed to a Garrison investigator by a former member of the CIA that Plotkin was receiving his fees from the CIA via a cutout, Stephen Lemman. As for Miller, just a few short years after the Shaw trial ended, he represented President Richard Nixon as his post-resignation attorney.

    What brings the Sheridan affair full circle is a friend of Sheridan’s, one Carmine S. Bellino. Bellino was a former FBI agent and Kennedy insider who worked with Robert Kennedy on the McClellan Committee in the fifties and was brought on to Sheridan’s “Get Hoffa” squad in the sixties. In 1954 Bellino actually shared his office with CIA/Mafia go-between, Robert Maheu. But what is troubling about the Bellino/Sheridan relationship is that Bellino once worked with none other than Guy Banister, performing background checks for the Remington Rand Corporation. In the seventies Bellino became an investigator on the Watergate Committee and did his best to steer the committee away from investigating any CIA involvement in the crime.

    In a 1967 memo the CIA outlined several mass media approaches to counter Garrison’s charges. One of their recommendations was to make sure that CIA Director Helms assure that various media outlets “receive a coherent picture of Garrison’s ‘facts’ and motives. In anticipation of a trial, it would be prudent to have carefully selected channels of communication lined up in advance.” Certainly the evidence above indicates that NBC was one such “channel.”

  • Yes, there was a cover-up:  The JFK assassination, Lee Harvey Oswald and the ‘Magic Bullet Theory’

    Yes, there was a cover-up: The JFK assassination, Lee Harvey Oswald and the ‘Magic Bullet Theory’


    By Oliver Stone and Zachary Sklar

    (originally a Chicago Tribune commentary, 9-18-13)


    In his opinion article “Who needs facts when you have conspiracy theorists?” (Sept. 6), Cory Franklin asserts that the film JFK is “far removed from historical accuracy” and “is full of distortions and outright falsehoods,” yet he offers not a single specific example. As co-screenwriters of the film, we want to assure Franklin and your readers that we made every effort to be as accurate and true to historical fact as possible.

    The film is based on two source-noted nonfiction books and two years of our own additional research, including hundreds of interviews. We have published an annotated screenplay, JFK: The Book of the Film, that provides source notes for every fact in the film and labels clearly what is speculation, where there has been compositing of characters and where dramatic license has been taken.

    Franklin’s labeling of the film as “a propaganda piece meant to demonize a covert, evil, right-wing paramilitary group” makes us wonder if he has ever seen the film. It bears no resemblance to the film we made, which depicts various scenarios of what might have happened in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, but most prominently explores the possibility that the CIA was involved.

    Franklin repeats the Warren Commission’s long-discredited conclusion that “Lee Harvey Oswald shot President John F. Kennedy,” but offers zero evidence to support this claim. The facts lead to a very different conclusion.

    1. Lee Oswald was given a nitrate test after his arrest, and it proved that he had not fired a rifle that day.
    2. According to his fellow Marines, Oswald was a mediocre marksman at best.
    3. The most skilled FBI sharpshooters tried to duplicate the shooting feat within the time frame set out by the Zapruder film and failed.
    4. The Mannlicher-Carcano rifle, the weapon Oswald was alleged to have used, is well-known to gun dealers as one of the least accurate rifles ever made, and the particular one Oswald allegedly used had a defective sight.
    5. Warren Commission staffer (later U.S. senator) Arlen Specter’s “Magic Bullet Theory,” which attempted to account for the seven wounds in Kennedy and Texas Gov. John Connally with only two bullets, defies the laws of physics and strains the credulity of any reasonable person.
    6. Fifty-one eyewitnesses interviewed by the Warren Commission testified that they heard or saw shots from the grassy knoll of Dealey Plaza in front of the president, not the Texas School Book Depository in back, meaning there had to have been a second gunman.
    7. The Zapruder film clearly shows the president’s head and body snapped back when hit by the third shot, meaning that it came from in front, not behind.
    8. The House Select Committee on Assassinations’ 1979 investigation concluded that there was a fourth shot and a “probable conspiracy,” based on acoustical evidence contained on a police Dictabelt recorder. In 2001, a more sophisticated acoustical study published in Science and Justice, a publication of Britain’s Forensic Science Society, confirmed the House committee’s conclusions.

    Our film does not come to a firm conclusion about who was responsible for the Kennedy assassination, but it does reject the Warren Commission’s lone-gunman theory as implausible at best – a conclusion that 90 percent of the American people share, according to polls.

    Finally, Franklin attempts to tarnish the reputation of former New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison by saying that his case against Clay Shaw, charged with conspiring to assassinate Kennedy, was “quickly laughed out of court.” The truth is that Garrison’s case was sabotaged by the federal government and never had a fair day in court. Every one of Garrison’s attempts to extradite key witnesses from other states was rejected – something that had never happened in his six previous years as district attorney. His routine requests for important evidence such as X-rays and photos from the president’s autopsy, andtax records and intelligence files on Oswald, were denied. Federal prosecutors refused to serve his subpoenas on CIA officials such as Allen Dulles and Richard Helms. Garrison’s office phones were tapped, and Garrison and his staff were followed by FBI agents. Key witnesses were bribed or died under mysterious circumstances. And the district attorney’s files were stolen and turned over to Shaw’s defense counsel before the trial began.

    Not the least of these successful efforts at sabotage was the attempt to destroy Garrison’s personal credibility. We know now, as a result of released Freedom of Information documents, that defamatory and false articles about Garrison were planted in the mainstream press as part of a smear campaign orchestrated by the CIA to discredit critics of the Warren Commission. All of these facts are source-noted in our annotated screenplay.

    We worked closely with Garrison for several years and knew him well. He was an honest, highly intelligent and courageous man. We believe the American people, including Cory Franklin, should thank Garrison for standing up for the truth about the JFK assassination against the full power of the United States government’s cover-up.

  • James DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed (Second Edition)


    By 1967, Jim Garrison became the Prometheus to the Achesonian Olympus. 

     – Robert Spiegelman 


    I.  Garrison Unbound

    About three years ago, at the Lancer “November in Dallas” conference, Jim DiEugenio gave an address entitled “Historical Revisionism and the JFK Case”, in which he defended his criticism of a few recent theories of the assassination, criticism which some – quite mistakenly, in this writer’s opinion – interpreted as counter to the spirit of free inquiry.  The main point of his presentation was that revisionism should not denote a quest for novelty at the expense of accuracy.  If we are to have any hope of coming to terms with what happened on November 22, 1963, we must take care to remain focused on the evidence.  The reissue of Destiny Betrayed is extremely timely in this respect.  I would fancy that when DiEugenio gave this talk, the need for an updated edition of his 1992 book had already crystallized in his thinking; but as we enter the 50th anniversary year it has become ever more urgent, as his lecture suggested, to revisit the breakthroughs made during the first decade and a half after John Kennedy’s death, and to build on them using the knowledge and insight we have since acquired.  This thoroughly rewritten study does precisely that.

    No single person uncovered as many clues1 in that early period of the JFK investigation as did Jim Garrison.  And it is impossible for the reader not to take away from Destiny Betrayed a sense of indebtedness to those leads. But the reader also cannot help but be impressed by the imposing factual edifice that is erected upon them.  In that same lecture, DiEugenio paraphrased Garrison concerning what an investigator should hope to achieve in this case:  “… a paradigm that would be justified internally by the evidence yet [whose] overall design would fit the shape of the plot.”  This book fulfills Garrison’s prescription by offering an abundance of details – more so than perhaps any other reconstruction of the crime – that fit the players and their activities together into a coherent picture.

    It does so in large part through the constant confrontation of old information with the new.  From the seemingly inexhaustible font of documents declassified by the ARRB have flowed forth revelations in a number of areas explored by the author:  Vietnam, the Bay of Pigs, Mexico City, James Angleton’s role in the setup of Oswald, Shaw and his legal team’s CIA connections, the Clark Panel and HSCA medical cover-ups, the complicity of the media and the federal government in sabotaging Garrison’s investigation – to name just a few highlights from the wide scope of this book.  Further, the author’s own interviews during the mid-90s, his 1994 inspection of the DA’s files (he was the first person outside his staff allowed to copy Garrison’s files), along with the work of John Newman, John Armstrong, Bill Davy, and Jim Douglass, as well as a host of articles published in Probe by others such as Lisa Pease and Donald Gibson: these are all mustered to good effect in support of Garrison’s case.  The corroborative weight of this evidence is quite compelling.  Yet the author never ceases to remind us, as did the twelfth-century schoolmaster Bernard of Chartres, that if we can see farther, it is because we are dwarves standing on the shoulders of giants (and in particular, one giant, jolly and green though he may have been deemed).

    This study not only offers convincing confirmation for Garrison’s hypotheses, but also ratifies Garrison’s more general suspicions concerning the clandestine interference with his investigation, and the direction in which the country was heading.  In preparing this review, this writer had occasion to reread Garrison’s interview given to Playboy magazine in October 1967, and was impressed by the lucidity, force, and uncanny relevance of his final remarks:

    our Government is the CIA and the Pentagon, with Congress reduced to a debating society … We won’t build Dachaus and Auschwitzes; the clever manipulation of the mass media is creating a concentration camp of the mind that promises to be far more effective in keeping the populace in line … I’ve learned enough about the machinations of the CIA in the past year to know that this is no longer the dream world America I once believed in … Huey Long once said, “Fascism will come to America in the name of anti-fascism.” I’m afraid, based on my own experience, that fascism will come to America in the name of national security.

    Recall, this was 1967!2  At a distance of 50 years, where half of one’s readership has no memory of the event, the question of relevance naturally arises; but such relevance is not realized by fishing for links between the assassination and personages responsible for recent political crimes or abuses, as some of the authors criticized in DiEugenio’s lecture do, for these mostly end up having the consistency of gossamer.  As Garrison alerted us, it is to the institutional consequences of the assassination that we must look, because, as Lisa Pease opines in her preface to the book, “the same operational template can be run again” (and indeed has been, repeatedly).  Destiny Betrayed does not bludgeon the reader with this message; it makes the point cogently by showing rather than by telling.

    For a number of reasons, this is not a typical book on the JFK assassination. As DiEugenio himself has declared (see, for instance, his remarks at the beginning of his well-known review of JFK and the Unspeakable), it was already his intention with the first edition to bring assassination research out of the ghetto.  What he had in mind was a broadening of perspective beyond the mechanics of Dealey Plaza or the suspicious goings-on at Bethesda, and this is precisely the manner in which the reader is made to enter the maze:

    The events that exploded in Dallas on November 22, 1963, had their genesis in Washington on a February day in 1947.

    Much as with the traditional novel, one can almost unpack the remaining four-hundred-odd pages from that single opening assertion. The quest for the appropriate context in which to decipher JFK’s presidency and death is one of the principal tasks undertaken by the author.  But his formal choices also transform his engagement with these events from a simple act of sleuthing into a veritable essay in the hermeneutics of history. 

    To illustrate what I mean by this, let me begin by observing that a dialogue of past and present is inscribed in the book through the interplay of narration and commentary. The narrative building-blocks are ordered mainly along chronological lines, leading from the initial post-war articulations of U.S. foreign policy, through JFK’s presidency, the activities in New Orleans and Dallas preceding his death, and the subsequent domestic investigations, to conclude with some reflections about the continuing impact of the assassination and its cover-up on the political climate of the United States today.  This basic organization is, however, selectively adjusted for thematic purposes; for instance, Oswald’s activities in New Orleans (chpts. 5-6) are separated from his return to the U.S. and his final days (chpt. 8) by a flash-back dealing with his early life and defection (chpt. 7), thus lending, by its central position, an explanatory prominence to his intelligence training.  (I should add here that these latter two chapters form the best concise treatment of Oswald I have yet to read.)  The last three chapters also break with the preceding linear progression (more on this below).  But emerging from within this broadly forward sweep are also narrative swirls and eddies where the author interrupts his story in order to indicate a noteworthy nexus which will be handled more fully later, or which involves knowledge we now possess but which was unavailable then.  Far from obscuring or confusing the chain of events, this weaving in and out of strict chronology – and its attendant modulation between points of view – is adroitly handled and lends a sense of continuous integration to the reader’s journey.

    Another narrative technique, related to and often conjoined with the preceding one, is that of the leitmotif.  For instance, we meet a corporation called Freeport Sulphur in the very first chapter with respect to mining concessions in 1950s Cuba.  We return to that company in the context of Garrison’s discovery of a Freeport link between Shaw, Ferrie and Banister (chpt. 10); then again in terms of Gaeton Fonzi’s reinvestigation of those leads for the HSCA (chpt. 15).  And then finally, in the fullest and most crushing context, with that ignoble corporation’s role in the Indonesian coup, related in the penultimate chapter.  Another example of this technique centers on the CIA’s turn to drug-running money after Kennedy defunded Mongoose, which we first read about in Chapter 6, and then again in Garrison’s discovery of the Ruby-Oswald-Cheramie connection (chpt. 10), with further confirmation via reference to Douglas Valentine’s discovery (2004) of the CIA’s infiltration of U.S. Customs, followed by a discussion of the Hubert-Griffin memo (see Section III below), putting Sergio Arcacha Smith, whose name peppers the pages of this book, decidedly in the middle of it all.  Leitmotif is also used with respect to one of the cardinal figures in this story, Bernardo DeTorres.  He is  first discussed in the context of how news of the back channel to Castro was divulged among the Cuban exiles (chpt. 4), then with respect to his infiltration of Garrison’s inchoate investigation (chpt. 11), and then again with reference to his independent discovery by Fonzi through Rolando Otero which led to his wider connection to the probable operational faction of the plot (chpt. 15).

    The artful use of such devices lends to Destiny Betrayed a concern with the intimate connection between meaning and expository process shared by few other books on this subject, the vast majority of which are simply organized by topic.  More specifically, these literary techniques do not serve as mere artifice, extraneously imposed on the material, but emerge naturally from it, as the author winds and unwinds his thread through the Daedalian intricacies of a story that ultimately is revealed to have explicated itself.  For over the retrospective span of the intervening decades, events have indeed disclosed their own significance before our very eyes, not only through documentary releases, but by the repeated pattern of the actions of their protagonists.  One of the theses of the book is that the JFK assassination and the destruction of Garrison were interlocking covert operations, in which some of the same players were involved.  Another theme, which runs in parallel, is that Kennedy’s presidency blocked the progress of economic globalism, which was then restored after his death.  We are made conscious of these relationships, not just through a series of momentary epiphanies, but ultimately through participation in a larger unfolding.  In a profound sense, this book claims that the meaning of November 22, 1963, lies as much in what subsequent occurrences have affirmed as in the case that can be constructed directly from the facts and circumstances of the crime.

    This conviction manifests itself finally in the book’s broadest architecture, one based on recapitulation.  The concluding chapters generate a triad of embedded arches – or perhaps even concentric rings:  the outermost (chpts. 1-4, plus 17) deals with Cold War policy and JFK, echoed by a discussion of foreign policy changes under LBJ; inside that, we have a similar structure (chpts. 5-8, plus 16) addressing the significance of Garrison’s discoveries about New Orleans and Oswald and ending with Mexico City, the importance of which Garrison clearly understood, but the full truth about which was concealed from his view.  This leaves the innermost tripartite (and most drama-like) sequence (chpts. 9-10, 11-13, 14-15) tracing Garrison’s career and entry into the case, the government and media campaign against him, and the actions subsequent to Shaw’s acquittal, including how the same forces deployed against Garrison made a shambles of the House Select Committee on Assassinations. (Chapter 18 completes the composition, serving as a coda to the entire book).

    At the center stands, of course, Jim Garrison, the oracular voice decrying national calamity and a knowing participant in his own professional ruin, whose vindication is as much a part of the story DiEugenio tells as is the exposure of the powers which removed JFK from office.  It is, in fact, this dovetailing of two lives, this fateful encounter of purpose, that gives Destiny Betrayed its dramatic design. The book’s felicitous title, retained for this second edition, suggests an underlying logic impelling actions toward their “dénouement” (the title of the final chapter); a process, to take the author at his etymological word, to be perceived as the untying of a knot.  The book’s title not only implies (somewhat paradoxically) the deliberate theft of what should have been, both in terms of U.S. foreign policy and in terms of bringing (at least one) of the perpetrators to justice; it also hints at how the unraveling of five decades has “betrayed” – that is, revealed – the character of both John Kennedy and Jim Garrison, despite monumental exertions to conceal or distort the truth.


    The Afro-Asian revolution of nationalism, the revolt against colonialism, the determination of people to control their national destinies … in my opinion the tragic failure of both Republican and Democratic administrations since World War II to comprehend the nature of this revolution, and its potentialities for good and evil, has reaped a bitter harvest today—and it is by rights and by  necessity a major foreign policy campaign issue that has nothing to do with anti-communism. 

     – John F. Kennedy, from a speech given during the Stevenson campaign, 1956


    II. JFK, the Cold War Establishment, and Cuba 

    As mentioned in the preceding section, the first four chapters of  the book, along with the penultimate one, raise a fundamental issue:  whether JFK was ever a “Cold-Warrior”, and whether the assassination had any effect on the policies he had been pursuing.  Seriously posing this question has long been anathema to mainstream writers on both the Left and the Right, some choosing to feign perplexity at the so-called “enigma” that was John F. Kennedy.  At the very least we may observe that historians have been burdened by a considerable amount of preconceived baggage regarding what Kennedy’s politics could or could not have been.  Yet I think John Newman put his finger on the crux of the matter in his masterful JFK and Vietnam:  if one concentrates on the rhetorical indirections of his public statements – which JFK felt compelled to practice, for better or for worse, out of fear of vitiating his political efficacy – then one may derive the picture of a man who is mostly in conformity with the ideological matrix of his time.  But as Newman teaches us, that is not the best way to understand his presidency.  For, in the end, it is what he actually did and did not do which tells the more authentic tale.  DiEugenio is not insensitive to the political pragmatist in Kennedy; but speaking of his desire to bolster his anti-communist credentials, especially during the 1960 campaign, the author insists that “below the level of campaign rhetoric, John Kennedy was not simply a more youthful version of Eisenhower” [19]3.  Even James Douglass, with whose marvelous book this one aptly bears comparison (more on this momentarily), can be led astray by this side of JFK into believing that he changed his foreign policy stance in some essential way while he was president. With Destiny Betrayed, I believe we are finally given firmer footing for posing this question properly.

    In order to do so, one must look to origins.  That is where the first chapter, Legacy, begins. From the opening allusion to the request from the British Embassy asking Secretary of State Marshall for aid in quelling insurrection in Turkey and Greece, through the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, NATO and the National Security Act, we witness the fateful passage from republic to empire as the United States assumes custody of former European colonial interests in the name of containing putative Communist aggression and the Domino Theory.  For DiEugenio, the key which unlocks what follows is this implicit marriage of ideology with economic interest.  Out of that unholy alliance is born, through the midwifery of Allen Dulles, the de facto executive arm of neo-colonialism in the guise of a drastically metamorphosed CIA.  In Dulles, in fact, these two lines – a hard-core view of the Soviet Union (which he shared with Nazi intelligence chief Reinhard Gehlen, whose vast network Dulles, while chief of the Berlin OSS office, helped retain with Gehlen in control), and a globalist perspective held in common with the Rockefeller corporate interests (which he and his brother John served as senior partners at the Wall Street firm of Sullivan and Cromwell) – converged perfectly and literally became one.  To quote DiEugenio, “With Allen Dulles, the acronym ‘CIA’ came to stand for ‘Corporate Interests of America’” [6].  By the time of the Bay of Pigs, so the long buried Lovett-Bruce report tells us, 80% of the CIA’s budget was going to covert operations [49].

    While belief in the necessity of a nuclear deterrent is certainly one component of Cold War ideology, this Dulles-Rockefeller view of the Third World as their own economic protectorate is equally, if not more, critical.  So, too, these two elements should bear at least equal weight when we assess the Kennedy presidency. DiEugenio’s treatment of the assassination plot shares a great deal of ground with that of Douglass’s JFK and the Unspeakable, but it gives us a sharper picture of what made JFK so different from his peers by concentrating much more single-mindedly on this second pane of the Cold War lens. Though Douglass does write incisively about Kennedy’s resistance to the national security agenda in his Cuba and Vietnam decisions, his claim that JFK underwent an Augustinian moment in the garden during the Missile Crisis is, from the wider angle sought by DiEugenio, overstated (and the only feature which mars Douglass’s otherwise convincing treatment of Kennedy).  Rather than conversion, DiEugenio’s chosen trope for JFK’s coming into his own is that of education, which he borrows from Richard Mahoney’s seminal work, JFK: Ordeal in Africa (1984).4  Taking his cue from that study, DiEugenio locates the decisive moment in Kennedy’s 1951 tour of the Far East and his meeting with Edmund Gullion, senior official at the American Embassy in Saigon (and later appointed by Kennedy as Ambassador to the Congo), an encounter which Robert Kennedy said had a major effect on his brother’s thinking [21-22].

    From there the counterpoint between JFK’s views and the actions of the Dulles circle becomes increasingly evident. Kennedy even criticized his own party (Truman and Acheson) for their intellectual indolence in this area. In 1953 he wrote then Secretary of State John Foster Dulles a letter with forty-seven specific questions about what the U.S. aims in Vietnam were, asking how a military solution (including use of atomic weapons) could actually be feasible. While the Eisenhower government secretly conspired to undermine the Geneva accords and have the U.S. assume France’s role in Saigon, Kennedy began to give more speeches about the struggle of African and Asian peoples to throw off the yoke of oppression.  The culminating moment in all this came in 1957 when he defended Algerian independence on the floor of the Senate, much to the disapprobation not only of about two-thirds of the major newspapers, but also of one of the Democrats farthest to the left, for whom he had in fact campaigned in 1956: Adlai Stevenson [22-28].  The author is correct to lament the lack of attention given to this speech in the assassination literature. Where Douglass, with good reason, sees the American University speech delivered in June of 1963 as a pivotal event in JFK’s Cold War diplomacy, DiEugenio is surely also right to consider the Algeria speech the Rosetta Stone for what JFK would later do and not do in the Oval Office.  In fact, it would have been a good idea to excerpt the entire speech as an appendix in order to show just how far out of the mainstream Senator Kennedy was before he became president.

