Tag: WARREN DEFENDERS

  • Dale Myers, With Malice (Part 1)


    The following is a review of the 2013 Kindle edition of Dale Myers’ book With Malice.

    Commonly used abbreviations throughout this review:

    DPD = Dallas Police department
    WCD = Warren Commission document
    FBI = Federal Bureau of Investigation
    Sgt. = Seargent
    USSS = United States Secret Service
    Lt. = Lieutenant
    WCE = Warren Commission exhibit


    For the 50th anniversary of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy and the murder of Dallas Policeman J.D. Tippit, Dale Myers decided to publish an updated version of his book on Tippit’s murder entitled, With Malice. The updated book contains new text, photographs and maps pertaining to Tippit’s death. I had never read With Malice before, and it was only at the insistence of Jim DiEugenio that I decided to review the updated book. As anyone who is familiar with Myers knows, his contention is that Lee Harvey Oswald murdered Tippit in cold blood, after allegedly assassinating the President. As I hope to explain throughout this review, the notion that Oswald shot Tippit is utterly absurd. But before getting to the book itself, it is first important to outline some of the reasons why Dale Myers is not to be trusted when it comes to both Tippit’s murder and President Kennedy’s assassination.

    As most researchers of the JFK assassination are probably aware, Myers has claimed to have proven through his 3-D animation of President Kennedy’s assassination that the single bullet theory is actually true. However, as researchers such as Milicent Cranor, Bob Harris, and Pat Speer have shown, Myers’ work is highly deceptive. Speer’s comprehensive analysis of the statements of the ear/eye witnesses to the assassination has demonstrated beyond a reasonable doubt that the majority of ear/eye witnesses didn’t hear the so-called single bullet shot, and that the shot(s) to Governor Connally did not originate from the sixth floor of the Texas School book depository. Myers is also known for his support of the ludicrous notion that the first shot missed the President’s limousine, and caused the injury to bystander James Tague. Contrary to this belief, Tague always denied that the first shot was responsible for the cut to his left cheek. In fact, following the airing of Max Holland’s utterly fallacious documentary, The Lost Bullet, in which Holland claimed Tague’s injury was caused by the first shot, Tague indignantly exclaimed; “Holland is full of crap. One thing I know for sure is that the first shot was not the missed curb shot. Another thing I am positive about is that the last shot was the missed shot. You may not want to believe the Warren Commission’s final findings, but you can believe the 11 witnesses who state it was the last shot that missed.” (Read Tague’s remark). Although Tague was not always certain whether it was the second or third shot he heard which caused his injury, his confusion is understandable given that like the majority of ear/eye witnesses, he claimed that the next two shots he heard were fired in rapid succession (WCD 205, page 31). The fact that Myers pretends this theory is true in spite of Tague’s adamant denial, speaks poorly for his credibility as a researcher.

    Then there is Myers’ interview with John Kelin in 1982. During that interview, Kelin asked Myers what he thought about Oswald, to which Myers responded with the following remark; “…First off, I don’t think Lee Harvey Oswald pulled the trigger.” Myers also said that as far as saying Oswald is guilty, “…I find that extremely hard to believe”. However, most revealing of all was his denial that Oswald had shot Tippit; namely that “I think I will be able to show, beyond a reasonable doubt, that Oswald was not the killer of J.D. Tippit.” Researcher and author Jim DiEugenio once asked what had caused Myers to suddenly believe that Oswald hard murdered Tippit? Although we may never know the real answer to that question, it hardly matters. However, in this reviewer’s opinion, it was most likely due to Myers fondness for many of the DPD Officers he had interviewed, such as former DPD dispatcher Murray James Jackson. In fact, as this reviewer demonstrates below, Myers shows favouritism towards these very same officers.

    Although there are some people who believe that With Malice is the definitive book on Tippit’s murder, nothing could be further from the truth. Myers omits many facts and pieces of evidence which tend to exonerate Oswald as Tippit’s killer. Myers also shows favouritism towards witnesses who support Oswald’s guilt (even though, as I will explain, they lack credibility). In the introduction to his book, Myers also quotes many of Tippit’s family members and friends who dismiss the notion that Tippit was somehow involved in a conspiracy to murder either President Kennedy or Oswald. For example, Myers quotes Marie Frances Gasway, Tippit’s widow, who said the following during an interview in 2003: “The conspiracy stuff is so untrue, so totally unfounded.” (With Malice, Introduction). Quoting Tippit’s youngest son, Curtis Tippit, Myers writes: “People want sensationalism. Mom’s been abused by conspiracy theories and tabloid publications… Too many people want to cling to a false history, believing my father was in on something with Jack Ruby… Really it’s all kind of silly and funny” (ibid).

    Although it is perfectly understandable that Tippit’s family and friends want to feel a sense of closure by believing that the man who allegedly murdered Tippit was arrested by the DPD, it is nevertheless important that an honest analysis of the evidence and facts pertaining to his murder be presented to current and future researchers of that case. Furthermore, given the shame and embarrassment any allegation that Tippit was somehow involved in a conspiracy would bring to his family members and friends, it is also perfectly understandable that they would vehemently deny any such allegations. Readers should keep in mind that since writing several articles on Tippit’s murder on my blog, I have since changed my mind on a number of issues, and have come to realize that I had also made a number of mistakes and misjudgements.

    I: The search begins

    Myers begins his above titled Chapter 1 with the following sentences: “Lee Harvey Oswald murdered J.D. Tippit. The Dallas Cops believed it. The newspapers reported it. The Warren Commission made it official and the House Select Committee on Assassinations reaffirmed it.” (With Malice, Chapter 1). Myers and his fellow Warren Commission defenders scoff at the idea that the DPD and the Dallas district attorney’s Office could have helped frame Oswald for the murders of President Kennedy and J.D. Tippit. In fact, Myers snidely writes the following: “It was claimed [by Warren Commission critics] that Oswald was framed by a zealous Police force” (ibid). Thanks to Dallas district attorney Craig Watkins, we now know that with Henry Wade as District Attorney of Dallas, the DPD was one of the most corrupt Police departments in the entire United States; something which Myers and his ilk want to pretend isn’t true. To give the reader one example of just how bad the DA’s Office and the DPD were, let’s take the case of James Lee Woodard. Woodard was an African American man who spent twenty seven years in prison for a murder he didn’t commit. As it turned out, Henry Wade’s Office had withheld evidence from Woodard’s defence attorney which exonerated him as the killer. According to Michelle Moore, the President of the Innocence Project of Texas’ “…we’re finding lots of places where detectives in those cases, they kind of trimmed the corners to just get the case done”. She also added; “Whether that’s the fault of the detectives or the DA’s, I don’t know.” (Readers are strongly encouraged to read through this article, to see for themselves just how corrupt Wade’s Office and the DPD were).

    As for why the DA’s Office and the DPD would want to frame Oswald, just consider the following. The president of the United States of America (the most powerful man in the world) was gunned down in broad daylight and in full public view. Naturally, the entire United States, including the leaders of foreign countries, were anxiously waiting to learn who was responsible for the crime. Since the assassination of a sitting President was not a federal crime in 1963, the DPD had jurisdiction, and were undoubtedly under a tremendous amount of pressure to find those responsible, in order to avoid embarrassment for not being able to identify those responsible. Naturally, the DPD also had to find those responsible for the murder of one of their own policemen. As many researchers of the assassination have pointed out, a wallet bearing identification for Oswald and his alleged alias, Alek James Hidell, was discovered in the vicinity of the Tippit murder scene. This allegation first appeared in the book by former FBI agent James Hosty entitled Assignment Oswald. Myers dismisses the idea such a wallet was left behind to incriminate Oswald. But as this reviewer explains later on in this review, there is very good reason to believe that this was the case.

    It’s important to keep in mind that with a wallet left behind to incriminate Oswald, the DPD had a viable suspect for Tippit’s murder. The DPD could then use Tippit’s murder to portray Oswald as a violent man who was capable of assassinating the President. In fact, Warren Commission counsel David Belin once remarked that: “Once the hypothesis is admitted that Oswald killed patrolman Tippit, there can be no doubt that the overall evidence shows that Lee Harvey Oswald was the assassin of John F. Kennedy”. (ibid). To say that such a belief is narrow-minded would be an understatement. Myers also makes several demeaning comments against those who refuse to believe that Oswald shot Tippit. For example, Myers writes that; “Many eyewitness accounts of the [Tippit] shooting were twisted to exonerate Oswald” (ibid). The readers of this review can make up their own minds on whether or not this is the case. Myers also writes that; “Lee Harvey Oswald murdered Officer J.D. Tippit. There can no longer be any doubt about that”, and that no matter what role Oswald had in the President’s assassination “…Oswald’s guilt in the Tippit shooting must be hereafter considered a historic truth.” (ibid). In light of all the evidence to the contrary, to say that Oswald’s guilt in the Tippit murder must be considered a historic truth is almost absurd. However, Myers can make that claim, because he omits a lot of the evidence which tends to exonerate Oswald.

    II: The quiet cop

    In this chapter, Myers discusses Tippit’s life from his childhood, his high school years, his service in the United States Army as a paratrooper, on to his career as a DPD Officer. Myers portrays Tippit as a good and honest cop, killed in the line of duty. In his discussion of Tippit’s Army experiences, Myers explains that it had “…made deep impressions…” Namely that Tippit’s friends recalled that he would be startled by any loud noise and that he was “…still a little nervous…” (With Malice, Chapter 2). What Myers omits however, is that Tippit’s DPD personnel files contain evidence that he may possibly have been unstable. (Reopen Kennedy case forum, thread entitled: J.D Tippit: the perfect DPD recruit). In his discussion of Tippit’s career as a DPD Officer, Myers explains that since joining the DPD as an apprentice Policeman in July, 1952, Tippit was an “exemplary” Police Officer (With Malice, Chapter 2). However, Myers also mentions that in 1955, Tippit had received several reprimands for not appearing in court as ordered (ibid). In order to bolster his claim that Tippit was a good and honest Police Officer, Myers quotes several of Tippit’s fellow Police Officers, such as Tippit’s supervisor, Calvin “Bud” Owens, who vouched for this (ibid). Even if these claims are true, it has little bearing on whether Tippit was lured to Tenth Street to be shot and killed. The evidence for that lies in the fact that a wallet was left behind to incriminate Oswald for his murder. Furthermore, the DPD would naturally want to avoid making claims to the contrary, as any such claims could lead to speculation that Tippit was somehow involved in a conspiracy; and bring about embarrassment to the DPD.

    III: The final hours

    In this chapter, Myers relates to the readers the final hours of Tippit’s life; from the time he left his home at 6:15 am, to the time he was shot and killed on Tenth Street in the central Oak Cliff area of Dallas (With Malice, Chapter 3). The issues which Myers deals with here include why Tippit was in central Oak Cliff when he was killed, the sighting of Tippit at the Gloco Service station located at 1502 North Zangs blvd., the sighting of a DPD squad car which Earlene Roberts, the house keeper at 1026 North Beckley where Oswald was allegedly living at the time of the assassination, a car she claimed was outside the rooming house when “Oswald” was inside following the assassination, and finally, Tippit’s alleged presence at the Top Ten records store a few minutes prior to his death. Myers writes that; “Tippit wished he could have seen the President, whom he had voted for and admired.” (ibid) Whilst that may be true, it is this reviewer’s belief that it has little (if any) bearing on his death. Myers also relates to his readers the all too familiar tale that Howard Brennan was sitting directly across from the TSBD on Elm Street, when he allegedly observed Oswald firing the shots at President Kennedy (ibid). But what Myers doesn’t tell his readers is that the Zapruder film shows beyond any doubt that Brennan was sitting directly across Houston Street, and that Brennan was lying when he said he sitting directly across from the TSBD.

    In his discussion of whether or not Earlene Roberts had really seen a DPD squad car outside of the rooming house, Myers does everything he can to discredit her story. When Roberts was interviewed by the FBI on November 29, 1963, she told them that the number of the car she observed outside the rooming house was 207 (WCE 2781). As Myers explains, that particular car was assigned to DPD Officer Jim M. Valentine, and which took DPD Sgt. Gerald Hill and Dallas Morning News reporter Jim Ewell to Dealey Plaza from Police headquarters. As this reviewer will explain in an upcoming essay on Gerald Hill, Hill had by all likelihood commandeered car 207 from Officer Valentine, and was one of the two Officers inside the car when it was seen by Roberts outside of the rooming house. In that same essay, this reviewer will discuss Myers’ narrow minded attempt to discredit Roberts.

    On the day of the assassination, Tippit was assigned to patrol district 78 (testimony of Calvin Bud Owens, WC Volume VII, page 80). However, the patrol district in which Tippit was killed (district 91) was assigned to a DPD Officer named William Duane Mentzel (WCE 2645). Tippit and another Officer named Ronald C. Nelson were allegedly ordered to move into the central Oak Cliff by DPD dispatcher Murray Jackson at approximately 12:45 pm (WCE 705/1974). According to DPD chief Jesse Curry, the central Oak Cliff area included patrol district 91 (WCD 1259, page 3). According to the map of the DPD patrol districts, it stands to reason that districts 92, 93, 94, 108, and 109 which were adjacent to district 91 were also part of the central Oak Cliff area (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 7, Folder 10, Item 2). Although Jackson was never called to testify before the Warren Commission, during a filmed interview with Eddie Barker from CBS, he explained that he had ordered Tippit into the central Oak Cliff area because “We [the dispatchers] were draining the Oak Cliff area of available Police Officers….” (See the interview). Myers accepts that this was the case, and writes that Jackson told him during an interview that he had ordered Tippit into the central Oak Cliff area because Tippit had once helped him out during an incident with seven drunk teenagers, and that allegedly feeling that he could once again rely on Tippit, Jackson ordered Tippit into the Oak Cliff area to “help him [Jackson] again…. to cover Oak Cliff” (With Malice, Chapter 3).

    But contrary to Jackson’s claim, there is very good reason to believe that he never ordered Tippit and Nelson to move into the central Oak Cliff area. In the first transcript of channel one of the DPD radio recordings (Sawyer exhibit B), the order to send Tippit and Nelson into the central Oak Cliff area is curiously missing. Myers doesn’t mention this to his readers. In that very same transcript, the channel one dispatchers (Jackson and Clifford Hulse), allegedly broadcast the following message over the DPD radio at approximately 12:43 pm; “Attention all squads in the downtown area code three [lights on and sirens blazing] to Elm and Houston with caution.” (Sawyer exhibit B, page 398). Myers acknowledges this in his timetable of the events which occurred on the day of the assassination, but hides from his readers the fact that according to the next transcript which the DPD had provided to the FBI on March 20, 1964, the dispatchers had actually broadcast the following message: “Attention all squads, report to [the] downtown area code 3 to Elm and Houston, with caution.” (WCE 705).

    Whilst it certainly makes more sense that only the squads in the downtown area would be dispatched to the assassination scene, thereby leaving all the “outer” area squads in their assigned districts in the event a crime such as a robbery were to occur, the exact same transmission appears in the next transcript on the DPD channel one and two radio recordings (WCE 1974). On July 21, 1964, DPD chief Jesse Curry furnished the FBI a copy of the “original” tape recordings of the DPD radio traffic, which were reviewed by an agent of the FBI at the DPD (ibid). If the transmission “Attention all squads, report to [the] downtown area code 3 to Elm and Houston, with caution” was not recorded on the tapes, then the FBI would surely not have allowed it to be placed into the new transcript. Confirmation that the dispatchers had actually ordered all squads and not only the squads in the downtown area to proceed to Elm and Houston comes from DPD chief Curry himself. In a letter to the Warren Commission on July 17, 1964, Curry wrote; “…between 12:37 p.m. and 12:45 p.m., the dispatcher requested all squads to report to Elm and Houston in the downtown area, code 3” (WCD 1259, page 3). Curry then added; “It might further be pointed out that Officer Tippit remained on his district until the dispatcher had requested all squads to report to Elm and Houston…” (ibid). But perhaps most significantly of all, Jackson himself confirmed that all squads had been dispatched to Elm and Houston Streets in his filmed interview with Eddie Barker in 1967. According to Jackson; “…we immediately dispatched every available unit [squad] to the triple underpass where the shot was reported to have come from.” Myers mentions none of this to his readers.

    In light of all of the above, the notion that Jackson was only concerned that the Oak Cliff area was being “drained’ of available DPD Officers when all squads had been ordered to Elm and Houston seems strained. Jackson’s next transmission to Tippit was at approximately 12:54 pm, when he asked Tippit if he was in the Oak Cliff area (WCE 705/1974). Tippit allegedly responded that he was at Lancaster and Eighth. Jackson then allegedly instructed Tippit; “You will be at large for any emergency that comes in.” Keep in mind that the alleged order to Tippit and Nelson was to move into the central Oak Cliff area. On the day of the assassination, districts 93 and 94 were assigned to Officer Holley M. Ashcraft, and districts 108 and 109 were assigned to Officer Owen H. Ludwig (WCE 2645). Although the tape recordings of channel one of the DPD radio reveal that the dispatchers sent Ashcraft to Inwood road and Stemmons expressway to cut traffic (Listen to the recording), and although Ludwig was allegedly guarding the front of the Sheraton-Dallas-Hotel, Jackson never bothered to try and contact William Mentzel on the radio, who was on a lunch break at approximately the time of the assassination (ibid). None of the transcripts of the DPD radio communications show that Jackson had attempted to contact Mentzel; and the notion that Jackson would order Tippit and Nelson to move into the central Oak Cliff without even once bothering to contact Mentzel to ensure that Mentzel was patrolling his assigned districts (91 and 92) is also strained (ibid). Again, Myers does not mention to his readers that Jackson never bothered to contact Mentzel by the DPD radio.

    Finally, there is the fact that despite being allegedly ordered to move into the central Oak Cliff area, Ronald Nelson proceeded to Dealey Plaza, and even told the dispatcher that he had gone there at approximately 12:52 pm (WCE 705/1974). But despite disobeying Jackson’s order, we are supposed to believe that he had the audacity to then ask the dispatchers if they wanted him to go over to the Tippit murder scene (ibid). Myers explains that after Jackson allegedly ordered Tippit and Nelson to move into the central Oak Cliff area, Tippit responded; “I’m at Kiest and Bonnieview”, and Nelson allegedly responded that he is “…going North of Marsalis, on R.L. Thornton” (With Malice, Chapter 3). What Myers doesn’t mention is that the aforementioned alleged responses by Tippit and Nelson do not appear in either WCE 705 or Sawyer exhibit B. They first appear in WCE 1974. Myers also writes that Nelson told the dispatchers that he was at the South end of the Houston Street Viaduct (ibid). However, according to both WCE 705 and WCE 1974, the Officer who made the transmission was actually B.L. Bass; and that Bass had identified himself to the dispatchers by his radio number (101).

    When author Henry Hurt interviewed Nelson in 1984, he asked him; “Did you get the call to go to central Oak Cliff” (Hurt, Reasonable Doubt, page 162). After first telling Hurt that he wasn’t sure what he meant by his question, he then said “I had rather not talk about that” (ibid). According to Hurt, Nelson apparently considered that information to be worth some money (ibid). Myers explains that Nelson had declined a request for an interview with him (With Malice, Chapter 3). Nelson’s reluctance to be interviewed may have been due to the fact that he actually wasn’t ordered to move into the central Oak Cliff area, and that his explanation to Hurt that it was worth some money was just an excuse to discourage Hurt from talking about it with him. Suffice it to say, the notion that Tippit and Nelson were ordered to move into the central Oak Cliff area is dubious, and the transcripts and tape recordings of the DPD radio communications were in all likelihood altered to make it appear as though they actually were sent into the central Oak Cliff area.

    Obviously, the DPD had to provide an explanation for what Tippit was doing there; hence Jackson was coerced into claiming that he had sent them into central Oak Cliff. In this reviewer’s opinion, the DPD claimed that Nelson was also sent into central Oak Cliff so that they wouldn’t make it appear obvious that they were covering up for Tippit’s singular presence there. But did Jackson also have a personal reason for lying about Tippit’s presence in central Oak Cliff? As it turns out, there is. Jackson told Henry Hurt during an interview with him that he was a very close personal friend of both Tippit and his family (Hurt, Reasonable doubt, page 162). As any reasonable person would be able to understand, Tippit’s unauthorised presence in central Oak Cliff would have led to rumours which would probably be upsetting for his family members. Jackson may have thought that by claiming he had ordered Tippit to move into the central Oak Cliff area, he would be sparing Tippit’s family members of these upsetting rumours.

    In his timetable of events which occurred on the day of the assassination, Myers writes that Tippit was at the GLOCO (Good luck Oil Company) service station, located on 1502 North Zangs Blvd., apparently watching traffic “coming out of downtown.”, from about 12:56 pm to 1:06 pm (With Malice, Timetable of events). In the endnotes, Myers cites David Lifton’s interview with a photographer named Al Volkland, who told him that he was well acquainted with Tippit, and that he had seen him at the service station. Volkland’s claim of seeing Tippit there was allegedly confirmed by his wife; and both claimed that they observed Tippit at the service station 10 or 20 minutes following the assassination. Furthermore, J.B. “Shorty” Lewis and Emmett Hollingshead, who were employed at the service station, and Tom Mullins who was the owner of the station at the time of the assassination, also claimed they had seen Tippit there (With Malice, Chapter 3).

    In his endnotes, Myers also cites the Ramparts magazine article by David Welsh, in which Welsh wrote that Lewis, Hollingshead, and Mullins claimed Tippit was at the service station for about ten minutes, between 12:45 pm and 1:00 pm. However, Myers explains that in an interview with him in 1983, Hollingshead claimed that he had seen Tippit at the service station before the President was assassinated. Myers also claims that in an interview with him in 1983, Lewis said that other employees of the service station had seen Tippit there, and not him. Myers offers no source for why he believes Tippit arrived at the service station at 12:56 pm, and as this reviewer explains below, there is compelling evidence that Tippit was actually shot at about 1:06 pm. If Tippit really was at the service station, his presence there is a mystery. Whilst Myers doesn’t believe that Tippit was at the service station by 12:45 pm, and that he only moved into the central Oak Cliff area following the alleged order by Murray Jackson to do so, he nevertheless ignores all of the compelling evidence that Jackson didn’t order Tippit to move into the central Oak Cliff area.

    According to the DPD radio transmission transcripts, Murray Jackson asked Tippit for his location at approximately 1:03 pm, but received no response (WCE 705/1974). However, Myers writes that as the dispatchers were trying to determine the location of Officer A.D. Duncan, a garbled transmission was made that had the tonal characteristics of other “known” transmissions made by Tippit (With Malice, Chapter 3). In his endnotes, Myers explains that the transcripts describe the alleged transmission by Tippit as “more interference”, which is true (WCE 705/1974). In fact, according to the transcripts of the DPD radio communications, the interference was due to “…intermodulation similar, according to [the] Dallas Police Department, to that most often originating from the Dallas Power and light company” (ibid). Given Myers skewed conclusion driven agenda , as demonstrated throughout this review, readers are cautioned against believing much of what Myers writes. According to Myers, Tippit was at the Tip Top Records store at 1:11 pm, where he was allegedly trying to place a phone call to someone (With Malice, Chapter 3). However, given that Tippit didn’t respond to Jackson at 1:03 pm, Tippit was probably in the store at this point in time. If Tippit really was in the store trying to call someone, it remains a mystery as to who it was, and why he was trying to call him/her.