    One of the author’s virtues is his determination to avoid isolating any one foreign policy decision from all the others.  For the total picture eloquently proves Kennedy’s substantial divergence, not just from the Dulles coterie, but also from his own advisers.  It is unnecessary to dwell at length here on what has become familiar since Newman’s 1992 opus, because it has been clamorously confirmed by the ARRB’s declassification of documents:  Kennedy’s plans for withdrawal from Vietnam began in 1962 and were made official in May of 1963.  DiEugenio does a fine job summarizing this “Virtual JFK” material, demonstrating the stark reversal of policy which occurred a mere forty-eight hours after the assassination, and which LBJ strove to disguise [365-371].  What the book adds to all this is a series of before-and-after snapshots from other areas of JFK’s Third-World policy, images which capture the same panorama.

    In the Congo, for instance, Kennedy favored the nationalists against the Belgian and British allies who wished to see the mineral-rich Katanga province secede.  It is more than probable that Lumumba’s assassination was instigated by Allen Dulles to occur just before Kennedy took office [28-29].  President Kennedy thereafter interceded twice with the U.N. to convince them to maintain peacekeeping forces in the region, which they did. Kennedy’s preferences, backed by the U.N., for how to train the Congolese were nevertheless subverted by the Pentagon in its support of eventual dictator Mobutu Sese Seko.  LBJ, on the other hand, clearly allied the U.S. with Belgium, and in 1964 allowed right-wing Rhodesians and South Africans to join in this supposed war on a “Chinese inspired Left”, the economic consequences of which were a tremendous boon to Mobutu and the West but disaster for the Congolese [371-373].

    JFK’s Indonesian policy follows a similar course.  On behalf of Standard Oil and other Rockefeller interests, the CIA had unsuccessfully attempted a Guatemala-like coup there in the late 50s;  Kennedy not only broke with this direction, but went well beyond it, befriending the PKI-allied (i.e., “Communist”) Sukarno, and in a parallel with the Congo, also obtaining U.N. support for the return of West Irian, another mineral-rich region coveted by Euro-American corporations, from the Netherlands to the Indonesians [31-33]. JFK’s Indonesian aid bill was never signed by LBJ.  A chain reaction, begun by LBJ’s siding with the British over the creation of Malaysia, followed by Indonesia’s withdrawal from the World Bank and IMF, finally resulted in a CIA-prompted bloodbath of genocidal proportions foreshadowing Operation Phoenix.  Like Mobutu in the Congo, the new Indonesian government under Suharto brokered mining rights off to the highest bidder [373-375].

    Third in this litany of exploitation unleashed by Kennedy’s death is Laos.  Newman, David Kaiser and others have recounted JFK’s adamant refusal to intervene unilaterally and his support for a coalition government there (this was an even more visibly pressing issue than Cuba in the first months of 1961). The CIA and military consistently undermined this position, particularly through Air America, the CIA’s covert air force. They destabilized the Laotian economy with forged currency and forced the Pathet Lao into retaliatory action, which turned into a civil war responsible for untold decimation.  The economic fruit of all this was an immensely profitable heroin trade [375-377].  One could further include here LBJ’s analogous handling of situations in the Dominican Republic, Brazil, Iran, and Greece.

    This general pattern of reversal is striking enough. But frequently the players involved have a recurring familiarity that is hard to dismiss as coincidental.  For instance, John McCloy is the man who David Rockefeller and the CIA sent in to fix the Brazil situation after Kennedy’s death. Then there is LBJ’s campaign support from Augustus Long and Jock Whitney of Freeport Sulphur, a company with links to Shaw’s International Trade Mart, and which ended up making billions from Indonesian concessions. (Long established a group called the National Independent Committee for Johnson, which included the likes of Robert Lehman of Lehman Brothers and Thomas Cabot, Michael Paine’s cousin.)  But of course, proof of conspiracy does not (and cannot) rest merely at this speculative level.  And while all of this provides a credible background against which to delineate what occurred in Dallas, DiEugenio never claims it as more than that.  From the weight of the evidence, the true catalyst for the assassination still must be considered to be the powder keg of Cuban affairs.

    Which also fits into the foregoing template. The book’s chapters on Cuba are unparalleled in the field.  From their mini-history of Cuba before the revolution, what fairly jumps off the page is the reduction of the island to financial slavery by American corporate interests and Wall Street banking.  This was made possible thanks to Batista’s lifting of taxes, a tremendous negative trade-balance (two thirds of Cuba’s needs were provided by American imports), and a spiraling indebtedness through short-term loans.  We learn that by 1959, American investment in Cuba was greater than in any other Latin American country save oil-rich Venezuela [7-10].  When Castro sets out to rectify this through nationalization of agricultural and mining concerns (like the Moa Bay company), and turns to the Soviet Union in order not to bow to IMF strictures, Eisenhower and the CIA begin to organize against him, recruiting financiers, military leaders and other ex-members of the Batista regime in exile.   It is out of this miasma that the personnel of this drama begins to take shape: the DRE [Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil], under the auspices of David Phillips; Guy Johnson arranging for Sergio Arcacha Smith’s escape; who joined with José Miro Cardona and Tony Varona into another group which Howard Hunt, authorized to form a Cuban government in exile by Tracy Barnes, augmented with Manuel Artime and turned into the FRD [Frente Revolucionario Democratico] and eventually CRC [Cuban Revolutionary Council] [14-16; 38-39].

    But even more essential is DiEugenio’s exposition of the Bay of Pigs subterfuge. Drawing on several newer books on this topic, along with recently released documents which more than hint at perfidy on the part of the CIA, he outlines how Jake Esterline’s Trinidad plan, originally conceived as a small-scale penetration by a group of guerrilla-trained exiles, morphed into a full-blown D-Day assault under Dick Bissell’s supervision.  It was this mutation, a development that Dulles and Bissell tried to obfuscate, which Kennedy in March 1961 nevertheless saw enough of to ask that it be scaled down.  Dulles clearly understood Kennedy’s reluctance to commit, and tried to use the “disposal problem” (what to do with all these exiles?) as leverage, further offering him entirely false assurances about popular support for an uprising and the ability of the brigade to regroup in the mountains should they get pinned down on the beaches, and all the while denying him vital intelligence and refusing to allow him to inspect the details of the plan.  JFK appears to have committed only because he was convinced of the essentially guerrilla nature of the action.  A new site, the Playa Giron, was in fact chosen because it seemed very unlikely that the landing would encounter resistance there.  Kennedy also added the requirement that any air strikes on the day of the invasion were to be conducted by the Cuban brigade after a beachhead had been secured – that is, from Cuban soil.  He even asked Bissell if the recommended preliminary surgical strikes against Castro’s T-33 fighters were absolutely necessary, and Bissell assured him they would be minimal.  But a CIA memo released in 2005 establishes that Bissell knew from November 1960 onwards that the entire plan was unworkable without the aid of the Pentagon.  That memo was never forwarded to the President’s desk  [34-37; 44-45].

    What happens next is a series of tactical foul-ups followed by efforts to nudge Kennedy into military intervention.  Not all of Castro’s T-33’s were taken out prior to the landing because Castro, who knew the invasion was coming, had dispersed them around the island.  The main forces were crippled by the sinking of two supply ships. The whole operation was very poorly planned, and Castro managed to regain two of the three landing sites by the third day.  At that point Deputy Director Charles Cabell tried to get Victor Marchetti to relay to Kennedy the false story of MiGs strafing the beaches (which Marchetti never delivered).  Kennedy had made clear from the outset his refusal to deploy U.S. military force, but the CIA gave orders anyway to fly bombing missions over Castro’s airfields, which did not occur only because of fog [41].

    Most decisive in its analysis of this episode is a fact which the book makes unequivocal – that Kennedy never withdrew air support, because the so-called D-Day strikes had never been authorized to begin with; they were not part of the revised plan.  McGeorge Bundy reiterated Kennedy’s restriction on them to Cabell the night before the landing, and the next day, he and Bissell tried to argue the point with Dean Rusk.  But when Rusk gave the CIA the chance to phone the White House and request such strikes the morning of the invasion, the CIA declined the invitation.  On the third day, Cabell and the CIA similarly refused to request a naval escort to resupply the brigade with ammunition.  In a conversation with Rusk and Adlai Stevenson the day of the invasion, Kennedy again said he had not approved any such strikes from Nicaragua [44, 46].

    After ordering the Taylor inquiry (during which the Joint Chiefs basically tried to hang all the blame on the CIA) and consulting with Robert Lovett, co-author of the Lovett-Bruce report, who laid bare the true nature of the CIA, convincing him to fire Dulles, along with Bissell and Cabell, it became obvious to Kennedy that he had been snookered. Today we may reasonably share his opinion that the operation was a planned failure aimed at backing him into a corner and coercing him into an all-out invasion.

    It is also patent that a Cuban-driven initiative to oust Castro was transformed into a CIA-controlled enterprise, one with callous disregard for the Cubans themselves, not only in the way they were knowingly turned into so much cannon fodder in a ploy to wrest the island back for American interests, but even in the way the political spectrum of the participants was managed by Hunt so as to exclude the left wing of the exile community, in particular Manolo Ray and JURE – a maneuver which Kennedy challenged by having Bissell explicitly instruct Hunt to include Ray in the CRC; Hunt nominally resigned his position just before the invasion in order to avoid having to deal with him [39-40].  Ray, in fact, was not in favor of the strike-force invasion.  But Hunt and his group had plans of their own.  First, there was the contingency to have the operational leaders imprisoned and the assault taken over by “renegade Cubans”, in case Washington called off further action [47-48]. And then, there was Operation 40, calling for the liquidation of the leftist contingent during the early stages of the takeover of the island [50-51].  After the debacle, this manipulation was given a new, and ultimately deadly, twist:  the incitement of hatred among the Cubans for the Cold War Establishment’s number-one stumbling block.

    And it is another achievement of the book that the author pinpoints how this was done,  because to my knowledge, no one else has.  It was first accomplished by an inflammatory cover story about the so-called cancelled air strikes, a tall tale concocted by Dulles and Hunt. This phony story was reported in Fortune through Dulles’ personal friend Charles Murphy.  The purpose was to take the heat off the CIA by setting the blame for the failure at Kennedy’s door.  Although it was a false story, it nevertheless stirred up hatred among the Cuban exile community for JFK’s supposed “betrayal”.  As CIA anger grew during Mongoose – which William Harvey probably was correct in viewing as the administration’s half-hearted bone tossed to the hard-liners and which was effectively ended by the Missile Crisis – Cuban groups like Alpha 66 were enlisted by the Agency into activities well outside of Mongoose’s purview.  This included raids on Russian ships in the Caribbean, faking an invasion of Cuba, and renewed plans to assassinate Castro.  All these were intended to defeat the no-invasion pledge and to disrupt JFK’s move toward rapprochement [64-66].  Meanwhile, Kennedy’s end-run around his advisors, the CIA and the Pentagon, which he had found necessary in negotiating with Khrushchev, was repeated with Castro. During 1963 there was a sequence of back-channel communications involving journalist Lisa Howard, William Attwood (U.N. aide and former ambassador to Guinea), Cuban ambassador to the U.N. Carlos Lechuga, and French journalist Jean Daniel, with a view to initiating talks on the normalization of Cuban-American relations.  I will not repeat here the full story (or the revealing statement Kennedy made to Daniel about U.S. complicity in Cuba’s enslavement under Batista), but simply stress that the exiles could have gotten wind of this only through their CIA managers, who, despite their having been locked out by Kennedy, had access to the NSA’s wiretaps.  (It is also possible that McGeorge Bundy, who was in on some of these discussions, communicated them to his CIA contacts – he was a friend of Dulles.  Helms also monitored progress in this area, as Douglass has shown.)  Not only did David Morales’s counterintelligence group know of it [71]; as referred to previously, Rolando Otero revealed to Fonzi that he knew of the back channel through Bernardo DeTorres, declaring that at that point, “something big was being planned”.  That this “dangerous knowledge” was held by the anti-Castro Cubans is confirmed by Fabian Escalante’s report of Felipe Vidal Santiago’s statement that the exiles, realizing their cause was doomed, began to hatch a plot to get rid of Kennedy and blame it on Castro.  Vidal spoke with his CIA handler, Col. William Bishop.  Shortly thereafter, a CIA official – very likely David Phillips – addressed a group of exiles in a Miami safe house, saying, “You must eliminate Kennedy” [393].  What is further remarkable about how the evidence for this angle fits together – and once again how symmetrically designed the book is – is revealed earlier [97]:  working independently, Richard Case Nagell also discovered that the Cubans knew of the back channel and that “something big” was in the works.  Attwood’s own fears that news would leak down, through the CIA, to the Cubans, and with dire consequences, appear not to be unjustified.

    III. Many Mansions:  Garrison’s evidence today

    Whatever one may believe about Garrison, it is difficult today to argue that his investigation was marginal.  The early leads he uncovered were all connected with Oswald or Ruby, and demonstrated foreknowledge of, or involvement in, the plot, or at least a concern over Oswald’s arrest.  The sheer number of New Orleans-related incidents is impressive: Rose Cheramie’s story, the Clinton-Jackson incident, 544 Camp Street, Banister thrashing Jack Martin, Clay Bertrand requesting legal assistance for Oswald from Dean Andrews, Ferrie frantically searching for his library card and photos from the Civil Air Patrol, and so forth.  And all of these facts were already known at the time of the first official inquiry, but were “concealed, discounted, or tampered with by the authorities.  And the Warren Commission did nothing with them.  Therefore, they laid dormant for four years,” writes DiEugenio [100].

    A full account of the evidence adduced in Destiny Betrayed cannot possibly be given here.  To do so would mean replicating it nearly page by page, for there is very little fat to trim away.  Moreover, the broad outlines of the conspiracy in New Orleans and Dallas involving the setup of Oswald as patsy is without a doubt already familiar to the present reader.  I think it therefore most useful to pass under review a number of the pieces in the puzzle whose position has been clarified since the DA’s time.  That is, after all, one of the main goals of the book under discussion.  What follows is a short list of fifteen of the more salient points.

    1. In 1993, a photo of Oswald and David Ferrie from the Civil Air Patrol was shown on Frontline.  Let me remind the reader that every newspaper editorial I can recall from 1991-1992 lambasted Oliver Stone’s film by spouting that no such evidence of their acquaintance existed [see DiEugenio’s mini-biography of Ferrie, 82-85].

    2. One of Garrison’s most important findings was Oswald’s presence at Banister’s office at 544 Camp/531 Lafayette Street. Since Garrison, others such as Weisberg, Summers and Weberman have contributed to our knowledge of this node in the conspiracy, but no one tells it with the command DiEugenio has over this material, bringing to it his own field work, enhanced by released HSCA documents and files of the DA’s office (see in particular Chapter 6).  I mention just two points of interest here.  First, he confirms Tommy Baumler’s assertions that Shaw, Guy Johnson, and Banister constituted the intelligence apparatus in New Orleans [209-210; 274-275].  Second, he amplifies Sergio Arcacha Smith’s importance beyond his role in the Rose Cheramie – Jack Ruby drug run.  As Francis Fruge stated to Bob Buras, Smith seems to have been the linchpin between New Orleans and Dallas; maps of the Dealey Plaza sewer system were actually found in his apartment [180-182; 329].

    3. Davy’s and DiEugenio’s legwork has also reinforced Fruge’s and Dischler’s original discoveries about Shaw, Ferrie and Oswald in Clinton-Jackson.  The author cites a large array of witnesses which leave no doubt that Shaw (and not Banister) was there as Oswald stood in line to register to vote.  A sustained discussion of this incident sheds further light on its purpose: to get Oswald a job at the East Louisiana State Hospital (the same psychiatric hospital that Cheramie was later taken to), then switch the records to make it appear he was actually a ward.  Oswald’s familiarity with the names of the doctors may have come through the acquaintance of Tulane Medical School’s chief of surgery, Alton Ochsner, who did LSD and electrode implantation research and was an INCA informant, with both Shaw and Banister; or it could have been through Arcacha Smith [88-93; 156-157; 185-187].

    4. The Oswald chapters make good use of the seminal background research of John Newman and John Armstrong.  I extract here only two nuggets from this very rich vein, having to do with his role as false defector:

      After being given the runaround by CIA and military intel, State Department security analyst Otto Otepka sent Bissell a request for information distinguishing false from real defectors; this got funneled through Jim Angleton to staffers who were told to stay away from certain names; Oswald’s was marked SECRET.  Shortly thereafter, but thirteen months after his defection, the CIA created a 201 file on him.  Had Otepka not inquired, all of Oswald’s files would likely have stayed hidden in the Counter Intelligence/SIG sector under Angleton’s eyes.  Otepka’s safe was later drilled and his career destroyed; he was removed from his post on November 5, 1963 [164-165; see also 143-144].

      Donald Deneselya’s recollection of a CIA debriefing of Oswald in New York was reported on Frontline in 1993, but Helm’s disingenuous denials were there given the last word.  John Newman then found a CIA memo wherein the chief of the Soviet Russia division wrote of such a debriefing as motivated by an “operational interest in the Harvey [Oswald] Story” [149-150].

    5. DiEugenio also casts further light on Oswald’s activities as agent provocateur in New Orleans.    Again, I offer only two of his more telling conclusions:

      From the earliest critiques of the Warren Report (see, for instance, Meagher, Accessories after the Fact), but especially after Harold Weisberg obtained through the FOIA a transcript of the closed-door Warren Commission session discussing Oswald’s potential role as intelligence agent, the claim he was an FBI informant has repeatedly surfaced.  DiEugenio builds a strong case for Warren DeBrueys as Oswald’s FBI handler in New Orleans.  The FBI destroyed the files on Orestes Pena, witness to one of their meetings, just prior to the creation of the HSCA.  It was DeBrueys that Oswald asked to see after his arrest following the leafleting incident. William Walter found an informant file on Oswald with DeBrueys’ name on it.  DeBrueys most certainly knew of Oswald’s association with Banister before the assassination.  FBI agent James Hosty later told Church Committee witness Carver Gayton that Oswald indeed was an informant [109; 158-160].

      The other side of the coin to the FBI’s interest in Oswald is suggested by Hosty’s probable prevarication that he learned Oswald left Dallas for New Orleans in mid-May; Newman has shown there are at least seven instances during this period when the FBI should have known where he was and also about his dealings with the FPCC.  The reason for this sleight-of-hand was that the FBI, which had its own anti-FPCC program, was probably told not to interfere with a parallel CIA-run operation in which Oswald appeared to be a key player.  The existence of such a CIA discreditation program, run by David Phillips and James McCord, was revealed by the ARRB.  This explains why the CIA ordered 45 copies of the first printing of Corliss Lamont’s pamphlet, “The Crime Against Cuba,” in June of 1961; it was either Banister who then requested these from CIA, or someone, perhaps Phillips again, provided them as part of the program he was running with McCord [158-162; also 347-348, 356].

    6. In connection with this CIA-directed anti-FPCC charade, there is evidence that Oswald’s Marine acquaintance, Kerry Thornley – the only one to finger him as a “true believer” –, frequented Oswald and Marina in New Orleans and partnered with him in the leafleting activity.  DiEugenio gives a detailed portrait of this dubious fellow, from his two books about Oswald through his right-wing and intelligence connections, his retraction on the eve of the HSCA investigation of earlier denials made to Garrison concerning his knowledge of Banister, Ferrie, Shaw and the latter’s friend at Time-Life, David Chandler, and his subsequent diversionary yarns about his unwitting involvement in the plot.  Weisberg (Never Again, 1995) tells how the Secret Service was blocked by the FBI from discovering Oswald had an accomplice in New Orleans, and tracked down witnesses identifying Thornley as this person.  Then there is also Thornley’s own curious trip to Mexico City in July/August, just ahead of Oswald’s putative visit there [132; 187-193].

    7. Philip Melanson followed the trail of the ties between the CIA and the White Russian community in Dallas, and more specifically between Dulles and George DeMohrenschildt, who was cleared to meet Oswald through J. Walton Moore, the head of the Dallas CIA office.  Supplementing this discussion with additional information Garrison did not have – drawn in particular from the work of Carol Hewitt, Steve Jones and Barbara LaMonica – DiEugenio makes evident not only the more than casual acquaintance between the DeMohrenschildts and the Paines, but also the numerous links of both Michael’s and Ruth’s families to the CIA and Dulles.  Again, this is a real achievement, since this fascinating information has not appeared in any previous book. Michael’s mother, Ruth Forbes, was close friends with Mary Bancroft, an OSS agent with whom Dulles had intimate professional and personal ties. Michael’s stepfather was one of the creators of Bell Helicopter, while his mother’s family descended from the Boston Forbes and Cabots, executives and board members of United Fruit and Gibraltar Steamship (a CIA front for David Phillips’s Radio Swan).  Ruth Paine’s father and her brother-in-law both worked for AID, another CIA front, and her sister Sylvia Hyde was employed at Langley prior to 1963 as a psychologist.  Both Michael and Ruth were themselves involved in undercover work.  One document released by the ARRB reveals that Michael Paine engaged in infiltration activities at SMU in Dallas similar to those of Oswald; the Warren Commission was aware of filing cabinets found at the Paine residence containing data on pro-Castro sympathizers, which they downplayed in the “Speculations and Rumors” part of the report [193-200].

    8. A “coincidence of cosmic proportions,” as DiEugenio phrases it, is the link revealed by declassified ARRB documents between Robert Maheu, who ran a cover company in D.C. for the recruitment of assassins to kill Castro, and Guy Banister, via Carmine Bellino.  Bellino, who shared offices with Maheu, also partnered with Banister and helped him get started in New Orleans.  Walter Sheridan brought Bellino onto the RFK “get Hoffa” squad.  “It seems a bit ironic that a trusted aide of Robert Kennedy had been the partner of the man who helped set up the fall guy in the murder of his brother,” writes DiEugenio [257-258].

    9. A declassified memo from 1964, written by Leon Hubert and Burt Griffin, stated that “underworld figures, anti-Castro Cubans and extreme right-wing” elements were the most promising leads with respect to a Dallas-based gun-smuggling ring. The memo also suggests that Oswald’s Cuban connections in Dallas were never explored.  Garrison himself was interested in Manuel Rodriguez Orcarberro, the head of the Dallas wing of Alpha 66.  We now know, through Buddy Walthers’ informants, that a group of Cubans met at a safe house at 3128 Harlendale for months up until about a week before the assassination, when they vacated it; Oswald was also seen there [213].

    10. Another declassified HSCA document, a 1977 memo from Garrison to L.J. Delsa and Bob Buras, recounts the story of Clara Gay, a client of Attorney G. Wray Gill whose office David Ferrie shared.  She happened to call Gill right after Ferrie was interviewed by Garrison and the FBI and overheard the secretary deny Gill’s knowledge of Ferrie’s activities. Clara then went to the office, and noticed on Ferrie’s desk a diagram of Dealey Plaza with “Elm Street” on it, which she unsuccessfully tried to snatch in order to turn over to the FBI.  What she recounted to Garrison can be put together with Jimmy Johnson’s claim to have seen a manila envelope, which Ferrie referred to as “The Bomb”, containing a diagram for a Castro assassination, and with the fact that Ferrie had studied the ejection angles of cartridges from various types of rifles.  This suggests that the New Orleans group may have been involved in some of the actual planning of the crossfire, not just Oswald’s framing [215-216].

    11. DiEugenio calls the “most ignored piece of key evidence” a package addressed to Oswald, but bearing a sticker with a non-existent address, which lay around the dead letter section of the Dallas post office unnoticed for twelve days (discussed in Meagher, 63-64).  Surprisingly, the FBI did not apply solvents to the label in order to expose the probable original address beneath.  Inside was a sheet of brown wrapping paper resembling the one recovered at the Book Depository, inside which Oswald supposedly smuggled the rifle into the building.  There were absolutely no latent fingerprints on it.  What is of further interest is the fact that the police found a postage-due notice at the Irving post office for a package sent on November 20 to a Lee Oswald at the Paine’s address, 2515 W. Fifth Street.  Ruth tried to claim this was for magazines; this form is curiously attached to a postage due notice for George A. Bouhe, supposedly one of Marina’s English tutors, and neighbor of Jack Ruby.  DiEugenio surmises that when an attempt to get Oswald’s fingerprints on an incriminating piece of evidence by having him open the package when he went to Irving the evening preceding the assassination failed because of postage due, the non-existent address was applied so as to route the package into oblivion [205-207].

    12. I have already referred to Bernardo DeTorres, who was the first of the Garrison infiltrators. Garrison sent DeTorres to Miami on what turned out to be a fruitless investigation.  Fonzi, Ed Lopez and Al Gonzalez all suspected him of being a conspirator.  He is particularly noteworthy in that he was cross-posted between CIA and military intelligence, and for his link to Mitch Werbell, the arms expert some think designed the weapons used in Dealey Plaza. DeTorres also admitted to having been enlisted [sic!] by the Secret Service to guard Kennedy on his November 1963 Miami trip.  He claimed to an informant of the HSCA that he possessed pictures taken during the assassination [226-228].  I myself wonder if DeTorres was the one who originally leaked news of Garrison’s investigation to reporter Jack Dempsey.  I also wonder, given DeTorres’s coziness with Trafficante, whether the latter’s famous statement that Kennedy would be hit came from the same source.

    13. We now come to one of the “smoking guns” in this case, Mexico City.  Two extremely important documents were declassified by the ARRB in this area: the Slawson-Coleman report and the Lopez-Hardway report. The former shows how the Warren Commission’s investigators obligingly permitted themselves to be guided by the CIA; the explosive content of the latter (which is over 300 pages long) proves why it was censored for fifteen years. (An annex, entitled “Was Oswald an Agent of the CIA?,” has yet to be released.)  A number of authors have more or less successfully navigated this material (John Newman and James Douglass are exemplary), but I recommend Chapter 15 of Destiny Betrayed for the well-lit path it cuts through a murky bit of business.  The long and short of it is that it is doubtful Oswald was even there; but if he was, the appearances at the Cuban Consulate and Russian Embassy were very likely by impostors.  There are, remarkably, no photos of him, despite routine daily takes from CIA surveillance cameras, and the man who spoke with Sylvia Duran does not fit Oswald’s physical description; moreover, this person was reportedly fluent in Spanish, which there is no evidence Oswald knew, but apparently struggled with Russian, of which Oswald had a good command.  But the truly explosive part of the story is what John Newman revealed in his book Oswald and the CIA, and what DiEugenio refers to as “the dog that didn’t bark”. Thanks to the bifurcation of Oswald’s CIA files, the information concerning Oswald’s supposed meeting with Valery Kostikov (in his capacity as head of KGB assassinations) was kept out of his operational dossier, so that the connection between the two would not be made until the very day of the assassination.  Oswald’s undisturbed return to Dallas was further guaranteed by the fact that the FBI’s FLASH warning on him was cancelled on October 9, just hours before the cable from the Mexico City station concerning his visit arrived in Washington.  The story the CIA gave to the FBI about an anti-FPCC campaign in foreign countries may account for this [346-354].  It is not hard to discern here the earmarks of entrapment, which explains Hoover’s immediate cover-up of the FBI’s prior knowledge of Oswald’s activities.5

    14. The post-assassination epilogue to the Mexico City episode is equally scorching in its implications.  It is a cautionary tale that snafus can happen to the most diabolical schemes.  Since a phone call made by Duran to the Russian Embassy did not clearly mention Oswald’s name, a fake call had to be made.  Using a tape of this call was risky, because Oswald had been exposed on the media that summer in New Orleans.  For some reason, Anne Goodpasture, Phillips’s trusted associate at the Mexico City station, sent the tape to FBI agent Eldon Rudd on the evening of the 22nd.  After Hoover was told that the voice on it was not Oswald’s, Goodpasture and Rudd invented a cover story that the tape actually had been routinely erased, a story belied by other sources, and even by the person whom Helms replaced with Angleton as liaison to the Commission, John Whitten.  Luckily, LBJ either did not draw the obvious conclusions from Hoover’s revelations, or decided not to act on them, but instead played along by using this phony evidence of a foreign plot to keep the lid on the investigation.  What was later revealed was that Mexico City station chief Winston Scott had copies of this material, including the tape, in his safe, which Angleton flew down personally to recover when Scott passed away.  All of this newer information serves to endorse Garrison’s opinions as expressed by a memo discovered by DiEugenio. In that memo Garrison wrote that he: 1) Doubts the existence of any photo of Oswald, because it would have certainly appeared in the Report; 2) Asks why consulate employees did not recognize photos of the real Oswald; 3) Notices that Duran’s name is printed in Oswald’s notebook; 4) Wonders why there is no bus manifest for Oswald’s trip; 5) Notes there are no fingerprints on Oswald’s tourist card.  As DiEugenio asserts, Garrison was the only investigator at that stage to recognize the proof of the plot in this Mexican episode [357-364].

    15. The last set of observations has to do with Clay Shaw.  First, Ramsey Clark’s 1967 slip-up to the press about the FBI investigating Shaw in 1963 was based in fact. For the FBI had indeed run a check on Shaw then; it is uncertain whether they ever communicated this to the Commission [388].  Next, and as previously stated, Gaeton Fonzi rediscovered the connection, first uncovered by Garrison, between Shaw, Ferrie and Banister through Freeport Sulphur, Moa Bay and Nicaro Nickel.  Freeport tried to arrange the transport of nickel to Canada from Cuba, with the ore refined in Louisiana. Shaw was on the exploratory team.  When Castro threatened takeover of these concerns, an assassination plot was proposed inside Freeport’s ranks.  Fonzi found that the executive board of Freeport included Godfrey Rockefeller, Admiral Arleigh Burke and the chairman of Texaco, Augustus Long.  Donald Gibson has noted that four of the directors of Freeport were also on the Council on Foreign Relations – as much representation as DuPont and Exxon.  Shaw was not just part of this group, but also of a wider net of globalist concerns such as the International House and the Foreign Policy Association of New Orleans [208-209; 330; 383-384].   On the other side of these corporate connections lay Shaw’s long-time links to CIA.  William Davy discovered from a declassified CIA note that one of the files on him had been destroyed.  In 1994 Peter Vea also uncovered a document in the National Archives dating from 1967 (during the period Garrison was investigating him) giving Shaw covert security approval in the project QKENCHANT.  Victor Marchetti clarified that routine domestic contact service does not require this kind of clearance.  He speculated Shaw was involved in the Domestic Operations Division, one of the most secret subsectors of Clandestine Services, which once had been run by Tracy Barnes, and which Howard Hunt was working for at that time.  We also now possess further confirmation of Shaw’s involvement with Permindex, which had ties to the Schroeder Banking Corporation and thereby with Heinrich Himmler’s onetime network, and which supported the French renegade military outfit, the OAS.  We also know from the declassification process that Shaw’s lawyers had nearly unlimited cooperation from the FBI, the CIA and the Justice Department, and that one of the reasons for their repeated delay tactics was to allow this covert assistance to do its job [383-391].

    It is enlightening to watch as Garrison’s discoveries, transposed through this newer information, are accorded even more strength. It shows how good his and his main investigators’ instincts were, despite the infiltration of his team by CIA plants who tried to lead them astray.


    History may not repeat itself, but often it rhymes. 

    – Mark Twain (attr.)

    It’s Garrison all over again.    

    – Chris Sharrett, HSCA staffer 


    IV. The Rhyme of Two Investigations

    Thanks to declassification, we can now assert with confidence that mass media and government agencies collaborated in a concerted program to sabotage Garrison’s investigation and to damage his reputation so that he would forever after be politically crippled.  We also know that something quite similar occurred when the House Select Committee’s staff started heading down the same path under Dick Sprague’s and Bob Tanenbaum’s able and determined leadership.

    Before addressing this topic, I would like to advert the reader to the chapter presenting Garrison’s biography and early career (Chapter 9).  It is a welcome antidote to the received wisdom about him, which was a product of the lurid portrait painted by the mainstream press.6  I will not deal with that except to state that anyone who reads this material can no longer rationally believe, if they ever did, that Garrison was motivated by pecuniary gain or careerism, or that he was a tool of the Carlos Marcello syndicate with whom he allegedly was in cahoots.  Not always a crusader, and moderate in his political views, Garrison’s consciousness was profoundly altered by the JFK case.

    Garrison made a number of regrettable and costly tactical errors. Not arresting Ferrie earlier had the most conspicuously disastrous consequences.  When the press initially got wind of the investigation, the DA’s reaction was not one of equanimity; he first denied everything, then after no longer being able to deny it, parried the attacks with a bluster about having solved the case which today we may forgive him for but which unfortunately allowed him to play right into the press’s hands [220-224; 260-261].  He was also too trusting when it came to accepting the help of volunteers, which enabled the infiltration of his office.  In terms of the trial itself, his major blunder was not to use all his witnesses.  The number of these who averred that Bertrand was Shaw, for instance, is considerable (see DiEugenio’s review of the DA’s files [290-291]).

    By and large, however, Garrison was undone by forces beyond his control.  Once again, to retrace this story in detail would amount to reproducing the book, so we will concentrate on the larger picture.  But it must be stated here that no one has elucidated this program as clearly or in as much detail previously.  On the basis of interviews and declassified documents, DiEugenio argues that there was a three-stage program to destroy Garrison and his case against Shaw.  First, there were the “singleton” penetrations of his office.  Second, there was a media blitz orchestrated by Walter Sheridan and his intelligence and journalistic assets, such as James Phelan and Hugh Aynesworth, leading up to the NBC special aired on June 19, 1967.  Finally, when Garrison fought back, Angleton and Helms got directly involved [229].

    From CIA documents, the HSCA found that there had been, at one time or another, nine undercover agents in the DA’s office [229].  The first of these, as we already mentioned, was Bernardo DeTorres.  The second was William Gurvich, a local private investigator who offered Garrison his services in late 1966.  Gurvich’s polygraph expert tried to intimidate prosecution witness Perry Russo.  Garrison discovered after several months that Gurvich had been working with Sheridan, and when Gurvich formally defected from the DA’s ranks in June of 1967, he took a copy of Garrison’s master file with him. He later went to work for Shaw’s lawyers. Gurvich may have been recruited by Sheridan,  but the third mole, Gordon Novel, was deliberately put there by Allen Dulles.  Novel was a CIA explosives and electronics expert who had been involved in the Bay of Pigs.  By 1959 he had come to know Ferrie, Shaw and Dean Andrews, and in 1966 he met Dulles.  Once Garrison hired him, Novel started to convene with Sheridan. Novel had direct knowledge of all the principals of Garrison’s case, and Shaw had a phone number of Novel’s in Reno which very few people knew.  When Garrison subpoenaed Novel to testify before the March 16, 1967 grand jury, he fled New Orleans to a safe house in Ohio.  It was at that point that Dulles and Langley inserted Gordon into a network of CIA-friendly journalists, and Sheridan arranged for a phony polygraph test for him to bolster his credibility. On the basis of the latter, Sheridan then launched a propaganda barrage in the major media, furnishing governors and judges justification for ignoring extradition requests and not serving subpoenas originating from the New Orleans DA’s office [230-235].  Sheridan also sent Gurvich to RFK to try to influence his opinion of Garrison. As DiEugenio remarks, what is astonishing is the fact that these three infiltrations began nearly six months before Garrison even accused the CIA of complicity in the assassination [233].

    In terms of the second phase, its impresario, Walter Sheridan, can no longer be taken, as he commonly has been, to be a Kennedy loyalist acting with the sanction of the former Attorney General.  DiEugenio elucidates his true affiliations.  While  at the super-secret NSA, he worked out of the Office of Security, and later as Assistant Chief of the Clearance Division. That  position is roughly analogous to Angleton’s at CIA, and as DiEugenio shows, it is hard to believe they did not know each other.  When he was with the Hoffa squad, the agency they outsourced work to was, according to a Senate investigator, owned by the CIA [256-257].  We have already mentioned his link to Maheu through Carmine Bellino.  From another set of declassified documents we know that Sheridan, through his lawyer Herbert Miller, was in contact with Langley concerning the arrangement of a trip to Washington for Al Beauboeuf, one of Ferrie’s companions on the Houston-Galveston trip the weekend of the assassination. Sheridan’s probable association with Angleton explains his willingness to incorporate the CIA’s perspective into the NBC show he was producing in 1967 [237-238].  Needless to say, NBC, Sheridan’s employer, and its parent company, RCA, had longtime associations through Robert and David Sarnoff with the ONI, the NSA, and the Rockefeller Brothers Fund on foreign policy [255-256].

    Sheridan’s strategy was fourfold:  (1) to “flip” key witnesses; (2) to accuse Garrison of unethical practices; (3) to use allies of Shaw and the CIA to give a very slanted view of the prosecution’s case; (4) to engineer the presentation to look as though Garrison, not Shaw, were on trial.  An affidavit released by the ARRB shows how far he was willing to go in suborning testimony.  Fred Leemans, the final interviewee on Sheridan’s program, signed this sworn statement denying the accusations of bribery he made on the program [240-241].

    Sheridan’s allies in the press also had intelligence ties.  DiEugenio devotes separate sections to both Jim Phelan [243-249] and Hugh Aynesworth [249-255].  He demonstrates their complicity in the cover-up at length, relying in both cases, once again, on recently released documents.  Again, the section on Phelan is a landmark contribution. No one has ever taken this ersatz journalist apart like this before. Phelan’s denials of having communicated with the FBI are clearly disproven by this new information.  The lies he spread concerning Russo’s being drugged, or of Russo’s having retracted his statements to Sciambra – these and other deceptions are now exposed as knowing misrepresentations.  In fact, Phelan also confessed to having tried to convince Russo that he had mistaken Banister for Shaw [309].  Aynesworth’s connections to the CIA have also come out.  We now know that he had an ongoing relationship with J. Walton Moore of the Dallas CIA office, and had applied for a job with the Agency. Another FOIA document obtained by Gary Mack shows Aynesworth informing Hoover and President Johnson of Garrison’s intent to indict the FBI and CIA.  Aynesworth, primed by Gurvich, impeded Garrison’s attempt to interview Sergio Arcacha Smith by suggesting to the Cuban exile that he request the presence of police, along with assistant district attorney Bill Alexander, for an interview with Garrison’s assistant Jim Alcock.  Aynesworth was also in contact with Shaw’s lawyer, Ed Wegmann, through 1971, writing intelligence briefs on Garrison’s witnesses for him.

    The most important revelations to come from declassification, however, have to do with the third stage.  J. Edgar Hoover, according to Gordon Novel, had a counterintelligence operation going on.  He had Garrison’s office under surveillance.  Some of this illegal eavesdropping was certainly being relayed to Shaw’s legal staff via the Wackenhut investigative agency [262-265].  But it is with a September 1967 meeting of Shaw’s lawyers Ed Wegmann and Irvin Dymond with Nathaniel Kossack, an acquaintance of Sheridan’s in the Criminal Division of the Justice Department, that a direct appeal for help went out.  At this point, we see the formation of the “Garrison Group” at CIA, involving Ray Rocca of Angleton’s staff, plus six other high-level officers.  There is no official record of the subsequent meetings, which, according to Victor Marchetti, were moved behind closed doors. But Rocca’s database on Garrison, examined by Bill Simpich, is very extensive [269-271].  One sign of what was going on was the intensified propaganda campaign conducted from early 1968 onward, involving David Chandler, Sandy Smith, Richard Billings and Robert Blakey.  The idea was to smear Garrison by claiming he was tied to the Mafia and Marcello [274-277].  But even more damaging was the subversion of the legal process itself.  Not only were extradition requests (such as for Arcacha Smith) defeated, but subpoenas were thwarted at both ends – New Orleans and Washington – thanks to cooperative judges [271-273].  The documentation mentioned above regarding Sheridan’s collaboration with the CIA showed there was a panel of CIA-cleared lawyers already working in New Orleans, one that was used by Shaw’s lawyers to assign attorneys to Garrison suspects and witnessess, whom they managed to turn;  at this point a clandestine channel was set up directly between CIA and Shaw’s lawyers [277-278].  A final CIA-related penetration also occurred at this time in the figure of William Wood/Bill Boxley. Boxley was responsible for injecting all manner of disinformation into Garrison’s office, from his fingering of Nancy Perrin Rich’s husband as the grassy knoll assassin, to his wild goose chase involving Edgar Eugene Bradley, and his mediation of the Farewell America hoax, whose main sponsor Harold Weisberg discovered to be Philippe de Vosjoli, a double agent who worked for Angleton.  Aside from this waste of valuable time and resources, this low point in Garrison’s investigation is both sad and comically absurd [278-283].

    There were further interventions by federal authorities during the trial itself.  There seems to have been an orchestrated attempt to intimidate witnesses from testifying (for example, Richard Case Nagell and Clyde Johnson).  Another notable intervention involved sending Dr. Thornton Boswell down to clean up the mess created by Col. Finck’s unexpectedly truthful medical testimony.  Boswell had already compromised himself by signing a letter which made it look like the Clark Panel originated from a request he had made. When Boswell revealed his trip to New Orleans to Jeremy Gunn of the ARRB, Gunn memorably wondered:  What was the Justice Department’s jurisdiction in a case between the District Attorney and a resident of New Orleans? [299-305].

    Turning now to the early days of the HSCA: the information passed on to Deputy Counsel Robert Tanenbaum from the Church Committee through Senator Richard Schweiker immediately put them on the trail of CIA collusion.  Tanenbaum organized teams for both New Orleans (L. J. Delsa, Bob Buras, Jon Blackmer) and Miami (Gaeton Fonzi, Al Gonzalez). And their work started to pay off very early on.  What they uncovered were links to the next level of conspirators.  Fonzi identified the Maurice Bishop who was Antonio Veciana’s CIA contact and who Veciana saw with Oswald in Dallas as none other than David Phillips (see The Last Investigation). But, as we have seen, he also traced DeTorres to Werbell and reopened the leads to Freeport Sulphur.  After Fonzi, Delsa, Blackmer, Garrison and others conferred in the late summer of 1977, Blackmer reported: “We have reason to believe Shaw was heavily involved in the anti-Castro efforts in New Orleans in the 1960s and [was] possibly one of the high level planners or ‘cut out’ to the planners of the assassination” [328-332].

    Like Garrison, Sprague recognized he had made some errors of judgment, mostly with respect to how much Congress had his back after the retirement of Rep. Thomas Downing, who had authored the bill to form the House committee upon viewing the Zapruder film [326-327].  But it was no doubt the direction in which the investigation had started to go that brought down the walls around him.  In his book, Fonzi further clarifies that Sprague and Tanenbaum refused to sign any non-disclosure agreements with the Agency, since the CIA was a prime suspect.  From that point on, Sprague was subjected to the same kind of media barrage as Garrison was, even accusing the prosecutor, whose probity was on the same order as Garrison’s, of having mob associates [332-334].  The moment of transition from Sprague to Blakey is also marked by the intriguing death of George DeMohrenschildt.  The author does a fine job in sketching the possible explanations for it; but whether he was hounded by Edward Epstein and Willem Oltmans, or by his own sense of guilt, into taking his own life, or whether he was actually liquidated, the event signals the beginning of the end of the HSCA’s viability [334-338].

    DiEugenio characterizes the second Chief Counsel, Robert Blakey, as exhibiting a “protectiveness towards the CIA”:  he turned over evidence to them and even ignored Agency advice not to use them to clean their own house when their employee Regis Blahut was caught burglarizing the safe containing the autopsy photos.  Blakey, of course, immediately redirected all the committee’s energies into his pet Mafia-did-it theory, making sure that other kinds of leads were not followed, and eliminating or burying some of the evidence which was uncovered.  For instance, he used selective or unreliable testimony to separate Oswald from Banister and Ferrie, and then kept evidence to the contrary classified.  He also severely clamped down on the re-investigation of the Clinton-Jackson incident.  When the New Orleans team polygraphed, at their own expense, a witness supporting Garrison’s claims, Blakey decided to replace them with his own lackeys.  Blakey later admitted that the committee could not find any real underworld links to Oswald other than the extremely thin one through his uncle Dutz Murrett, who actually had gotten out of the bookmaking business in 1959.  One of Sprague’s staff attorneys, Ken Brooten, who resigned in 1977, wrote Harold Weisberg that the committee “had compromised itself to such an extent that their final product has already been discredited” [340-344].  But no matter: the ghosts of 544 Camp Street had successfully been evicted from the halls of the Capitol.


    Human history becomes more and more a race between education and catastrophe.

    – H. G. Wells

    The world’s history is the world’s judgment.