    IV: Murder on Tenth Street

    Myers now discusses Tippit’s murder on Tenth Street, and the events that followed. It is Myers contention that Tippit was shot at approximately 1:14.30 pm (With Malice, Chapter 4). Myers writes that the tape recordings of the DPD radio communications show that Domingo Benavides had attempted to inform the DPD dispatchers of Tippit’s death at 1:16 pm, as the tape recordings show that he began “keying” Tippit’s microphone at that time; and had been doing so for about one minute and forty one seconds. Based on the eyewitness account of Ted Callaway , Myers then speculates that Tippit was probably shot ninety seconds prior to Benavides attempt to contact the dispatcher (ibid). However, let’s look at all the evidence that Myers ignores to reach his conclusion that Tippit was shot at about 1:14.30 pm. To begin with, Myers never informs his readers that according to WCE 705, T.F. Bowley, who had arrived at the murder scene shortly following Tippit’s death, reported Tippit’s death just prior to 1:10 pm! In WCE 1974 however, the time of Bowley’s transmission was noted as being made at about 1:19 pm.

    Bowley claimed in his affidavit to the DPD that when he arrived at the Tippit murder scene, he looked at his watch and it read 1:10 pm. He also claimed that the first thing he did was to try and help Tippit, and then informed the DPD dispatchers that Tippit was shot (Dallas municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 3, Item 14). Assuming that Bowley took no more than a minute to try and help Tippit before informing the dispatchers of the shooting, the actual time of Bowley’s arrival would have been approximately 1:09 pm. Nevertheless, both WCE 705 and Bowley’s watch place Tippit’s death sooner than Myers time of 1:14.30. Myers deals with Bowley’s watch reading 1:10 pm in his endnotes, where he writes that no one determined whether Bowley’s watch was accurate on the day of the assassination. Whilst we will probably never know just how accurate Bowley’s watch was, WCE 705 places Bowley’s transmission at about 1:10 pm, which is fairly consistent with Bowley’s claim his watch read 1:10 pm after he arrived.

    In his endnotes, Myers also deals with the allegation by Mrs. Margie Higgins, who lived 150 feet east of and across the street from where Tippit was shot. As Myers writes, Mrs. Higgins told author Barry Ernest that she was watching the news, when the announcer stated that the time was 1:06 pm (Ernest, The Girl On The Stairs, page 90). Mrs Higgins told Ernest that she then checked the clock on top of the TV, which confirmed that the time was 1:06 pm, and that it was at that point when she heard the shooting. Myers tries to discredit Mrs Higgins’ claim by telling his readers that, “A review of archival recordings of all three networks broadcasting that afternoon in Dallas failed to verify her [Mrs Higgins’] recollection.” Myers then adds “In fact, none of the networks broadcast a time check at 1:06 p.m. as she claimed.” Although this review cannot verify whether this is true or not, readers are once again cautioned against taking Myers word for it, for this reviewer demonstrates throughout this review that Myers is not a candid or balanced researcher. Readers should also keep in mind that Mrs. Higgins’ claim is consistent with Helen Markham’s claim in her affidavit that she was standing on the corner of Tenth and Patton Streets at approximately 1:06 pm when Tippit was shot (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 1, Item 18).

    Both Markham’s and Mrs Higgins’ claims are also consistent with the fact that Markham told FBI agent Robert M. Barrett that when she left the Washateria of her apartment to catch her bus, she noticed the time shown on the clock of the Washateria was 1:04 pm (WCD 630). Markham explained to Barrett that she was attempting to call her daughter on the Washateria phone (ibid). The FBI determined that it would have taken Markham about two and a half minutes to reach the intersection of Tenth and Patton Streets, which means Markham would have arrived at the intersection close to 1:07 pm (ibid). Myers acknowledges in his book that Markham reportedly left the Washateria at 1:04 pm, but claims that Markham “probably” didn’t leave the Washateria before 1:11 pm, and speculates that this was perhaps the case because of her “eagerness” to contact her daughter by phone (With Malice, Chapter 4). In his endnotes, Myers snidely writes that in order to believe the statements by Markham, Higgins, and Bowley of when Tippit was killed; “…one would have to believe that Tippit lay dead in the Street for eight to twelve minutes before anyone notified [the] Police.” But only by ignoring the fact that WCE 705 places the time of Bowley’s radio transmission at approximately 1:10 pm can Myers make this claim and think that he can get away with it.

    Myers writes that the Dudley Hughes Funeral home, which had dispatched the ambulance which took Tippit’s body to Methodist hospital, was informed of the shooting at 1:18 pm by the DPD, and that Dudley M. Hughes Junior, who took the call from the DPD at the funeral home, allegedly filled out an ambulance call slip which was time stamped 1:18 pm (With Malice, Chapter 5). Myers references this call slip to an essay by researchers George and Patricia Nash in The New Leader entitled: The Other Witnesses (John Armstrong Baylor collection, tab entitled: George & Patricia Nash). However, the call slip itself doesn’t appear to be amongst the Dallas Municipal archives collection, and taking into account all of the evidence which contradicts the notion that the funeral home received the call at 1:18 pm, this piece of evidence should be considered unreliable. Of course, it is entirely likely that if the ambulance call slip actually exists, the DPD had falsified it in order to bolster the notion that Tippit was shot close to 1:18 pm; and thereby allowing Oswald plenty of time to reach Tenth and Patton in order to shoot Tippit after he allegedly left the rooming house at 1026 North Beckley.

    Readers should keep in mind that justice of the peace, Joe B. Brown, filled out an authorisation permit for an autopsy to be performed on Tippit’s body, and in that permit, Brown noted that Tippit was pronounced dead on arrival at Methodist hospital, and noted the time of death as 1:15 pm (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 24, Item 2). Although there is conflicting evidence for the time Tippit was pronounced dead at Methodist hospital, researcher Martin Hay discovered that in a supplementary offense report by DPD Officers R.A. Davenport and W.R. Bardin, Dr. Richard Liguori pronounced Tippit dead at Methodist Hospital at 1:15 pm (ReopenKennedycase forum, thread entitled: Question Concerning Time). Given the fact that (according to WCE 705) T.F. Bowley’s transmission to the DPD dispatchers was at approximately 1:10 pm, and given all of the aforementioned evidence which supports the notion that Tippit was shot prior to 1:10 pm and then taken to Methodist Hospital where he was most likely pronounced dead at 1:15 pm, Myers assertion that Tippit was shot at 1:14.30 pm is simply not tenable.

    According to WCE 705, Tippit allegedly tried to contact the DPD dispatchers twice at approximately 1:08 pm. However, these alleged transmissions are curiously missing from WCE 1974; and instead, there appears to be two garbled transmission from DPD Officers with the radio numbers 58 and 488. Although some researchers believe that the alleged call by Tippit at circa 1:08 pm is proof that Tippit was still alive at that time, and that he was attempting to report that he had just encountered a suspect, there is good reason to believe that this alleged call was added into the transcript by the DPD. Consider that with Helen Markham’s first day affidavit, the DPD would have realised that Tippit was killed at approximately 1:06 pm. It is this reviewer’s opinion that the DPD took advantage of the fact that there were two garbled transmissions at about 1:08 pm, and claimed that it was Tippit to make it appear as though he was alive after 1:06 pm.

    As far as Tippit’s alleged attempts to report that he had just encountered a suspect are concerned, the discovery of the wallet containing identification for Oswald and Hidell in the vicinity of the Tippit murder scene strongly implies that Tippit was lured to Tenth Street to be shot. With this in mind, the last thing the conspirators would surely have wanted was for Tippit to become suspicious. Therefore, it seems very unlikely that Tippit actually attempted to report that he had encountered a suspect. Myers never mentions that WCE 705 shows that Tippit attempted to contact the dispatchers, writing instead that: “A check of the Dallas Police tapes revealed that Tippit did not notify the dispatcher that he was stopping to question the man on Tenth Street” (With Malice, Chapter 4). It is this reviewer’s belief that Myers never mentions Tippit’s alleged attempts to contact the dispatchers, because he was probably concerned that his readers would think that Tippit had stopped “Oswald” at about 1:08 pm; and by implication, was also shot at this time.

    This reviewer would also like to point out that when T.F. Bowley reported the shooting to the DPD dispatchers, Murray Jackson allegedly responded by calling out Tippit’s radio number (78), because according to Myers, Tippit was “…thought to be the only available patrol unit in the Oak Cliff area.” (ibid) By ignoring all the evidence that the DPD radio traffic tape recordings have been altered, Myers can pretend that Jackson really did call for Tippit.

    Furthermore, in an apparent attempt to explain why Jackson immediately thought of calling for Tippit instead of William Mentzel, Myers writes in his endnotes that Mentzel, and another officer named Vernon R. Nolan, were sent to a traffic accident at about 1:11 pm. Curiously, there is nothing within WCE 705 and WCE 1974 that Mentzel was sent to a traffic accident.

    Another issue which Myers discusses in this chapter is the direction in which the killer was walking when he was spotted by Tippit. Based on the observations by William Lawrence Smith, Jimmy Burt, Jimmy Brewer, and William Scoggins, Myers concludes that Tippit’s killer was initially walking west (ibid). This reviewer agrees. However, readers should keep in mind that in his interview with the FBI on December 15, 1963, Burt made no mention of seeing Tippit’s killer at all (WCD 194, page 29). Based on the statements of witnesses Helen Markham and Jack Ray Tatum, Myers speculates that Tippit’s killer then turned around and was walking east when he observed Tippit’s squad car approaching, and that this is what caused Tippit to pull over to the curb and question his soon to be killer (ibid). According to Myers: “The eyewitness accounts depict the suspect traveling in two conflicting directions, with the key moment of change occurring just east of Tenth and Patton” (ibid). But as even Myers ironically notes at the end of this chapter, Helen Markham told the USSS on December 2, 1963, that she first observed Tippit’s killer on the sidewalk after Tippit had pulled his squad car to the curb (ibid). Myers also notes that on March 17, 1964, Markham told FBI agent Robert M. Barrett that she had first seen Tippit’s killer as Tippit passed the intersection of Tenth and Patton (ibid). When Markham testified before the Warren Commission, she claimed that she saw Tippit’s killer crossing Patton street (heading east), and about to step up onto the curb (WC Volume III, page 307).

    Not only do Markham’s statements directly contradict Myers assertion that the killer changed direction just east of Tenth and Patton, but given her overall unreliability as a witness, her claim that she had observed Tippit’s killer walking east should not be considered credible. Also, consider that in her affidavit to the DPD, she made no mention of which direction Tippit’s killer was walking when she first observed him (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 1, Item 18). According to researcher John Armstrong, a barber named Mr Clark claimed he had also seen Tippit’s killer walking west along Tenth Street, and that he would bet his life that the man he saw was Oswald However, Clark does not count as a witness to seeing Tippit’s killer walking west along Tenth Street, because he claimed he saw the man in the morning, whereas Tippit was most certainly there after 1:00 pm in the afternoon (John Armstrong Baylor research collection, tab entitled: 10th St. Barber shop).

    Myers also explains to his readers that a Mrs Ann McCravey (believed to be Mrs Ann McRavin who allegedly lived at 404 east Tenth Street) claimed that she had seen Tippit’s killer running (With Malice, Chapter 4). Although McRavin didn’t specify which direction she had seen Tippit’s killer running, Myers writes that given her vantage point; “…Tippit’s killer could only have been running in a westerly direction [when she saw him]…” (ibid). But contrary to McRavin’s claim, no other witness is on record saying that Tippit’s killer was running, and given the evidence that Tippit was lured to Tenth Street to be shot, it seems highly unlikely that his killer would have been running and making himself appear suspicious to Tippit. Therefore, if she really did see Tippit’s killer, her claim that he was running should not be considered credible.

    As far as Jack Tatum is concerned, there is good reason to believe that he may be a phony witness used not only to help incriminate Oswald for Tippit’s murder, but to also help explain the presence of a suspicious red Ford at the Tippit murder scene. When Tatum was interviewed by HSCA investigators on February 1, 1978, he claimed that after he witnessed Tippit being shot in the head, he sped off in his car, and made no mention of having returned to the murder scene (HSCA report, Volume XII, page 41). In fact, when Tatum was asked if there was anything he wished to add to the statement he made to investigators Jack Moriarty and Joe Bastori, he replied; “At this time I can’t think of anything.” (John Armstrong Baylor research collection, tab entitled: Jack Tatum). However, when Myers interviewed Tatum in 1983/84, Tatum now began to aggrandize his story and his importance in it. He now claimed that he had gone back to the Tippit murder scene, and had taken Helen Markham to a policeman (With Malice, Chapter 4). Evidently, by the time Myers had interviewed him, Tatum had experienced a case of memory improvement. It is also noteworthy that during a telephone interview on March 18, 1986, Tatum allegedly stated that he had taken Markham to the police station to give evidence (John Armstrong Baylor research collection, tab entitled: Jack Tatum). However, this allegation is dubious. As Myers acknowledges in his book, Markham was taken to DPD headquarters by an officer named George W. Hammer (With Malice, Chapter 7). According to the transcripts of the DPD radio communications, Hammer was indeed the officer who took Markham to DPD headquarters (WCE 705/1974).

    Whilst Myers and his ilk will probably argue that the interviewer was in error, the truth is that no intellectually honest researcher should assume that this was the case, and then argue that Tatum definitely didn’t make such a claim. Readers should also bear in mind that Tatum didn’t come forward as a witness shortly following Tippit’s murder because he allegedly thought that there were enough witnesses, and that he didn’t think he could “add anything” (John Armstrong Baylor research collection, tab entitled: Jack Tatum). During his aforementioned telephone interview, Tatum also claimed that he was concerned about rumors of a conspiracy, and in particular a Mafia one; and that this may have been another reason for him remaining quiet (ibid). Perhaps the most significant detail about Tatum is that he was employed by the Baylor Medical Centre in Dallas, which, according to researcher William Kelly, had received funds from both the U.S. Army and the CIA for the heinous MK/ULTRA research, between the years 1963 and 1965 (John Simkin’s education forum, thread entitled: Frank Kaiser). As many researchers have pointed out, the CIA has been involved in the cover-up of Oswald as President Kennedy’s assassin. Therefore, the possibility exists that the CIA may have been involved in coercing Tatum into identifying Oswald as Tippit’s killer in order to bolster the notion that he was President Kennedy’s assassin. Whilst this reviewer feels certain that Myers will dismiss this as ridiculous, it nevertheless remains a possibility.

    When Domingo Benavides testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that a man in a red colored Ford had stopped and pulled over following the shooting, and that he never saw him get out of his car (WC Volume VI, page 463). During his interview with John Berendt from Esquire magazine, Benavides claimed that the car he had seen was red colored Ford with a white top, and that it came back to the Tippit murder scene a few minutes following the shooting (John Armstrong Baylor research collection, tab entitled: Igor Vaganov). Jack Tatum claimed that the car he was driving in when he arrived at the Tippit murder scene was a red colored 1964 model Ford Galaxie 500 (With Malice, Chapter 10). Whilst Myers readily accepts that the car Benavides had seen belonged to Jack Tatum, several researchers are of the opinion that it actually belonged to Igor Vaganov, who quite possibly played a role in Tippit’s murder (see the thread entitled Igor Vaganov on John Simkin’s Education Forum). Whilst this reviewer believes that the driver of the red Ford was quite possibly Igor Vaganov, it is also this reviewer’s opinion that Tatum was quite likely pushed into saying that he was the man driving the red Ford to help dispel the notion that the car belonged to Vaganov. As for why Tatum wasn’t coerced into coming forward sooner with his tale, this reviewer cannot offer an explanation. On a final note, Tatum may have been coerced into saying that Oswald was walking east to make it appear as though Tippit had stopped “Oswald” because he had turned around after seeing Tippit approaching in his squad car; just as Myers contends.

    V: Search for a killer

    Myers now explains to the readers the search for Tippit’s killer by the DPD, beginning with the discovery of the spent shell casings on the sixth floor of the TSBD by Dallas County deputy Sheriff, Luke Mooney (With Malice, Chapter 5). Myers believes that DPD Sgt. Gerald Hill was on the sixth floor when Mooney discovered the spent shell casings. But as this reviewer will explain in an upcoming essay on Hill, there is very good reason to believe that Hill was on the sixth floor of the TSBD before Mooney discovered the spent shell casings. Myers writes that the first officer to arrive at the Tippit murder scene was Kenneth Hudson Croy, who was a sergeant in the DPD reserves (With Malice, Chapter 5). According to Myers, the next Officer to arrive at the scene was Howell W. Summers, arriving about one minute after Kenneth Croy, circa 1:20 pm. However, according to the transcripts of channel one of the DPD radio transmissions, Officer Summers informs the dispatchers that he is at the murder scene after 1:25 pm, and after Officers Joe M. Poe, Leonard E. Jez, and Sgt. Calvin “Bud” Owens report that they have arrived at the murder scene (WCE 705/1974).

    Now if Summers was the second Officer to arrive, he waited for over five minutes before telling the dispatchers he arrived, which seems ridiculous. Although this reviewer doesn’t know why Myers doesn’t point this out to his readers, the fact that he doesn’t speaks poorly for his credibility. But in order to bolster the notion that Summers was the second Officer to arrive, Myers writes in his endnotes that Officer Roy W. Walker, who broadcast the first description of Tippit’s killer at about 1:22 pm, told him during an interview in 1983 that when he (Walker) arrived at the murder scene, there were two Officers already there. One of the Officers would undoubtedly have been reserve Sgt. Kenneth Croy. However, the identity of the second Officer to arrive (if Walker’s recollection was accurate) remains an open question.

    According to both WCE 705 and 1974, at approximately 1:32 pm, DPD Officer Jerry Pollard informs the dispatchers on channel one of the DPD radio that; “They [witnesses] say he [the killer] is running west in the alley between Jefferson and Tenth [Streets]”. Myers explains that the two witnesses who gave this information to the DPD Officers were Jimmy Burt and William Arthur Smith (With Malice, chapter 5). In his endnotes, Myers sources this claim to Burt’s interview with Al Chapman in 1968. According to Burt’s interview with the FBI on December 16, 1963, Burt claimed that “…he ran to the intersection of 10th and Patton and when he [Burt] was close enough to Patton Street to see to the south he saw the man running into an alley located between 10th and Jefferson Avenue on Patton Street. The man ran in the alley to the right would be running west at this point.” (WCD 194, page 29). However, Burt was most certainly lying, as no less than four witnesses; Warren Reynolds, B.M. “Pat” Patterson, L.J. Lewis, and Harold Russell, claimed they observed the gunman turn west from Patton Street onto Jefferson Blvd. (With Malice, Chapter 4). When Burt was interviewed by Al Chapman in 1968, he claimed that he and William Arthur Smith “…got to the alley [between Tenth and Jefferson] and we kind of come to a stop and looked down the alley and we saw this guy down there. He was down almost to the next street.” (With Malice, Chapter 4). Myers then writes that Burt and Smith may have been the last two witnesses to see Tippit’s killer fleeing west along the alley behind the Texaco Service station located on Jefferson Blvd. (ibid).

    In his endnotes, Myers acknowledges the discrepancies between Burt’s remarks to the FBI and his remarks to Al Chapman, but tries to explain the discrepancy by stating that because of his police record, his trouble with the U.S. Military, and his alleged desire to withhold his identity from the DPD, Burt possibly “altered” his 1963 interview with the FBI to avoid “deeper” involvement in the case. However, this appears to be nothing but a pathetic attempt at trying to conceal the fact that Burt lied during his interview with Al Chapman, and that the so-called radio transmission by Officer Pollard was probably added into the recordings/transcripts of the DPD radio transmissions to dismiss the possibility that Tippit’s real killer was hiding inside the Abundant Life Temple, located on the corner of Tenth and Crawford Streets (this reviewer will elaborate on this in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill). Now if Burt really was concerned about all of the above as Myers claims, then why the heck would he lie to the FBI when he surely would have realized that he would be getting himself into more trouble? Myers also acknowledges in his endnotes that William Arthur Smith informed both the FBI and the Warren Commission that he and Burt did not follow the gunman, and also acknowledges that when he (Myers) interviewed Smith in 1997, Smith was unable to recall if they had followed the killer or not. Given all of the above, and despite what Myers wants his readers to believe, Burt should not be considered a credible witness.

    VI: Closing in

    Myers begins this chapter with a discussion of the false alarm at the Jefferson branch Library located on Marsalis and Jefferson streets, and concludes the chapter with Oswald’s arrest inside the Texas Theater. The person who triggered the false alarm at the library was Adrian Hamby, who worked there as a page (With Malice, Chapter 6). Hamby was approached by two plainclothes DPD “detectives”, and was allegedly told to go into the Library and inform management that a Police Officer was shot, and to have them lock all the doors and to not let anyone enter the Library until they secured the area (ibid). As Hamby was entering the Library, he was allegedly spotted by DPD Officer Charles T. Walker, after which Walker put a broadcast on the DPD radio that the suspect was in the library (WCE 705/1974). In his report to DPD Chief Jesse Curry, detective Marvin Buhk wrote that there were “Secret Service” men at the Jefferson Branch Library who informed DPD Officers at the Library that after Adrian Hamby came out of the Library, one of them claimed that Hamby was not the suspect (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 56).

    In his endnotes, Myers writes that detective Buhk was the only officer to mention Secret Service agents being at the Library. As far as this reviewer in concerned, Myers is correct. Myers also writes that the “Secret Service” man referred to by Buhk in his report was actually one of the two “lawmen” who instructed Hamby to go into the library and have all the doors locked. The fact of the matter is that there is no known evidence that any genuine Secret Service agents were present at the Jefferson Branch Library on the day of the assassination. Furthermore, the identity of the two men who spoke to Hamby has never been determined, and if they were DPD detectives, then surely their identity would be known to Buhk and others, and surely Buhk would not have referred to them as Secret Service agents. One alternative explanation is that the so-called Secret Service men may have been conspirators, who may have deliberately triggered the false alarm at the Library to pull the DPD Officers away from the Abundant Life Temple, where Tippit’s actual killer was perhaps hiding (this reviewer will be discussing this theory in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill). The possibility that these “Secret Service” men were conspirators is bolstered by the fact that several men who identified themselves as Secret Service men were present in Dealey Plaza shortly following President Kennedy’s assassination (readers are encouraged to read through this article on this reviewer’s blog). In his dismissal of the “Secret Service” men at the Library as being nothing sinister, Myers never mentions the fact that men identifying themselves as Secret Service men were present in Dealey Plaza.

    As perhaps every researcher of the JFK assassination is aware, Oswald was apprehended inside the Texas Theater after he allegedly tried to shoot Officer M. Nick McDonald with the revolver he supposedly used to murder Tippit. Myers’ discussion of the scuffle inside the theater with Oswald is perhaps the low point of his book, a considerable negative achievement. The author deliberately ignores evidence which contradicts the notion that Oswald had pulled out the revolver and tried to shoot Officer McDonald. Before entering the theater, Oswald was allegedly spotted by shoe store owner Johnny Calvin Brewer outside the lobby of his store on Jefferson Blvd., as he was allegedly trying to avoid the DPD (With Malice, Chapter 6). Brewer then allegedly observed Oswald duck into the theater behind Julia Elizabeth Postal, who was the cashier at the theater (ibid). Myers explains that Oswald had not paid for a ticket, and that Postal had seen Oswald “out of the corner of her eye” as he was coming towards the theater from the east (ibid). During her testimony before the Warren Commission, Postal claimed that she informed the DPD over the telephone that she hadn’t heard of Oswald’s description, but then described him as “ruddy looking.” (WC Volume VII, page 11).

    Towards the end of her testimony, counsel Joseph Ball showed Postal the shirt Oswald was wearing (WCE 150), when he was arrested inside the theatre. He asked her; “when he went in [to the Theater] was it [the shirt] tucked into his pants when he went in?” to which Postal responded; “No, sir; because I remember he came flying around the corner, because his hair was and his shirt was waving.”, and that “It [the shirt] was hanging out”! (ibid). So if Postal had merely seen “Oswald” out of the corner of her eye, how on Earth was she able to describe all of the above? The simple answer is that she did not see “Oswald” out of the corner of her eye, but actually got a good view of him. But, ironically, she also testified that she did not see him enter the theatre.

    Another pertinent piece of information which Myers omits is that when researcher Jones Harris allegedly interviewed Postal in 1963, Harris asked her if she had sold Oswald a ticket for the theater. Upon hearing the question, Postal burst into tears. When Harris asked her again if she had sold him a ticket, he received the same response. The obvious implication of Postal’s reaction is that she did sell a ticket to Oswald. Although this reviewer discusses evidence further on in this review which casts doubt on Harris’s credibility as far as the wallet containing identification for Oswald and Hidell is concerned, Postal’s own testimony as described above suggests that she did in fact sell Oswald a ticket. In fact, in both her affidavit to the DPD and in her interview with the FBI on February 29, 1964, she claimed that she had seen/noticed Oswald duck into the Theater (WCD 735, page 264), (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 3, Item 21) . As the reader can see, Postal is a problematic witness. And it appears to be that she did sell Oswald a ticket.

    Which makes Johnny Brewer problematic. Brewer testified that he had seen Oswald duck into the theater without paying for a ticket (WC Volume VII, page 4). However, he also testified that he had asked Postal if she sold him a ticket (ibid). When Counsel Joseph Ball enquired why Brewer had asked Postal if she sold Oswald a ticket, he said that he didn’t know! (ibid, page 5). The notion that Brewer would have to ask Postal if she had sold a ticket to Oswald, when he already knew the answer is far fetched. Brewer, along with Warren “Butch” Burroughs, who worked behind the concession stand inside the theater, then allegedly searched the theater to find Oswald (With Malice, Chapter 6). After they were unable to find him, Postal called the police (ibid). One important detail which Myers never mentions in his book is that Brewer told author Ian Griggs during an interview in 1996 that when he allegedly observed Oswald standing outside his store, there were two men from IBM in the store with him (Griggs, No Case to Answer, page 58). According to researcher Lee Farley, one of the two so-called “IBM men” was quite possibly Igor Vaganov (see the thread entitled Igor Vaganov on John Simkin’s education forum). This reviewer believes that Vaganov was likely one of the two “IBM” men in the store, and that the purpose of these two men was to alert Brewer that they had seen a man enter the theater with a gun looking like he was trying to hide from the police, so that Brewer would then alert the theater staff to call the DPD in order for Oswald to be arrested.

    Readers should keep in mind that when Warren Commission counsel David Belin asked Brewer how he found out about President Kennedy’s assassination, he testified that; “We were listening to a transistor radio there in the store…” (WC Volume VII, page 2). Belin however, didn’t both to ask Brewer who was in the store with him. Although Postal and Brewer were the two people who purportedly led the DPD to the Theater, the DPD never bothered to take affidavits from them on the day of the assassination. In fact, Postal and Brewer provided their affidavits to the DPD on December 4 and 6, 1963, respectively (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 3, Items 16 and 21). On the other hand, George Applin, who witnessed Oswald’s arrest inside the Texas Theater, provided the DPD an affidavit on the day of the assassination (Ibid, Folder 2, Item 3). Similarly, many of the people who witnessed the President’s assassination provided affidavits on the day of the assassination. Yet, incredibly, Postal and Brewer provided affidavits to the DPD over a week following the assassination. Curiously, there doesn’t appear to be an affidavit from Warren “Butch” Burroughs amongst the Dallas Municipal archives. Furthermore, according to both Warren Burroughs and a theater patron named Jack Davis, Oswald may have been inside the theater much sooner than when Brewer allegedly saw him outside his store at about 1:36 pm looking “funny/scared”

    After the police arrived at the Theater, the first Officer to approach Oswald as he was sitting down was Nick McDonald. Although Johnny Brewer was credited with pointing Oswald out to the DPD Officers inside the theater, Myers writes in his endnotes that the Dallas Morning News and the Dallas Times Herald published an article two days after the assassination, in which McDonald was quoted as saying; “A man sitting near the front, and I still don’t know who it was, tipped me [that] the man I wanted was sitting on the third row from the rear on the ground floor and not the balcony.” However, Brewer testified that he pointed Oswald out to the officers as he was standing on the stage of the theater (WC Volume VII, page 6) If McDonald’s account is true, then the obvious implication is that Brewer wasn’t the man who pointed Oswald out to the police. Myers evidently wants his readers to believe that the man was in fact Johnny Brewer, but doesn’t mention that Brewer was standing on the stage when he allegedly pointed Oswald out to the Officers.

    When Officer McDonald testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed he ordered Oswald to stand up, after which Oswald raised both of his hands and then allegedly yelled out “Well, it is all over now” (WC Volume III, page 300). Although McDonald also wrote in his arrest report to DPD Chief Jesse Curry that Oswald said “Well, it’s all over now”, this is not what McDonald initially claimed Oswald had said to him (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 32). When McDonald was interviewed by WFAA-TV on the day following the assassination, he explained that Oswald said “This is it” (See the video). What’s most telling about the interview is that McDonald looks down to the table and sounds nervous (both of which are indications of lying) as he explains that Oswald said “This is it”. Myers doesn’t mention this discrepancy to his readers. Furthermore, when McDonald was interviewed by Lloyd Shearer, he told Shearer that he heard Oswald say “Now, it’s all over” (Oakland Tribune Parade, March 8, 1964). When Gerald Hill testified before the Warren Commission, he informed Counsel David Belin that he thought McDonald and Officer Thomas Hutson (who was also involved in Oswald’s arrest), said that they heard Oswald say “This is it”; but that he didn’t hear this himself (WC Volume VII, page 51). However, when Hutson was asked by Counsel David Belin if he remembered hearing Oswald say anything, Hutson said that he didn’t (WC Volume VII, page 32). It would therefore seem that Hill may have been embellishing.

    When Ian Griggs interviewed Johnny Brewer in 1996, Brewer told him that he heard Oswald shout out “It’s all over”; or words to that effect (Griggs, No Case to Answer, page 64). But when Brewer testified before the Warren Commission, Brewer merely claimed that he heard some hollering, and that he couldn’t make out exactly what Oswald said (WC Volume VII, page 6). Contained within the John Armstrong Baylor collection is an interview with a little known witness named David. According to David, he was with a friend named Bob in the theater when Oswald was arrested (John Armstrong Baylor collection, tab entitled: ‘David’). Evidently, David and Bob are the two young boys spotted by Officer Thomas Hutson sitting at the rear of the theater (WC Volume VII, page 31). David claimed that when McDonald approached Oswald and asked him to stand-up, the only thing he recalled Oswald saying was words similar to “All right”, and made no mention of him saying anything else The reader should bear in mind that there doesn’t appear to be any direct corroboration for the presence of Bob and David in the theater when Oswald was arrested. Yet, none of the above is even mentioned by Myers.

    In his report to Dallas Sheriff Bill Decker, Deputy Sheriff Buddy Walthers, who also allegedly witnessed Oswald’s arrest, wrote that the only thing he heard Oswald say was “It’s all over” (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323). However, after reading through Walther’s report, it isn’t clear whether Walthers was saying Oswald said “it’s all over” before or after he was arrested; and as this reviewer will explain in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill, former Dallas deputy sheriffs Bill Courson and Roger Craig have disputed Walther’s claim that he was inside the theater when Oswald was arrested. Readers should keep in mind that none of the other officers involved in Oswald’s arrest, or theater patrons John Gibson and George Applin who witnessed his arrest, claimed they heard Oswald shout out either “This is it” or “Well, it’s all over now” as McDonald claimed.

    As Myers writes in his book, FBI agent Robert M. Barrett, who also witnessed Oswald’s arrest, claimed in the report he wrote out on the day of the assassination that Oswald shouted in a loud voice; “Kill all the sons of bitches!” (With Malice, Chapter 6). But what Myers doesn’t tell his readers is that no other witness to Oswald’s arrest said that they heard him shout out words similar to what Barrett claimed he did; and that Barrett was almost certainly lying. In conclusion, it is readily apparent that McDonald was lying when he claimed that Oswald said; “This is it” or “Well, it’s all over now”. It is utterly inconceivable that McDonald could have confused the expressions “This is it” with “Well, it’s all over now” as they sound nothing alike. But Myers cannot admit that McDonald (and Barrett for that matter) were lying; as their agenda is to convince researchers that Oswald was guilty of killing Tippit beyond any doubt. Readers are encouraged to read through this article on this reviewer’s blog, which further demonstrates that McDonald was a liar.

    We now come to the question of whether or not Oswald tried to shoot Officer McDonald after McDonald ordered him to stand up; and whether Oswald did in fact have a gun when he was arrested. Although Myers admits in his endnotes that McDonald told Eddie Barker from CBS that he prevented “Oswald’s” gun from firing when his hand was allegedly jammed between the primer of the gun and the hammer, he nevertheless omits that when detective Paul Bentley was interviewed by reporters on the day following the assassination, he claimed that he prevented it from firing! (WCE 2157). However, Bentley also claimed that “…we [evidently referring to McDonald] got a thumb or something in between the hammer and the firing pin so that it mashed the firing [of the gun]…” and that the hammer of the gun “just snapped slightly” (ibid). But despite being allegedly confused about who had prevented the gun from firing, Bentley then almost humorously said; “…my hand was across to prevent it from firing…we don’t know if it was my thumb, finger or hand. I got a bruised hand from it. I don’t know if it was the thumb or the finger.” (ibid). Even though a photograph taken inside the Texas theater shows Bentley standing to the right of Oswald as he is apparently being handcuffed, there is no corroboration from McDonald or anyone else that Bentley prevented the gun from firing as he described (see Gerald Hill Exhibit A). It is therefore probable that Bentley was lying.

    Myers writes in his endnotes that WFAA-TV cameraman, Tom Alyea, claimed that he had seen a bandaged wound on McDonald’s hand during a filmed interview, but that when Alyea wanted to film it, McDonald objected. Although this would seem to corroborate McDonald’s claim that his hand had been jammed between the hammer and the firing pin of the revolver, Alyea described it as looking like someone had jabbed an ice-pick into it. In other words, it didn’t appear as though it was caused by the hammer of a revolver. If McDonald already had this injury before the scuffle with Oswald, then perhaps this is what gave him the idea later on to claim that the hammer of the gun had struck the fleshy part of his hand. Also, given that McDonald made no mention of his hand preventing the gun from firing in either his report to DPD chief Jesse Curry or during his testimony before the Warren Commission, it is apparent he has a credibility problem. McDonald also testified that the four inch scar on his left cheek was made by “Oswald’s” revolver during the scuffle inside the theater (WC Volume III, page 300). However, according to FBI agent Robert M. Barrett, McDonald told him that the graze on his left cheek was caused by Oswald punching him in the face, and knocking him against the seat; and not by the gun (WCD 5, page 84). Myers does not mention this contradiction in his book.

    Although McDonald implies in his report to DPD Chief Jesse Curry that officers Ray Hawkins, Charles Walker, and Thomas Hutson were with him when Oswald allegedly pulled out the revolver from his belt, during his testimony before the Warren Commission, he claimed that he had already disarmed Oswald by the time the aforementioned Officers had arrived to assist him (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 32, WC Volume III, page 300). However, Hawkins, Walker, and Hutson all testified that Oswald had pulled the revolver out of his belt after they had arrived (WC Volume VII, pages 32, 39, and 94). Although McDonald took full credit for disarming Oswald, officer Hutson testified that McDonald and “somebody else” had taken the gun out of Oswald’s hand, but added that he “couldn’t say exactly” (ibid, page 32). Walker also testified that as several hands were on the gun, a detective “…reached over and pulled the gun away from everybody, pulled it away from everyone, best I can recall” (WC Volume VII, page 40). However, McDonald told the Warren Commission that after he had disarmed Oswald, he handed the gun to detective Bob Carroll (WC Volume III, page 301). When Carroll testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that he saw a gun pointing at him (towards the south aisle of the theater) and then grabbed it and jerked it away from whoever had it (WC Volume VII, page 20).

    Myers selectively quotes from the testimony of Officer Charles Walker before the Warren Commission, during which Walker claimed that after Oswald pulled the revolver from under his shirt, it was about waist high and pointed at about a forty-five degree angle (With Malice, Chapter 6). Walker also wrote in his report to Chief Curry that the gun was being waved around approximately waist high (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 47). Although Walker also testified that one the Officers had commanded Oswald to “let go of the gun”, to which Oswald allegedly responded “I can’t” (With Malice, Chapter 6). Whilst Myers has no problem using this claim by Walker, he nevertheless neglects to tell his readers that there is no corroboration for Walker’s claim; let alone that no officer is on record claiming that he had ordered Oswald to let go of the gun. Officer Hutson told the Warren Commission that Oswald was pointing the gun towards the theater screen when he allegedly heard the snap of the gun’s hammer, and that Oswald wasn’t aiming the gun at any Officer in particular (WC Volume VII, page 32). However, when McDonald was interviewed by Eddie Barker from CBS in 1964, he demonstrated to Barker that Oswald had allegedly aimed the gun at him (towards the south aisle of the theatre), and then the gun allegedly snapped as he and Oswald were down in the theater seats scuffling (See the footage).

    Hutson also testified that the only officer who could have come between the line of fire of the gun as it was allegedly aimed towards the screen was Ray Hawkins (ibid). Although Charles Walker testified that; “…Hawkins was in the general direction of the gun”, and that the gun was pointing slightly towards the theater screen, this is not what Hawkins claimed during his own testimony (WC Volume VII, page 39). Hawkins, who had approached Oswald and McDonald from the row of seats in front of them, testified that when the gun came out of Oswald’s belt “…it was pulled across to their right, or toward the south aisle of the theatre” and made no mention of the gun being aimed in the direction of the theater screen or towards him (WC Volume VII, page 94).

    When Johnny Brewer testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that he observed a gun in Oswald’s hand aimed “up in the air” (WC Volume VII, page 6). During his interview with Ian Griggs in 1996, he now claimed that Oswald was trying to shoot McDonald in the head (Griggs, No Case to Answer, page 64). Yet, none of the other witnesses and the arresting Officers, let alone Nick McDonald, claimed that this is what they had seen during the scuffle. Moreover, Brewer’s claim is directly contradicted by Charles Walker, who stated that the gun was pointed about waist high. In his report to Chief Curry, detective John B. Toney wrote that Oswald had a pistol in his right hand, with his right arm “pinioned” across McDonald’s left shoulder (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 43). It is also worth noting that Toney told author Larry Sneed many years later that he had seen a gun in “…someone’s hand over someone’s shoulder, and someone was holding the arm.” (Sneed, No More Silence, page 308). Not only do Toney’s remarks contradict what McDonald demonstrated to Eddie Barker in the aforementioned film footage, but none of Toney’s fellow officers offered corroboration for this claim.

    John Gibson, who was a witness to Oswald’s arrest, testified before the Warren Commission that as the DPD Officers walking along the aisles of the theatre, Oswald was standing in the aisle with a gun in his hand! (WC Volume VII, pages 71 and 72). When Counsel Joseph Ball asked him if any of the DPD Officers had a hold of it that time, Gibson testified that he didn’t believe so (ibid, page 72). Gibson’s account of what he allegedly witnessed is bizarre, for not one DPD Officer or any other witness claimed that Oswald was standing in the aisle with the gun in his hand as the Officers were walking along the aisles! Readers should keep in mind that the aforementioned self-proclaimed witness named David, claimed that Oswald pulled a gun, but didn’t see it until it was “taken away from him” It would therefore seem that David had merely assumed that Oswald pulled a gun, and as this reviewer will explain in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill, this was by all likelihood the case. As for Dallas deputy Sheriff Buddy Walthers, he wrote in his report to Sheriff Bill Decker that when he reached the scuffle with Oswald; “…I could see a gun on the floor with 2 or 3 hands on it…” (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323). Walthers also wrote that he thought it was detective Bob Carroll who reached down to the floor and got the gun. But when Walthers testified before the Warren Commission, he was now “real sure” that it was Carroll who got the gun, and curiously left out that the gun was on the floor (WC Volume VII, pages 547 and 548).

    Let’s now look at the statements by witness George Jefferson Applin. In his first day affidavit to the DPD, he allegedly wrote that Oswald “…had his arm around the officer’s left shoulder and had a pistol in his hand” (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 2, Item 3). But in his affidavit to the USSS on December 1, 1963, Applin claimed that during the scuffle between Oswald and McDonald “…one of the two had a pistol in his right hand” (WCD 87, page 558). In other words, Applin was saying that he wasn’t sure who had a hold of the gun. In his interview with the FBI on December 16, 1963, Applin allegedly claimed that Oswald pulled out a gun and aimed it at McDonald’s head, and that he thought the gun was on McDonald’s shoulder when Oswald allegedly pulled the trigger (WCD 206, page 69). Aside from what Johnny Brewer told Ian Griggs in 1996, there is no corroboration for the claim that Oswald pointed the gun at McDonald’s head. By the same token, apart from what John Toney wrote in his report to DPD chief Jesse Curry and what he told author Larry Sneed, there is no corroboration from anyone, let alone from McDonald, that Oswald had placed the gun on McDonald’s shoulder. Therefore, the aforementioned statements Applin allegedly made to the FBI should be taken with a grain of salt.

    When Applin testified before the Warren Commission, he made no mention of seeing the gun on McDonald’s shoulder or that he had seen Oswald aim the gun at McDonald’s head. In fact, when Counsel Joseph Ball asked him who pulled out the revolver, Applin claimed; “I guess it was Oswald, because -for one reason, that he had on a short sleeve shirt, and I [had] seen a man’s arm that was connected to the gun.” (WC Volume VII, page 89). Although it isn’t clear, it seems that Applin thought that the man with the short sleeved shirt was the one who had the gun, and that he thought Oswald was wearing a short sleeved shirt. However, Oswald was arrested wearing a long sleeved shirt (WCE 150). Similarly, on the day of the assassination, McDonald was photographed wearing a long sleeved shirt as he was talking to Dallas Morning News reporter Jim Ewell. As far as Applin’s claim (in his first day affidavit) that he had seen Oswald with his arm around McDonald’s shoulder and with a gun in his hand is concerned, the reader should keep in mind that according to DPD Lt. E.L. Cunningham, the officer who took Applin’s affidavit was detective John Toney; the same John Toney who claimed that he had seen a gun in his Oswald’s hand with his right arm pinioned across McDonald’s left shoulder (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 15). Given the similarity between what Toney wrote in his report to Chief Curry and what Applin allegedly claimed in his affidavit, it is entirely conceivable that Toney altered what Applin actually told him.

    None of these many contradictions and inconsistencies between the statements by the aforementioned officers and witnesses is ever mentioned by Myers. Given the fact that he is a rabid advocate of Oswald’s guilt in the Tippit murder, Myers will probably dismiss all of the above contradictions and inconsistencies as being irrelevant. However, the truth is that no intellectually honest researcher would (or should) dismiss them as being irrelevant; and when they are taken in conjunction with all of the evidence discussed in this review that the DPD framed Oswald for Tippit’s murder, there is reason to believe that Oswald never had a revolver with him when he was arrested inside the theater. In a caption to one of the photographs taken outside the theater by Stuart Reed, as Oswald is being dragged towards a police car with his face covered by Charles Walker’s hat, Myers writes that detective Bob Carroll is holding onto Oswald’s revolver (With Malice, Chapter 6). Whilst the photograph does show Carroll holding onto a gun, his own statements rule out that this was “Oswald’s” revolver.

    In his report to DPD chief Jesse Curry, Carroll wrote that; “I grabbed the pistol and stuck it in my belt and then continued to assist in the subduing of Oswald” (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 12). When Carroll testified before the Warren Commission, he confirmed that; “…I saw a pistol pointing at me so I reached and grabbed the pistol and jerked the pistol away and stuck it in my belt and then I grabbed Oswald” (WC Volume VII, page 20). He further added that; “The first time I saw the weapon, it was pointed in my direction, and I reached and grabbed it and stuck it into my belt… At the time, I was assisting in the arrest of Lee Harvey Oswald” (ibid, page 24). By omitting these statements from his book, Myers deceives his readers. In the report he wrote out on the day of the assassination, FBI agent Robert M. Barrett stated that; “One of the Officers took a .38 Calibre snub nose revolver out of Oswald’s right hand and handed it to detective [Bob] Carroll”. However, as discussed previously, Barrett lied when he wrote in his report that he heard Oswald yell in a loud voice “Kill all the sons of bitches”, and therefore, his claim that someone handed Carroll “Oswald’s” gun should be taken with a grain of salt (WCD 5, page 84).

    On a further note, the gun which Carroll was photographed holding outside of the theater appears to have a longer barrel than “Oswald’s” revolver, with what appears to be sunlight reflecting off of the barrel towards the muzzle end. As for whose gun Carroll was holding outside of the theater, this review will discuss this issue in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill. In that same essay, this reviewer will be arguing that Hill framed Oswald for Tippit’s murder after he (or possibly one of his co-conspirators from the DPD) obtained the revolver Oswald allegedly had in his possession when arrested from Tippit’s real murderer. The reader should keep in mind that theater patron Jack Davis, told author Jim Marrs that Oswald had first sat next to him, but then got up and sat next to another person. (Crossfire, p. 353) In fact, Davis told Marrs that he thought it was strange that Oswald would sit right next to him inside a big theater with many seats to choose from (ibid). Warren “Butch” Burroughs told Marrs that Oswald had also sat next to a pregnant lady. Oswald’s actions imply that he thought he was to contact someone inside the theatre. And as many researchers, such as Greg Parker have noted, when Oswald was arrested, he had in his possession a torn box top with the label “Cox’s Fort Worth” printed on it, and that Oswald may have been using this to identify himself to the person he thought he was to meet inside the theater (see thread entitled Neely St Questions on John Simkin’s education forum).