    – Friedrich von Schiller 


    V

    At the end of 1967, Garrison had the following working view of the plot:

    A group at the operational level — the Cuban exiles — with real reasons to want Kennedy dead. A group at the organizational level — the CIA — with resources and experience to plan and execute such an operation.  Both had access to the kind of marksmen necessary to pull off the lethal, military-style ambush in Dealey Plaza.  From this perspective, Oswald’s odd associations with people like DeMohrenschildt, the Paines, and Ferrie fit in.  So did the call from “Bertrand,” and Ruby’s final, culminating murder. [219] 

    In the final chapter of Destiny Betrayed, DiEugenio voices his contention that Garrison “was one step away from the next level of the conspiracy.  This was the real reason for their wanting to stop him” [395].  While in most cases DiEugenio only implicitly signals who the occupants of this level might be (certainly Angleton and Phillips were involved in Oswald’s setup, with very possibly Hunt and Helms monitoring the operational end), he does make one explicit claim:   

    One of the main tenets of this book is that Allen Dulles was one of the top-level active agents in both the conspiracy to kill Kennedy and the disgraceful official cover up of his death.  … Why Lyndon Johnson appointed Dulles to the Warren Commission remains a mystery that has never been satisfactorily solved.  As mentioned in the previous chapter, Johnson had a rather hidden relationship with the Rockefellers, especially Nelson.  As revealed by Donald Gibson in a groundbreaking essay, he was also badgered into creating the Commission by other Eastern Establishment stalwarts like Eugene Rostow, Joe Alsop, and Dean Acheson. [394]. 

    Whether this claim would hold up in a courtroom is of course a moot question; but it is this reviewer’s opinion that the weight of the evidence, circumstantial as it may be, falls on DiEugenio’s side. 

    Destiny Betrayed departs from recent trends in that it does not try to render a totalizing image of the assassination in one epic swoop of a thousand-plus pages, but instead keeps its sights trained on what can be in some manner related to Garrison’s findings.  For example, although DiEugenio does touch on problems presented by the forensic and medical evidence, this occupies only about a dozen pages out of the whole, and arises directly from his exposition of the Shaw trial.  And though what Garrison uncovered in that area was and still is quite extraordinary – namely, that the autopsy was directed by the military chain of command towards pre-established conclusions –, the precise relationship of these orders to those responsible for the operation on the ground is left provocatively suspended.  Similarly, while I believe Garrison had his own misgivings about the role of the Secret Service in Dallas, that aspect of the plot is not explored.  But again, I am sure this was done so as not to lose the focus of the book. 

    For that reason the book is also a tantalizing springboard for further discussion.  One such consideration crossed this writer’s mind while reading the material in the penultimate chapter concerning Johnson’s ramp-up to the Gulf of Tonkin.  As I was reminded of the centrality of the Bundy brothers in this process, my thoughts leapt to Air Force One, en route from Love Field to Andrews Air Force Base, and the famous communiqué from the White House Situation Room (which was under McGeorge Bundy’s control) that the assassination was the work of one person.  Now as DiEugenio notes at the end of his chapter on Mexico City, 

    When Lopez and Hardway digested all these false stories, they discovered that most of them came from assets of David Phillips.  So it would seem that the actual managers of the plot tried to stage an invasion of Cuba in order to head off Kennedy’s attempt at détente with Castro. With his fear of World War III, Johnson put the brakes to this.  In fact, through his aide Cliff Carter, it appears he got the local authorities not to charge Oswald as being part of a communist conspiracy because it could cause World War III. [362] 

    But this point of view may not have been unique to LBJ.  There may have been others who thought it wise to clamp down on the more dangerous element introduced by the players referred to above.  One faction of the plot may have wanted an invasion of Cuba or even an attack on Russia; but another faction, to which the Bundys may have belonged, may have wanted simply to remove JFK, knowing they would eventually get the Vietnam War.  The more radical gambit may thus have been squelched by the “cooler” heads.  I would further point out that both of these conjectured factions link again to Dulles:  Bundy on one side, Hunt on the other.7 

    Over the nearly half century that the assassination has been written about, it has become a commonplace in the literature critical of the official story to conclude with an appeal for truth.8  It is also common to speak of how some large percentage of Americans does not believe the Warren Report, and instead believes in conspiracy.  But what does that belief mean to them?  And what “truth” are we talking about?  The idea that a few underworld figures took care of a president who double-crossed them? That there was a power play, in the manner of some Merovingian palace murder, motivated by the unbridled ambition of a Vice President, as in a latter-day reprise of Macbeth?  The particular truth which books like this one (or Douglass’s) force the citizenry of this country to contemplate is a more difficult one to swallow.  Because it pierces through the mystifications of the high-school civics lesson and all the indoctrination which that entails.  And it does not rely on anecdotal evidence, or the ravings of a senile old man. 

    The author explicitly revisits this rhetorical commonplace when he speaks of how the question of truth (in the sense of the public’s belief) continues to plague our national psyche.  But in so doing he eschews the usual bromides about truth being the daughter of time.  Nor does he engage us with the facile rhetoric of exorcism, the easy promise that we can presently restore the body politic to mythic wholeness by simply casting out this demon.  The stance he adopts in the final pages of this work is more of chronicler than of political advocate.  In relating Garrison’s 1968 warning to Johnny Carson’s audience, he breaks the narrative frame with the urgency of the present tense (“… if they do not demand to know …”), then returns us, through the use of third-person indirect speech, into anticipatory sympathy with them via future-in-the-past (“the country as they knew it would not survive”), but finally ends squarely in the perfect tense which contains the entire moment (“Garrison said … Jim Garrison understood it in 1968”).  The insinuation being that the opportunity for deliverance might actually lie behind us.  For we did not listen to our Cassandra when we were told that indifference would be our nation’s demise.  No doubt, as with Cassandra, it was the powers that be who ensured that most would not take Garrison seriously.  But that is precisely the tragedy of history.

    At the end of his previously mentioned review of JFK and the Unspeakable, DiEugenio wrote that Jim Douglass’ book was the best in the field since Gerald McKnight’s.  The author’s own book has a dual distinction.  It is the best book on Garrison yet written, and it is the best work on the JFK case since the Douglass book.


    Endnotes

    [1] This assessment of course is not meant to diminish the seminal work done by other first-generation critics, most notably Mark Lane, Harold Weisberg, and Sylvia Meagher; Garrison’s contribution, which relied on their painstaking critical evaluation of the Warren Commission Exhibits and Hearings, was to open up new avenues actually capable of leading to a solution of the crime.

    [2] For further reflection on where Garrison was headed with his thinking, see the afterword by Robert Spiegelman to William Davy’s Let Justice Be Done: New Light on the Jim Garrison Investigation(Reston, VA: Jordan Publishing, 1999). It should be noted that one of the first-generation critics, Vincent Salandria, has from the outset been telling us much the same thing.

    [3] Henceforward, square brackets refer, unless otherwise noted, to page numbers in Destiny Betrayed, 2nd ed.

    [4] The titles of the first two chapters of Destiny Betrayed pay tribute to the first two in Mahoney, in reverse order.  The title of Chapter 17 similarly plays off of the titles of the last two chapters, again in reverse order, of JFK and the Unspeakable.

    [5] The proposal by other researchers that Oswald was on a “legitimate” mission in Mexico City which got waylaid by outsiders who knew how the internals of CIA surveillance worked seems rather flimsy from this standpoint. As for the CIA’s FPCC program, whatever it may have been in 1961, by 1963 it seems to have turned into a sham for the benefit of manipulating Oswald and keeping the FBI at bay. Douglass (66 and n. 67; 178-179) suggests that the FBI’s own efforts at discreditation by that time had been so successful that the CIA would have had little to target.

    [6] It is not the purpose of this review to compare this book with the work of Joan Mellen. I would refer the interested reader to DiEugenio’s own appraisals of Mellen’s two efforts, A Farewell to Justice, and Jim Garrison: His Life and Times.

    [7] Today, I would, however, note the following.  A year after writing this review/essay, I attended the AARC 2014 conference. When someone asked if McGeorge Bundy had prior knowledge of the assassination, John Newman said he didn’t think Bundy knew because there is language in NSAM 273 that looks like it was intended for Kennedy, attempting to convince him of a different course of action from NSAM 263.

    [8] Douglass, for instance, ends his book, quite movingly, with an allusion to John 8:32, “You shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free” (perhaps also as a tacitly ironic acknowledgment of the fact that this very motto appears at the entrance of the CIA’s Langley headquarters, placed there by its founders with much the same cynicism, I dare say, as the “Arbeit Macht Frei” inscription gracing the entrance to Auschwitz I).

  • Joan Mellen, Jim Garrison: His Life and Times, The Early Years


    This book is clearly the direct offspring of Joan Mellen’s heavily edited 2005 volume on Jim Garrison’s JFK investigation, A Farewell to Justice. I reviewed that book after it came out. One of the several criticisms I made of it was that although it had previously been heralded as a full biography, it was nothing of the sort. Mellen heard that complaint. And from the many pages cut out of that book, she culled this one. The complete title is Jim Garrison – His Life and Times, The Early Years. In other words, this covers the DA’s life prior to his delving into the John Kennedy assassination. From that complete title, I wonder if we can expect a follow-up volume, sub-titled “The Later Years”. Which naturally would trace his life from after Judge Christenberry stopped Garrison’s perjury prosecution of Clay Shaw, until the end of Garrison’s life.

    The book is valuable if only because there is no other biography of Garrison available. But actually I think it is a better book than A Farewell to Justice. At least I enjoyed it more. One reason being that the story line is simpler. Therefore Mellen does not have to juggle different time frames, locales and characters seemingly simultaneously. Which she did a poor job of in the previous attempt. Also, since it does not deal with the JFK case, Robert Kennedy is nearly absent. So thankfully we don’t have to put up with her uncontrollable anti-RFK venom. Finally, since it does not deal directly with the JFK case, we are spared all those dubious Cubans like Angelo Murgado who Mellen finds so fetching.

    But there are faults left over from that seriously disappointing book. Mellen still throws a lot of sexcapades at the reader. Some of them she actually repeats from the first book. (Although this time around we are gladly spared a description of the shape of Garrison’s penis.) And at times, although not as often as in the first book, there are interesting and relevant bits of information that go undocumented. And finally, although the book is working in a much simpler genre than the in depth investigation of a complex crime, Mellen never reaches any kind of dramatic or poetic resonance in the text. In other words, although the prose doesn’t get in the way like the first time around, the quality of it is – too be charitable – workmanlike. Because of the simpler task, it should have been better than that.

    The book contains a rather interesting introduction. After her first Garrison book, Mellen met a man named Don Deneselya. Deneselya had worked as a translator for the CIA in 1962. Contrary to what the CIA has maintained, Deneselya told Mellen that Oswald had been debriefed by the CIA on his return from Russia. It was by a man named Andy Anderson. The CIA was very interested in the Minsk radio plant where Oswald worked during his residence there. Deneselya reported to Robert Crowley, a close friend and colleague of James Angleton. Crowley handled the Robert Webster defection and Anderson, according to Deneselya, also reported to Crowley. According to this source, Oswald was part of the false defector program and was therefore working for the CIA’s Counter-Intelligence unit. (pgs. xi, xii) Deneselya maintains he actually saw the Anderson report on Oswald. Yet Oswald was not actually named in that report. But the context and description, which Deneselya was familiar with, made it clear it was he.

    Deneselya talked to both Richard Schweiker and the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) in the late seventies. (p. xiii) In his HSCA report, he describes his job in detail. It was maintaining files on all technical and scientific industries in Russia, which is why he was interested in the Minsk plant. Oswald gave the CIA a detailed briefing about the Minsk plant. Deneselya appeared on the infamous 1993 PBS Frontline special on Oswald. But his voice was drowned out by that of Richard Helms. The former CIA Director denied the Agency ever debriefed Oswald. What the show’s reporters – Gus Russo and Scott Malone – did not tell the public is that former intelligence analyst John Newman was on the set the day Helms issued his denial. When the camera was turned off, Newman leaned over to Helms and said, “Mr. Director, what would be so bad about the CIA interviewing Oswald on his return from Russia? I mean isn’t that what they were supposed to do? Doesn’t it therefore look bad if you say you didn’t?” Helms thought it over a bit. He then told the cameraman to start rolling again. This time he would say that the Agency did debrief Oswald. Of course, the program director did not take him up on that offer. Because PBS was in the tank for the Agency on that one.

    I

    One of the things the book does is to show just how wildly hatchet wielding Pat Lambert’s biographical sketch of Garrison’s childhood was. In her god-awful book False Witness, Lambert spent page after page going after Garrison’s father. Earling had an alcohol problem and a criminal record. The latter which Lambert noted in long and wearisome detail. It was a clear attempt at guilt by bloodline. What Mellen states though counters all of that. Jane, Garrison’s mother, left Earling when young Jim Garrison was barely six years old. (p. 5) After that, Garrison never saw Earling again. He did look him up many years after his death. And the son broke down when he noted that the authorities had written on a legal document that his father had “no family”. (p. 225) So Lambert’s cheap smears are just that.

    Jane Garrison moved the family from Iowa to New Orleans. While there, young Garrison attended Alcee Fortier High School, class of 1939. He did not play sports but he did participate on the debate team. And he found there his first romantic interest, a girl named Peggy Baker. He would often go to her house after school and stay there until he had to go home. The Bakers became a sort of surrogate family for Garrison. (p. 12)

    As a senior in high school, Garrison joined the National Guard. (p. 13) He then entered Tulane. But with war clouds on the horizon, he dropped out after his freshman year to join the service. It was a European artillery unit in the army. It was here that Garrison had the misfortune to meet Pershing Gervais. (pgs. 15-17) Mellen clearly implies that Gervais – a man of bawdy humor and street smarts – filled a father vacuum for the young Garrison. And Garrison was so charmed by Gervais, that they stayed friends and colleagues for almost 30 years. Even though Gervais was a terrible influence on the future DA. Although Mellen does not come out and say it, this unwise relationship clearly shows an early character flaw in Garrison which the DA never corrected: a blind trust in people he considered friends who really weren’t his friends. This trait would be magnified many degrees during his JFK investigation and would be fully taken advantage of by the likes of Bill Boxley, Bernard Fensterwald, and Herve Lamarr. (The last was the French intelligence operative who introduced Garrison to that clever diversionary product entitled Farewell America.)

    While in the service, Garrison flew very low altitude surveillance planes nicknamed “grasshoppers”. These were meant to spot artillery targets. They were very dangerous to fly and had high fatality rates. (p. 17) Toward the end of the war, Garrison was in one of the first details to liberate the German concentration camp at Dachau.

    In 1945, Jane Garrison married a man named Lyon Gardiner. (Garrison named his lawyer son, nicknamed Snapper, after his stepfather.) In 1946, the future DA entered Tulane Law School. (p. 21) Coincidentally, one of his teachers was Leon Hubert, who would later serve on the Warren Commission. In law school, Garrison began to show symptoms of his military service. He would suffer from dysentery and serious back problems for the rest of his life. (p. 25) While in law school, Garrison’s first love Peggy Baker got married. Although invited, Garrison did not attend the ceremony. But he did attend the funeral services of both of Peggy’s parents.

    Garrison graduated from law school in 1949. He later decided to get a Master’s of Civil Laws, which he did. In 1950, he tried his hand at writing short stories. (One of these was ironically called, “The Assassin”.) He then joined a big name law firm called Deutsch, Kerrigan and Stiles. But being part of a firm bored him. So he decided to join the FBI in the Pacific Northwest. Namely Seattle. But when the Korean War broke out, Garrison reenlisted in the service. But the memories of the dangerous grasshopper flights haunted him and flooded his consciousness. On his first day at Fort Sill, he reported to sick call. He was placed “on quarters” for two weeks and dismissed in October of 1951 due to battle fatigue. (pgs. 35-36)

    Returning to New Orleans, Garrison now broke into politics. Eberhard Deutsch (who Garrison named his last son after) introduced him to the Mayor of New Orleans, a man named DeLesseps “Chep” Morrison. Impressed by young Garrison, Morrison appointed him to the Public Safety Commission to govern over Traffic Court. (p. 41) The young lawyer did a bang up job. Unlike his predecessors, he took refusals to appear in court seriously. So he jacked up the fines for doing so and he pursued those who did not pay. He even got a bill passed to suspend the licenses of habitual offenders. As a result, in just one year, revenue from traffic fines nearly doubled. (ibid) And in his first run in with local judges, he assailed Judge Sperling for being too soft on failures to appear. Garrison was so successful that a new separate traffic court now opened with its own judge. (p. 44) Garrison turned down the judgeship. He told Morrison he would rather be appointed as an assistant on the District Attorney’s staff. Which he was. And he confided to a friend at the time that his ambition was one day to be the DA of New Orleans. (ibid)

    II

    In the discussion of Garrison’s years as an assistant DA – 1955 to early 1958 – the book disposes of another piece of disinformation. Namely, that Garrison never tried any cases in that position. I should add here, this was a canard that was deliberately made up after 1967 to smear the DA. The overall idea was to have compromised “journalists” like James Phelan, Hugh Aynesworth, and Edward Epstein – among others – do a hatchet job on Garrison’s inquiry. And the media barrage would spill over into character assassination against the DA. One way this was done was to paint Garrison as a wildly irresponsible public servant who was abusing his office. To do this, the purveyors had to insinuate that even as an assistant DA Garrison was not trusted by his superiors to handle a case in court. I should add, Clay Shaw’s lawyers were still bandying about this goofy deception – in 1994! I know this for a fact since Irvin Dymond, Shaw’s lead attorney, tried to dump it on me and Bill Davy in his office at that late date.

    The book proves this was nothing but part of the brutal propaganda campaign to caricature Garrison. In that effort, history was rewritten, the record was falsified. And the lawyers in New Orleans, like Dymond, must have known this. Because the truth is that Garrison handled many cases as an assistant. And of a wide variety: burglary, lottery operations, prostitution, homicide and fraud. (pgs. 44-45) And since another lawyer Dymond was allied closely with at the time of the Shaw trial – Milton Brener – actually worked with Garrison in the DA’s office at the time, it strains credulity to say that Dymond was unaware of this. This is now exposed as another deliberate lie by Shaw’s defenders.

    Mellen also describes just how bad the New Orleans Police Department was in the fifties. The force was being paid off in a protection scheme regularly every Friday. Gervais, who worked on the force at the time, actually stole the envelope twice. (p. 47) He was actually suspended for this “offense” for sixty days. He eventually resigned his position and became a bar owner. As we shall see, the people providing the funds were the owners and operators of the B girl clip joints that Garrison was going to bust up in the next decade. As the book notes, this would hurt his JFK investigation in two ways. First, because he had deprived them of a source of ill-gotten gain, the police would generally not support him. Which is one reason why Garrison went elsewhere for field investigators. Second, many of those people who lost money due to his vice campaign were not eager to help Garrison identify Clay Bertrand as Clay Shaw. Even though they knew they were one and the same.

    Mellen also sketches in the background of Aaron Kohn. Kohn was forced to leave the FBI when the Bureau raided a bordello he was frequenting at the time. (p. 49) He then moved to Chicago where he became chief investigator for the city’s anti-crime committee. He was thrown out of Chicago when accusations of his bribing of police officers arose. (ibid) Kohn now made New Orleans his last stop. To gain favor with Mayor Morrison he lied about his record in the FBI. He said he was an assistant to J. Edgar Hoover and had helped organize the Bureau’s National Academy. Hoover called thee claims “poppycock” when he heard of them. Kohn actually worked in the fingerprint department. (p. 49) But to garner more media attention Kohn lied further and said he did important work on both the Ma Barker and John Dillinger cases. (ibid) In reality, he made an error on the latter case and was reprimanded for it.

    But no one called him on his exaggerated, phony history and so he built the Metropolitan Crime Commission into his own little local FBI. He recruited a network of informants, which included Gervais. (p. 50) Mayor Morrison backed Kohn for one reason: self-preservation. New Orleans was so plagued by police corruption, prostitution and bribery, that the state government had threatened to come in and clean up the town. Kohn was Morrison’s fig leaf. (p. 48) But Kohn was a cheap grandstander even way back then. For example, when he could not get the grand jury to indict someone, he – with a straight face – accused a juror of frequenting a bordello. I turned out he was painting the place. Kohn was sent to jail for contempt for ten days because of this. (p. 52)

    One of the people new on the scene who also worked with Kohn briefly was none other than Guy Banister. Banister was also in touch with the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee (p. 51). This was a rightwing Senate version of the House Un-American Activities Committee. Bitter JFK enemy Thomas Dodd would eventually helm the SISS. And it would use New Orleans intelligence asset Ed Butler to testify about Lee Oswald in the wake of the JFK murder. As Ed Haslam reveals in his book on Mary Sherman, Butler ended up with many of Guy Banister’s storied files. So this rightwing, New Orleans intelligence network – which would eventually employ Oswald – was being built and manned almost a decade earlier.

    After three years in the office, Garrison had made first assistant by 1958. Around this time, he also unsuccessfully ran for the office of City Assessor. (p. 59) Also at this time, Garrison did something chivalrous that would foreshadow the risk he took on the JFK case. Garrison had made first assistant under DA Malcolm O’Hara. When O’Hara ran for reelection in 1958 and won, there were charges of voter fraud. As first assistant, Garrison supervised the investigation of the charges for the grand jury. He promised to leave “no stone unturned”. (p. 61) Incredibly, he kept his promise. Why is it incredible? Because it cost him his job. His inquiry caused the election to be overturned and Richard Dowling was declared the new winner. In these days of Katherine Harris, this kind of heroism seems almost nostalgic.

    Since he forced himself out of the DA’s office, Garrison now went into private practice. He specialized in personal injury, and he did many cases for free. Even though he was not close to being well off. (p. 65) In 1960, Garrison lost another race. This time for a judgeship. After this, he eventually migrated into the City Attorney’s office. (p. 69)

    From his vantage point in the City Attorney’s office, Garrison had a close view of Dowling’s operation. He didn’t like it. Dowling sold off cases. In fact, David Ferrie bought one for five hundred bucks. (p. 71) Garrison and two friends decided to run for DA to clean up the office. Whoever lost pledged to support the winner in the run off. (p. 73) In a televised debate in January of 1962, Garrison did well and won the endorsement of the New Orleans Times Picayune. (p. 76) Garrison lost the primary to Dowling by a mere two thousand votes. And this positioned him very well for the run off. His old pal Gervais helped him out. He furnished letters showing that Dowling had been accepting contributions from strip club owners as part of a shakedown racket. (p. 81) In March, Garrison defeated Dowling by 7,000 votes. He had fulfilled his ambition of a decade earlier. He was now the DA of New Orleans.