    On a further note, the DPD took a list of the names of all the witnesses inside the theater after Oswald was arrested, but the list is now nowhere to be found. And the only two patrons who were interviewed concerning what they witnessed were John Gibson and George Jefferson Applin (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 35). In this reviewer’s opinion, the reason the list was made to disappear was to conceal the identity of any would be conspirators inside the theater. Keep in mind that officer McDonald was quoted by the Dallas Morning News and the Dallas Times Herald as saying that a man sitting in the front row of the theater pointed Oswald out to him as the man he was seeking. It is also worth keeping in mind that George Applin testified that he had told a man sitting in the back row of the theater; “Buddy, you’d better move. There is a gun”, and that after doing so, the man calmly remained seated and didn’t budge (WC Volume VII, page 91). Given the man’s behaviour, the possibility exists that he too may have had some involvement in Oswald’s frame-up.

    Let’s now examine what Oswald allegedly said after he was removed from the theater, words which disinformation shills like David Von Pein have used against him. The five officers who took Oswald to DPD headquarters were Bob Carroll, Kenneth E. Lyon, Gerald Hill, Paul Bentley, and Charles T. Walker. Oswald was sitting in the rear seat, with Bentley sitting to his left and Walker sitting to his right. Myers quotes from K.E Lyon’s reports to DPD chief Jesse Curry in which he claimed that whilst en route to Police headquarters, Oswald admitted to carrying a gun inside the theater (With Malice, Chapter 6). Detective Bob Carroll made this same claim in his own report to Chief Curry (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 12). Myers also quotes from Charles Walker’s Warren Commission testimony, where he claimed that Oswald admitted to carrying a gun inside the theater (ibid). However, Walker didn’t mention this in his report to Chief Curry.

    When Paul Bentley was interviewed by WFAA-TV on the day following the assassination, he also claimed that Oswald admitted to carrying a gun inside the theater. Given all the evidence presented in this review for Oswald being framed for Tippit’s murder, these statements should not be considered credible. The reader should also bear in mind that when Gerald Hill was interviewed by reporters shortly following Oswald’s arrest, he made no mention of Oswald admitting to carrying a gun inside the theater (WCE 2160). In fact, Hill complained that Oswald “…wouldn’t even admit he pulled the trigger on the gun in the theatre” (ibid). When Hill was interviewed by Bob Whitten of KCRA radio on the day of the assassination, he again neglected to mention that Oswald admitted to carrying a gun inside the theater; even though he did claim that Oswald allegedly said “This is it” after Officer McDonald approached him, and that Oswald admitted to being a communist (WCD 1210).

    Myers also quotes from Charles Walker’s testimony before the Warren Commission, during which Walker claimed that after Oswald was told that he was suspected of killing Tippit, Oswald made the remarks; “I hear they burn for murder” and “Well, they say it only takes a second to die” (With Malice, Chapter 6). Although Gerald Hill testified that Oswald made a statement similar to “You only fry for that” or “You can fry for that”, Hill made no mention of this to reporters on the day of the assassination, or during his interview with Bob Whitten (WC Volume VII, page 58). In fact, Hill told Whitten that when they had questioned Oswald inside the car about Killing Tippit, Oswald allegedly made the remark; “I don’t have to tell you all anything”, and made no mention of Oswald saying what both he and Walker claimed he did when they testified before the Warren Commission (WCD 1210). Furthermore, Hill made no mention of Oswald saying the above when he was questioned by reporters on the day of the assassination, telling them instead that Oswald “…did not make any definite statement other than demanding to see a lawyer and demanding his rights…” (WCE 2160).

    When detective Paul Bentley was interviewed by reporters on the night of the assassination, he told them that after Oswald was arrested, he just said “This is it, it’s all over with now” (WCE 2157). Similarly, when Bentley was interviewed the following day by WFAA-TV, he stated that Oswald was advised in the car that he was being placed in jail for suspicion of murdering Tippit; but made no mention of Oswald saying what Walker and Hill told the Warren Commission he did. There was also no mention of these alleged comments by Oswald in the arrest reports by Carroll, Lyon, Hill, Bentley, and Walker to Chief Curry (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Items 4 , 12, 22, 28, and 47). During his testimony, Walker claimed that they never put the conversations they had with suspects in their reports to Chief Curry (WC Volume VII, page 42). However, the evidence discussed throughout this book suggests that Walker was deceptive.

    VII: A bird in the hand

    In this chapter, Myers discusses the events subsequent to Oswald’s arrival at DPD headquarters after his arrest. Myers writes that shorty following Oswald’s arrival at DPD headquarters, he was interrogated by detective Jim Leavelle; the homicide detective who was placed in charge of investigating Tippit’s murder (With Malice, Chapter 7). This is based on Myers’ interview with Leavelle, and was probably one of the most dishonest statements made in the book. When Leavelle testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that the first time he had ever sat in on an interrogation with Oswald was on Sunday morning, November 24, 1963 (WC Volume VII, page 268). In fact, when Counsel Joseph Ball asked Leavelle if he had ever spoken to Oswald before this interrogation, he stated; “No; I had never talked to him before”! (ibid) Leavelle then stated during his testimony that; “…the only time I had connections with Oswald was this Sunday morning [November 24, 1963]. I never had [the] occasion to talk with him at any time…” (ibid, page 269).

    There is also nothing in Leavelle’s own report to DPD chief Curry about him interrogating Oswald shorty following Oswald’s arrival at DPD headquarters on Friday (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 8, Items 1 and 2). Myers is undoubtedly aware that Leavelle testified that he didn’t speak to Oswald before Sunday, but chooses instead to deceive his readers. But let’s understand why Myers does this. It is evident throughout his book that Myers’ agenda is to portray Oswald as the man who killed Tippit, and that the DPD did not frame him for Tippit’s murder. Since Leavelle was the homicide detective put in charge of investigating Tippit’s murder, the last thing Myers would want to admit is that Leavelle was unreliable, or an outright liar. It should also come as no surprise that Myers cannot tell the truth about Leavelle, as he is not even capable of telling readers the truth about where Howard Brennan was sitting when he allegedly witnessed Oswald firing his rifle at the President. Whilst Myers never questions Leavelle’s integrity as a DPD Officer, the reader should keep in mind that when author Joseph McBride interviewed Leavelle, Leavelle told him that the President’s assassination was no different than a South Texas “nigger” killing (McBride, Into the Nightmare, page 240). This remark reveals that Leavelle was a racist who was not really concerned about who killed President Kennedy.

    Myers also deceives his readers by omitting that DPD detectives, Gus Rose and Richard Stovall, wrote in their report to Chief Curry that they had briefly spoken to Oswald after he had been brought into the homicide Office (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 1, Item 3). Rose and Stovall confirmed that they had briefly spoken to Oswald shortly following his arrival, when they testified before the Warren Commission (WC Volume VII, pages 187 and 228). In his report to Chief Curry, Lt. T.L. Baker wrote that Oswald was brought into the interrogation room, from where he was “being held” by detectives Rose and Stovall, and made no mention of Leavelle having interrogated Oswald (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 5, Folder 5, Item 4). Suffice it to say, this reviewer knows of no reason to believe that Leavelle had interrogated Oswald shortly following his arrival at DPD headquarters.

    Myers explains that following Oswald’s arrest, Lt. Colonel Robert E. Jones of the U.S. Army’s 112th Military intelligence group (MIG) learned that a man named A.J Hidell “…had been arrested or come to the attention of law enforcement agencies.” (With Malice, Chapter 7). Myers writes that colonel Jones checked the MIG indices and discovered that there was an index on Hidell which “cross-referenced” with a file on Oswald; who allegedly used the name Alek James Hidell as an alias (ibid). Jones then allegedly pulled the file on Hidell, and notified the San Antonio FBI Office that he had some information (ibid). Colonel Jones testified before the HSCA that military intelligence officials had opened a file on Oswald after they allegedly received a report from the New Orleans Police department that Oswald had been arrested in connection with his activities associated with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee (ibid). Whilst Myers apparently considers this to be the gospel truth, Australian researcher Greg Parker has pointed out that Mrs. Marcelle Madden, who worked for the identification division of the New Orleans Police department, informed the FBI agent John Quigley on November 26, 1963, that she had no identification record for a man named Alek James Hidell (Reopen Kennedy case forum, thread entitled Hidell: The frame was bold and ruthless). Although Myers doesn’t mention this to his readers, he does explain in his endnotes that Army intelligence “routinely” destroyed Oswald’s file.

    Myers then moves onto a discussion of DPD Captain Will Fritz, in which he praises Fritz’s legacy as the long-time Captain of the DPD’s Homicide and Robbery bureau. Myers writes that Fritz ran his department “with an iron fist”, and that under his command, the homicide bureau had a 90% success rate at solving murders (With Malice, Chapter 7). What Myers doesn’t mention to his readers is the horrible legacy of the DPD with Henry Wade as the district attorney of Dallas and Fritz as the department chief (as discussed previously). Myers also writes that; “For Captain Fritz, modern technology had no place in his squad room. A calm, disarming manner was his weapon.” (ibid). Evidently, this is Myers’ explanation for why Fritz never tape recorded any of his interrogations with Oswald. As the man who was charged with murdering the President of the United States of America, Fritz; along with the FBI and USSS agents who interrogated Oswald, should have tape recorded the answers Oswald gave to the various questions he was allegedly asked. There is simply no excuse for why the interviews were not tape recorded. Instead, researchers must rely on the typed summary reports by the interrogators, and their testimonies before the Warren Commission. Naturally, Myers doesn’t point this out to his readers.

    In his discussion of the credibility of Helen Markham as an eyewitness to Tippit’s murder, Myers admits that her statements are “…laced with inaccurate and inconsistent details” but omits other pieces of evidence which cast doubt on Markham’s reliability as a witness (ibid). For one thing, Myers writes that when Markham testified before the Warren Commission, she identified Oswald as the number two man in the line-up; but omits that Warren Commission Counsel Joseph Ball had asked her the following leading question during her testimony; “Was there a number two man in their [the line-up]” (WC Volume III, page 310). Ball asked Markham this question after she claimed that she didn’t recognise the men in the line-up from their faces, and had never seen any of them before. But after he asks her this question, she now testifies that she recognised Oswald “Mostly from his face.” (ibid, page 311). Markham also testified that she thought Ball wanted her to describe their clothing, which is allegedly why Markham claimed that she hadn’t previously seen any of the men in the line-up; even though he had not yet asked her that question! (ibid). It is obvious from reading Markham’s testimony that she was an unreliable witness. In fact, during a debate with Mark Lane, Joseph Ball once famously remarked that he thought Markham was “an utter screwball”. Myers does not note this to his readers.

    Myers also omits that when Markham was interviewed by FBI agent Bardwell Odum on the day of the assassination, she told him that the killer was about 18 years old, with black hair, and had a red complexion (WCD 5, page 79). However, Markham denied during her testimony before the Warren Commission that she told Odum the killer had a ruddy complexion. But despite her denial, during a filmed interview for the program The Men who Killed Kennedy, Markham explained that the killer had a ruddy (red) complexion (View Markham’s interview). Curiously, when Domingo Benavides testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that the killer’s skin looked “…a little bit ruddier than mine” (WC Volume VI, page 451). He also testified that the killer’s complexion was “…a little bit darker than average” (ibid). Yet, Oswald’s complexion did not appear to be ruddy/red or what can be described (in this reviewer’s opinion) as a little bit darker than average. The reader should also keep in mind that when Julia Postal testified before the Warren Commission, she claimed that the man who ducked into the theater looked ruddy to her (WC Volume VII, page 11). As Myers writes in his endnotes, Bernard Haire, the owner of Bernie’s hobby house which was located a few doors east of the Texas Theater, claimed he saw a man with a “flushed” appearance. This raises the distinct possibility that the man Haire saw was the same man Julia Postal observed ducking into the theatre. This reviewer will elaborate on this in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill.

    Myers also takes a swipe at Mark Lane for (what he calls) badgering Helen Markham by asking her three times if she had ever told anybody that Tippit’s killer was short/stocky and had bushy hair (With Malice, Chapter 7). But at the same time, Myers apparently has no qualms about Warren Commission counsel David Belin repeatedly asking Virginia Davis if her sister-in-law, Barbara Davis, had telephoned the DPD before or after they had seen Tippit’s killer cut across their lawn (WC Volume VII, pages 455 to 468). Myers also never mentions that in the aforementioned film interview for The Men who Killed Kennedy program, Markham claimed that the killer was “a short guy”.

    Following his discussion of Markham, Myers moves on to a discussion of the identification of Oswald as Tippit’s killer in a line-up viewed by Ted Callaway and Sam Guinyard. Myers considers Callaway to be a reliable witness, writing that; “Ted Callaway has been one of the few Tippit witnesses whose story has remained accurate and unwavering for more than thirty-three years.” (With Malice, Chapter 8). Myers can pretend that Callaway is a reliable witness because he never notes the contradictions between the observations of Callaway and Guinyard, both of whom allegedly observed the killer fleeing south on Patton Street after Tippit was shot. At the time of the assassination, Callaway was the manager of the Harris Bros Auto sales at 501 East Jefferson Blvd, located on the northeast corner of the Patton Street/Jefferson Blvd. intersection (WC Volume III, page 352).

    Sam Guinyard testified that he worked there as a porter, and was polishing a car when he heard the shooting (WC Volume VII, page 395). According to Callaway’s testimony, Tippit’s killer crossed from the east side of Patton Street over to the west side of the street at a point just south of where William Scoggins cab was parked when Scoggins witnessed the shooting (Callaway marked this on WCE 537). In Chapter four of his book, Myers illustrates the killer’s flight path, along with the locations of Callaway and Guinyard when they allegedly saw him walking south on Patton Street; and the location of a third man named B.D. Searcy, who according to Callaway, was standing behind him when Tippit’s killer went by them (WC Volume III, page 354). Evidently, Myers based the killer’s flight path on WCE 735.

    According to Myers’ illustration, the killer had already crossed over to the west side of Patton Street when he went passed Sam Guinyard’s position. However, Guinyard testified that when he observed the gunman, he was on the east side of Patton Street, and he was about ten feet away from him when he observed him! (WC Volume VII, page 398). Guinyard further explained that the killer crossed over to the west side of Patton Street when he got to about five feet from the corner of the intersection of Patton Street and Jefferson Blvd. (ibid, page 397). Yet, Callaway testified, and illustrated on WCE 735, that the killer was already on the west side of Patton Street when he went by him (WC Volume III, page 353). Obviously, both men can not be correct.

    Callaway testified that he hollered at the gunman; “Hey man, what the hell is going on”, after which the gunman turned to look at him, shrugging his shoulders, and said something to him which Callaway claimed he couldn’t understand (ibid, pages 353 and 354). Callaway stated that he then told B.D. Searcy to keep an eye on the gunman and to follow him, after which he ran to the Tippit murder scene (ibid, page 354). On the contrary, Guinyard testified that it was Callaway who followed the gunman; “…trying to see which way he was going”, after which they allegedly went to the Tippit murder scene together (WC Volume VII, page 398). Furthermore, Guinyard made no mention of Callaway hollering at the killer, and the killer looking at Callaway and then saying something to him. When counsel Joseph Ball showed Guinyard the dark brown shirt Oswald was wearing when he was arrested at the Texas theatre, he testified that he saw Oswald wearing it as he came down Patton Street (ibid, page 400). Callaway on the other hand, testified that he couldn’t see this shirt! (WC Volume III, page 356). When Counsel Joseph Ball asked Guinyard if all the men in the line-up were about the same color, Guinyard exclaimed twice that; “…they wasn’t all about the same color.” (WC Volume VII, page 399). However, Oswald and the three men who were with him in the line-up; DPD detective Richard Clark, DPD detective William Perry, and DPD jail clerk Don Ables, were all Caucasians (see WCE 1054). If one is to believe that Guinyard’s eye sight was such that he was able to observe small differences in the skin tones of the four men in the line-up, one must simultaneously ignore all of the above contradictions between Callaway’s observations and his own.

    None of the above contradictions between the observations of Callaway and Guinyard, which raises serious questions about their credibility as witnesses, (and if they actually viewed Oswald in a line-up), are ever mentioned by Myers. Although the line-up allegedly seen by Callaway and Guinyard was conducted at approximately 6:30 pm on the night of the assassination, when Callaway was interviewed by FBI agent Arthur E. Carter on February 23, 1964, he told Carter that he recalled the line-up was conducted on the night after Tippit’s murder (WCD 735, page 262). In other words, Callaway was implying that the line-up was held on the night of November 23, 1963. However, Callaway would go on to testify that it was held on the night of the assassination. The reader should also bear in mind that when Domingo Benavides testified before the Warren Commission, he explained that after Callaway had gotten into William Scoggins cab to look for the killer with Scoggins, he asked him (Benavides) which way the killer went, but found out later on from Callaway that he did see the killer (WC Volume VI, page 452). If Callaway really did see the killer, he obviously had no reason to ask Benavides which way the killer went. Therefore, Benavides testimony strongly implies that Callaway never actually saw Tippit’s killer.

    Although Myers acknowledges in his endnotes that Benavides testified that Callaway asked him which way the killer went, he then uses Callaway and Jim Leavelle to discredit Benavides as a witness. According to Myers, during an interview in 1996, Callaway told him that Benavides confided to him that he didn’t actually see the gunman as he told the Warren Commission that he had (With Malice, Chapter 7). Myers also quotes from Jim Leavelle’s testimony where Leavelle claimed that; “I think he [Benavides] said he never saw the gunman actually…either that or he [Benavides] told me he could not recognise him, one or the other.” (ibid). Readers should also keep in mind that in his supplementary report on Tippit’s murder (evidently written on the day of the assassination), Leavelle wrote that Benavides didn’t see the killer (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 1, Folder 4, Item 3). Myers can pretend that Callaway and Leavelle are both trustworthy on this issue, because he never explains to his readers the serious credibility issues of both of these men It is apparent to this reviewer that Myers wants to discredit Benavides because he wants to maintain that both Callaway and Leavelle are credible witnesses.

    There are some issues with Benavides own credibility as a witness. For one thing, when Benavides testified before the Warren Commission, Counsel David Belin asked him if WCE 163 (the dark greyish blue jacket which Oswald allegedly wore to the TSBD on the morning of the assassination) was the jacket Tippit’s killer was wearing. To which Benavides responded; “I would say this looks just like it.” (WC Volume VI, page 453). However, Benavides had previously testified that the killer was wearing what appeared to be a light-beige jacket (ibid, page 450). In this reviewer’s opinion, Benavides could conceivably have mistaken the light gray jacket which the killer was wearing (WCE 162) as being a light beige color. Furthermore, the possibility that Belin was misquoted by the court reporter when he allegedly asked Benavides if WCE 163 was the jacket the killer was wearing cannot be ruled out.

    Benavides is also known for taking credit for notifying the DPD radio dispatchers that Tippit had been shot, when in fact it was T.F. Bowley who notified the dispatchers. Although this may seem as if Benavides lied to put himself in the spotlight, the fact is that T.F. Bowley was never called to testify before the Warren Commission. Many researchers, including myself, believe Bowley was avoided because according to his affidavit to the DPD, it was about 1:10 pm when he reported the shooting over the DPD radio; which was much too soon for the “official” time at which Tippit was shot (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 3, Item 14). Therefore, it seems likely that Benavides was coerced into taking credit for reporting the shooting over the radio. Although Benavides never positively identified Oswald as Tippit’s killer when he testified, he nevertheless claimed the killer looked like Oswald (WC Volume VI, page 452).

    Although it is this reviewer’s belief that Ted Callaway and Sam Guinyard never actually observed Tippit’s killer, there is one mystery concerning Callaway that remains. According to the DPD radio transcripts, Officer Howell W. Summers reports that he has an “…eyeball witness to the get-away man; that suspect in this shooting.” (WCE 705/1974). Summers then broadcasted the description of the suspect given to him by the witness over the radio. Although Myers claims that this witness was Ted Callaway, the distinct possibility exists that the witness was in fact B.D. Searcy, who worked at Harris Bros Auto Sales (WCD 735, page 261). Searcy is somewhat of an enigma, as there doesn’t appear to be any FBI and USSS interviews with him, and there also doesn’t appear to be an affidavit by Searcy to the DPD on what he heard and saw. Even though Ted Callaway told the FBI that both he and Searcy were standing on the front porch of the car lot, and even though Callaway was photographed standing on the front porch, there are no photographs depicting Searcy standing on the front porch (ibid, WCD 630, page 38). It is this reviewer’s opinion that Searcy was avoided because, unlike Callaway and Guinyard, he refused to be coaxed into identifying Oswald as Tippit’s killer. The reader should also bear in mind that even though Guinyard identified Oswald as the killer, there doesn’t appear to be an interview of him by the FBI and the USSS, and there doesn’t appear to be any photographs by the FBI showing where Guinyard was standing when he allegedly observed Oswald (WCD 630).

    Following his discussion of the identification of Oswald as Tippit’s killer by Callaway and Guinyard, Myers now moves onto the Davis sister-in-laws, Barbara and Virginia. Both of them allegedly identified Oswald as the killer in a DPD line-up on the evening of the assassination (With Malice, Chapter 7). The Davis sister-in-laws allegedly witnessed Tippit’s killer cut across the lawn of their apartment house, located on the southeast corner of the tenth and Patton Street intersection; emptying shells from the revolver as he did so. Myers writes that some critics have questioned the powers of observation of the two women because Barbara Davis testified before the Warren Commission that she observed the killer wearing a dark coat; even though he was actually wearing a light gray jacket (With Malice, Chapter 7). What Myers omits is that when counsel Joseph Ball asked her if Oswald was dressed the same in the police line-up as he was when she allegedly observed him after Tippit was shot, she replied; “All except he didn’t have a black coat on when I saw him in the line-up” (WC Volume III, page 347). In other words, Davis claimed that Tippit’s killer was wearing a black coat. It is incomprehensible to this reviewer that she could have mistaken or misremembered the light gray jacket (WCE 162) to be a black coat; and when she was shown the light gray jacket during her testimony, she refused to identify it (ibid). Contrary to what Myers wants us to believe, Davis’s testimony that the killer was wearing a black coat raises serious doubts about her credibility as a witness.

    Although Barbara and Virginia Davis allegedly observed the gunman together, they contradicted each other on a number of points. Barbara Davis testified that she called the DPD after the killer had gone out of sight (ibid, page 345). On the other hand, Virginia Davis was confused during her testimony as to whether Barbara called the DPD before or after they had seen the killer. Although Myers acknowledges this in his book, he nevertheless omits several other contradictions between their observations and recollections (With Malice, Chapter 7). For one thing, Barbara Davis testified she was standing on the front porch when the killer went by, whereas Virginia Davis testified that they both observed the killer through the front screen door; only to later on acknowledge that they were standing on the front porch when they saw the killer, just as she claimed in her affidavit to the USSS on December 1, 1963 (WCD 87, page 555). In that same affidavit she claimed that the killer was holding the gun in his left hand and unloading it into his right, and that she was lying down in bed with Barbara and her two children when she heard the shots (ibid).

    However, when she testified before the Warren Commission, she now claimed that the killer was holding the gun in his right hand and unloading it into his left, and that she was actually lying down on the couch when she heard the shots. Barbara Davis testified that she saw the killer cut across the middle of the yard of their apartment house, and illustrated this on WCE 534 (WC Volume III, page 344). However, Virginia Davis testified that the killer cut across the yard only about three feet from the sidewalk on Tenth Street (WC Volume VI, page 458).

    As far as the identification of Oswald in the line-up is concerned, Virginia Davis testified that she was the first to identify Oswald as the killer, and also testified that there were five men in the line-up; when in actual fact there were only four in total (WC Volume VI, page 462). However, when Barbara Davis testified, she took credit for being the first to identify Oswald as the killer (WC Volume III, page 350). Virginia Davis also testified that she went to the DPD to identify Oswald “…probably about 5:30”, which is ridiculous since according to the DPD, the line-up she and her sister-in-law allegedly viewed was conducted at approximately 7:55 pm (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 5, Folder 5, Item 4). Although Warren Commission defenders might argue that the contradictions between the two women’s recollections was due to one or both of them being nervous when they testified, the fact remains that all of the above raises doubts that they had seen the killer; or that they even viewed Oswald in a line-up, as both they and the DPD claimed. Myers actually writes in his book that Virginia Davis told him during an interview in 1997 that she was nervous when she testified before the Warren Commission (With Malice, Chapter 9)

    There is yet another piece of evidence which casts serious doubt on the credibility of the Davis sister-in-laws. Contained within the list of contacts for Jack Ruby is the name Leona Miller, with the telephone number WH3 – 8120 (WCD 717, page 6). When Barbara and Virginia Davis gave their affidavits to the DPD (allegedly on the day of the assassination), they listed their phone number as WH3 – 8120 (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 1, Items 20 and 22). Myers acknowledges this fact in his book, but dismisses its significance by writing that; “…apart from the phone number, there is no known connection between Leona Miller, Barbara Jeannette and Virginia Davis, and Jack Ruby.” (With Malice, Chapter 9). Contrary to what Myers would like us to believe, the fact that the phone number of two witnesses who contradicted each other on their observations of Tippit’s killer (despite both of them being certain that Oswald was the killer), and the fact that Barbara Davis believed that Tippit’s killer was wearing a black coat, raises the distinct possibility that the Davis sister-in-laws were ersatz witnesses used to implicate Oswald as Tippit’s killer. According to the testimony of Curtis Laverne Crafard (a.k.a Larry Crafard), Miller was apparently a girl who had phoned Ruby seeking employment at the Carousel club as a waitress (testimony of Curtis Laverne Crafard, WC Volume XIV).

    Curiously, there was a Leona Miller (married name Leona Lane) with whom Ruby was acquainted (WCD 1121, page 35). However, it is not known whether Miller (Lane) ever lived at the address the Davis sister-in-laws were living at when they allegedly observed Tippit’s killer. In my upcoming essay on Gerald Hill, this reviewer presents evidence that Tippit’s killer could in fact be Larry Crafard; which gives credence to the possibility that the Davis sister-in-laws were fake witnesses used to implicate Oswald. Though, truth be told, there is absolutely no solid connection between Jack Ruby, Larry Crafard, and the Davis sister-in-laws.

    On the day following Tippit’s murder, cab driver William W. Scoggins, along with cab driver William W. Whaley, were brought to the DPD to view Oswald in a line-up (With Malice, Chapter 7). Myers’ book contains a photograph by Jack Beers showing what he claims to be Scoggins and Whaley leaving the DPD homicide office to view the line-up (ibid). Scoggins told the Warren Commission that as the killer went past his cab, the killer looked back over his left shoulder, and that; “It seemed like I could see his face, his features and everything plain, you see.” (WC Volume III, page 327). Although Scoggins testified before the Warren Commission that he identified Oswald as Tippit’s killer in the line-up, he doesn’t mention this in his affidavit to the DPD on November 23, 1963 (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 1, Item 24). Myers doesn’t mention this to his readers. Myers also doesn’t mention that although DPD Lt. T.L. Baker wrote in his report to Chief Curry that Scoggins positively identified Oswald as Tippit’s killer in the line-up, detectives Marvin Johnson and L.D. Montgomery made no mention of this in their own reports to chief Curry. In fact, neither Johnson nor Montgomery mention in their reports that Scoggins viewed a line-up of Oswald (Dallas Municipal archives Box 5, Folder 5, Items 4, 26, 28, and 35).

    Although Myers admits that Scoggins told the Warren Commission that he had seen Oswald’s picture in the newspaper before he allegedly identified Oswald in the line-up as Tippit’s killer, he nevertheless omits that when Scoggins was reinterviewed by the FBI on November 25, 1963, he claimed that after viewing a photograph of Oswald, he was not certain that the man he observed fleeing from the Tippit murder scene was actually Oswald (WCD 5, page 77). The reader should bear in mind that when Scoggins testified, he claimed that some of the photos of Oswald shown to him by the FBI/USSS didn’t resemble Oswald, and that he may have picked the wrong photo (WC Volume III, page 335). However, according to his aforementioned interview with the FBI, Scoggins was only shown one photograph. Therefore, Scoggins was either lying, mistaken, or was actually referring to another interview.

    Scoggins also testified that he overheard William Whaley telling one (or more) of the cab drivers at the Oak Cliff cab company, for whom they were both employed, that he picked Oswald up at the Greyhound bus station, and then dropped him off at the 500 block of Beckley avenue in Oak Cliff (ibid, page 340). However, as researcher Lee Farley has demonstrated, Whaley did not give Oswald a ride to Oak Cliff in his cab, and that Scoggins was lying (see the thread entitled Oswald and cab 36 on John Simkin’s Spartacus education forum). It is also worth keeping in mind that despite hearing Tippit’s killer mumble either “Poor dumb cop” or “Poor damn cop” as he went by his cab, Scoggins never claimed that the killer’s voice was identical to Oswald’s (ibid, page 327), (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 1, Item 24). Finally, perhaps it’s also worth keeping in mind that even though Scoggins testified that he was “kind of crouched” behind his cab; and observed the killer through the windows of his cab, in his affidavit to the USSS on December 2, 1963, he claimed that he saw the killer after he (Scoggins) ran to the west side of Patton Street, opposite to his cab (WCD 87, page 553). In conclusion, much like Ted Callaway, Sam Guinyard, and the Davis sister-in-laws, William Scoggins is a witness whose credibility has question marks around it. Not that it matters to Myers.

    Many conspiracy advocates, past and present, have claimed that the Oswald line-ups were unfair. Although this reviewer shares that opinion, once it has been established that the witnesses were unreliable, and by implication, coaxed by the DPD to identify Oswald as the killer in the line-ups, the issue of whether the line-ups were fair or unfair becomes irrelevant. The contradictions between the alleged observations of Ted Callaway and Sam Guinyard are perhaps the best indication that witnesses were coaxed by the DPD to identify Oswald as Tippit’s killer, and once it is accepted that one or two witnesses were coaxed to identify Oswald as the killer, then logically, every eyewitness identification of Oswald as the killer in the DPD line-ups must be considered suspect. If Oswald was framed for Tippit’s murder by those responsible for the President’s assassination, then it only makes perfect sense that Tippit’s killer resembled Oswald, as they certainly would want any witness who saw the killer to think that it was Oswald.

    Towards the end of this Chapter, Myers discusses the paraffin tests used by the DPD to determine whether or not Oswald had fired a gun on the day of the assassination. Myers writes that; “…the lab report on the paraffin cast from Oswald’s right hand showed that the nitrate traces were not only positive, but ‘typical of the patterns produced in firing a revolver’. Such a finding suggests that, in this case, the presence of nitrates was the direct result of firing a handgun, and not due to the handling of some unknown nitrate-laced product.” (With Malice, Chapter 7). However, once again, Myers deceives his readers. For one thing, although he prints a sketch of the nitrates on Oswald’s right hand, he never explains that most of the nitrates were found on the palm side of the hand, and not on the back side of the hand where the nitrates from the revolver would have been deposited. Myers also omits that the FBI’s agent John Gallagher, who worked in the FBI’s laboratory in the physics and chemistry section, testified that; “No characteristic elements were found by neutron activation analysis of the residues which could be used to distinguish the rifle from the revolver cartridges.” (WC Volume XV, page 748 ). This further undermines the “finding” that the nitrate traces on the paraffin cast of Oswald’s hand are typical of the patterns produced by firing a revolver.

    In his discussion of the paraffin test, Myers also writes that the chemicals used in processing the nitrates will also react to nitrates found in urine, tobacco, cosmetics, kitchen matches, fertilizers and many other common items (ibid). Although Myers believes the paraffin tests applied to Oswald’s hands were valid, he never mentions that according to the report by DPD detectives Elmer Boyd and Richard Sims to Chief Curry, Sgt. W.E. “Pete” Barnes and detective John Hicks of the DPD crime lab applied the paraffin test to Oswald’s hands after Hicks had taken fingerprints from him! (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 4, Item 5). This was confirmed by Lt. T.L. Baker in his own report (ibid, Box 5, Folder 5, Item 4). Now if this true, it casts serious doubt on the validity of the tests, as Oswald’s hands would have been contaminated from the fingerprint ink, and washed afterwards to remove all ink. When Sgt. Barnes testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that that he took palm prints from Oswald’s hands immediately before applying the paraffin test; only to quickly correct himself stating that it was done immediately after the paraffin test (WC Volume VII, page 284). However, Barnes’ correction should not be taken seriously, as evidence discussed below demonstrates that Barnes is not a credible witness. Readers should also keep in mind that when counsel David Belin asked Barnes during his testimony “Suppose I were to wash my hands between the time I fired it [WCE 143] and the time you took the paraffin test?”, Barnes claimed that this would “hurt the test” (WC Volume VII, page 280).

    In spite of all of his deceptions, Myers then has the audacity to write the following; “Every aspect of Tippit’s murder became the focus of relentless – and often unfair – criticism.”, adding that “Some doubters [critics] sought to exonerate Oswald of Tippit’s death by challenging the eyewitness accounts” (With Malice, Chapter 7). Yes, Dale. Shame on those of us who, unlike you, actually want to honestly point out the contradictions between the eyewitness accounts which raise serious doubts about their credibility. Suffice it to say, the readers can judge for themselves whether or not I have made unfair criticisms of the witnesses.


    Go to Part Two

  • Gary Mack’s “Magical” Powers of Dissuasion


    During the last half century, the assassination of President Kennedy has seen a lot of obfuscation and disinformation. All of it presented as evidence to support the guilt of Lee Harvey Oswald as the lone assassin of JFK. A lot of these demonstrations, as exposed on this web site, have been shown to be calibrated lies. Many of us are not knowledgeable enough in certain intricate areas of the JFK case to fully grasp this disinformation campaign. But in this field, we cannot afford to rely on most evidence shown through the medium of television because that medium, since the issuance of the Warren Report, has been firmly on the side of the perpetrators. Who can forget Walter Cronkite and Dan Rather putting together a program to support the Warren Report the day it was published. Once we understand this, then we should view almost all TV presentations touting the verdict of the Warren Commission as nothing but a continuation of the Cronkite-Rather production, and we unfortunately just experienced a blitzkrieg like effort last November leading up to the 50th anniversary. Truth was hit hard. But sometimes when a perpetrator covers truth with a falsity, it therefore causes even more to submerge than the original lie, and more knowledge to become illuminated.

    Having established this as a touchstone, let us take a closer look at some past instances of fraudulent evidence portrayed as factual on mass broadcasted cable TV and perhaps learn more about who or what was behind it. Ten years ago, the Discovery Channel, ran a JFK episode on its series Unsolved History. In 2003’s Unsolved History entitled “The Conspiracy Myths” a live shooting recreation was featured along with a laser trajectory test done in Dealey Plaza

    Michael Yardley was the weapons and terrorism expert who was chosen to do the live shooting and the night time laser trajectory tests. According to his web site, Yardley thinks that Oswald fired at least one shot that day, but that he was not just a lone nut. Yardley also thought that until his simulation, all previous attempts to do so had been flawed. But as we will see Yardley was not aware of how flawed his own test was. And that the laser recreations in Dealey Plaza were flawed scientifically, causing their conclusions to be false.

    The voice that serves as the narrator for this show told us things like “We scientifically search for evidence”, and “Was the book depository the only place where a gunman could have fired the fatal shots?” My personal favorite from the narrator was, “In order to find out we will turn the city of Dallas into a laboratory.” But as we will find out for ourselves, as with all these programs, their methods do not end up being fully scientific. At times, even being quite contrary to scientific methods. We shall see that their flaw was that the film-makers had to alter known facts and images, and even their own supposed conclusive findings in order to disprove an only hypothetical frontal shot trajectory. And when all the hocus pocus is exposed, it becomes quite believable that they knew of the plausibility of such a shot.

    Let us now take a close look at the night-time possible trajectory tests with the lasers, and their supposed scientific claims. The lasers were used as an attempt to check the possibility of sources of shots from in front of the motorcade and possible scenarios for a sniper. As the narrative voice chimes, “This is an experiment,” and “We will turn the city of Dallas into a laboratory”, it gives the show a feeling of importance and honesty. But now we’ll see ourselves how credible and objective these experiments actually were. After Yardley tries out a few locations, which never really seemed to have much credibility as a potential frontal shot source, he then moves up behind the picket fence, to a location known as the North storm drain. This is where the western end of the picket fence, which sits atop the grassy knoll, approximates the railroad overpass bridge. Yardley readies his Mannlicher-Carcano carbine with a trigger-activated laser and opens fire as the motorcade stand-in rides down Elm Street.

     

     

    This illustrates a potential trajectory to a JFK stand-in, and Yardley hits him on the right side of the head. Which is where many think he was actually hit by the fatal shot. Along with Yardley that night, are historian Daniel Martinez, and of course, the spokesman for the Sixth Floor Museum Gary Mack. (Mack must be making quite a living these days off these cable TV programs.)  (Watch the video segment embedded below.)

    Now, as we see the alignment of Yardley’s rifle with the head of the person standing in for JFK, the narrator reiterates that yes, the shot did line up, but there are some complications. Gary and Daniel Martinez huddle on the street like an officiating team during a football game. Gary Mack (real name Larry Dunkel) now proceeds to inform us of these complications: “We know from the pictures there were three men standing on the middle of the steps, so they were in the way.” He also says there was a tree in the way, but it’s no longer living, and he then spoke of the trouble finding the target from that angle. According to Mack/Dunkel, “You would only have a fraction of a second to find him in the motorcade.” Yet, Yardley the weapons expert, certainly had no problem locating the target, did he Gary? Also, in a 2008 episode when Yardley did a daytime test run, again from near the same storm drain, he stated that there was, “Plenty of time to track the vehicle”, and who is a better witness to the validity of a potential shot, than a weapons expert?

    So the main complications Gary Mack claims prevented a shot from the drain were the three men, who were standing basically at the Elm Street sidewalk base. And they display a night time background shot of the grassy knoll, along with a cut out portion of the Mary Moorman photo. This cut out segment contains the three men and the cement staircase on which they stood. It seemingly represents a collaged image of then and now, and should be visual proof of the terrain and obstacles from 1963, merged with that of the background of today. But it is not a factual representation. It may have been visually verified by a said “Kennedy assassination expert”, and on a show under the titular rubric of “solving history”, but things are not always what they seem. They precisely merged a modern background shot with the Moorman segment with the three men.

    But upon proper scrutiny of this collage, one can see that some of the alleged obstacles that would have been there that day have been altered. Most blatantly the three men who stood on the steps the day Kennedy was shot have now – in the altered collage – taken a slide down Gary Mack’s Magical Staircase, into the pages of some sort of a fictitious Hollywood annual of history. Obviously this alteration was done to conceal the fact there was a true line of sight from JFK to the north storm drain. The three men on the stairs would not have been in the way of an assassin’s bullet. But with a simple altered collage and the help of Gary Mack and his magical power of dissuasion, it seems as if the trio would have blocked this shot. Although one can hardly anymore believe what is seen or said about Kennedy’s assassination on television. In other words, someone or more than one person at Unsolved History manipulated this collage and placed the three men from the Moorman photo all the way to the bottom of the Elm Street sidewalk. And somehow, they got Gary Mack from the Sixth Floor to verbally agree with this altered image and supposed reality. This tinkering with time, space, and images now allows the storm drain location to be labeled as another “outrageous theory”. Yet in the altered image, there are as many as seven steps missing to make the men appear as if they are all the way down at street level. So if anything is an outrageous theory, its this altered collage through which the producers and Gary Mack try to trick the uninitiated into thinking something is not possible. When in fact it most certainly is and most likely did happen. As we shall see, Mack had to have known the true locations of the three men. As he was at another filming location for the show where the trio was recreated in their true locations.

    Because of this fakery, the lead man of the trio, Emmett Hudson is shown as being all the way down on the sidewalk. This would have made him the closest witness to the shooting. But he was not. In fact, it actually appears that the program created a new staircase. While looking at the forgery one can see the white reflection off the concrete middle beak on the staircase, just to the left of the men. This is because in order to falsely prove that the men were in the way, a separate staircase had to be created. Let us now refer to it as, Gary Mack’s Magic Staircase. So basically when the faked collage was superimposed over the nighttime background shot in 2003, the creators took the overblown cut out of Moorman, and pasted it using the three men to cover over the area of the bullet path, and used Gary Mack to say: Well see these three men would have blocked the path of such a shot. In the genuine unaltered Moorman photo, the top of the limo windshield blocks us from seeing Emmett Hudson’s feet. But in the altered version they just have him standing on the sidewalk anyway – without his feet. Another obvious point of forgery is when Mack first points to the knoll, we can see the concrete wall and the pergola. But when the collage is completed, this whole area disappears, and the grossly enlarged clip covers over the true background of the knoll. All that is intact is a small portion of the pergola not blocked by Mack’s head or covered over by the blown up segment. The concrete wall and pergola are true landmarks still standing today. So they should be visible. But because of this overblown cut-out, it causes the portion of the picket fence to approximately double in size. It then blocks out the concrete wall and much of the pergola.

    Let us now take a look at another episode of this series called Unsolved History. This installment also featured the ubiquitous Gary Mack who, at the very least, should have no problem sending his son to college. This one was called “Death in Dealey Plaza” and was aired in early 2003. It includes a segment attempting a photo recreation or staging of the Moorman photo. The recreation was also done in Dealey Plaza, and there is an attempt to take a photo with the same type of camera Mary Moorman used, and from the nearly exact spot that she took her famous photo from. Since the three witnesses on the staircase were part of Moorman’s photo, stand-ins for the trio of men are placed on the staircase for the Moorman photo recreation. The men are shown in the still taken from the show, seen below, and it gives one quite a shock,. For this time they are placed in their correct locations. From the top left, we have a still from the Muchmore film, a known verified image along with the Moorman photo. On the top right is a close up of the cement staircase where it meets a walk up from the T intersection with the sidewalk. This is how the staircase was then, and is still today. So this is further visual proof that the collage shown in 2003’s “The Conspiracy Myths”, was faked. One can detect this because none of the three men could be standing on the staircase where it meets the sidewalk, because it does not even exist in physical terrain in this manner. Not then and evidently still not now. This also causes the sidewalk barrier where it turns a ninety degree angle and meets the staircase, to vanish.

     

     

    In the graphic at right, the images in the bottom left and right quadrants are an intact screen grab that was a double split screen image shown in Death in Dealey Plaza. Their Moorman recreation is on the left, and on the right, the original intact Moorman photo without alterations. The reason this is so important is that Gary Mack was on hand for this. Not merely present, but by his own admission, a participant. “I was fully involved in the restaging,” he said in response to a question on a Discovery Channel viewer page. So how in the world could Gary have not known the true locations of the trio in November of 2003, when we see that yes, he already did know their accurate locations for the earlier show airing in February of 2003?

    If there is no cover up going on today in the media then why were these 2003 images altered, and yet only months before the same person was admittedly so “fully involved” in the restaging, and had the three men placed in their correct locations. In other words basically in the earlier show when it was not necessary to disguise the origins of a frontal shot trajectory, the men’s positions were truthful, but when they did need to discredit a frontal shot they were not honest in their image overlay shown in the later 2003 episode. Seemingly so to deny the validity of a shot from the storm drain area, even after their laser trajectory aligned, and how strange for Gary Mack to be the one who verbally denies this possibility. Since Gary has been involved directly with the Mary Moorman photograph for decades, he had to have known the true locations of the three men, and has admitted being fully involved with the Moorman photo staging in the earlier filmed episode. How strange it is to have two separate placements that supposedly represent the three men’s locations, in a span of one year, on the same series, and Gary Mack involved with both. There must be a grand reason for this strange historical contradiction.

    Let us look at another attempt at disinformation. This one is also associated with Gary Mack, and another Unsolved History production. This time Gary and the show say that no one could have fired from the storm drain because there were too many witnesses in the area and two railroad workers nearby. According to Gary, these two RR men were to have been so close, that no shot could have come from there without them hearing the shot, or the supersonic crack of the bullet. Again, Michael Yardley lines up there, this time with a rifle without a laser attached. He makes an attempt to line up a shot and fire at a stand in. But now there is shrubbery in the north storm drain area, and it blocks his view. So Yardley now moves to the front of the picket fence, standing on the grassy knoll. Everyone can see that Yardley has a clear shot at Kennedy, even though the program director has Jackie Kennedy giving her husband a bearhug – something she is not actually doing at this time. It’s apparently done to make it appear she would get hit by such a shot, and further discredit this ateempt. Still Yardley notes “There is plenty of time to track the vehicle”, and this is a potentially viable shot.

    But then, old reliable Gary Mack informs us there is a “historical problem.” There were two railroad men “not ten feet from there.” A shot from a video taken from behind the presidential limousine shows these railroad men standing on the overpass bridge as the car passes underneath. Unfortunately for Gary Mack, a still photo exists of these same two men dressed in white, and still standing in basically the exact placements when the shots were fired.

     

     

    One can see from this photo, and by estimating these men as being close to six feet tall, it’s quite obvious they were more like the 40-50 feet away from the storm drain., and not less than 10 feet. In a talk I had with Dave Perry, a close associate of Gary Mack, he agreed that the closest witnesses were not ten feet away, but more like 40-50 feet away. It’s interesting that even after Gary Mack dumped his bad information on Yardley, the expert sniper adds, “Nevertheless, with all that going on, I’d still take this spot into consideration, provided I could get away.” Which he could since the parking lot was adjacent to the storm drain.

    I also asked Perry about the claim made by Gary Mack about the three witnesses being on the stairs and in the line of sight for an assassin from the storm drain. Perry referred to a plan of Dealey Plaza prepared by Greg Ciccone and said, “Using the Ciccone drawing, a shot from this location fired to the point of the fatal head shot would not have an effect on the three individuals standing on the steps. The bullet would pass several feet to the south of their position with Emmett Hudson being the closest to the path of the bullet. So if Mr. Mack claims the men would be in the way, that would be incorrect.” (Emphasis in original.)