    III

    Once in office, Garrison lived up to his word and began making reforms. He allowed no police beatings of African-Americans. Refusing to enter into an alliance with the Bishop, he prosecuted priests for soliciting sex and child abuse. He vigorously pursued illegal lottery operations. (p. 98) He brought the first female into the office, a woman named Louise Korns. And he went after Dowling for selling off cases. (p. 100)

    But Garrison also made mistakes. After hiring Lou Ivon and Roy Comstock as investigators, he then hired Gervais as an investigator. He also tried to have friendly relations with the grandstanding Aaron Kohn. (p. 99)

    Although a biography of Garrison until 1967, the book reveals some interesting information about the Kennedy case. Eugene Davis, a denizen of the Quarter and known as a homosexual pimp, referred more than one person to Dean Andrews for legal services. Andrews once said that Oswald’s buddies hung out at the Gaslight Lounge. Another source, Hardy Davis, stated that Oswald hung out with a homosexual clique. (pgs. 107-108) This is all perfectly consistent with Dean Andrews’ original story of Bertrand/Shaw sending Oswald to see Andrews with the “gay Mexicanos”. (There is even a hint in Andrews’ Warren Commission testimony that Bertrand/Shaw accompanied Oswald on a visit to his office. WC Vol. 11, p. 334) Another interesting aspect revealed here is that Burton Klein was a former law partner of Dymond. (p. 99) Since, as Richard Helms has stated and Bill Davy has proven, Dymond and Shaw’s lawyers were getting help form the CIA, this explains how Klein came to represent people like Gordon Novel and Sergio Arcacha Smith. Although, as shown above, Dymond would never admit that fact.

    One of the highlights of the book is the detailed description of Garrison’s relentless campaign to clean up Bourbon Street. Garrison was determined to stop the practices in the bars of suckering a tourist – spelled prospective “John” – into buying an expensive bottle of booze with the promise of sex to come. This racket was profitable since the split was 2/3 for the house and 1/3 for the “B” girl. Further, when drinking by the glass, the girls’ drinks were always diluted. In fact, at times, when the John was drunk enough, the girl’s drink was replaced with water. (p. 112) And make no mistake, the girls were told to lead the poor dunce on by telling him that she would meet him afterwards. Which they did not. (p. 113) Up until Garrison, the whole racket was condoned by the police. But beyond that, some corrupt cops took a split of the action. (p. 114)

    In May of 1962, Garrison began his clean-up campaign. He said that he was going to end the racket at all costs. He did not trust the cops so he hired his own undercover agents like Joe Oster. Once the undercover agent busted someone, Garrison took the case to civil court where he could get harsher penalties. At the campaign’s pinnacle, Garrison shuttered nine clubs in two days. Seven clubs were shut down permanently. (p. 116) Garrison garnered a large amount of publicity at this time both locally and nationally. So much so that the mayor and city council had to endorse what he was doing. Even though the merchant class in the French Quarter was being killed by Garrison’s merciless campaign.

    As noted above, this crusade had two future negative effects on Garrison’s Kennedy inquiry. The weird stories, circa 1968, about Garrison being gay and a cross-dresser originated over the resentment about the punitive damages Garrison had inflicted on the Quarter. (p. 117) And secondly, witnesses who knew Shaw was Bertrand would not come forward out of spite for what the DA had done. Professional web propagandist John McAdams likes to note an early report by Lou Ivon to Garrison saying that he had developed no leads yet as to who Clay Bertrand really was. Any idiot – except McAdams – can read Garrison’s book and note that Ivon realized that having Garrison personally in on the search would back bar owners off from helping them identify Bertrand. (On the Trail of the Assassins, p. 84) But once Ivon convinced Garrison he was a detriment, they did get an ID of Bertrand as Shaw. (ibid p. 85) In fact, as Bill Davy notes in his wonderful book on Garrison, even the FBI knew that Bertrand was Shaw’s alias. (Let Justice Be Done, p. 76) And when the HSCA re-investigated New Orleans, Detective L. J. Delsa discovered that Shaw’s use of that alias was common knowledge. (Ibid, p. 293) What Garrison obviously underplayed in his book was that it was his early vice campaign that caused the reluctance of many to come forward with what was well known. And in fact, Mellen talked to two witnesses – Rickey Planche and Barbara Bennett – who were explicit on this point. Namely that they knew Shaw was Bertrand and they would not tell Garrison because of the economic damage he inflicted on the French Quarter. (p. 117)

    IV

    As the reader can see, Garrison was not just waiting for the compromised police to bring cases to him. If he did that, the vice campaign in the Quarter would have never happened. He was actually doing his own investigations, creating his own cases. He did this out of a fines and fees fund attained by the courts. When Garrison took office, the total amount entailed was about a thousand dollars. In just a few months, Garrison’s aggressive prosecutions had increased it to $40, 000. Some of the other things Garrison used the money for were to improve the equipment the local coroner had and to buy cars for his investigative staff. He also did things like refloor the waiting room of the DA’s office to replace the drab trappings Dowling had maintained. The local Criminal Court judges had to sign off on the expenditures.

    Here developed a multi-faceted problem. Most of the judges favored having the police do investigations. (p. 125) Also, many were taken aback by Garrison’s new and bold approach. (ibid) Third, Garrison was not sensitive to the switch. Therefore many of his requests were very sketchy in nature, not fully informing the judges of what he was up to. (p. 127) Fourth, some people on the staff – like Gervais – did not keep vouchers or records of payments to informers. And this created an accounting problem. So in 1962, the judges decided to retaliate. First, they froze the fund, and second they dismissed a case against three Bourbon Street clubs. (p. 128)

    Garrison chose not to negotiate. He decided to engage the judges in open warfare. In October Garrison began a barrage against the Court. First he attacked them for taking too many days off. This allowed his docket to back up. He accused one judge, Bernard Cocke of taking Fridays off – which he did. (ibid) He then took out a personal loan to continue his clean up of the French Quarter.

    A peace conference was arranged. It failed. (p. 129) Garrison now escalated the rhetoric by wondering out loud if there was any connection between the bar owners and the judges. There was. Two of Garrison’s assistants had drinks with one of the judges, Judge Haggerty. (This is the justice who would preside over the trial of Clay Shaw.) Haggerty introduced the pair to Francis Giordano. Giordano, a Carlos Marcello associate, complained to them that when Dowling confiscated illegal gaming machines, he then returned them. But Garrison didn’t, why not? (ibid)

    On November 8th, the court charged Garrison with criminal defamation. They also changed the rules governing the investigative fund. Whereas before only one judge could sign off, now it took five of eight signatures to secure a withdrawal. They asked Garrison to apologize and withdraw his charge of criminal influence. (p. 130) Garrison refused. The case went to trial. Garrison’s lawyer asked for a jury trial. The judge refused. The fix was in. After the case was argued, Judge Ponder asked Garrison again to recant the racketeering charge. Garrison, who saw the case as strictly one of free speech, would not. Garrison lost the case. He said he would appeal. And now the case attracted national publicity. Almost all of it favorable. But Garrison lost again in the state appeals court. (p. 137) In April of 1964, the case went to the U.S. Supreme Court. The month before the court had decided the New York Times v. Sullivan case in favor of free speech. This greatly aided Garrison. The court, in an opinion written by Justice Brennan, sided with Garrison’s right to criticize public officials openly. Garrison always cherished this decision. And he spoke about it at more than one public event.

    But Haggerty never forgot either. When Garrison’s case against Shaw came up on the docket, he maneuvered to have it assigned to his court. (p. 143)

    After this victory, Garrison battled with the police and their reluctance to fully aid his campaign. In a brief respite, the DA and the police jointly agreed to raid two clubs operated by Carlos Marcello and his brother. The one Garrison raided was actually across the county line in Jefferson Parish. (p. 151) He did this to goad the Jefferson DA into action. He even attacked the state Attorney General for being lax on the county. William Davy buried this myth about Garrison avoiding Marcello in his vice crusade. But here it gets even more dirt thrown on it.

    In 1964, Garrison backed a dark horse for governor of the state. A man named John McKeithen. There were nine candidates running that year. McKeithen was considered in the bottom half of the field. Garrison took out a full-page ad in the Times-Picayune backing McKeithen. To everyone’s shock, except Garrison’s, McKeithen won. (p. 155) Garrison now had an ally in the state house. Everyone knew that now, if Garrison wanted to be Lt. Governor or Attorney General, the office was his. He never asked. According to a 1995 interview I did with assistant Bill Alford, he actually turned down the Lt. Governor offer when it came. At the time, he was too busy investigating the Kennedy case. So much for the idea that Garrison was using his JFK inquiry to promote his career.

    By 1964, Garrison had racked up a pretty impressive record. In addition to the French Quarter campaign and his victory over the judges, he had managed to make every assistant a full time position, no moonlighting in private practice. Courts were now open every Friday. There was stricter foreclosure on bail bonds. He requested more money for the Legal Aid Bureau. Any time an assistant or investigator was contacted by an attorney other than the lawyer of record, Garrison had to be contacted. (p. 158)

    His reforms produced results. In Dowling’s final year in office, he had tried 70 cases and lost 42. In about eighteen months, Garrison had tried 101 cases and won 86. (p. 159) A remarkable turnaround in such a short time.

    V

    We now come to the James Dombrowski case. Dombrowski ended up being a pawn on a large chessboard with which the dying remnants of southern racism tried to effect one last power play as they saw the end nearing. The idea was to smear integrationists as Communists in order to delay and hamstring their efforts. Jack Rogers and James Pfister of the Louisiana Un-American Activities Committee (LUAC), along with Senator James Eastland and also J. Edgar Hoover, backed this strategy.

    Dombrowski was not a communist, but a communist sympathizer. And he did back the effort to integrate the south. But since he was not an actual Communist, the technique of tying him into the International Communist Conspiracy emanating from Moscow was not going to work . So the LUAC worked to get a state law passed entitled the “Subversive Activities and Communist Control Law”. ( p. 162) And it was under this pretense that the state police arrested Dombrowski, along with his colleagues Ben Smith and Bruce Walzer.

    As the book notes, the law was not evenly applied. If it was, then Lee Oswald could have been arrested under the same act. But the point was that Oswald did not play up integration as a cause. And the whole idea was to paint the civil rights movement with a red brush. Now state Attorney General Jack Gremillion knew that Garrison, a staunch first amendment backer, would not want to be part of any such effort. This is why the state police executed the raids, and why Garrison’s office was not alerted to them in advance. (p. 165) In fact, speaking of the arrests, Garrison went on the radio and said, “There is always a danger, particularly in fighting communism, that we may end up imitating communism.” (ibid)

    The LUAC delivered the evidence secured from the raid to Sen. Eastland of Mississippi. Even though Dombrowski’s civil rights organization was located in New Orleans. Garrison’s office did as little as possible to help as the case went through the both state and federal court. For instance, Garrison said that the actual warrants were made out improperly. (p. 166) But clearly, Gremillion wanted Garrison’s office to take over the prosecution since Dombrowski’s organization was located in New Orleans. But the charges were ridiculous. One was participation in the management of a subversive organization. Yet Dombrowski’s organization was not on the USA’s list of Communist front groups. Which of course, cancelled the second charge. Which was being a member of a Communist front organization. The third was operating within state lines for five days without registering with the Department of Public Safety. (p. 164) It was all a sham. The law was clearly unconstitutional. Local Criminal Courts Judge Bernard Cocke ordered all three men released on grounds of insufficient evidence. Afterwards, Garrison made clear he had gone through with the formality of a hearing only because there was no evidence to present. And he also added, he was very concerned about the arrests of the individuals, believing the LUAC was out of line. (p. 165) He later added, even if Dombrowski was a Communist, he could not be part of a conspiracy since he was the only one in the city. (ibid)

    As the case made its way upward on appeal, Garrison followed the same strategy: to evade, circumvent, and contribute as little to the prosecution as he could. For instance, he demanded that Eastland, in Mississippi, deliver all the documents seized from the Dombrowski office. Which he knew Eastland would not do. But eventually, in January of 1964, Garrison’s office had the three men indicted. The men did not hold it against Garrison, understanding it was all the Attorney General’s show. But the judge ruled the warrants were illegal and therefore the evidence seized was inadmissible. (p. 167) The case proceeded to the US Supreme Court with Garrison as the defendant. His office wrote an apologetic brief showing how the case was not handled through their office, but putting up a fig leaf defense of state’s rights. The Supreme Court ruled against the DA and used his own previous case against the local judges as a precedent. The lawyer for Dombrowski was Milton Brener, obviously no fan of Garrison. But even he admitted that Garrison’s office participated by rote, doing the “absolute minimum.” (p. 169) Jerry Shinley is a rather responsible critic of Garrison, as opposed to the virulent chemical imbalance inherent in say Patricia Lambert or the John McAdams appendage Dave Reitzes. (An interent troll who Rex Bradford actually links to.) Shinley uses this case to criticize Garrison. To me it’s a judgment call, and a relative one at that. If Garrison had not participated, Gremillion would have probably stepped in. And things would have been worse. So Garrison did what he could to lose a case he wanted no part of.

    Relieved of a case he wanted no part of, Garrison now went after the legal establishment over the sale of paroles in Louisiana. Garrison had found an informant named John Scardino who told him about how two of his criminal friends had purchased paroles for $3,500. Garrison demanded an open hearing on the issue. The state Parole Board went to court to stop the hearing. They failed. But they then tried to ban the press. (p. 171) Once the hearing was on, Garrison’s first question to a Parole Board member was “When did you start taking bribes?” Scardino testified and Scardino’s friend who purchased a parole answered a few questions before pleading the Fifth Amendment. (p. 172) The local press praised the DA. Thirteen lawyers resigned the Criminal Courts Bar Association upon hearing Garrison’s evidence. One prominent lawyer said that Garrison was now in a position to begin an exceptionally promising career. (p. 173)

    Which he threw away once he entered the Kennedy case.

    VI

    As I wrote previously, William Davy essentially pulverized the phony accusations that Garrison was somehow tied in with the Mafia and was covering for Marcello in his pursuit of the CIA. Mellen reveals something here that is quite relevant to that ersatz charge. If this were to have any truth to it, then Garrison must have been interested in being paid off for creating a phony sideshow. But Mellen presents something that completely vitiates this entire pretense. After McKeithen was inaugurated, he was eager to show his thanks for what Garrison had done for him. So he offered Garrison a state bank charter. Which, of course, would have made Garrison a very rich man. Garrison turned it down! McKeithen couldn’t believe it. (p. 173) But after he recovered, the governor awarded it to one of his other backers. Who promptly turned around and sold it for $750, 000. The equivalent of 2-3 million today. The governor then offered him a position as legal representative of a Savings and Loan. A desk job that would have made him a lot of money. Garrison turned that down also. McKeithen then offered him state business as part of a large law firm that would later make him managing partner when he retired. He turned that down also.

    In light of all this, how could Garrison even think of taking illegal bribes from the Mafia, when he would not take much larger amounts legally, and in the open? With the obvious answer to that question, writers like John Davis have never looked more stupid. Or dishonest.

    In 1965, Garrison was at the height of his power and popularity in New Orleans and in Louisiana. He issued a Report to the People. One of the achievements of his office that year was that it prosecuted 22 jury trials on capital offenses without one acquittal. Both Kohn and the Times-Picayune praised his work in that report. (p. 195) He actually thought of running for mayor. And in fact, with huge irony, the wealthy Stern family offered to back him. These were the owners of station WDSU who would later do all they could to save Clay Shaw.

    Garrison did not run for mayor but for DA again. Although Garrison made even more reforms to the office, he still employed Gervais. But Gervais’ reputation had become so bad that he had to resign before election day. Which he did, or Garrison may have lost. (p. 205) After this victory, Garrison revealed that his ambition was to eventually be a senator. (pgs 211-212) This, of course, was derailed by the Kennedy investigation.

    At the beginning of his second term, Garrison was still blazing trails for a New Orleans DA. He started to prosecute the state legislature for bribery. (Actually this started right before his re-election.) He favored strong gun control laws, which put him up against the powerful National Rifle Association in their bastion of the south. He also wanted to cap usury rates at 16% for finance companies. (pg. 215)

    The book makes a potent character point about Garrison at this time, which is right before he is to embark on his quest for President Kennedy’s true killers. Although Garrison was a reform DA, and relatively bold and honest for New Orleans, he was actually a moderate overall. For instance, he was anti-ACLU. He once said that it had “drifted so far to the left that it is now almost out of sight.” (p. 217) And he also favored the Cold War. In a speech he said that the US had to act against Communist aggression in places like Korea and Vietnam. (p. 208) This is an issue I discussed with Lyon Garrison, who is also an attorney, at one time. After studying Garrison’s career I had come to the conclusion that in 1966 he was actually a moderate. It was the Kennedy case that radicalized him forever. Lyon agreed with me.

    The book ends with the famous Linda Brigette case. Brigette, a local stripper, had been arrested for obscenity. This was a charge that, since Garrison was so much a believer in the First Amendment, he was hesitant to prosecute. So he requested a pardon for her 230 day sentence. Governor McKeithen granted it. Kohn used this case to go to war with Garrison. (p. 227) And this was the beginning of the false accusation of Garrison being in cahoots with Marcello. If you can believe it, it started over Brigette. The great Archives researcher Peter Vea once sent me his work on this case. In checking the timing – the case extended into late 1966 – Peter had come to the conclusion that Kohn’s nutty brouhaha over a stripper was really motivated by his knowledge that Garrison had secretly reopened the Kennedy case. And knowing what the FBI knew about Oswald, he was protecting his old employer. Mellen partly confirms this by revealing that Kohn had found out about Garrison’s inquiry through journalist David Chandler. Chandler was a friend of Garrison’s who turned on him at the request of his part time employer Life Magazine. In fact, Kohn had issued a report on Oswald through the MCC within a week of the assassination. It presaged the Warren Commission in its conviction of Oswald. When an HSCA investigator asked him where he got all the information and the photos of Oswald, Kohn replied that he had his avenues. He was clearly suggesting the Bureau. (p. 234)

    Right around this time period, when Garrison was launching his investigation of the JFK case, he crossed paths with the dismissed Gervais. Gervais had heard that Garrison was interviewing Jack Martin about David Ferrie. He warned his old Army buddy that this one would not be worth it. (p. 236) He told Garrison he was signing onto a suicide mission in which he would be telling the whole world the federal government was lying. Gervais was not one to sign up for, as he termed it, “kamikaze missions”. As he said, “I have acquired this habit of breathing.” But Garrison, who had gone after the Criminal Courts judges, the Parole Board, and the state legislature, was not about to back down. As he told Dutch television during his investigation, “Nothing else matters.” And in fact, in giving up the Lt. Governorship, and his dream of running for the Senate, it didn’t. And it stayed that way until his death.

    With all the reservations I made at the beginning, this book brings you closer to the real Jim Garrison. Not the deliberately and grossly distorted caricature that the MSM made him out to be. The real Jim Garrison was nothing like that. It was all a cruel campaign over the politically charged Kennedy case. Which Garrison was willing to risk losing his promising future for. And he did.

    It’s hard not to like a guy like that.


    Read James DiEugenio’s review of Joan Mellen’s 2005 book of Jim Garrison’s JFK investigation, A Farewell to Justice.

  • Dick Russell, On the Trail of the JFK Assassins – Richard Case Nagell: The Most Important Witness, Part 2


    In reviewing Dick Russell’s new anthology book, On the Trail of the JFK Assassins, I noted how it revealed just how long the author had been writing about the JFK assassination. It goes back to at least 1975. And in my review I noted the multiplicity of subjects Russell had covered in that regard. These two factors, hitherto not fully revealed, shed backward light on his earlier JFK book, The Man Who Knew Too Much, in both its incarnations (1992 and 2003).

    Nagell1
    Richard Case Nagell
    Nagell2
    Richard Case Nagell

    When I first read Russell’s 1992 version of the book I was disappointed in the work. That book got a lot of exposure and was strongly pushed by its publisher. Russell got TV exposure and also an article in the LA Times. I thought the book was bloated, confusing, maddeningly meandering, and – most of all – wasteful.

    Why the last? Because, like others e.g. Jim Garrison, I have always believed that Richard Case Nagell was one of the most important witnesses there was in the JFK case. The only two rivals he has in regard to a conspiracy before the fact are Sylvia Odio and Rose Cheramie. Yet in the 1992 version of the book, Nagell’s story got lost. Actually, the better phrase would be it got buried. And today, in the aftermath of the current anthology, I think we can see why. In 1992 Russell was so eager to put so much of what he had been working on in the last 17 years into that book that he lost sight of the forest for the trees. This was unfortunate since, as anyone can see from reading On the Trail of the JFK Assassins, nothing else Russell wrote about in the JFK case ever approached the importance of Nagell. I could have easily foregone every sentence about Mark Gayn, and the Japanese International House etc. in the 1992 book for just one more section about Nagell. Russell did not understand this. And neither did his original publisher. This is what editors are for. To give a book wholeness and perspective. To tell a writer when he is wrong.

    Lachy Hulme finally did that. Hulme is an Australian actor who Russell is lucky enough to have as a friend. Hulme has a strong interest in the JFK case. And he understood the mistake Russell made in his first book. He convinced Russell to reissue the book in 2003 and he helped him edit out a lot of the pork. As we shall see, not quite all of it. But a very large portion of it. The text now comes in at a much more manageable 466 pages. The appendices and footnotes are about another hundred. The important thing is that now the Nagell story stays on center stage. It is not frequently consigned to sideshow status. Or, at times, completely absent. And that is the way it should be. Nagell should be the star – the name above the title. Sharing it with no one.

    Russell explains why right at the start. A most compelling piece of evidence that Nagell had at the time of his arrest in September of 1963 was a near duplicate of Oswald’s Uniformed Services Identification and Privileges Card. (See p. xvii) As Russell notes, it had the picture and the apparent signature of Oswald on it. Russell did not recall this card in the Warren Commission volumes. Neither did two other researchers he consulted with at the time. (ibid) The only other place the card had appeared was in an obscure book by Judy Bonner called Investigation of a Homicide. Bonner had gotten the card from the Dallas Police. But there is something even more interesting about the mystery. In the card seized by the Dallas Police, there is an overstamp that appears which says “October 1963”. In the version that Nagell had, the imprint does not appear. Why? Because Nagell was in jail after September 20, 1963. Also, the photo of Oswald in the Nagell version is different. That photo is from a different ID card. And on that card, Oswald used his Alex J. Hidell alias. As Russell notes, this second card is believed to have been fabricated by Oswald himself, including the added picture. In other words, Nagell had to have been very close to Oswald prior to his September 1963 arrest. For he actually had access to Oswald’s identification cards. Some versed in espionage would say that this indicates Nagell might have been either a “control agent” or a “surveillance operative” for Oswald. (The cards are pictured in the photo section of this book.)