    Kennedy assassination researcher Dr. David Mantik also chimed in on this issue. He said that he thought the storm drain was a very good spot for an assassin. Mantik said he had been to this spot, “and I have seen how isolated one could be there…Because of the way the fence was angled at this point, it would have been difficult for anyone actually on the grassy knoll, or on the overpass, to see any activity in the storm drain.” Even though Mack has stated how a shot would surely have been noticed, even having to exaggerate the proximities of witnesses, but still Dr. Mantik and Yardley see it as a potential sniping location. In his review of the Unsolved History show, Dave Mantik said, “My own observations of the skull X- rays suggested to me a shot from about this direction.” So here a medical doctor agrees, and he is not the only one. President Kennedy’s personal physician, Dr. George Burkley, who saw his head-wound said, “It was a simple matter of a bullet right through the head”. Later when acting Presidential Press Secretary Malcolm Kilduff parroted this to the press, as he said , Kennedy died of a gunshot wound to the head, and he pointed to his right temple. Strange that this is the same right head/temple location that aligned for Yardley’s laser, only to be falsely denied as possible. Did they at Unsolved History know the likeliness of this right temple shot, and how it best matches only to the North storm drain?

     

     

    Later on Dr. Mantik saw the image (graphic at right, top left) of a crowd of witnesses and a police officer who first ran up the knoll to the storm drain area. On the top right is an enhanced photo taken seconds after the last shot. Circled at right in this image is a possible cloud of gunsmoke; it too appears to come from the drain area.

    The images at the bottom, left and right, are from Mark Lane’s film Rush to Judgment, and it is a clear view of the north drain from behind. The red mark denotes as close as the 2 railroad men stood to the drain and clearly one can see how far away these two RR men were from a potential shooter at the fence at the drain. They are not the 10 feet away Gary said, but more like the 40-50 feet away as Perry admitted they were.

    According to Unsolved History, they were shedding light on the assassination, and seemingly solving history. Well, with an unbiased viewpoint, let us shed some light on true known images, and also see how they accomplished their forged images and trickery. By literally illuminating some images from the episode, we will enhance contrast and see how it was actually done.

    The narrator back in 2003 told us that lasers did find a possible trajectory from the north storm drain, but that “witnesses and obstacles in the way conclusively eliminate these storm drain theories.” Yet, from the images here, we see that there are no obstacles nor were there any witnesses that day that would have prevented such a shot trajectory. We can see that the actual photos show the three men at the staircase break, well above the sidewalk. (SEE IMAGES BELOW)

     

     

    The image seen at top left is the grassy knoll seen from the south side of Elm Street. Notice the white cement retaining wall sticking out above the bushes, and the full, intact staircase on the grassy slope, with its reflection off the middle break in the steps. There, just below the middle break is where the trio stood, and this image helps us see the men’s positions in relation to the road. Clearly as Dave Perry also noted, we all can see the shot would have gone below the men. That must have been the reason that they created the faked collage, seen at bottom right. In the same image atop left, also note the white cement cage structure just to the right of the staircase, known as the pergola. Part of this structure seems to magically vanish when the cutout of the three men is inserted. Also we can see in the altered collage that the fence grows nearly to the height of the pergola, which becomes quite ridiculous when comparing the fence’s height difference to that of the pergolas, seen in the images at top. Next is Mary Moorman’s photo taken at just about the impact moment of the head shot, and it clearly shows the three men standing just below the middle break on the staircase. Below are two screen captures from “The Conspiracy Myths”. At bottom left is Gary Mack, pointing to where he claims these three men stood. But he falsely portrays them at the sidewalk base, seen in the picture on the bottom right. Just look at the two photos on the right, top and bottom, and see how the three men have been moved. They clearly have been swept down in the form of half of an X, riding down on Gary’s magical staircase, only to become the physical vanguards of denial for a frontal shot.

    Now go back to the bottom left, and we can see the top of the white cement retaining wall, and we can just see the upper edge about the bush line. Look right above the top of Gary’s pointing finger and we see the wall; which is visible in all the photos except the bottom right. So we see that this section in missing in the right bottom image, #4. It is missing because the collaged section containing the three men has been overblown to falsely portray the men in the line of fire; whereby it causes the cutout section containing the fence to be grossly enlarged. But without a contrast change, the deception is hard to pick up. Surely, the producers at Unsolved History knew the dark backgrounds during the night filming eased their deceptions. By simply performing a contrast enhancement, we all can see how easily the forgery was created.

    It would seem from this that the show’s producers and Mr. Mack are not working from empirical evidence in their deductions. They had an agenda. Their agenda was to make the audience believe that there was no frontal shot. If the reader recalls, Mr. Mack did the same thing for Discovery Channel’s Inside the Target Car, even altering the position of Jackie Kennedy’s stand in inside the limousine. Mack tried to say that a shot from a much more oblique angle up the picket fence would not work. Now we have shown that it appears he tried a similar ploy, except with the shot further down, near the end of the fence. Except that this is just as fatuous as his former pretext. Can we trust these were just errors? Even if they are now done at least twice to the same effect? Someone should pose that question to Mr. Mack.

    Or perhaps the Oswald family, Marina and her daughters should investigate filing a lawsuit for fraud.

  • Larry Sabato, the Kennedy Assassination, and the Rise of the Post-Modern Sound Bite Scholar


    Dozens of new books have been published to coincide with the 50th anniversary of the assassination of President Kennedy on November 22, 1963. Many of them are breaking new ground.

    The JFK research community has come a long way in just the past twenty years. I first got interested in the assassination right before Oliver Stone’s JFK movie was released and probably read thirty or so book around that time. They all pointed to one theory or another. It was easy for someone new to the topic to get lost in the deluge of counter theories.

    But things have changed since then. I went to a conference of the leading JFK assassination researchers in Pittsburgh last month, organized by the famous forensic pathologist Cyril Wecht and his son. It was called “Passing the Torch.”

    I don’t pretend to have all of the answers, but it became clear to me at this event that something of a consensus has emerged in the JFK research community pointing to elements of the government being involved. In particular men working with Cuban exiles associated with Operation Mongoose, the CIA operation to subvert Cuba and overthrow Castro after the failed Bay of Pigs invasion, have come under increasing suspicion. Simply put more has become known thanks to the release of government files following the JFK movie. And people are still learning things and there are yet to be documents to be released.

    Not only are new details of the suspicious characters around Oswald, and the mystery man himself, being discovered, but we now have a much better understanding of what was actually going during Kennedy’s Presidency.

    To name just one example a new work is being developed by a scholar at the UVA Miller Center based on Presidential tapes about Kennedy’s policies in Vietnam and moves towards withdrawal he made in the last year of his life. The release of new tapes and records over the past fifteen years show that Kennedy and the Joint Chiefs of Staff had sharp disagreements over Cuba, Vietnam, and nuclear weapons policies. They had what can only be described as dismal relations with each other.

    Even popular mainstream historians like Robert Dallek are touching upon this area – and it is hard not to find out some of these things and wonder about the assassination itself. As Douglas Horne, who worked for the Assassination Archives Review Board put it JFK “was at war” with the national security state. But some things have never changed. During this anniversary year if you have watched November’s TV specials you would not know of any of this new information. National Geographic’s testament to the Kennedy assassination was the retread boring Killing Kennedy movie. Almost all network news broadcasts managed to stick to the lone assassin line and promote only those books and authors that conform with the proper talking points.

    One exception I saw shows you the straight jacket that is television. CNN’s Piers Morgan had Jesse Ventura on to discuss the government shutdown that was going on at the time and Ventura’s new book about the assassination called They Killed Our President. The book isn’t designed to solve the murder, but to present some of the dozens upon dozens of facts pointing to a conspiracy.

    Morgan looked at Ventura and his book and just repeated over and over again that he thought there was no conspiracy, because he said he talked to former Secret Service agent Clint Hill and he told him there wasn’t one. Ventura countered by listing some of the things in his book and Morgan completely dismissed him, treating Ventura as if he was merely making it all up. At the end of the interview Morgan said this was spot, because it made for a great “talking point.” You can see this discussion in this video at around the five minute mark:

    The ugly truth is that many people have made fortunes off of the assassination by creating books that line up with exactly the talking points required of them to get praised by the TV media. Gerald Posner’s work Case Closed did this following Oliver Stone’s movie and he became a celebrated talking head for a few years until he fell into a nasty plagiarism scandal.

    Vincent Bugliosi took his place for a few years with his doorstop sized book Reclaiming History, which has been demolished by James DiEugenio in a recent book. But it seems like the overwhelming size of the book made it so that it was difficult to catch on with the general public, even though it became a vehicle for Bugliosi to get on TV and be used as a counterpoint whenever a reasonable author who wrote a book about the darker aspects of the assassination got on TV, as when Chris Mathews used him as an attack dog against David Talbot when he did a segment on his Brothers Book.

    But Bugliosi seems to have disappeared. The Tom Hanks Parkland movie, which was credited as having been based upon his work, totally bombed at the box office. It was just too banal and boring. But a few have come into the picture to try to use the Kennedy assassination to get on TV this 50th anniversary and promote themselves by delivering the right talking points.

    There is probably no better example of this than University of Virginia professor Larry Sabato. Sabato’s book The Kennedy Half Century was written by a team of people at the UVA Center for Politics, which Sabato runs. It is really three small books in one. The first part of it is a fast recap of Kennedy’s political career, the second part deals with the assassination and the final part of the book is his “legacy” with examples of how the Presidents since President Kennedy claimed his mantel from time to time.

    I found the first and last part of the book to actually be the weakest parts of it. The amount of research that went into them just seemed to be very thin. The first part in particular really added nothing new and seemed to have little understanding of Kennedy’s real legacy and his foreign policy. For example he claimed that the Soviets put missiles in Cuba, because they perceived that Kennedy was a weak man after the failed Bay of Pigs invasion who wouldn’t do anything in response. In reality Khrushchev put missiles in Cuba out of desperation – he had fallen behind the United States in the nuclear arms race and put missiles in Cuba as a hail marry pass to try to force Kennedy into making some sort of deal. It was something the Soviets did out of weakness – they perceived the United States as being the stronger and more aggressive party, which is exactly the opposite of what Sabato claims in his book.

    We know all this because of the work of Aleksandr Fursenko and Timothy Naftali and their book Khruschchev’s Cold War, based in part on transcripts of Soviet Politburo records. This book is seven years old now and an important part of the scholarship. You would think Sabato would know of it, especially since Naftali used to work at the UVA Miller Center in the Presidential recordings program. Incredibly when I looked at the acknowledgements to his book it appeared that Sabato did not consult with hardly anyone there and barely any academic historians at all.

    Sabato did manage to consult with Gary Mack of the Sixth Floor Museum in Dallas, John McAdams and TV media stars such as James Carville, Bill Moyers, and Chris Matthews. And he indeed has been able to use his book to get on the television set. You can get a feeling for what Gary Mack is about in this video:

    He has been able to provide TV producers with the correct talking points. Sabato has made a career out of being a minor TV celebrity able to charge $10,000 a pop speaking fees so he knows the game.

    In the initial promotion for the book he was on CBS News, which put a story on its website with the headline “JFK assassination conspiracy theory ‘blown out of the water’ in new book, author says”, to describe an interview with Sabato.

    Sabato said he commissioned a study of dictabelt recordings that the Congressional House Select Committee on Assassinations used that they said showed that more than three shots were fired, which would mean there was a conspiracy. Sabato said he had “new” evidence that he commissioned by a sound analysis company called Sonalysts, Inc. which proved that the HSCA study was flawed. But in reality other researchers who studied these tapes in the early 1980’s came to the same conclusion, so there was nothing “new” in what Sabato said. The tapes aren’t important in the big picture.

    But his claim enabled him to make a big splash and get on TV, because it made for a great politically correct talking point. Nonetheless, there is much more evidence of a conspiracy than these tapes and Sabato knows this. He also knows that over 80% of the American people do not believe in the Warren Commission and so to be someone who simply mouths the Warren Commission line can damage one’s image with today’s public.

    However, to talk of conspiracy in the Kennedy assassination means becoming toxic to American TV news producers. It could mean the end of being a talking head. When I was at UVA over fifteen years ago, in the graduate history program, I had one professor tell me that to write about the Kennedy assassination would make a career in academia impossible. That wasn’t because of something about UVA in particular, but the reality of the way the topic is treated by the mainstream media and upper reaches of establishment research. It’s simply not politically correct to talk about and you’ll be blacked out by TV if you do. It would be like being against slavery in the pre-Civil War American South.

    Despite what I’ve said so far, the strongest part of Sabato’s book is actually his section on the assassination. Even though I do not agree with his conclusions, he does make some interesting comments, and you can tell from the footnotes that more research went into putting this part of the book together than the rest of it.

    Sabato argues that the “establishment view, even today, in the halls of government and many media organizations” is “that it is irresponsible to question the ‘carefully considered’ conclusions of the Warren Commission report.” Sabato warns that there are some who consider it close to being a threat to national security. “Further, say the lone gunman theory’s advocates, the widespread accusations that senior political, governmental, and military figures participated in the planning, execution, or cover-up of the assassination of President Kennedy have damaged the image of the United States around the globe, fueling anti-American sentiments by undermining the very basis of our democratic system, ” he explains. In such a siege atmosphere it is no surprise that TV news producers have stuck managed to keep themselves within the bounds of the proper “responsible” talking points. And so has Sabato.

    Sabato declares to his reader that “given the lack of hard evidence, to accuse any arm or agency of the federal government of orchestrating Kennedy’s assassination is both irresponsible and disingenuous.” However, it is hard for anyone who studies the assassination by going beyond the Warren Commission’s final report to escape the conclusion that there was more to the assassination than Oswald. On the day after the assassination at President Lyndon Johnson’s first morning meeting as President CIA director John McCone told him that Lee Harvey Oswald went to the Cuban and Soviet embassies in Mexico City and had contact with a dangerous KGB agent. After this meeting Johnson had a phone conversation with FBI director J. Edgar Hoover who told him that the evidence as it stood was not enough to convict Oswald and that someone else was in Mexico City pretending to be him. Hoover told him that information that the CIA gave him, such as taped phone conversations, that was supposed to be Oswald wasn’t him.

    Sabato knows that the lone assassin story simply is not credible. So he writes, “at the same time, it is impossible to rule out the possibility that a small, secret cabal of CIA hard-liners, angry about Kennedy’s handling of Cuba and sensing a leftward turn on negotiations with the Soviets and the prosecution of the war in Vietnam, took matters into their own hands lest the United States go soft on Communism.”

    Sabato dismisses just about all possible conspiracy theories in his book. He claims it simply is “irresponsible” to think that elements of the United States government could be involved. He won’t do that so he comes up with one possible politically correct conspiracy theory of his own buried in a footnote – “in theory, the cabal could also have been the opposite: Communist inspired. In April, 1961 FBI J. Edgar Hoover sent Attorney General Robert Kennedy a memo admitting that the Office of Strategic Services (the CIA’s parent organization) had been infiltrated by a “Communist element” that “created problems and situations which even to this day affect US intelligence operations.”

    In other words it’s a thought crime to think that some people in the United States government could have been a party to President Kennedy’s assassination so if there were people like that they must have been under the control of the KGB. If the CIA killed Kennedy so to speak it did so, because it was actually a cat’s paw of the KGB.

    Well, look there are a lot of crazy conspiracy theories that have been peddled over the years, from the driver did it, to some Secret Service agent accidently shot the President, and on and on. Most of the theories have no real proof, but what Sabato proposes is one of the craziest theories I’ve ever seen in print. In fact the idea that the CIA was under the control of the KGB is more of a nightmare than any of the Kennedy assassination conspiracy theories.

    Sabato tries to appeal to all sides in his book. On one hand he says that there are plenty of reasons to believe in a conspiracy, because the Warren Commission was such a botched investigation, but in the end he comes down on the side of believing in the single assassin theory, but does little to convince the reader of that. It’s a line though that he uses to get on TV.

    You can watch Sabato essentially play for the TV in this interview making big talking point sound bites:

    In this interview Sabato makes the big claim that Oswald is the only person who killed Kennedy, but “we’ll never know” the truth. Of course that’s a nonsensical statement, because if it’s only Oswald than what is there not to know so to speak? But it’s the proper politically correct talking point for TV news. Sabato doesn’t provide a shred of evidence in this TV appearance explaining why he thinks Oswald is the only person involved.

    Now In his book Sabato has a few paragraphs of evidence in support of the Oswald did it alone story in his giant book. The evidence Sabato marshals is that Oswald “is the only logical suspect from the Depository, the place where he worked from and from which he fled. The murder weapon was Oswald’s, his palm print was on the gun, and (despite the dispute over the size of Oswald’s ‘curtain rods’ package) he likely brought it to work with him the morning of the assassination.” He also says Oswald shot the policeman J.D. Tippit and “four bullets were retrieved from Tippit’s body, one of which matched Oswald’s revolver.”

    However, Henry Hurt’s book Reasonable Doubt demolished most of this more than twenty years ago. Hurt found that the crime scene investigator left marks on the bullets at the Tippit slaying that were not on the bullets used as evidence by the Warren Commission. The palm print was not on the gun when it was first examined by the authorities and only later magically appeared on it. I cite Hurt’s book, because it an excellent account of the evidence and Sabato cites him in his acknowledgments, so surely he must know of these things. He may not know of John Armstrong’s work Harvey and Lee which even puts Oswald purchase and ownership of the rifle in doubt, because it is newer. Who can read every single Kennedy assassination book?

    Do we even need to talk, though, about the medical evidence and all of the doctors at Parkland who saw the back of Kennedy’s head shot out by an exit wound? To make a long story short the evidence against Oswald is a joke and Sabato only spends a few paragraphs in his book using it in support of the lone assassin story.

    To his credit though Sabato does talk about the contradictory evidence. I just think a reader will be left with more confusion than answers from it. In the end though what is most interesting about Sabato’s book and media appearances is his talking line stance. He does not merely play the same card of a Posner or Bugliosi and try to merely uphold the Warren Commission one more time.

    Instead he tries to recognize the disbelief of the public and still keep to the required talking points message to be acceptable to the Washington beltway media establishment. He is indeed “responsible” to the Washington power structure. We live in an era of economic malaise and an empire falling apart. The power elites are failing this nation and the assassination of President Kennedy will be seen decades from now as an event that took us to where we are.

    The way the Kennedy assassination is being treated by the media 50 years after the event is an example of how disjointed the Washington elites and TV talking heads are from the rest of the nation, but they are where true power in the United States rests. So enter Sabato and his positioning. It’s an interesting play he has made – and the right one when it comes to getting on TV and selling books as a result. He can now charge for more speaking appearances as a Kennedy assassination expert, because the TV proclaimed him to be one.

    Sabato says that many inside the Washington beltway crowd and national TV producers fear that talk of a Kennedy assassination conspiracy is a potential danger to national security, because it can cause people to doubt the United States government and lash out at it.

    But to take such a rigid position does one have to sacrifice the search for truth in order to hold onto a proper political line? That is not what scholarship is about.

    Nor is that what journalism is about either, but there is a big difference between it and what passes as “reporting” on TV. TV news does very little real investigative work to what really is going on in the economy and the government.

    A few weeks before the November anniversary of the JFK assassination CBS News “Face the Nation” aired a segment about a new book on the subject that contained evidence that the Warren Commission covered up facts.

    When it was her turn to talk about the book popular talking head Peggy Noonan said that as a nation we were lucky that the truth didn’t come out, because it could have been “destabilizing.” She seemed to suggest that she agreed with covering things up.

    The book being discussed doesn’t say there was a conspiracy so it’s safe enough to talk about on TV. It just says there were things being covered up, but they cause people to ask too many questions, so Noonan is thankful for the cover-up.

    Then reporter Bob Woodward and Noonan spoke of a “deep state” that engages in covert operations and mass surveillance in the name of national security, saying the things being covered up in regards to the JFK assassination is a part of the “deep state” activities. I call it the war state. But they seem to have no problem with cover-ups.

    This “Face the Nation” segment is in essence an argument in justification of the JFK assassination cover-up.

    The phrase “deep state” was created by professor Peter Dale Scott to explain the Kennedy assassination.

    Is the duty of a journalist to hide government secrets? That seems like a slippery slope that leads to becoming a sycophant or propagandist. That is not what journalism is about.

    TV news acted as a cheerleader for the war in Iraq and asked no questions before it started. It wasn’t until it turned into a total disaster that they asked a few questions and then they simply stopped reporting on it all together.

    They never talk about the war in Afghanistan. They failed to recognize the problems that led into the 2008 financial crisis and fail to even talk about the problems of debt inflation caused by the Federal Reserve today.

    If you think back to just the past few months and how TV news has reported on the NSA spying revelations you can see how it has done almost no real investigative work and acted simply as a mouthpiece for power.

    Instead of really digging into what the NSA spy programs are doing to the American people and the legal issues surrounding them TV news made the story about Snowden and the real journalists that were doing research into the affair and demonized them as enemies.

    The journalist Glen Greenwald has been at the forefront of breaking the story about NSA spying. When he appeared on MSNBC talking head reporter David Gregory attacked him and questioned him on whether he should be considered a criminal and virtual enemy of the state. You can see this in this video clip:

    It isn’t hard to imagine that if producers of shows such as this think that to investigate the JFK assassination could threaten national security than they could easily conclude that to investigate the NSA spy programs is too.

    The problem is the press is supposed to investigate government and look for wrongdoings and crimes. It is supposed to act as a watchdog for the people – and if it doesn’t something is seriously wrong.

    It also means that to make oneself into a TV news talking head celebrity one has to make giant sacrifices of integrity. One has to be willing not to care about searching for the truth and to conform to the correct talking points and political lines. It means becoming a professional propagandist instead of a scholar.

    It’s sad to think that some people have to do this to become acceptable and important in the circles of power in the United States and you know they must suffer in one way or another. You know that if they have a conscience they have trouble sleeping at night and feel like in the end they are not leaving much of a legacy behind. They end up being either cowards or total opportunists.

    I want to say one last thing. Sabato has claimed in at least one TV appearance “we will never know” the real truth when it comes to the assassination. He never asks if that is true, then why? The answer would be simple: lack of political will by the men in Washington. When I see Sabato on TV and read his book I feel like he really doesn’t even care what the truth is. He is mostly interested in being credible and “responsible” for the TV producers. In reality much of the truth is sitting there and more is being discovered – it’s just not politically correct for the TV to talk about it.

    But Sabato seems to be an example of today’s post-modern scholar. Right before the financial crash of 2008 there were economists doing “research” to “prove” that everything was great with the financial system and that mortgage backed securities and other such inventions were wonderful “innovations.” Some were paid to go to countries with troubled debt situations and say everything was great. They were complicit in the crash that helped bring today’s economic mess. The story of one was detailed in the movie Inside Job. It was a story NEVER revealed on CNBC – and never will be:

    Men such as this were “post-modern” economists who catered to their paymasters. It is in small movies like this, books, internet sites, and newspaper articles that real journalism, scholarship, and investigative reporting takes place. The TV has failed to ever dig anything up about the Kennedy assassination in fifty years and has failed to inform the public about the reality of the economy, the recent wars associated with the “war on terror,” and the depth of the NSA spy programs. Instead it simply repeats talking points and TV producers seem to always be able find people willing to say and do anything to get on TV and mouth the establishment propaganda lines in this age of dying empire and transition into a new age.