    From this information in the Preface, Russell cuts to chapter one of the text. It is aptly titled, “The Man Who Got Himself Arrested”. At this time, Nagell had other things in his possession similar to what Oswald had in November: names in their notebooks, Cuba-related leaflets, and miniature spy cameras. (p. xviii)

    Russell details Nagell’s actions in El Paso on the morning of 9/20 better than anyone ever has. Nagell first went to a nearby post office before entering the bank. He mailed five hundred dollar bills to an address in Mexico. He then mailed two letters to the CIA. (p. 1. Later on, the author reveals that one was addressed to Desmond Fitzgerald. Fitzgerald was heavily involved in both Clandestine Services and Cuban operations at the time.)

    From the post office, Nagell walked over to the State National Bank. There was a young police officer in plain sight. Nagell walked over to a teller and asked for a hundred dollars in American Express traveler’s checks. (ibid) But before Nagell could retrieve the checks, he turned and fired two shots into a wall right under the ceiling. He calmly returned the revolver to his belt and walked out the front door into the street. He stepped into his car and waited. When no one came out, he pulled his car halfway into the street. He saw the policeman from inside and stopped his car. When the policeman came over to his car with his gun pulled, Nagell put his hands up and surrendered.

    The arresting officer was one Jim Bundren. When Bundren searched Nagell one of the odd things he found on him was a mimeographed newsletter from the Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC). (p. 2) When Bundren notified the FBI, lest the arresting officers forget, Nagell asked them to get the machine gun out of the trunk of his car. Of course, there was no machine gun. But there was a suitcase, two briefcases filled with documents, a 45-rpm record box, two tourist cards for entry into Mexico (one in the name of Aleksei Hidel), a tiny Minolta camera, and a miniature film development lab. As previously noted, the personal effects Nagell had uncannily resemble Oswald’s.

    On the way to the El Paso Federal Building, Nagell issued a statement to the FBI: “I would rather be arrested than commit murder and treason.” (ibid)

    Now, to anyone familiar with the JFK case, just the above would be enough to certify that Richard Case Nagell was in the know about who Oswald was and what was going to happen. But Bundren related to Russell an incident that makes it all even clearer. At a preliminary hearing for Nagell, the defendant related to the officer the obvious: that he wanted to be caught. To which Bundren replied that he knew Nagell was not out to rob the bank. The following colloquy then occurred:

    Nagell: Well, I’m glad you caught me. I really don’t want to be in Dallas.

    Bundren: What do you mean by that?

    Nagell: You’ll see soon enough. (p. 3)

    When Kennedy was assassinated, the full impact of Nagell’s prediction did not hit Bundren. But when Jack Ruby shot Oswald, it did. Bundren exclaimed to himself, “How the hell would he have previous knowledge of it? How would he know what was coming down in Dallas?” (ibid) When Bundren went to the FBI to try and talk about Nagell’s stunning prognostication, the agent he knew there told him he was not at liberty to discuss it. Bundren concluded from the experience that “Nagell know a lot more about the assassination then he let on, or that the government let on. Its bothered me ever since.” (ibid) Indicating Bundren was right about what the government knew, Russell notes at this point that one of the notebooks seized from Nagell that day was not returned to him for eleven years. The other notebook was not returned at all.

    As Nagell told Russell, the CIA was not the only government agency he tried to notify in advance of the murder. He also was in contact with the FBI. In fact, an FBI agent’s phone number was in his notebook. But that wasn’t all. He also had written down the names of two Soviet officials, six names under the rubric of CIA, a LA post office box for the FPCC, and an address and phone number for one Sylvia Duran of the Cuban Consulate in Mexico. This last was in Oswald’s notebook also. (p. 6) And not revealed until many years later, Nagell had a Minox miniature spy camera in the trunk of his car upon his arrest. The same kind of spy camera that the FBI tried to deny Oswald had for many, many years. (p. 6)

    I think it’s important to note: If the above was part of the contents of the notebook that the FBI finally returned to Nagell, imagine what was in the notebook they never returned to him.

    On March 20, 1964 Nagell wrote a note to Warren Commission Chief Counsel J. Lee Rankin. In that correspondence Nagell revealed his warning to the FBI. But he also revealed that he had made a request through the prison authorities for the Bureau to get into contact with the Secret Service about an upcoming assassination attempt. The date: November 21, 1963. Incredibly, Nagell’s name does not appear either in the Warren Report or in the accompanying 26 volumes.

    But probably the most interesting correspondence to survive is a letter that Nagell wrote to Senator Richard Russell. Russell was the former Warren Commissioner who had expressed doubts about what the Commission was doing. So much so, that he had conducted his own mini-investigation using his own investigators. Apparently, Nagell had heard of this. And in this letter Nagell, for the first time, revealed some of the specifics of what he knew about Oswald. He began by saying that he had been monitoring Oswald in both 1962 and 1963. This surveillance, plus information gathered from others, led him to conclude that: 1.) Oswald had no real relations with the FPCC 2.) He also had no real relations with pro-Castro elements, but he was gulled into believing he did 3.) He had no real relations with any Leftist or Marxist group 4.) He was not an agent or informant, in the generally accepted sense of the word. 5.) He was involved in a conspiracy to murder President Kennedy which was not communist inspired or instigated by a foreign government. (p.7, Russell’s italics.)

    The date of this letter is January 3, 1967. Before any of the discoveries of the Garrison investigation were made public. Before the domestic publication of the works of Mark Lane or Sylvia Meagher. In fact, Nagell was still in prison when he wrote it. And he had yet to be visited by any investigator for Jim Garrison.

    Later on, in a letter to Representative Don Edwards, Nagell revealed that his letter of warning to the FBI was specifically addressed to J. Edgar Hoover. He wrote it using one of his aliases, Joseph Kramer. In it he said that Oswald was part of a conspiracy to murder President Kennedy which he thought would take place in late September of 1963. (The mistaken date is why Nagell did what he did in El Paso on September 20th.) He gave the Bureau a complete description of Oswald including his true name, physical description, two aliases and his residential address. He conveyed certain data about the plot including one overt act which was a violation of federal law. And he used the name Kramer because two FBI agents in Miami knew him by that alias at the time.

    No wonder Garrison called Nagell the most important witness there is.

    II

    Russell reveals in his anthology that he first discovered Nagell through his meeting with Richard Popkin. He had gone to California to meet Popkin while on assignment for the Village Voice. But before actually meeting the most important witness, the author decided to stop in El Paso to do some research through the local papers.

    He discovered some interesting facts. When he appeared before the court on November 4, 1963 Nagell told the judge, “I had a motive for doing what I did. But my motive was not to hold up the bank. I do not intend to disclose my motive at this time.” (p. 13) Russell also discovered something that is interesting because it did not happen. Even though two FBI agents were in on his arrest, and the Bureau confiscated his belongings, no FBI representative testified at his trial. (p. 14) This is especially intriguing since, in a newspaper story of 1/24/64, Nagell revealed that the FBI had asked him about Oswald and Oswald’s activities. (p. 14) After he was convicted, Nagell leaped to his feet and shouted, “Why weren’t the real issues brought out in court!” Later adding, “They will be some time.” (p. 16)

    After his trip to El Paso in October of 1975, Russell then traveled to Los Angeles to meet Nagell for the first time. At this meeting Nagell was not really forthcoming but he did reveal that he had a photo of Oswald in his trunk at the time of his arrest, which the FBI never returned to him. (p. 26) That his mother and sister were both interviewed by the FBI after the assassination. (Which, of course, is strange since Nagell is not in the 26 volumes of the Commission.) Researching Nagell’s appeals case, Russell discovered a filing made in 1974 which was quite revealing about Nagell’s monitoring of Oswald. He wrote that although he was under contract to the CIA in 1962-63, he came to the conclusion that his inquiries in the time period which concerned not just Oswald but people like Manuel Artime and Vaughn Marlowe, were also being done for a “foreign nation”, that is the Soviets. (p. 29) This holds out the possibility that someone in the CIA was working with the original KGB agents who hired Nagell to prevent the assassination of JFK.

    As mentioned above, the FBI interviewed Nagell’s sister after the assassination. It is clear from reading this book that Nagell was quite close to her. Right after he was arrested, but before the assassination, he wrote to her that “I have refused to offer an explanation as to certain overt acts … Someday I shall explain everything in detail to you pertinent to this apparent disgrace.” (p. 37) His sister’s widower said that Nagell’s mission was to eliminate Oswald before the assassination. (p. 39) He also told Russell that the FBI visited them in 1965 to see some of the papers Nagell had sent to them. While they were on vacation, the FBI broke into their home and stole some of the documents. (p. 40)

    Nagell’s career in the armed forces was distinguished. In 1953, during the Korean War, Nagell attended the Monterey School of Languages. In 1954, he suffered through a plane crash. And although many have said that somehow this impacted him psychologically forever, the army cleared him of any kind of personality change afterwards. (p. 46) In fact, less than a month after the crash he was approved for a new intelligence assignment. (ibid) Working for Army Intelligence, Nagell opened the mail of suspected communists with postal inspectors right next to him. They broke into the offices of suspected communist organizations and stole whole file cabinets. (p. 47) It was in the winter of 1955-56 that the CIA first recruited Nagell. (p. 48) And in fact, the names of his two recruiters were found in his notebook. Russell called one of them and he confirmed that he had worked in the LA office of the CIA. (ibid) Later in 1956, Nagell was transferred to another intelligence agency called in the Far East called Field Operations Intelligence (FOI). FOI was involved in black ops: assassinations, kidnappings, blackmail etc. (p. 54)

    While in the Far East, Nagell worked in Japan. He used the aliases of Joe Kramer and Robert Nolan, and the CIA has certified this. (p. 61) It was at this time and place, Japan in 1957-58, that Nagell first met Oswald. This was after Oswald was observed outside the Soviet Embassy in Tokyo. (p. 72) Curious about what he was doing there, Nagell arranged to be introduced to the young Marine under an assumed name. (ibid) Also, Nagell told the author that both he and Oswald had girlfriends at the Queen Bee, a famous nightclub in Tokyo. (p. 76) Further, Nagell raised the possibility that Oswald was involved with him and a Japanese local in an attempt to get a Soviet intelligence officer named Eroshkin to defect. (p. 73)

    When Nagell left his Far East assignment in late 1959, he moved to Los Angeles, and a he got a job working for the state of California. But, he told the author, that he was still working for the CIA. Specifically, in the Domestic Intelligence unit, which would later be formalized under Tracy Barnes as the Domestic Operations Division. (p. 263) This is quite interesting of course since this part of the CIA was an illegal unit that was doing all kinds of weird things and it employed people like Howard Hunt, and according to Victor Marchetti, probably Clay Shaw. (William Davy, Let Justice be Done, p. 196) What makes it even more interesting is that former CIA agent Robert Morrow later revealed that in 1963, Barnes told him that he was aware of a plot to kill President Kennedy which included Shaw. We will refer to this fascinating aspect of the Nagell story later.

    After a shooting incident on the job, Nagell left his state employment. He secured a Mexican tourist card from the consulate in LA. From there, he went to visit a friend of his at the Hotel Luma in Mexico City. And this is where Nagell’s tale takes on a large and sinister dimension.

    III

    In 1966, Nagell hinted at what had happened to him in Mexico in 1962. He wrote his dear sister, “If it does eventually become mandatory for me to touch upon the events leading to my sojourn in Mexico in 1962 … (where and when it began), I shall do so, but only subsequent to being granted immunity from prosecution …”( p. 145) Nagell was now purely under the employment of the CIA. And a friend of his in Mexico, Art Greenstein, went to a party with him once where he later referred to someone he had talked to, his contact there, as a typical CIA agent. (p. 147) His mission was to serve as a double agent for the Agency in an operation against the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City. The timing of this “disinformation project” was near the outset of the Cuban Missile Crisis. And since these kinds of operations were the domain of David Phillips–who had a Cuban desk in Mexico City–Nagell hinted to Greenstein that Phillips had been an accomplice in this project. It was after the completion of this mission, when the Missile Crisis was over, that Nagell first learned of a plot to kill JFK. And he learned of it in his double agent status through the KGB. (p. 152)

    In October of 1962, a Soviet contact of his told him that he had heard that a Cuban group named Alpha 66 had been talking about a plot to kill JFK. The reason being that they had gotten wind of Kennedy’s no invasion of Cuba pledge made to close the crisis. The contact asked him to investigate the rumor to see if it was true. If it was to try and ascertain those involved, the method to be used etc. (p. 154) Nagell had barely begun his inquiry when he was called to the Soviet Embassy. Something that had never happened to him before. He was told there that it was not just a rumor. He was briefed further, furnished a number of pictures, and told to return to the USA and continue his investigation in earnest. (ibid) Alpha 66, of course, was a violent Cuban group backed by the CIA. In fact, Antonio Veciana was probably its most famous member. And Veciana famously told investigator and author Gaeton Fonzi that David Phillips was his CIA handler, and he had seen Phillips meeting with Oswald in Dallas in the late summer of 1963. And before he left Mexico, Oswald’s Soviet contact showed him a photo of Oswald since they were suspicious of him from his Soviet sojourn. (p. 155) Though, at this time, not in relation to the plot to kill Kennedy. On October 21st, 1962 Greenstein saw Nagell off from the Hotel Luma. He asked Nagell if he would be hearing from him in the future, or if he would read about him in the papers. Nagell said that he would. Greenstein then said, “Something big?” To which Nagell replied, “Yes … something big.” (p. 160)

    He first journeyed to Dallas to inquire about the status of Oswald. At this time, Oswald had been back in Texas for about five months and was carefully ensconced in the White Russian community. This had been done with the help of George DeMohrenschildt. But only after the approach to Oswald had been approved by local CIA Station Chief J. Walton Moore. After doing this, Nagell then went to both Washington DC and New York City. While in Washington he was approached by what he thought was a Soviet agent and he reported this to his CIA handlers. He was then told to go to Miami and wait in a bar to be approached by a Soviet agent. (p. 163) At this time, not sure whom he was working for, caught up in a web of intrigue, Nagell journeyed both west to Tallahassee, and south to St. Petersburg. There he checked into a Bay Pines VA Hospital complaining of headaches, blackouts, and amnesia. This was on December 20, 1962. Some commentators have used this incident, and another to be described to discredit Nagell as being neurotic or worse. But what they always leave out is what Nagell told Russell about what he learned in Florida. He had penetrated a Cuban exile group who had planned on blowing up the Miami stadium where Kennedy was to speak to the prisoners released from Cuba in the Bay of Pigs exchange. (p. 164) Nagell was trying to keep a safe distance from the plot. So far from discrediting his story, this is consistent with what he did in El Paso in September of 1963. And Russell furnishes evidence of the plot. There is an intelligence report from the Miami Police Department that says that a local Cuban was overheard saying on the night JFK spoke in the Orange Bowl that “Something is going to happen in the Orange Bowl.” (ibid) Nagell was right. But the FBI and the VA tried to smear him anyway. The FBI file on Nagell excerpted the first line of the Bay Pines report which said, “Chronic brain syndrome associated with brain trauma…” (p. 179) The FBI left out the final line of the report which declared Nagell competent upon his departure. Further, the VA exaggerated his so-called “brain trauma”. It was actually diagnosed from his previous injury as “brain concussion, cured.” (p. 180) With a witness as good as Nagell, the Bureau pulled out all the stops. Especially when he blamed Hoover for not heeding his letter of warning previous to the assassination.

    Nagell then did some work in Miami. He was checking on an alleged relationship between Eladio Del Valle and New Orleans Cuban Revolutionary Council representative and former Batista official Sergio Arcacha Smith. (p. 182) He also was checking on an associate of Dave Ferrie. This is all extraordinary of course since Smith and Ferrie will soon figure prominently in Oswald’s life, in a most intriguing manner. Nagell was one heck of an investigator.

    In April of 1963, Alpha 66 announced the opening of a Los Angles chapter. (p. 208) Consequently, Nagell decided to move to LA temporarily in order to monitor this new branch opened up with much fanfare. Nagell picked up the scent of another plot to kill JFK when he arrived in LA in June of 1963. The man the plot focused around was Vaughn Marlowe, an executive officer with the LA FPCC. (p. 210) Marlowe had written a letter to Jim Garrison in 1967 telling him about Nagell and how, for reasons unknown, he had been tailing him back in 1963. Nagell revealed in 1964 that he was watching Marlowe since he was being scoped out by an Alpha 66 Cuban who would later visit Sylvia Odio in September of 1963. (p. 211) According to Nagell, the plot was to take place during JFK’s visit to the Beverly Hilton hotel for the premiere of the film PT 109.

    When Russell found Marlowe he told the author that Nagell approached him like some kind of double agent would. He told him he was a former Army Intelligence officer who actually wanted to help Marlowe in his social causes. (p. 213) Nagell later filed a report on Marlowe that was 23 pages long. Which he kept on microfilm. (ibid) The reason Marlowe was such an attractive candidate was that he was a stern critic of JFK from the left. He had a critical poster of JFK in his bookstore front window and he organized a demonstration against him around the time of the Missile Crisis. Finally, and this made him a better candidate than Oswald–Marlowe was an ace rifleman from his days in the service. After the assassination, Nagell wrote Marlowe a letter from prison telling him not to tell anyone that he mentioned the name of Oswald in his talks with him. Marlowe then got in contact with Nagell’s mother and told him he thought Nagell was somehow involved with the JFK murder. When she dodged the point he asked her if someone had told her not to talk about the JFK assassination with anyone and she replied they had. Many years later, in 1975, Marlowe finally located Nagell and wrote him a letter. He apologized for not doing more to help inform the public of why Nagell was in jail back in 1964. (p. 218)

    On June 4, 1963, three days before JFK was to arrive in LA, Nagell did what he had done in Miami. He attempted to check himself into a VA Hospital. This time, the resident psychiatrist apparently saw through the sham and he was not admitted. (p. 219) Meanwhile, one of the groups demonstrating around the Hilton was the civil rights group named the Congress of Racial Equality. A group that Marlowe had once worked with.

    Repeat: Nagell was a good investigator.

    IV

    From here, that is around July of 1963, Nagell began to monitor the plot that finally was enacted in Dallas. But when Oswald stepped onto center stage that summer, Nagell felt that something about the motivation behind the plot had changed. Why? Nagell wrote his friend Mr. Greenstein that the Cubans had gotten wind by now of the back channel Kennedy had been working on to effect a rapprochement with Castro. (p. 239) Two of the Cubans, Angel and Leopoldo, had convinced Oswald they were actually pro-Castro. And that they wanted to involve him in a plot to kill JFK. This was in reaction to plots enacted by the USA against Fidel. If he did so, Oswald would be furnished a “safe conduct” pass into Havana by the Cuban Embassy in Mexico City. Nagell told Russell he had been in Mexico City with Oswald, but not at the time of the notorious trip discussed in the Lopez Report. Nagell had told a friend of his, John Margain, about this trip. Russell later interviewed Margain and he confirmed certain details about it. (pgs. 240-241) Including the fact that Nagell told Margain that Oswald was being set up by the CIA and the Cuban exiles.

    From here, Russell describes some of the characters and events from Oswald’s last summer on earth. Which he spent in New Orleans with a now famous cast of characters. He quotes William Gaudet saying he saw Oswald leafleting and Oswald did not know what he was doing. Guy Banister had put him up to it. (p. 253) Russell also tells us that Nagell too had the famous Corliss Lamont flyer, “The Crime Against Cuba”, but he does not tell us which edition it was. Russell produces witnesses who say they saw Oswald and Ferrie at a Cuban exile training camp that summer. (p. 256) Interestingly, Russell discusses one Carlos Quiroga, a colleague of both Carlos Bringuier and Sergio Arcacha Smith. Quiroga has often been accused of acting as a double agent. That is of posing as a pro-Castro sympathizer. Which of course, is what Nagell described as what the plotters were doing around Oswald. When Garrison aide Frank Klein interviewed Quiroga in 1967, he tried to pin the assassination of JFK on Castro. At the end of his memo, Klein wrote “This man knows a lot more than is telling us.” (p. 261) Apparently, Klein was correct. Quiroga later took a polygraph test. He indicated deception on, among others, two key questions: did he know in advance JFK was going to be killed, and had he seen the weapons to be used in the assassination beforehand. (ibid)

    The above dovetails perfectly with a memo that another Garrison investigator wrote. This was one William Martin who was the first person Garrison sent to interview Nagell in prison. Nagell told Martin that in his work infiltrating the conspiracy, he was able to “make a tape recording of four voices in conversation concerning the plot, which ended in the assassination of President Kennedy.” (Garrison Memorandum of 4/18/67) When Martin questioned Nagell about who was on the tape, Nagell replied that one of them was named “Arcacha”, and another he only identified as “Q”. (ibid) (Although later, Nagell told Russell that Arcacha was discussed on the tape, not one of the actual speakers he had recorded. P. 275)) The first person referred to must be Sergio Arcacha Smith, and the second is very likely Quiroga. Further, when Garrison tested Quiroga with the question, “According to your own knowledge, did Sergio Arcacha know Lee Oswald?”, the criteria indicated a deception. (Davy, pp287-88) It very much seems that Quiroga was hiding his advance guilty knowledge. Of course, Martin turned out to be one of the several CIA agents who helped capsize Garrison. He may be the reason the tape never surfaced. (Or that may be due to new information to be discussed later.)

    As Russell notes, most of Nagell’s time from July to his arrest in September was spent on Oswald. And although Nagell was deliberately vague about exactly what he was doing, another source, besides Garrison, shed some backward light on those activities. In 1976, former CIA agent Robert Morrow wrote Betrayal, a fictionalized account of his days in the Agency leading up to the murder of Kennedy. In that account, he named a man who was almost eerily resembled Nagell. Except in that book, he was called Richard Carson Fillmore. It was not until many years later, in the nineties, that Morrow discussed openly who the actual people in the 1976 book represented. As we have noted, Nagell revealed he worked in the forerunner of the DOD from 1959 onward. In 1962, Tracy Barnes exercised control over this newly named and organized unit. With both Nagell and very likely Clay Shaw under him. Interestingly, Morrow knew that “Joe Kramer” was one of Nagell’s pseudonyms. (p. 264) Barnes told Morrow that he had sent Nagell to New Orleans to investigate certain goings-on with the Banister-Ferrie group in the summer of 1963. As Russell notes, Nagell corroborates this part of Morrow’s story in a letter to Greenstein he wrote in 1967. There he mentioned that he had received instructions from someone at CIA HQ to join a Cuban exile affiliate of Alpha 66 in New Orleans to “find out if things were real.” (ibid) Further, Nagell later told Garrison that “Angel” and “Leopoldo” both had worked with the group Movement to Free Cuba which was supervised by Barnes. Nagell also said at the time that Ferrie knew both of these men who, of course, ended up at Sylvia Odio’s home in late September of 1963. (p. 265)

    Let me mention another fascinating linkage between Nagell, Odio, and the Garrison inquiry. Sylvia Odio always maintained that the Caucasian who accompanied the two Cubans was referred to as one “Leon Oswald”. This, of course, corresponds with the name given to the man at Ferrie’s apartment discussing some kind of assassination plot as testified to by Perry Russo. Nagell told Russell that he knew both Oswalds, Lee and Leon. (p. 287) And he said the latter showed up on the fringes of the nascent conspiracy. Nagell added that Leon Oswald worked only with the anti-Castro Cubans and made no attempt to appear pro-Castro. He also said that this second Oswald was in Mexico City somewhere between July and September of 1963. Nagell wrote to Russell that Leon Oswald was eliminated in the latter part of September by mistake. (Russell surmises that it was probably by the KGB.) This new Nagell aspect now makes three witnesses who met someone referred to as “Leon Oswald”. All of the meetings taking place in a clearly conspiratorial aspect and pre-assassination. (I should add, there is a fourth witness to this Leon Oswald. It is Ferrie’s friend Ray Broshears who said Leon resembled the real Oswald. p. 367) It sounds very much like someone was trying to confuse things about multiple Oswalds before the fact. For instance, Nagell says that the Leon Oswald he knew was killed around the third week of September. If so, Angel and Leopoldo were still using that name with what was probably the real Oswald. Further, both the KGB and Barnes strongly suspected a conspiracy to kill Kennedy forming in New Orleans with Cuban exiles like Smith, and with CIA agents like Ferrie.

    Russell implies that by the end of August and in early September, Nagell realized he was in the middle of something very big and very evil. In late August Nagell communicated to Desmond Fitzgerald of the Clandestine Services that something was clearly transpiring. (p. 275) Except at this point Nagell apparently thought the actual assassination attempt would take place in the East, in the Washington-Baltimore area. In fact, he actually tried to join Communist Party cells at the time in those areas. (p. 276) Journeying to Mexico for further instructions, Nagell could not meet with his CIA contact there. But his KGB contact told him to try and separate Oswald from the conspirators by telling him he was being duped. And if this did not work, and the plot appeared to be heading forward, to eliminate him. (p. 278) Later, Nagell told the author “If anybody wanted to stop the assassination, it would be the KGB. But they didn’t do enough.” (ibid)

    From Russell’s narrative it seems that Nagell failed in his KGB mission. He could not convince Oswald to admit he was being used. Therefore the plot proceeded. Nagell describes a meeting with Oswald in Jackson Square where this confrontation occurred.( p. 282) What seems to be happening in this incident is that you have two agents from different parts of the CIA taking orders from different chiefs. Oswald connects through officers like David Phillips and Howard Hunt through to James Angleton. Nagell works through his Mexico City contact named Bob up to Tracy Barnes. I have never seen any evidence that connects Barnes to the conspiracy. I have seen a lot of evidence that connects Hunt, Phillips, and Angleton. Because of that unseen gulf, Nagell could not fulfill his mission. What made his dilemma worse is that he also could not bring himself to kill Oswald. Feeling lost and helpless, Nagell used his old stand by trick. He tried to check into a VA Hospital. This time in Los Angeles. Again, he couldn’t pass muster. (p. 278) Because of his failure, it appears that Nagell expected to be killed. For when he visited a friend in LA, he informed him of what to do with some of his possessions in case of his demise.

    I must note here that Russell insinuates an absolutely diabolical possibility in a chapter called “The Setup”. One of the reasons Nagell may have panicked is because the CIA was freezing him out. (p. 283) He got no reply from his communication with Fitzgerald. While in Mexico, his contact failed to meet him. His only communication about the plot was now with the KGB. Russell holds out the possibility that Nagell had been duped into thinking that he was working on this mission for both sides. When in fact the CIA was using him to both monitor and confuse the KGB effort to thwart the plot. This may be why Leon Oswald was mistakenly eliminated and why Nagell was confused about the conspiracy’s ultimate location. (Although, as seen by his conversation with Bundren, he ultimately found out its actual destination.) Another possibility is that someone in the know learned about Barnes’ efforts and told him to back off.

    Nagell became so confused that he actually thought of leaving the USA and going to Eastern Europe. And his KGB contacts agreed he should. Around September 17th, he mailed a letter to the FBI alerting them to the conspiracy. He then drove to El Paso. He was supposed to meet a contact across the border, in Juarez. (p. 290) Nagell was thinking of going from Mexico to Cuba. He cruised the streets for awhile and decided against crossing over and meeting his contact. He went to the post office, and as related above, mailed the money to Mexico and wrote the letters to the CIA. (Later on in the book, Nagell reveals to Russell that the five hundred dollars was for Oswald’s expense money on his Mexico trip. p. 290) He then walked over to the bank to purchase the American Express checks. Nagell told Russell there was a reason for this. As revealed in On the Trail of the JFK Assassins, Nagell was being paid by the CIA through this company. And there is strong evidence that Oswald was also. Since there was no robbery, Nagell believed he would be tried on a misdemeanor. And that all the things in his car, plus the purchase of the American Express checks would allow him to reveal the machinations of the plot in court. But as also revealed in the previous book, the prosecution vehemently objected to any mention of American Express. And many of the things in his car were disposed of. In his first interview with the FBI Nagell actually said, “all of my problems have been solved for a long time, and now I won’t have to go to Cuba.” (p. 292)

    Oh ye of too much faith.

    V

    While Nagell was in jail, the plot he monitored proceeded forward. Russell does an OK job of outlining it. For instance, he describes the incredibly important Hunt memorandum. This was an internal 1966 CIA memorandum describing the need for an alibi for Howard Hunt for November 22nd since he was in Dallas at the time. It came from James Angleton’s office. And as anyone knows who has read Mark Lane’s Plausible Denial, Howard Hunt never did have an alibi for where he was on 11/22/63. Yet people who worked with Angleton tried to give him one at the legal proceedings depicted in Lane’s book. (Lisa Pease probably did the best short treatment of this issue. See The Assassinations, pgs. 195-198) Russell also relates the information about David Phillips’ deathbed confession admitting he was in Dallas on the day of Kennedy’s murder. (p. 272) This comes through Shawn Phillips, David Phillips’ nephew. Shawn’s father was the writer James Phillips, David’s brother. The brothers had been estranged for a number of years. James had told his son that from conversations with his brother, he understood that David did not care for JFK at all. James also suspected that his brother had a serious role in his demise. After a period of estrangement, David called up James when he knew he was dying. At the end of the call, James asked his brother if he was in Dallas the day of JFK’s murder. The CIA officer started to weep and said that yes, he had been. Since this confirmed what he had long suspected, James hung up on him. (ibid)

    While in custody, Nagell wrote a letter to the FBI again. He stated that what he did on September 20th in El Paso came from a love for his country no matter how inappropriate or incomprehensible it appeared. This note was sent by air-tel to Washington the next day. Two days after, President Kennedy was killed. (p. 347)

    To complete the cover up, Nagell was sent to Springfield prison as part of his incarceration. He was part of their behavior modification program. (p. 385) As was also-and I suppose this was just a coincidence– Secret Service agent Abraham Bolden. (See James W. Douglass’ JFK and the Unspeakable, p. 216) It just happened that both men were intelligence officers who, based on their privileged knowledge, tried to blow the whistle on the Kennedy plot. The FBI fully took advantage of Nagell’s Springfield predicament by telling the Warren Commission that Nagell was psychologically disturbed and could not be trusted. (p. 386)

    The first judge at Nagell’s trial retired before the trial actually began. He was replaced by Homer Thornberry, a close friend of President Johnson’s. Further, the CIA friendly Texas attorney Leon Jaworski recommended Thornberry. (p. 391) After his conviction and sentencing, Nagell was dragged from the courtroom screaming that the FBI had allowed Kennedy to be shot. And further that they had questioned him about Oswald before the murder. (p. 393) The FBI agents on the scene made sure that Hoover was alerted to this fact. When he was sent to Springfield, Nagell wrote a letter to his sister saying he understood why he had been sent there: “If the American people think that only the Chinese are experts at brainwashing … I am afraid someday they will be in for a big surprise when it is discovered that the FBI is not too far divorced from Hitler’s Gestapo …” (ibid) While in jail, Nagell was visited by the CIA who told him to stop talking about Oswald. (p. 401) Nagell was then transferred to Leavenworth where he was tortured. (p. 404) On trips back to El Paso for hearings on his appeal, he was beaten up.

    Nagell’s attorney, Joe Calamia, was so intent on getting Nagell freed that he got his client to cooperate with the government in a psychological ruse. An army doctor named Edward Weinstein had once treated Nagell after an airplane crash in the service. Nagell actually told the FBI about Weinstein himself. But the court made it clear that Nagell now had to lie about this in order to have any chance upon appeal. In other words, Thornberry and the FBI were striking a deal with the defendant: We will give you a chance to go free if you go along with our deceitful discreditation of you as a witness. Urged on by Calamia, Nagell went along with this ploy, but he did so kicking and screaming. (p. 408) Eventually this is how Nagell was finally released. Weinstein said Nagell had suffered brain damage from his plane accident and therefore had “confabulated” his story about Oswald and what he did in the bank. Here is the problem with Weinstein’s thesis: Nagell underwent an EEG and psychological testing at Springfield. The examining doctor wrote: “I did not find any evidence or finding suggestible of brain damage.” (p. 407) This report was deliberately kept out of Nagell’s second trial. By both the defense and prosecution. Calamia made a deal with the devil to get his client out of jail. Nagell got out in April of 1968.

    When Nagell was released the CIA gave him $15,000. He then left for East Germany on a mysterious mission. Russell believes this may have been to be debriefed by the KGB. And Nagell has also written to Greenstein hinting at this possibility. (p. 427) The context of this debriefing would have been his meetings with Jim Garrison and his volunteering to appear as his witness at the trial of Clay Shaw. And if anyone doubts how important Nagell’s testimony would have been, consider this: On February 12, 1969 while in New York, a hand grenade was thrown at Nagell from a speeding automobile. After this, Nagell went to New Orleans. He told the DA he did not think it would be a good idea for him to testify at the Shaw trial. He then turned over the remnants of the grenade to Garrison and his staff. (p. 436)

    But this game worked both ways. Nagell’s ex-wife had split and taken his two children with her. As part of his dealings with the CIA upon his release, they told him the State Department would help locate his children who he thought were in Europe. While searching for them in Spain he told a consulate officer that if they did not keep their part of the bargain, he would reveal the whole story about President Kennedy’s murder to the media. (p. 437) The CIA took this very seriously and now had the press monitored to see if Nagell was talking. (p. 438) They also began tracking Nagell throughout Europe. Further, Russell checked every CIA name in Nagell’s notebook and they all were really with the Agency. A number of them were from Angleton’s staff. (p. 439)

    In the spring of 1970, Nagell was finally alerted to the whereabouts of his children. In a rather incredible revelation to Russell in 1993, Nagell’s son told him that he recalled being in East Germany as a small child with his sister. When he revisited Germany as an adult, he recalled some of the places he had been. But he added about the earlier sojourn, “It was not with our mother. We went by plane, with some blonde woman … A very strange situation.” (p. 445) Was the CIA using Nagell’s children as bartering chips for his silence?

    The other chip the CIA used was Nagell’s retirement benefits. Which he finally received after a protracted struggle. (p. 446) But the rest of his life was very much controlled. The government was not satisfied with smearing him as being “disturbed”. His files had him pegged as a racketeer “and associated with people I never even heard of.” (ibid) His mail was monitored and stolen. Many letters Russell wrote to Nagell during the writing of The Man Who Knew Too Much never got to him. (p. 449) His handlers ordered him to stay completely clear of Russell. When he would not they ordered him to clear any talks with the author beforehand. (p. 448)

    The day after the Assassination Records Review Board sent Nagell a letter requesting a deposition, he died. When the authorities broke into Nagell’s home they found a key ring with 19 keys on it. Six of them were for footlockers in which Nagell had stored his valuables concerning his CIA service and monitoring of Oswald. While living with a niece, Nagell had told her of the contents of one of these foot lockers. Pointing at a purple one, he said “This one contains what everybody is trying to get hold of.” (p. 451)

    Nagell’s son Robert found out the location of the foot lockers was Tucson. He went there and found five of them. The one that was missing was-no surprise– the purple one. And the day Robert went to Tucson, his house was ransacked while he was gone. Someone was definitely worried about what Nagell would leave behind. When the niece was shown the inventory of what was in the other lockers she said Nagell told her about a couple of audio tapes and a couple of photos. None of these articles survived.

    The new edition of The Man Who knew Too Much closes with some compelling information not available to Russell in 1992. First, the author talked to a former military intelligence officer named Jim Southwood. Southwood actually saw the 112th Military Intelligence file on Oswald. The one that was famously destroyed after the assassination. (p. 456) While stationed in the Far East, he received a request from the 112th to do some research on Oswald and the DeMohrenschildts. Southwood told Russell that he discovered Oswald was under surveillance by both ONI and Army Intelligence while in Japan. One of the reports had Oswald frequenting gay bars. And one of them had him intimately involved with a Soviet Colonel named Eroshkin. Which, of course, would confirm Nagell’s story about his first encounter with Oswald. From perusing the file Southwood was convinced Oswald was some kind of intelligence operative. And although he could find no new info on the DeMohrenschildts, he did find out something quite interesting. All the info the 112th already had on Oswald came from that couple. And it was all of a prejudicial nature: he was a strange personality, he had weird sexual habits, and he needed to be watched at all times. As I noted in the review of On the Trail of the JFK Assassins, this contrasts dramatically with what the DeMohrenschildts toward Russell in 1975. And it is further evidence that they had been used earlier and felt badly about it later.

    Russell, with the help of Hulme, did a much better job of telling the above story in 2003 than he did in 1992. If anything, Hulme did not go far enough with the editing scissors. I would have cut out about sixty or so more pages. For example, the chapters on General Walker and the material on Charles Willoughby seem to me to have almost no relation to the Nagell story. Further, it seems that Russell never read the declassified Lopez Report, one of the crown jewels of the ARRB. Because in his discussion of Mexico City in late September, he makes some statements that are contradicted by that adduced record.

    But finally the Nagell story is in a manageable and understandable narrative form. To me it is one of the crucial and most powerful stories in the Kennedy literature. And for anyone to deny it, one must believe in something of a wild conspiracy theory. Witnesses like Art Greenstein, Nagell’s sister, his niece, his son-in-law, and his son must all be lying. And they all must be lying to the same effect. Jim Bundren and John Margain are lying and the lies just happen to coincide with what Nagell screamed out to the crowd after his conviction. When he was arrested, Nagell just happened to have all that paraphernalia in his car that was so similar to Oswald’s. And he then just happened to guess right at the mutual American Express payment method for the two spies. And Nagell just happened to have the phone number for Sylvia Duran before anyone knew how she figured in the plot. And he had a version of Oswald’s Uniformed Services Privilege Card before Oswald altered it. And somehow, what Nagell knew about the conspiracy just happened to partly coincide with what both Sylvia Odio and Rose Cheramie knew, down to the actual Cubans involved.

    Oh, really? Who is wearing the tin foil hats now? But that’s how good a witness Richard Case Nagell was.

    Appendix: Corroborating Evidence for Richard Case Nagell

    Exhibits


    Mexico tourist cards for Nagell and Aleksei Hidell (hard cover edition of Dick Russell’s The Man Who knew Too Much, p. 113)

    Nagell’s letter to J. Lee Rankin of March 20, 1964, about his prior attempts to warn FBI and Secret Service of an assassination attempt on President Kennedy (Russell, second trade paper edition, p. 7)

    Nagell and Oswald both had Sylvia Duran’s phone number at the Cuban Consulate in Mexico City (ibid, p. 6)

    Nagell had a duplicate of Oswald’s Uniformed Services Identification and Privileges card (ibid, p. xvii)

    Nagell had a copy of Oswald’s signed Social Security card (Ibid, p. 252)

    Witnesses


    Arthur Greenstein: Nagell’s friend in Mexico who he left while on assignment in late October of 1962. At that time, Nagell told him he would probably read about him in the papers since he was on to something big. (Russell, p. 160)

    Eleanore Gambert: Nagell’s sister, who he wrote to before the assassination about the bank robbery being a charade. (Letter of October 10, 1963) FBI interviewed her and her family after the assassination (ibid, p. 37–39)

    Louis Gambert: Eleanore’s husband at the time, present during the FBI interview, where a copy of Nagell’s warning to the FBI was produced (ibid, pp. 38–39)

    Roger Gambert: their son, who told Russell there was a break in at their home afterwards and some of the items from this file were now gone (ibid p. 40)

    John Margain: Nagell’s military and personal friend; a CIA acquaintance sent him an article about Nagell in 1968. Nagell had told Margain about his warning letter to the FBI and his visiting Mexico with Oswald. (ibid, 100–02, 240–41)

    Jim Bundren: Oswald’s arresting officer in El Paso in September. Nagell was waiting for him, and he told Bundren he “would rather be arrested than commit murder and treason.” He later told the guard that he really did not want to be in Dallas; when Bundren asked him what he meant by that, he said, “You’ll see soon enough.” (Russell, pp. 2–3)

    Prior attempts on JFK


    Vaughn Marlowe: Nagell tracked him as a member of the FPCC, and Marlowe later talked about Nagell visiting him before the assassination. Russell, p. 215)

    Bomb in Miami: In December of 1962, Nagell was in Florida penetrating a Cuban exile plot to bomb the Orange Bowl on December 29, 1962. There is a Miami Police report of January 3, 1963, on how certain Cubans did discuss such a bombing.

    Cross References in declassified Databases:


    Joe Kramer was the name Nagell said he used in his warning letter to Hoover in September of 1963. In a 1994 CIA release, it was revealed the CIA had Nagell files kept under this name.

    In Japan, Nagell said he saw files concerning Oswald’s relationship with a Russian colonel named Eroshkin. It was later revealed that military intelligence had files about Oswald in some kind of relationship with Eroshkin. (Russell, pp. 455–57)

  • Dick Russell, On the Trail of the JFK Assassins – Richard Case Nagell: The Most Important Witness


    Dick Russell’s new book is an anthology of his life’s work on the JFK assassination. And one of the most revealing things about the book is 1.) How long he has been at it, and 2.) How many pieces he has written on the subject.

    The author has had a long and varied career in journalism writing about many other subjects. Russell has written for several mainstream publications e.g. TV Guide and Sports Illustrated. In fact, he was on the staff of both those magazines. And he has published more than one acclaimed book. Two of them being Eye of the Whale, and Black Genius. The main area of interest in his writing career has been the environment. So it was a bit surprising to me to discover that Russell had spent so much time and effort on what most mainstream publishers consider an eccentric topic.

    At the beginning of the book, Russell describes how he graduated from the University of Kansas journalism school and almost immediately secured a job that many young writers would consider a godsend. He was a staff writer with Sports Illustrated. But he resigned just six months later. (Why he did so is not really explained.) While making a tour around the world he met a former friend of CIA Director Allen Dulles. This man told him that Madame Nhu had President Kennedy killed as an act of revenge for the death of her husband Diem. (Interesting that Dulles seems to be the first to spread this disinformation story.)

    A few years later, Russell was freelancing for journals like The Village Voice. He secured an assignment to write about the fledgling Assassination Information Bureau which was set up to cover the formation of the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA). It was while doing this report that Russell first heard of Richard Popkins’s work on the programmed assassin Luis Castillo. The then editor of the Voice, Gloria Steinem’s former CIA colleague Clay Felker, tried to discourage him from hanging out with such goofballs. But Russell persevered. And so his JFK writing sidelight, and the book, was off and running.

    There are over forty chapters in the anthology. Not all of them are devoted to separate subjects. For instance, both the first and second chapters of the book are about Popkin and Castillo. The way one measures a book like this is by this question: How many of the essays are really important, insightful, and worth preserving? By that standard the book measures small. Many of the chapters are so ephemeral, I took almost no notes. Some of the work, like a section on Antonio Veciana, is just plain dated. I mean after Gaeton Fonzi’s marvelous The Last Investigation there is not much to add on this guy. And since Russell’s work on him was from the mid-seventies, it has been superseded many times. Further, some of the chapters just do not go anywhere. Or if they do, it’s not very far. Some examples here are the sections on Gordon Novel, Ronald Augustinovich, Gerry Hemming, Larry Howard, and Loran Hall. These are all quite interesting characters. And in their own ways – except for perhaps Augustinovich – they are important to the JFK case. That is, if they had been rendered in full. Or at least close to it. But Russell does not take their stories far enough to make the profiles really worth preserving, or even reading. This, of course, may owe to the fact that magazine pieces are not meant to be done in depth or at length.

    There are other pieces that I felt amounted to little more than meandering speculation. For instance, ever since Richard Case Nagell told Russell that David Ferrie hypnotized Lee Harvey Oswald, Russell has spent a lot of time and energy attempting to show that somehow, in some way, the CIA’s MK/Ultra program figured in the JFK assassination. Unfortunately, that misguided penchant appears again here. And at much too great a length for my taste. And, even worse, without any intrinsic evidentiary justification. The author here goes on for six chapters, from pages 236-277, revisiting this diaphanous concept. Much of this reads like the worst vein of Kennedy assassination research – right down there with the infamous Canfield-Weberman ear identification of Howard Hunt as one of the tramps in Dealey Plaza. It seems to me to amount to nothing more than conspiracy smoke. Largely because it is based on unnamed sources, strained associations, and unreliable witnesses e.g. Marina Oswald channeled through Priscilla Johnson.