  • Anti-Conspiracy theories: Why the media (and Shermer) believe the implausible


    A reply to Michael Shermer and the Los Angeles Times


    In the JFK assassination, why do the media refuse to accept the overwhelmingly obvious conclusion that Oswald was framed?

    Michael Shermer is the publisher of Skeptic magazine, to which I once subscribed. [1] Skeptic has printed at least two pieces that favor a JFK conspiracy, but now Shermer paradoxically promotes the lone gunman theory. Ironically, for that case in particular, he has dropped his pretense of skepticism.

    In a November 26, 2013 Op-Ed, Shermer purports to explain away a JFK conspiracy via psychology. However, if this notion is logically extrapolated, no one (not even the judicial system – nor even string theorists) would ever need to consult any facts, i.e., merely identifying an author’s motives would suffice to discern the truth. But what is good for the conspiracist is good for the anti-conspiracist – perhaps some day Shermer will reveal what deep psychology motivates his own persistent obfuscation of the JFK case.

    Shermer believes that conspiracy theories offer tidy and simple-minded explanations. But what could be more simple-minded than Oswald as a lone gunman?

    Shermer claims that we have had a surfeit of documentaries favoring conspiracy. On the contrary, in my three decades of observing this event, we have never had such a deluge of mainstream support for Oswald. (See my critique of just one of these – on NOVA.)

    He claims that evidence points toward Oswald. For once, he is correct. Unfortunately, nearly all of it is suspect. An itemized demolition of these fraudulent claims has come from a fellow Wisconsin Badger (see Into the Nightmare, pp. 195-205, by Joseph McBride). Is Shermer truly ignorant of all this soiled laundry? Moreover, this is hardly the first case in history of misleading evidence. The French had their own Dreyfuss Affair, where virtually all the “official evidence” pointed toward an innocent man. And the Lincoln assassination was a lone gunman case before additional evidence emerged. Even in Watergate, the evidence of conspiracy only evolved across time.

    A conspiracy, by definition, requires only two persons. Given the pervasive tendency of humans to socialize, that is the natural state of human affairs. Most curiously, the original meaning of conspiracy theory was neutral. Only since the mid-1960s (suspiciously right after the JFK assassination) did it become a term of ridicule. It is now a term of derision, whose sole purpose is promptly to strangle any serious examination of the evidence. Oddly enough, The Paranoid Style in American Politics (by Richard Hofstadter), was first published in Harper’s Magazine on the first anniversary of the JFK assassination – in November 1964.[2]

    Michael Parenti has observed that even the CIA is, by definition – via its covert actions and secret plans – a conspiracy. Ambassador David K. E. Bruce, in his formal report on the CIA to President Eisenhower, disclosed the devastating impact these conspiracies had on US foreign policy.[3] Even the Mafia (by its very nature) believes in conspiracies.

    Justin Fox of Time magazine describes most Wall Street traders as conspiracy-minded; he adds that most good investigative reporters are also conspiracy theorists. For conspiracy theorists in this JFK case, see my long list (with supporting documentation – see Addendum 5). Here are several: Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, John Connally, J. Edgar Hoover, John McCone, David Atlee Phillips, Robert Tanenbaum, James Rowley, George Burkley, Jesse Curry, Roy Kellerman, Evelyn Lincoln, Richard Russell, Bertrand Russell, G. Robert Blakey, and Robert Kennedy, Jr.

    Cass Sunstein, in a 2008 paper, offered his own remedies for conspiracy theories; he proposed infiltrating them to cause internal disruption. In other words, his response to conspiracy theories was to propose a conspiracy of his own. Several years ago, I sent him a rebuttal. I am still waiting for his reply.

    My own view of the JFK assassination has evolved from mere belief into actual knowledge. Based on my seeing (on nine different occasions) the JFK artifacts at the National Archives, I now know that the JFK skull X-rays are copies, not originals, and that the mysterious 6.5 mm bullet-like fragment (supposedly at the back of the skull) was added to the X-ray in the darkroom, merely to incriminate the supposed weapon – a 6.5 mm Mannlicher-Carcano.

    On November 22, 2013, I met with James Jenkins, who had been Dr. Boswell’s technician at the JFK autopsy. He confirmed my conclusion (based on hundreds of data points via optical densitometry on the extant JFK skull X-rays) – that the images of the brain in the National Archives are fraudulent. But this was no surprise; after all, the official autopsy photographer, John Stringer, had long ago disavowed these photographs as those he took.

    David W. Mantik earned his Ph.D. in physics at Wisconsin and his M.D. at Michigan. He is Board Certified in radiation oncology by the American Board of Radiology. A former fellow of the American Cancer Society and director of residency training in radiation oncology at Loma Linda University, he has also used proton beams to cure cancer.


    “A reliable way to make people believe in falsehoods is frequent repetition, because familiarity is not easily distinguished from truth.”

    “It is the consistency of the information that matters for a good story, not its completeness. Indeed, you will often find that knowing little makes it easier to fit everything you know into a coherent pattern.”

    “The confidence that individuals have in their beliefs depends mostly on the quality of the story they can tell about what they see, even if they see very little. We often fail to allow for the possibility that evidence that should be critical to our judgment is missing – what [you] see is all there is (WYSIATI).”

    “They didn’t want more information that might spoil their story.”

    – Thinking Fast and Slow (2011) by Daniel Kahneman
    (Winner of the Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences for his seminal work in psychology)

    Postscript: A Rebuttal from Shermer (and the Los Angeles Times)


    Before my critique had even been submitted to the Los Angeles Times, Shermer had already struck back. Here is what the Times printed on Saturday, November 30, 2013 (p. A15).

    Facts or Conspiracies?

    Almost all of the readers who responded to Michael Shermer’s November 26, 2013 Op-Ed didn’t buy his idea that psychology helps to explain why JFK assassination theories persist. Reader Stephany Yablow of North Hollywood wrote:

    “J. Edgar Hoover came up with the lone-gunman scenario within 24 hours of the assassination as a cover-up. Lyndon Johnson backed it, demanding that the case be closed quickly.

    “The Warren Commission was political window dressing. It failed to thoroughly investigate, interview witnesses and experts and conduct forensic studies. It produced a shallow report.

    “Maybe people would believe the lone-gunman theory if Jack Ruby didn’t waltz into the jail and kill Lee Harvey Oswald; hence, the theory that someone directed Ruby to do so. There must have been at least two people (the requisite number of actors to define a ‘conspiracy’). If the lone-gunman proponents had a better answer, they haven’t convinced us yet.”

    Michael Shermer responds:

    [Note by Mantik: Misleading statements so densely infest this manifesto that each opinion is itemized, followed by my comments. Shermer’s words are in italics.]

    1. The Warren Commission report was shallow? At 880 pages, I wonder what would be considered deep.

      Reply (based on the work of Walt Brown): Of the 488 witnesses who testified, only 93 did so in the presence of any of the seven members of the Commission. Here is the scorecard: Earl Warren – 93, Allen Dulles – 70, Gerald Ford – 60, John Sherman Cooper – 50, John McCloy – 35, Hale Boggs – 20, and Richard Russell – 6. What value would be placed on a judicial proceeding in an American courtroom in which the prosecutors, the defense attorneys, or certain jurors just came and went as they pleased? Furthermore, anyone who has even glanced at these volumes quickly recognizes that trivia and irrelevancies populate the pages, but critical witnesses are often studiously avoided. Insofar as a “deep” analysis, one example is Douglas Horne’s five volume set: Inside the Assassination Records Review Board. Horne’s book is 1880 pages. (The Warren Report is actually 888 pages.) Another would be Walt Brown’s Chronology of the JFK Assassination.

    2. In any case, five different government investigations – along with countless private inquiries – have concluded that the evidence overwhelmingly points toward Oswald as the lone assassin.<

      Reply: Shermer apparently has not read that brilliant piece by Dr. Gary Aguilar and Kathy Cunningham: “How Five Investigations into JFK’s Medical Autopsy Evidence Got It Wrong.” Insofar as private investigations, Shermer likewise seems hopelessly lost – the vast majority favor conspiracy. (See his last statement here, which implies that he does know this.)

    3. Oswald’s Carcano rifle with his fingerprints on it was found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository.

      Reply: The weapon (actually a carbine, not a rifle) in evidence is not the one ordered by LHO. The Commission states that he used a coupon from the February 1963 issue of The American Rifleman (but this ad does not appear in the Commission). The ad is for a 36″ Carcano weighing 5.5#. The weapon in evidence is supposedly 42″ and weighs 8# (with sling and sight). The first weapon reported in the Texas School Book Depository was a 7.65 German Mauser; Eugene Boone filed two separate reports to this effect, and Seymour Weitzman filed a confirming affidavit. Boone later testified that Captain Fritz and Lt. Day also identified it as a Mauser. The weapon in evidence, however, clearly reads “Made Italy” and “Cal, 6.5″.” Furthermore, no one has explained why a wannabe assassin would purchase a weapon by money order through the mail – instead of paying cash locally (with no trace of ownership). In addition, on the supposed purchase date (March 12), Oswald was at work from 8 AM to 12:15 PM (see Harvey and Lee by John Armstrong for company employee records). If the post office records can be believed, LHO walked 11 blocks to the General Post Office, purchased a money order, but then did not mail it from there. Instead, he walked many bocks out of his way (eventually using a mailbox) before returning to work, where his absence was not noted. This order then arrived the very next day at Klein’s (in Chicago) – and was already deposited at the bank that same day! Unfortunately, the bank deposit actually reads February 15, 1963 – not March 13, 1963. Of course, if the date really had been February, then the serial number C2766 could not apply to the weapon in the backyard photographs. For even more anomalies on the MC see Reclaiming Parkland by James DiEugenio.

      Insofar as fingerprints go, none were initially found on the weapon. Only after a visit by federal agents to the morgue, where Oswald was fingerprinted – according to the mortician, did a palm print appear on the weapon. Moreover, during the last several decades much doubt has been cast on fingerprint evidence in general; see my review of John McAdams’s book.

    4. Three bullet casings there match what 80% of eyewitnesses in Dealey Plaza reported hearing: three shots.

      Reply: The initial report described only two casings. The so-called Magic Bullet (which should have matched the casings) could not be identified at Parkland Hospital by the man who handled the actual bullet. Josiah Thompson (a private detective) and Dr. Gary Aguilar have demolished the chain of possession for this bastard bullet. Regarding witnesses, a long list of them reported that the final two shots were very close together, much too close for the Mannlicher-Carcano. [4]

    5. It was the same rifle Oswald purchased in March 1963, which he then used the following month in an attempt to assassinate the rabidly anti-communist Army Maj. Gen. Edwin Walker.

      Reply: Walker denied that Oswald had shot at him. The bullet was not matched to any weapon owned by Oswald. At the time of the event, the Dallas Morning News reported a 30.06 bullet. (Of course, the Warren Report omitted this.) A witness, Kirk Coleman, saw two men, but neither was Oswald. A photograph of a car behind Walker’s house turned up at Ruth Paine’s house and was ascribed to Oswald. While the police had that photograph, the license plate disappeared from the back of the car. However, Chief Curry’s book (1969) contains a photograph of Oswald’s possessions, including that Walker photograph. In that version, the license plate is intact – which strongly implies that the police had cut it out of the other one.

    6. Co-workers saw Oswald on the sixth floor of the depository shortly before JFK’s motorcade arrived, and saw him exit soon after the assassination.

      Reply: Oswald worked in the building and might well have been seen there. But Shermer fails to tell us when he was seen there. The only witness the Commission could round up was Howard Brennan, who had poor eyesight; he could not identify Oswald in a line-up later that same day. Furthermore, the window in the sniper’s nest was partly closed, making it virtually impossible for Brennan to get a good look at the man’s face. Arnold Rowland and Carolyn Walther saw a man with a rifle, but neither identified Oswald. Furthermore, both said they saw two men! Within 90 seconds of the shooting, Roy Truly spotted Oswald drinking a coke in the second floor lunch room. Victoria Adams walked down the same stairs (from the fifth floor) right after the shooting and did not see Oswald.

    7. Oswald went home and picked up his pistol and left again, shortly after which he was stopped by Dallas Police Officer J. D. Tippit, whom Oswald shot dead with four bullets.

      Reply: “The official story of the Tippit killing is full of holes.” [5] McBride has devoted most of his book (and much of his life) to the Tippit case. If Shermer truly likes long books (as he claimed about the Warren Report), then he will love this book (662 pages). It is mostly devoted to the Tippit case. The author firmly denies that Oswald shot Tippit. Another author, John Armstrong, has investigated this murder for two decades and has now developed a detailed scenario of the event. Has Shermer done as much research on this as Armstrong or McBride?

    8. He then ducked into a nearby theater without paying, which resulted in a police confrontation.

      Reply: Theater employee Warren Burroughs said that Oswald went to the balcony. A police dispatcher (at 1:46 PM) stated that Oswald was in the balcony. However, Oswald was arrested on the main floor. Bernard Haire saw a second man (who was flushed, as though he had been in a struggle) leave the rear of the theater and then be placed into a police car. Until Haire saw Oliver Stone’s film, he had always thought that he had seen Oswald’s arrest. Can Shermer explain any of this?

    9. Two days later, Oswald was himself assassinated by a pro-Kennedy nightclub owner named Jack Ruby, who said his motive was “saving Mrs. Kennedy the discomfiture of coming back to trial.” Thousands more pieces of evidence all converge to the unmistakable conclusion that Oswald acted alone.

      Reply: Does Shermer truly know more than these legal minds, which were deeply immersed in the case? (None of them believed in a lone gunman.)

      Senator Richard Russell, member of the Warren Commission
      John McCloy, member of the Warren Commission
      Rep. Hale Boggs, member of the Warren Commission
      Senator John Sherman Cooper, member of the Warren Commission
      Rep. Henry Gonzalez, chair of the HSCA
      Rep. Don Edwards, chair of the HSCA
      Robert Blakey, Chief Counsel for the HSCA
      Robert Tanenbaum, Chief Counsel for the HSCA
      Richard A. Sprague, Chief Counsel for the HSCA
      Gary Cornwell, Deputy Chief Counsel for the HSCA

    10. In the 50 years since, conspiracy fabulists have concocted more than 300 different people and organizations allegedly involved in the assassination, and yet not one line of evidence conclusively supports any of these suspects. It’s time to move on and let JFK R.I.P.

      Reply: If Shermer had paid any attention to JFK books or meetings during the past year, he would know that the evidence of a cover-up by federal agencies is now overwhelming. Instead, he has responded like an automaton, programmed to recite the Commission’s dogmas. He even evades the last official government investigation (the HSCA), which declared a probable JFK conspiracy. We might well ask: What about history? For example, what if the Dreyfuss affair had simply been left to lie dormant? Or what if the Lincoln assassination had never been pursued – or if no investigation had been done into Watergate, or into Iran-Contra, or into BCCI? What then Mr. Shermer?


    Notes

    1. I let my subscription lapse after I became skeptical of some of these alleged skeptics.

    2. According to Wikipedia, on November 21, 1963 (sic) Hofstadter delivered the Herbert Spencer Lecture at Oxford University (on this same subject)

    3. Timothy Weiner, Legacy of Ashes (2007), pp. 133-135. The complete report is still unavailable!

    4. Assassination Science (1998), edited by James Fetzer, p. 296.

    5. Joseph McBride, Into the Nightmare (2013), p. 201.

  • Cold Case JFK vs. Cold Hard JFK Facts


    G. Robert Blakey (as quoted on “Cold Case JFK”):
    “…the need that led to the Warren Commission was not to find out what happened but to assure the American people what didn’t happen.”

    John McCloy (Warren Commission):
    [It was of paramount importance to] “show the world that America is not a banana republic, where a government can be changed by conspiracy.”

    Jim Marrs (Crossfire 2013, p. 441):
    “Allen Dulles told author Edward Jay Epstein that since an atmosphere of rumors and suspicion interferes with the functioning of the government, especially abroad, one of the Commission’s main tasks was to dispel rumors.”


    This was a remarkably disingenuous program, with many erroneous assumptions, misleading statements, and crucial omissions. I label these accordingly below. I also list several correct statements and provide additional comments.

    Assumption: Lee Harvey Oswald (LHO) owned the Mannlicher-Carcano (MC)

    Comment: The weapon in evidence is not the one ordered by LHO. The Warren Commission (WC) states that he used a coupon from the February 1963 issue of The American Rifleman (but this ad does not appear in the WC). The ad is for a 36″ Carcano carbine weighing 5.5#. The weapon in evidence is supposedly a 40″ short rifle and weighs 8# (with sling and gunsight). Further, when the HSCA interviewed the gunsmith at Klein’s, he said he placed scopes on the 36-inch model but not the 40-inch model. Yet this rifle had a scope on it. How did it get there?

    No one addressed these problems on this program. Or even acknowledged they existed.

    The first weapon reported in the Texas School Book Depository (TSBD) was actually a 7.65 German Mauser; Eugene Boone filed two separate reports to this effect, and Seymour Weitzman filed a confirming affidavit. Boone later testified that Captain Fritz and Lt. Day also identified it as a Mauser. The weapon in evidence, however, clearly reads “Made in Italy” and “Cal, 6.5″.” Therefore, how could those affidavits be filed if the police could read properly?

    Furthermore, no one has explained why a wannabe assassin would purchase a weapon by money order through the mail – instead of paying cash locally (with no trace of ownership). In addition, on the supposed purchase date (March 12), LHO was at work from 8 AM to 12:15 PM (see Harvey and Lee by John Armstrong for company employee records). If the post office records can be believed, LHO walked 11 blocks to the General Post Office, purchased a money order, but then did not mail it from there. Instead, he walked many bocks out of his way (eventually using a mailbox) before returning to work, where his absence was not noted. This order then arrived the very next day at Klein’s (in Chicago) – and was already deposited at the bank that same day! Unfortunately, the bank deposit actually reads February 15, 1963 – not March 13, 1963. Of course, if the date really had been February, then the serial number C2766 could not apply to the weapon in the backyard photographs. For even more anomalies on the MC see Reclaiming Parkland by Jim DiEugenio. (Especially Chapter 4, pages 56-63)

    Omission: The witnesses pointed to the TSBD.

    Comment: The narrator fails to say that most witnesses ran to the overpass and to the Grassy Knoll.

    Misleading: John McAdams claims that the ballistics evidence would have been admissible in court.

    Comment: The palm print on the weapon was not initially discovered by the Dallas Police Department, but only turned up later, after the FBI apparently fingerprinted LHO at the morgue (according to the mortician). In addition, fingerprint evidence can be surprisingly subjective (see my CTKA review of McAdams’ book). Although CE-399 (the Magic Bullet) was supposedly matched to the MC (see Jerry McLeer’s website for this controversy), that does not prove that LHO fired the gun on 11/22/1963, or even that LHO handled it that day. After all, the paraffin test on his cheeks was negative. And then there is the fundamental question of whether LHO actually owned the MC – as well as where the bullets were obtained.

    Correct: The FBI did not stock MC bullets.

    Comment: Nor did most gun shops in Dallas. Nor were any extra bullets found anywhere in LHO’s possessions. In fact, the only MC shells in the case were in the sniper’s nest. But the FBI did find a Mauser shell in Dealey Plaza, which they kept secret for 30 years.

    Therefore, if LHO had actually purchased these bullets, he bought only a few, which is quite remarkable – or perhaps he did not buy any at all. Although the FBI did not have MC samples, the CIA likely did. In the 1950s, the Marine Corps purchased four million rounds – even though these bullets do not fit into any Corps weapons. This leads one to wonder if the purchase was for the CIA, since they often prefer weapons (and bullets) that cannot be traced.

    Assumption: LHO was a communist.

    Comment: This statement is made without any introduction or any context, almost as if it were a fundamental theory of physics. This is the most overt clue to NOVA’s inexorable bias. James Jesus Angleton, who was CIA Chief of Counterintelligence, would have been amused to hear this. After all, according to John Newman, Angleton controlled the Oswald files at Langley. (2013 edition of John Newman’s Oswald and the CIA.) Further, there is evidence from two FBI employees, Carver Gayton and William Walter, that Oswald was an FBI informant. It is even conceivable that LHO ordered a MC at the request of the Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms agency, in order to assist with federal efforts to trace gun purchases.

    Misleading: John McAdams speaks of an “entrance” for a bullet hole in JFK’s back.

    Comment: The pathologists clearly stated that this site could be probed only superficially. No bullet was ever discovered at that site (or at an exit site). The abrasion collar surrounding the wound suggested that the projectile (whatever it was) was traveling upward (not downward, as would be required for a shot from the TSBD). That this projectile penetrated to any real depth is nothing but sheer speculation. Furthermore, an entry into the back would have caused a lung puncture, but this was not reported at the autopsy.

    Misleading: The pathologists did not know about the throat wound while at the autopsy.

    Comment: My good friend, Dr. Robert Livingston (now deceased), had advised Dr. James Humes, the lead pathologist, about this apparent entry wound during a telephone call before the autopsy began. He repeated this recollection during the depositions for Charles Crenshaw’s suit against the Journal of the American Medical Association. Many other witnesses attest to Humes’s knowledge of this wound while the autopsy proceeded. These include the autopsy radiologist, Dr. John Ebersole, with whom I had two separate telephone calls. It also includes pathologist Dr. J. Thornton Boswell, who confirmed this directly to the Baltimore Sun (Richard H. Levine, 25 November 1966, front page article). He later repeated this to the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB). Finally, tissue samples were taken of the tracheotomy site – and several autopsy witnesses saw probes passing through the tracheotomy. Neither of these items makes any sense unless the tracheotomy site harbored a forensically meaningful wound; it also implies that the pathologists understood that very fact during the autopsy.

    Misleading: The shirt collar and tie show evidence of an exit.

    Comment: Although both were damaged, such damage is mostly silent about the direction of a projectile. The nurses claimed that scalpels (used to remove JFK’s clothing) caused this damage. Neither the front of the shirt nor the tie showed any scientific evidence (low energy X-ray scattering) of metal from a bullet passage, although the bullet holes in the back of JFK’s jacket and shirt did show such evidence. Furthermore, the relevant witnesses described the throat wound as lying above the collar and tie. While before the WC, Dr. Charles Carrico clearly implied that the wound was above the necktie and above the shirt collar (3H361-362). To leave no doubt about what Carrico had seen, Harold Weisberg reports his own confirmatory interview with Carrico (Post-Mortem 1969, pp. 357-358 and 375-376). And then there is nurse Diana Bowron, who saw the throat wound while JFK was still in the limousine – before the shirt and tie had been removed. But here is the problem: the lacerations in the shirt lie well inferior to the top of the collar – and therefore well inferior to the throat wound. Moreover, I have seen the clothing at the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA). The shirt does not exhibit any missing material, but such missing material would be expected for a real bullet. And the lacerations in the shirt do look like the work of a scalpel.

    Misleading: The final shot (a headshot) occurred just an instant before Z-313 (where the bloody spray is seen).