    There are more questionable pieces. Russell did a couple of interviews with Marina Oswald in 1992. Now there is a woman who one could spend hours with talking about just two people: Ruth Paine and Priscilla Johnson. Russell does not do much with her. She says that the Warren Commission translation of her testimony makes her sound like a fifth grader. She says there are a few thing wrong with the backyard photos. In the original pictures she says the rifle was different, there were more angles, different photos, and the background stairs are in the wrong place. And that’s about it. (I should add: John Armstrong’s book goes further on both these matters than Marina does here.) The rest of the section deals with her attempts to try and legally reopen the case. Which consisted of one meeting with some lawyers in Cambridge. Was this really worth including? There is a mildly interesting chapter about the strange death of CIA officer John Paisley. But any connection to the JFK case here is rather strained. And there is a concluding interview with Doug Horne who did much of the medical investigation for the Assassination Records Review Board. This should have been a humdinger of an interview. For me it was not. Russell has never shown much interest in the physical evidence in the JFK case. And I thought this interview revealed that lack of interest. Having just done a lot of research in this area for Section Four of my review of Vincent Bugliosi’s Reclaiming History, I can see many relevant questions that should have been asked but were not. The value of this interview comes almost entirely from the subject and not the interviewer.

    With the (rather large) ration of negative aspects now delineated, I want to mention some of the book’s more positive attributes. Russell has always been good on the private investigation of Warren Commissioner Richard Russell. Russell was the Georgia senator who suspected from the start that the Commission was a dog and pony show governed by J. Edgar Hoover and Nicolas Katzenbach. So he used people on his personal staff along with other acquaintances to conduct his own inquiry. One of the people he consulted with was Colonel Philip Corso, a retired Army Intelligence officer who had been on the staff of the National Security Council under Eisenhower. Corso did some investigating for the Commissioner and found out some interesting tidbits. He concluded that the Mannlicher-Carcano could not have performed as the official story leads us to believe. (p. 126) He also concluded that there was a Second Oswald. (ibid) Further, that Oswald had gone to Russia as part of a fake defector program being run out of the Office of Naval Intelligence. (p. 127) After doing all this inquiry he told Russell that his opinion was the assassination was a project of rogue CIA agents and anti-Castro Cubans. (ibid) Russell tended to agree with him but he said he could never get the other members of the panel to believe him.

    The opening two chapters on Richard Popkin and the investigation of the Luis Castillo case are interesting. (And, by the way, it is through Popkin that Russell ended up learning about Richard Case Nagell. p. 17) For those unaware of this fascinating case: Castillo was captured by the intelligence forces of the Philippine government in 1967. They concluded that he was a programmed assassin whose mission was to assassinate President Marcos. Once he was in custody, the government hired a psychologist named Victor Arcega to try and deprogram him. It turned out that Castillo was a Puerto Rican who was raised in the USA. And further, he seems to have been programmed as an assassin in the USA. After being beaten by a fellow prisoner, Castillo did not want to go through any further deprogramming sessions. So Arcega left and moved to Los Angeles. He was there the night of the RFK murder. When he read up on the case of Sirhan and the Girl in the Polka Dot Dress, he recognized the parallels in the two cases. He decided to return to his native Canada.

    Chapters 5 and 6 about Senator Richard Schweiker of the Church Committee and the HSCA’s first counsel, attorney Richard Sprague, are also worth reading. Especially the latter. Compared to the vast majority of official investigators on the JFK case, these two men come off exceptionally well. Schweiker sounds like Jim Garrison: “The Kennedy assassination is a mirror image proposition. What makes it hard to know what happened is that you’re struggling to find out the real focus in the mirror. And you really need two reversible ones.” (p. 42) Here’s another Garrison echo: “The more witnesses we talk to, the more they raised the fact that the Warren Commission really is a house of cards. Now it’s just prodding, pushing, shaking the tree enough to have it fall.” (ibid) Schweiker had one of his staff members, Dave Marston, working the JFK case about 90% of his time. And another worked on it full time. Further, 8 of the 11 Church Committee members consulted with him on a regular basis. (p. 43) Schweiker’s exemplary efforts gave great ballast to the creation of the HSCA and the appointment of Richard Sprague.

    The Sprague chapter is even better. It begins with his appointment as Chief Counsel and all the anxious anticipation that this choice placed in those interested in the JFK case. It then follows through with the attacks on him in the media, his mini-war with Representative Henry Gonzalez, and his eventual forced resignation. Russell interviewed him in his office in Philadelphia as the HSCA was winding down under his successor Robert Blakey in the summer of 1978. Sprague comes off as a man who went into his new job with some hopes and ideals that were eventually crushed into the ground. Again, in some respects, he comes off like Jim Garrison. Consider this comment on the media: “I feel that for some reason – and to me it’s the most fascinating part of my whole Washington experience – there is some manipulation of the press that’s successful enough that it’s not interested in a real investigation … There was a total dishonesty in the reporting of newspapers that I would otherwise have confidence in, such as the New York Times and the Washington Post. This attitude by the press was most successful in taking advantage of … individual Congressmen who were manipulated such that the press could achieve a tone to kill the investigation.” And then comes the capper in this regard: ” … there is a greater ability to manipulate public opinion by certain agencies of government than I would have believed possible … . I’ve become more interested in the media than the assassination.” (pgs. 52-53) He then goes on to get specific about particular instances of this with David Burnham of the Times, and Jeremiah O’Leary of the Washington Star. (p. 52) He notes that once he was gone, Burnham was taken off the HSCA beat. Coincidence or conspiracy?

    Further, Sprague believed that it was his investigation of Oswald that made him a target of the media. Sprague came to the conclusion that there was more of a connection between Oswald and the intelligence community “than has ever surfaced.” (p. 56) Two of the areas he was interested in were Oswald in Mexico City and the puzzle of why Oswald was not debriefed by the CIA on his return from Russia. And further, he was not going to sign any non-disclosure agreements with the intelligence community. (p. 55) In other words: what he saw, the public would see.. And if he had to subpoena information, he would. In other words, we were finally going to get the whole story about Oswald. Sprague is convinced it was this uncompromising attitude in this area that got him sacked. As he tells it: “Because of where I was at, and the timing of these attacks, that convinces me that the motivation came to kill me off.” Sprague has nothing but disdain for Blakey and his investigation. He calls it a “charade” and a “fiasco”. (pgs. 55. 56) And he concludes by commenting on Richard Helms and James Angleton. (p. 57) He says that he had a source who told him Helms had gotten the word to a Kennedy family member that the Kennedys should not back a reopening of the JFK case. He concludes that “Obviously Helms himself was one of the people that I ultimately wanted very much to interview. But not until I would be thoroughly prepared.” (ibid) In his comments on Angleton, he very interestingly compares him to Tony Boyle in the Jock Yablonski murder case. Boyle is the man Sprague convicted for the murder of labor leader Yablonksi.

    Russell penned a well-written piece about Jim Garrison in 1976. This was an article printed in Harper’s Weekly entitled “The Vindication of Jim Garrison.” It was meant to coincide of course with the installation of the HSCA. Garrison describes a conspiracy made up of elements of the CIA, anti-Castro Cuban exiles, and parts of the Mob. (p. 97) In other words, he had Anthony Summers’ design before Summers did, and before the HSCA actually got going. From here, Russell then goes into a short narrative of the Garrison inquiry and quite properly writes, “The full story of how Garrison was hamstrung would fill a volume.” Which, we now know via declassified documents, is absolutely true. Unfortunately, no one has yet written that volume. But he does include Victor Marchetti’s discussion of CIA executive meetings in which the Agency’s attempts to torpedo Garrison were kept off the record. Comments were made that such matters would be discussed after the meeting, or “We’ll pick this up later in my office.” (p. 101) And Russell details some of the actual subterfuges, like the CIA paying for certain lawyers and the CIA cooperating with judges in not serving subpoenas. (p. 101) Again, things that we can prove today with documents.

    He concludes this profile of Garrison with revelations about David Ferrie supplied by his friend Ray Broshears. He first contrasts what Broshears said to him in the seventies with what Warren Commission lawyer Wesley Liebeler told the public in 1967: Liebeler had seen the FBI file on Ferrie and he announced there was nothing to indicate Ferrie was involved in the JFK case at all. (p. 107) Yet Broshears told Russell that Ferrie called him in San Francisco shortly before his death and told him he was going to be killed. “The next thing I knew, he was dead. They said he killed himself. But he didn’t. You know it, and I know it.”(ibid) About Ferrie’s trip to Texas on the day of the assassination: “David was to meet a plane. He was going to fly them [the assassins] on to Mexico, and eventually to South Africa.” But the call Ferrie got at the skating rink told him he was not needed for that assignment. (Ibid) And finally: “He told me Lee Harvey Oswald did not kill the president. He was very adamant about it, and I believed him. All the things he told me about Oswald, I doubt he could have shot a rabbit 50 feet away.” Obviously Broshears is one of the many key witnesses Liebeler never talked to.

    Another important witness, George DeMohrenschildt, agreed with Ferrie. He says Oswald was the most honest man he knew, “And I will tell you this – I am sure he did not shoot the president.” (p. 133) He also told the author that CIA station chief J. Walton Moore had cleared Oswald in advance for him to approach him. (p. 135) If he had not, he would never have spoken to him. Which, of course, tells us a lot about George DeMohrenschildt’s relations with the CIA, let alone Oswald’s. Personally, I am glad someone besides Edward Epstein has confirmed this story. The capper for me in this section on the DeMohrenschildts was a quote from his wife Jeanna: “Of course, the truth of the assassination has not come out. It will never come out. But we know it was a vast conspiracy.” (p. 135) Recall, this is the couple that originally did the Warren Commissions’ bidding by caricaturing Oswald mercilessly in their testimony as doing things like shooting off his rifle in public parks. Evidently, they later came to feel guilty about what they had been made to do.

    Chapter 33 chronicles the famous meeting in the Bahamas in 1995 between employees of Castro’s G-2 – including Fabian Escalante – and some selected Kennedy researchers. Also on hand were Arturo Rodriguez and Carlos Lechuga. Russell summarizes some important findings presented by Escalante. First, they had verified from their end that Maurice Bishop was David Phillips. Second, they had an informant in Eladio del Valle’s organization in 1962 who said del Valle had told him that Kennedy had to be killed to solve the Cuban problem. (As an aside here, Russell adds that Nagell told him that one of the two Cuban exiles manipulating Oswald was linked to del Valle.) Third, Escalante has become convinced that what caused the exiles to act was that word had leaked out about the Attwood/Lechuga talks authorized by JFK to create a dÈtente between the US and Cuba. Fourth, Escalante confirmed that the Daniel Harker story used by David Phillips, Gus Russo and others to lend some credence to the Castro did it angle was a distortion. He says that what Castro actually uttered was “American leaders should be careful because the anti-Castro operations were something nobody could control.”

    Finally, Escalante said that Phillips had arranged to have letters addressed to Oswald from Cuba. And he showed these in a slideshow. There were five of them: two from before the assassination, three from afterwards. One of the letters, intercepted by G-2, was dated November 14th and addressed to Oswald at a hotel in Miami where he was never at. Arturo Rodriguez concluded that the text was of a conspiratorial character and that all of the letters were written by the same person, “as part of a plan to blame our country for the assassination.” (p. 223) This would be the provocation for the invasion of Cuba, which – despite the claims of Lamar Waldron – Kennedy never authorized.

    I should conclude this review with a discussion of Chapter 34 where Russell adds some new information on Nagell. In 1967, Nagell had written Warren Commissioner Richard Russell about being assigned by the KGB to initiate certain action against Oswald, who was the “indispensable tool in the conspiracy”. (p. 225) That is, the Soviets had found out about a plot to kill Kennedy. Fearing they would be blamed for the murder, they hired Nagell to infiltrate the plot and stop it. A book published in 2007 by a former Romanian intelligence officer notes that in the spring of 1963 just such action was requested by a KGB Chief named General Ivan Fadeykin: that is, the search for an agent to neutralize Oswald.

    A second interesting development is support of Nagell’s testimony is this: Nagell wrote a friend of his that his intelligence work in 1962-63 was to be paid for through American Express. And, in fact, during his trial, the prosecution objected to any mention of American Express. Why? Well, when Oswald handed a note to Lt. Francis Martello in New Orleans, in the margin was the espionage number of Michael Jelisavcic. Who was this Jelisavcic? He was a CIA asset stationed with American Express in Moscow at the time of Oswald’s defection. The FBI was aware of this fact. Hoover wrote a note to an agent in New York that in any interview of Jelisavcic, he should be closely questioned about his name and phone number being in the address book of Oswald.


    (See Part Two of this review, Richard Case Nagell: The Most Important Witness which relates On the Trail of the JFK Assassins to the first and second versions of Russell’s The Man Who Knew Too Much.)

  • Haslam, Ed, Dr. Mary’s Monkey


    I first encountered Ed Haslam back in 1992. He had written a letter to my publisher, Sheridan Square Press, about his accidental encounter with Guy Banister’s files in New Orleans in the 1980’s. The publisher sent me his essay. I found it quite interesting and felt he really had discovered who had Banister’s legendary files after his death. So I got in contact with him and put him in touch with the PBS team that was researching the area at the time. Haslam discovered the identity of the person who he encountered ten years previous. It was Ed Butler, the man who debated Oswald in the summer of 1963 and “exposed” him as a communist defector. Butler, of course, worked for Dr. Alton Ochsner’s rightwing propaganda outfit, INCA. It later turned out that INCA was closely associated with the CIA who rerouted their “Truth Tapes” throughout Latin America.

    Early on in our relationship, Ed made it clear to me that he was not all that interested in the JFK case. He was pursuing something related to it, but tangential. When I visited him at his home in Albuquerque, I discovered that he was much more interested in Dr. Mary Sherman and her relationship with David Ferrie. He pointed out to me that Jim Garrison had mentioned her in his Playboy interview as being associated with Ferrie. He had me read the brief passage:

    David Ferrie had a rather curious hobby in addition to his study of cartridge trajectories: cancer research. He filled his apartment with white mice — at one point he had almost 2000, and neighbors complained — wrote a medical treatise on the subject and worked with a number of New Orleans doctors on means of inducing cancer in mice.

    After the assassination, one of these physicians, Dr. Mary Sherman, was found hacked to death with a kitchen knife in her New Orleans apartment. Her murder is listed as unsolved. Ferrie’s experiments may have been purely theoretical and Dr. Sherman’s death completely unrelated to her association with Ferrie; but I do find it interesting that Jack Ruby died of cancer a few weeks after his conviction for murder had been overruled in appeals court and he was ordered to stand trial outside of Dallas — thus allowing him to speak freely if he so desired.

    Dr. Sherman, Haslam told me, was a world-class medical doctor who was a surgeon, professor, and researcher. I looked at him inquisitively and he delivered the punch line: “What would someone like that be doing mixed up with someone like Ferrie?”

    It was a good question. Haslam spent the next three years of his life searching for the answer. That search led him on a fascinating journey into the subterranean underground that made up New Orleans in the late fifties and sixties. (That search resulted in his 1995 book, Mary, Ferrie and the Monkey Virus, of which Dr. Mary’s Monkey is a re-titled, revised and expanded version.) It crossed paths with Garrison’s investigation of the JFK case and Ed got some valuable leads from it. But, as he told me, that was not the main focus of his quest. He wanted to find out the answer to three major questions:

    1. What was the relationship between Mary Sherman and Ferrie?
    2. What were the true circumstances of her death?
    3. Why were those circumstances covered up?

    His search began with the above noted passage from Garrison’s Playboy interview. It was filled in, and his interest bolstered, by encounters with local people from New Orleans in his youth. For example, Haslam went to school with the son of local coroner Nicolas Chetta. In class one day after the Shaw verdict, he talked about some of the things Garrison had turned up that were being ignored by the press:

    Then Nicky started talking about Ferrie’s apartment, which his father had seen the day Ferrie died … They found a small medical laboratory with a dozen mice in cages which he used for medical experiments. His medical equipment included microscopes, syringes, surgical tools, and a medical library. When they talked to Ferrie’s other landlords, they were told of a full-scale laboratory in his apartment with thousands of mice in cages. It seemed clear that he was inducing cancer in the mice! Ferrie claimed that he was looking for a cure for cancer, but Garrison’s investigators thought that he was trying to figure out a way to use cancer as an assassination weapon, presumably against Castro and his followers. (Pgs 45-46)

    Haslam then describes how a student then asked, “How could they induce cancer?” To which Chetta Jr. replied they had been “injecting mice with monkey viruses.” (p. 46)

    After a pause, another student mentioned something that probably did not have an apparent connection back then. Something about a “kid down at Tulane Medical School who was dying from the total collapse of his immune system. They couldn’t figure out what was causing it. They gave him every antibiotic they had and nothing worked.” Haslam describes another student commenting at this time: “That means they were developing a biological weapon. What happens if it escapes into the human population?”

    The teacher tried to change the subject at this time, but at the end of class Haslam was so provoked that he told a friend, “Well, the good news is if there’s a bizarre global epidemic involving cancer and a monkey virus thirty years from now, at least we’ll know where it came from.” (p. 48)

    This gripping exchange contains the essential thesis of the book in micro. And although one cannot say that Haslam proves it to the courtroom standard, i.e. beyond a reasonable doubt and to a moral certainty, he certainly does present a provocative and disturbing circumstantial case. For instance, several pages of Ferrie’s legendary treatise on cancer were found in the National Archives by researcher Peter Vea. Haslam examined them and has dated them to about 1957, and argues that they could not actually have been written by Ferrie. The information is too state of the art, the references too complete and exotic, the concepts and experiments described firsthand too advanced and nuanced. Clearly, it was written by someone at least at the level of Mary Sherman, and probably above that. He then traces the bibliography and ideas in the treatise and concludes that they center on proving the case for a viral theory of cancer. From certain idiosyncrasies displayed in the experimental protocol, Haslam postulates that the writer had to have been either Sarah Stewart or Bernice Eddy. And if he is correct on this then Garrison stumbled onto a real find that he was not aware of.

    Sarah Stewart and Bernice Eddy were two of the most respected and advanced cancer researchers in America who worked, among other places, at the National Institute for Health. Second, they were trying to prove that cancer could be transferred by a virus. Third, they were both around during the famous Salk/Sabin “sugar cube” mass inoculation for polio in the fifties. Although this is usually hailed as a triumph over polio, what many people do not know is that several children died right after getting the vaccine. As Haslam puts it: “Within days, children fell sick from polio, some were crippled, some died.” (pgs 203-204) One of the children who died was the grandson of Dr. Alton Ochsner who championed the vaccine against some doubts in high places about its safety. This is why Sabin had to refine the vaccine after its initial release.

    The doubts were articulated later on by Bernice Eddy. As Haslam notes:

    The vaccine’s manufacturers had grown their polioviruses on the kidneys of monkeys. And when they removed the poliovirus from the monkey’s kidneys. They also removed an unknown number of other monkey viruses. The more they looked, the more they found. (p. 207)

    In 1960, Eddy, who had harbored suspicions about these viruses and the vaccine, went public with her fears. At a talk in New York she stated that she had studied the monkey kidney cells used in the formation of the polio vaccine and found they were infected with cancer-causing viruses. As Haslam notes, “This was tantamount to forecasting an epidemic of cancer in America.” (Ibid) As documented by Edward Shorter in The Health Century, Eddy suffered professionally from her public warning. Quoting Shorter, “Her treatment became a scandal within the scientific community.” (p. 208)

    But right after this, Haslam presents several statistical charts and graphs (pgs 210-216), which present fairly convincing evidence that the Salk/Sabin vaccine may have caused more deaths than it cured. He outlines, at the very least, a provocative statistical case that the monkey viruses were behind a high growth in soft tissue cancers: lung, breast, prostate, lymphoma, and melanoma of the skin. I am not in any way a skilled or educated epidemiologist. But this part of the book certainly warrants a survey by one. The other connection Haslam makes here is to the AIDS virus. What he seems to be saying here is that the possibility exists that Mary Sherman may have mutated a monkey virus into HIV-1. The means being a linear particle accelerator she had available to her in New Orleans at the U.S. Public Health Service Hospital. (Haslam does a nice job of laying in the background of the research on monkey viruses done in the New Orleans area in the fifties that makes this theory possible. See Chapter 1, The Pirate.)

    Another exceptional aspect of the book is the work Haslam has done on the death of Mary Sherman. He clearly demonstrates that the police were puzzled by the bizarre circumstances of the case. Because someone smelled smoke in her apartment, her body was found early on the morning of July 21, 1964. Her body was horribly burned and hacked with a knife. Her car was found several blocks away with the keys thrown on a neighboring lawn. The first reports in the New Orleans papers state that the motive was burglary. Yet the door had not been forced open and her box of jewelry was left behind. Further, none of her neighbors heard anything that night, which is odd considering the brutal circumstances of the killing. The burglary angle was dropped and a psychosexual angle was then attached. Yet there was no evidence of sexual molestation. Three weeks after the murder the local papers announced a press blackout by the police. And the day after the press announced that the “police say they have no clue on the murder …” (p. 124) Further, the police and autopsy reports on her death were never published or made available to the public. Haslam found them after a lot of hard work and digging. And he includes the autopsy protocol in his document appendix. The most fascinating part of this document is that one of the causes of death was “Extensive burns of the right side of body with complete destruction of right upper extremity and right side of thorax and abdomen.” ( p. 354, italics added) Haslam takes these bizarre circumstances, especially the extreme temperatures needed to eliminate a large part of her right side and thus lays the ground work for what he sees as the real way she died. Again, it’s not probative, but it is fascinating.

    I should also add here as other distinguished aspects of the book, the two chapters devoted to David Ferrie and Alton Ochsner. Haslam found the valuable and detailed Southern Research report done on Ferrie. (Southern Research later turned into Wackenhut.) And he builds his chapter on Ferrie largely based on this report. It is quite extensive, going all the way back to Ferrie’s teenage years in Cleveland, Ohio. The chapter on Ochsner is also quite good; it is probably the best short essay on him that I have seen. No JFK book can come close to it. Finally, in this new edition, Haslam has added many more illustrations, pictures, and maps that let you visualize his story as he tells it.

    On the negative side, I believe Haslam puts too much stock in Judyth Baker. And his epilogue about Oswald entitled “The Perfect Patsy”, is both superfluous and shallow.

    But outside of that, this is quite an interesting, well-organized, and crafted book. Because he was an ordinary citizen working many years after the actual crime, Haslam could not actually solve the mystery of the death of Mary Sherman. But what he has given us is the next best thing: a documented, insightful, and arresting alternative to the unsatisfactory, or missing, official story. Except in this case, that alternative may have huge implications down to the present day. His work deserves attention and accolades.