    Comment: The skull X-rays show a trail of metallic debris across the top of the skull. Using JFK’s orientation in Z-312 (at the instant of impact), this trail lies at an angle of 34° from horizontal (proceeding downward from the rear). But the angle from the “sniper’s nest” in the TSBD to JFK’s head at this moment is only 16°, according to Thomas Canning, the rocket scientist for the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA). Therefore, in order for LHO to reproduce this particle trail in the X-rays (at Z-312) he must have been hovering above Dealey Plaza in a hot air balloon. Furthermore, there is much evidence (including WC documents) for a shot well after Z-313. See this writer’s review of Sherry Fiester’s book at this website. There is also evidence for this in overviews of Dealey Plaza (published in Newsweek, November 22, 1993) and in Secret Service photographs (right after the event). In the latter, a traffic cone clearly marks a final shot well after Z-313. Curiously, NOVA’s own interviewee, the famous author Josiah Thompson, at the recent Pittsburgh conference (October 17-19, 2013), announced his own new conviction that the final shot came well after Z-313.

    Omission: NOVA failed to ask Thompson (their own interviewee!) for his opinion on this critical issue of when the final shot occurred.

    Comment: While in Pittsburgh, Thompson shared with me the steps that led to his conclusion, which I found extremely interesting – since I had independently arrived at the same endpoint.

    Misleading: CE-399 was quite deformed.

    Comment: Not at all the case. For a truly deformed bullet, see Commission Exhibit 856, a bullet fired through a cadaver’s wrist (See Cover-Up by Stewart Galanor, Document 23).

    Misleading: Luke Haag, NOVA’s ballistics expert, claims to see “bullet wipe” around the hole in the back of JFK’s jacket. (This is superficial debris transferred from the bullet surface to the jacket.)

    Comment: This critical observation was not demonstrated visually at this point in the show (although the bullet wipe from the experiment was clearly shown). Oddly, the hole in the jacket had been shown earlier, so it could easily have been shown again. When I rewound the recorded show to examine the jacket hole, I saw no bullet wipe. I also carefully inspected close-up and high resolution images of this hole from other sources (e.g., Galanor, Document 6) and still could see no bullet wipe. Finally, I have personally inspected the jacket at NARA. I recall no bullet wipe from that visit either. Curiously, Haag describes the jacket hole as showing a “small, round hole.” Although Galanor’s image agrees with Haag’s description, the hole shown by NOVA is very elongated and quite irregular (obviously different from Galanor’s image). In fact, about ½ of the circumference had been removed by the FBI, but Haag seems unaware of this. If samples had been taken, then whatever evidence initially existed for “bullet wipe” has been severely compromised.

    Correct: The MC bullet traversed 36″ of pine board in a straight trajectory and emerged undeformed.

    Comment: This is very old news, as John Lattimer and John Nichols performed similar experiments many decades ago. They found that the bullet penetrated two feet of tough elm or through four feet of Ponderosa pine.

    Correct, but misleading omission: The exit hole (in soap) was larger than the entrance wound.

    Comment: In fact, the images show that Haag’s thumb would likely have fit into the exit hole. All of this, of course, is grossly inconsistent with JFK’s throat wound, which was often described as the size of a pencil. And JFK’s throat wound, of course, was also smaller than the purported entry wound in the back. Of course, NOVA avoids any discussion of these gross paradoxes.

    Misleading: The bullet yaws (its axis of rotation varies) after leaving JFK and then strikes Connally’s (JBC) back sideways, leaving an elliptical hole in his jacket and an elongated wound on his back.

    Comment: Dr. Cyril Wecht testified to the HSCA that an elongated wound might well result if the bullet had struck at an oblique angle. In fact, since no one really knows where the bullet (that struck Connally’s back) originated, such an oblique strike must logically remain on the list of possibilities. (NOVA merely assumes that the SBT is true, thus creating a circular argument.) Even worse though, the size of the JBC’s back wound has often been misrepresented. In particular, Milicent Cranor stated that “Connally’s back wound was only as long as the wound in the back of Kennedy’s head: 1.5 centimeters. No one has suggested Kennedy was hit in the head with a tumbling bullet.” She adds that “The head wound was 1.5 x 0.6 centimeters, and the back wound, 1.5 x 0.8 centimeters, as documented on at least four occasions by the governor’s thoracic surgeon, Dr. Robert Shaw (4WCH104, 107; 6WCH85, 86). The holes in the back of Connally’s shirt and jacket were as small as his back wound (5WCH64).” JBC’s back wound became 3 cm (exactly the length of the MC bullet) when it was surgically enlarged, as Shaw explained. Dr. Charles Gregory, who operated on JBC’s wrist, also doubted that the bullet (that hit JBC’s chest) had struck anything before JBC. He even speculated that a fragment from JFK’s head wound had caused JBC’s wrist wounds. Finally, John Hunt has argued that Connally was likely turned to the right when struck; that would, of course, produce a tangential strike and therefore an elongated wound. In particular, Hunt states that if JBC had been rotated by 43°, and the bullet was approaching at 10.2° (right to left), then a yaw of merely 6° is enough to yield the 1.5 cm wound.

    Misleading: Luke Haag states that there is no reason not to believe in the single bullet theory (SBT).

    Comment: This is a breathtaking, almost staggering statement. Because it fails to take into account – in any way – the entry and exit points in either man, nor does it require any knowledge of cross sectional anatomy! A CT scan, with a cross section through the area of interest (that I presented long ago – see Galanor, Document 45) still remains an effective demolition of the SBT. The trajectory for the SBT would either have shattered a vertebra body or it would have punctured the apex of the lung – but neither was seen at the autopsy. NOVA did not address this profound conundrum. With simplistic conclusions such as this one by Haag, forensic pathologists could be spared much serious work.

    Correct: Jefferson Morley points out that the acoustics evidence is not decisive.

    Comment: It is not even relevant. See my review of Don Thomas’s book at the CTKA website.

    Correct: Based on a meticulous reconstruction of Dealey Plaza, using detailed laser data, a shot from the top of the stockade fence to JFK’s head is possible; the distance is 105 feet, with a downward trajectory of 4°.

    Comment: Hmm, I cannot add anything to that.

    Correct: Connally and his wife both strongly disagreed with the SBT – for their entire lives.

    Comment: Furthermore, while in the hospital, JBC referred to shooters (in the plural). He later told a reporter that he never for one second believed the conclusions of the Warren Commission. (Joseph McBride, Into the Nightmare, p. 418)

    Misleading omission: The skull X-rays show no shot from the front, but they do show a posterior entry.

    Comment: This contradicts the experts for the ARRB, none of whom could identify an entry. Nor could I, via detailed optical density (OD) measurements at NARA. To rule out a frontal entry requires a good measure of hubris: e.g., it assumes that Humes and Boswell did not tamper with the skull before the official autopsy began. There is now serious evidence that this did occur. One line of evidence for such tampering is the major absence of brain in the anterior skull (on both sides) on the skull X-rays, as the OD data clearly demonstrate. Why is this evidence of tampering? The answer is that multiple witnesses at Parkland described a major loss of posterior brain tissue. This was recently confirmed by Dr. Robert McClelland during his videotaped presentation at the Cyril Wecht Duquesne conference. This is a major paradox, because the brain is not likely to have fallen backward while en route to Bethesda. However, if the major moorings of the brain (the falx) had been severed shortly before the official autopsy (e.g., illicitly by Humes), then the brain would indeed have fallen backwards. (On the other hand, if the falx had been severed before Parkland, the brain should already have fallen to the rear, thus leaving little significant brain tissue loss for McClelland to see.) Moreover, NOVA assumes only one headshot. NOVA’s participants, of course, fail to point out this fundamental assumption. After all, following a second shot, the evidence of the first shot may no longer have existed.

    Misleading: No shot came from the (right) side.

    Comment: My recent detailed discussion of the Harper fragment (presented at Duquesne, and soon to be posted at the CTKA website) clearly demonstrates, from multiple lines of evidence (especially including intrinsic information from the skull X-rays), that it arose largely from the occipital bone. In that case, the trigger for such an ejection most likely was a frontal shot (e.g., entering near to the right ear). Furthermore, there is strong eyewitness testimony (from the closest witnesses) that JFK was struck near the right ear. Even Kemp Clark, the neurosurgeon, described just such a tangential shot. As further corroboration for a tangential shot, at the recent JFK Lancer Conference (November 22, 2013), the autopsy technician James Jenkins recalled an apparent entry hole near Kennedy’s right ear that was surrounded by a gray border; even the pathologist Finck commented on this (off the record) during the autopsy. (Also see my review of Sherry Fiester’s book at the CTKA website). And G. Paul Chambers (a Ph.D. physicist, who worked for NASA), in Headshot (p. 136) agrees that a shot “…striking Kennedy’s head from the right front side was possible, even probable.”

    Misleading: Fracture lines on the JFK skull X-rays begin at the rear and go forward. (In general, these typically begin at the point of entry and very quickly extend outward from that point.)

    Comment: In Enemy of the Truth, (p. 212) Sherry Fiester, a forensic specialist, reaches the opposite conclusion: she concludes that the fractures radiate from the front of the head, which would imply a frontal shot. More importantly, though, if two headshots occurred (especially one from the rear and one from the front, as is quite likely – based on witnesses, the X-rays, and pathologic evidence), then this entire argument becomes moot.

    Assumption: The JFK autopsy photographs of the brain are authentic.

    Comment: Again, this is breathtaking. The experts seem oblivious to the serious doubt cast about this issue by the ARRB. Because, under oath before that body, official photographer John Stringer did not recognize the film or the process by which they were taken. Because he did not use either. They also seem unaware of Douglas Horne’s essays on the two brain examinations , which was well publicized in the media. My own OD data on the skull X-rays show virtually no brain (on either side) in a fist-sized area at the front of the skull. This is radically inconsistent with the autopsy photographs, which show a completely intact left side and a nearly intact right side. In principle, one can accept as authentic either the skull X-rays or the brain photographs, but not both.

    Misleading: Larry Sturdivan interjects his now-hoary explanation for the posterior head snap – the neuromuscular reaction.

    Comment: This has been refuted so many times that I leave this for the reader to pursue.

    Misleading: Josiah Thompson states that Humes was not very competent.

    Comment: Humes conducted the weekly brain cutting seminars at the Bethesda Naval Medical Center. All his life he had the respect of his peers. Although more experienced forensic pathologists would have done better, Humes’s chief problem was that he was boxed into a corner, where he often had no choice but to lie. The best example of this is his barefaced misplacement of the metallic trail of particles on the skull X-rays. (He became greatly embarrassed about this during his ARRB deposition.) Even my son at age six would not have done that. This was not a mistake by Humes. After all, consider the consequences: if he had reported the truth about the superior location of this particle trail it would have directly implied a second gunman, which he knew was not (politically) allowed.

    Misleading: NOVA’s illustrations for the SBT demonstrate the trajectory going through JFK’s collar.

    Comment: This is incredible, inasmuch as the hole in the jacket (shown earlier in the program) is about six inches inferior to the collar. So is the hole in the shirt. No one in NOVA even comments about this bizarre discrepancy.

    Misleading: Jim Lehrer and John McAdams both believe that LHO did it – and that he fired three shots.

    Comment: Among other things, Lehrer is a prolific novelist, and may say whatever he likes. Regarding McAdams, I have critiqued the SBT thoroughly (and with detailed anatomic models) in my review of his book at the CTKA website (this also includes the aforementioned CT scan). I have never seen any response from him about this. Until one is forthcoming, he really should cease to pontificate. Furthermore, the media have no cause to listen to someone (especially on human anatomy) who is solely a professor of “American politics, public opinion, and voter behavior.” In fact, NOVA should be mortified to quote such slender sources. Surely the American public deserves better.

    Correct, but misleading omission: Most witnesses heard three shots.

    Comment: Many, many witnesses heard two final shots in very quick succession (much too close for the MC), which could well imply two, near-simultaneous headshots. Further, there was never any systematic interviewing of witnesses either on the grassy knoll or in the Texas School Book Depository. Therefore, this database is sorely incomplete.

    Misleading omission: NOVA seems to refer to the Edgewood Arsenal skull shooting experiments, and then implies that these support the Commission’s theory.

    Comment: Dr. Gary Aguilar and Kathleen Cunningham have discussed these in detail. In particular, they point out that these experiments (supposedly using the official entry site) actually destroyed the faces of the skulls. Furthermore, the actual movies shown on NOVA (of exploding skulls) also show destruction of the anterior skull. Of course, since JFK’s face was intact, we (not surprisingly) have another paradox.

    Misleading: CE-399 entered JBC’s thigh and then fell out, but not before depositing a small metal fragment. (On the X-ray, the fragment is 3.5 mm x 1.3 mm.)

    Comment: The wound was no more than 1 cm deep, while the bullet was 3 cm long. The only site from the bullet for lead to extrude into the wound is from the tail. (NOVA shows the bullet entering the thigh nose first.) So how does the lead get under the skin, when the tail of the bullet is at least 2 cm outside of the skin? Dr. Tom Shires, who worked on the thigh wound, claimed that it looked like a tangential hit – or else a large fragment had stopped in the skin and then had subsequently fallen out. Dr. Malcolm Perry told Harold Weisberg that the hole in Connally’s skin was too small to be caused by a bullet. Arlen Specter shrewdly avoided this entire issue.

    Misleading omission: NOVA assumes, without any proof – or even any discussion – that CE-399 actually flew over Dealey Plaza that day.

    Comment: Their own interviewee, Josiah Thompson, is the reigning expert on this question, but NOVA did not discuss the chain of possession of CE-399 with him. (Thompson confirmed to me, via e-mail, that he was not asked.) If CE-399 is the wrong bullet, then the entire program immediately becomes hapless and hopeless. In fact, Thompson’s original pursuit of this issue (in Six Seconds in Dallas) was more recently renewed with the assistance of Dr. Gary Aguilar. The critical witness at Parkland Hospital (who actually handled the bullet) clearly did not recognize CE-399. On the contrary, the bullet he saw had a pointed nose, like the four bullets from World Wars I and II that NOVA displayed. John Hunt has also incisively highlighted serious problems with the timeline for receipt of this bullet (or perhaps even two different bullets) in Washington, DC. If the producers knew that Thompson had shattered the provenance of CE-399, and they nonetheless deliberately avoided this issue, then they are hypocrites. On the other hand, if they did not know this fundamental fact, then they are amazingly ignorant.

    In the lead up to this program, both McAdams and the director Rush DeNooyer proclaimed that their program would prove with modern forensic science that Lee Oswald alone shot John Kennedy. (See Los Angeles Times, August 7, 2013.) If that was their intent from the outset, then they were being unprofessional. But even with that inherent bias, they have failed ignominiously.

  • Ron Rosenbaum Won’t Shut Up


    Way back in April of this year, Ron Rosenbaum restarted his decades old effort to cover up the Kennedy assassination. In Slate, he tried to revive an effort he had previously stopped doing. That is, the idiotic idea that somehow James Angleton had not been snookered by British double agent Kim Philby. He had first started this piece of malarkey back in 1983 in Harper’s. In the nineties, for the New York Times, he dropped it. This was after Tom Mangold’s fine biography of Angleton, Cold Warrior, revealed with first hand evidence-the kind that Rosenbaum had avoided in his 1983 piece – that Angleton was undoubtedly gulled by Philby. This year, he revived this piece of disinformation. For what end? Who knows? But it’s interesting that it coincides with the 50th anniversary of JFK’s murder and that researchers and writers like John Newman (Oswald and the CIA) and Lisa Pease (The Assassinations) have now closed in on Angleton’s probable role as the ultimate control agent for Oswald. And even worse, that Angleton was very likely the maestro of the Mexico City charade that guaranteed that the murder of John Kennedy would not be actually investigated. (James DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition, Chapter 16)

    As anyone who has followed Rosenbaum’s career can tell, he began to really become an irresponsible and pernicious force on the JFK scene in 1983. This was when he wrote a truly awful hatchet job for Texas Monthly. In that long essay, entitled “Still on the Case,” he set out to ridicule and belittle anyone still investigating the JFK murder. The problem was that he showed himself to be the wrong person to supervise any kind of survey of the case. Because he committed a series of howlers that any new student of the JFK case would recognize immediately. For instance, he said that Oswald’s housekeeper at his Beckley apartment, Earlene Roberts, died before she gave her testimony to the authorities. This is ridiculous and it showed that Rosenbaum, who tried to come off as being a superior know it all, didn’t even know some of the basic facts about the JFK case. (See my earlier expose of Rosenbaum. )

    My intuitive feeling that Ron’s long dormant interest in the JFK case was being revived because he wanted to try and put the kibosh on the critics for the 50th anniversary is now confirmed. For he has written another article, this time for Smithsonian magazine. It just happens to be packaged in the October 2013 issue. It is entitled, “What Does the Zapruder Film Really Tell Us?” Let us end any pretext of suspense. With Rosenbaum writing the piece it’s obvious what the answer will be: it tells us nothing. But the surprise about the essay is not really Rosenbaum. We know what his agenda on the issue is. No, the surprise is who his collaborator is. It is none other than distinguished documentary film-maker Errol Morris.

    II

    Morris is especially surprising in light of three of his works. In 1988, Morris made The Thin Blue Line. This was a memorable documentary which, among its several achievements, helped free an innocent man from the clutches of the Dallas Police. That man was Randall Adams and he had been framed for the murder of a policeman. (Sound familiar Errol? Hint: J. D. Tippit.) It was actually one of the first popular works which began to expose just how horrendous that organization was under DA Henry Wade. We know today, through the efforts of current DA Craig Watkins, that the Dallas Police Department was the worst in the nation in its record of false arrests and framing people on phony evidence. In fact, their cumulative record in that regard was even worse than some states. (James DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, pgs. 172-74)

    But that is not all. In 2003, Morris made The Fog of War, a documentary about the late Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara. Both in the film, and in the outtakes on the DVD, McNamara said some interesting things about Vietnam and how it related to Presidents Kennedy and Johnson. In 2012, in a book called A Wilderness of Error, Morris addressed the infamous Jeffrey McDonald homicide case. As in the Adams case, Morris concluded that an innocent man was convicted of murder. He said about that case, “What happened here is wrong. It’s wrong to convict a man under these circumstances, and if I can help correct that, I will be a happy camper.”

    All of this would seem to indicate that Morris would be an ideal candidate to actually be a truth-teller on the JFK case. But the problem is there is another side to Morris. He is a quite successful and prolific maker of TV commercials. He has worked for companies like Apple, Nike and Toyota. He also has made short films for the Academy Awards shows. Finally, he is a frequent contributor to the New York Times online edition.

    It was this last which provoked Rosenbaum to interview the acclaimed documentary film-maker. For in 2011 Morris created a short film for the Times. Entitled The Umbrella Man, it featured an interview with Josiah Thompson. Thompson discussed the phenomenon of the figure of a man in Dealey Plaza who incongruously raised an umbrella at the time Kennedy’s limousine was approaching the kill zone. He is in close proximity to a dark complected, Latin-looking man – perhaps a Cuban – who raises his fist at around this same time. After the shooting, while everyone is either hiding or running around trying to find the killers, these two do something strange. They sit on the curb next to each other for a few minutes. They then walk off in opposite directions. If all of that is not puzzling enough for you, there is this: In some pictures, it looks like the Latin has a walkie-talkie in his rear pocket.

    Needless to say the Warren Commission never noted any of this in their 888 page report. Just like they never noted Kennedy’s rearward motion in the Zapruder film. But some people did notice it. To any curious investigator, which excludes the Commissioners, it was clearly arresting. Consider what Michael Benson says about it in his encyclopedia on the case, Who’s Who in the JFK Assassination. He calls the pair “two of the most unusual characters” on the scene. And he adds that there appears to be evidence that suggests the Latin looking man is talking into the walkie-talkie. (Benson, pgs. 485-86)

    When the HSCA began to set up, they ran newspaper photo ads asking whom the person raising the umbrella and pumping it up and down was. They then asked if he would come forward. A man named Louis Witt did so and testified to the HSCA. He said that he was the man with the umbrella. He said that the reason he had the umbrella was that he did not like Kennedy. The umbrella was to remind everyone that Kennedy’s father, Ambassador Joseph Kennedy, was too sympathetic to English Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, the man who tried to appease Adolf Hitler. In Thompson’s interview with Morris for the Times he essentially recites this HSCA testimony. Thompson says that this is just wacky enough to be true. And he ends up saying that this was a cautionary tale about thinking up sinister explanations for seemingly malignant occurrences. (For more on “Umbrella Man” and the “Dark Complected Man,” see this YouTube video.)

    Before proceeding further, let us note something that, inexplicably, neither Morris nor Thompson mentions: the presence of the Hispanic looking man. As noted, this man has what appears to be a walkie talkie in his pocket, and he appears to speak into it after the assassination. Further, he calmly stood next to the man the HSCA says was Witt, and while Witt was raising the umbrella, this man raised his fist upward. They then sat next to each other on the curb for a few minutes after the shooting. Here, the Latin looking man appears to talk into his radio set.

    Why would anyone ignore all of this? Maybe because it would be too difficult to explain the proximity of two strangely behaving men being right next to each other just before and after President Kennedy got his head blown off? Further, one would have to ask: Why did neither the FBI nor the Dallas Police in 1963, nor the HSCA in 1977, locate this other man? (For that matter, why didn’t the DPD nor the FBI find Witt in 1963?) Neither Thompson nor Morris asks that question. And since Morris either does not know about this man, or does not include information about him, the viewer who is unfamiliar with the case cannot ask it either.

    But beyond that, when Witt did appear, his sworn testimony had some real problems to it. Witt testified that just before the shooting, he was walking toward the motorcade trying to get his umbrella open and therefore did not actually see the murder. (HSCA Vol. IV, pgs. 432ff) This is simply not true. The man was standing still at the time, with the umbrella open well above his head; so he had to have seen what was happening in front of him. Yet, in spite of this fact, Witt specifically denied that he saw the shooting because his view of the car was obstructed by the umbrella. Wrong. He was not moving as the umbrella was raised, and the umbrella does not obstruct his view. He then said he ended up standing on the retaining wall, which again, he did not do. (ibid, p. 433)

    Another curious point is that Witt testified that he got to Dealey Plaza more or less by accident. He said that he just went for a walk at lunch and did not know the actual motorcade route. He just knew the route would be through the center of town and so he followed the crowds. (ibid, p. 431) But further, much of what he describes as occurring during the shooting of Kennedy is not recorded on any films or photos of the scene. He says that “there was the car stopping, the screeching of tires, the jamming on of brakes, motorcycle patrolman right there beside one of the cars. One car ran up on the President’s car…” (ibid, p. 433) Finally, Witt said he never knew who the Latin looking man was or if he had a radio device with him. He only recalled that afterwards, the man said, “They done shot them folks.” (ibid, p. 441)

    What is striking about Witt’s HSCA testimony is that no one seriously challenged him on any of these quite dubious points. No one tells him that what he describes himself as doing is not what the photographic evidence says he did. No one tells him that what he said happened during the shooting is not on the Zapruder film or any other film. And no one on the HSCA even checked to see if the umbrella he brought to the hearing was the same one he raised in Dealey Plaza. (Ibid, p. 447) He said it was. But as researchers who have done comparisons between the two have found, it is not the same one because the number of spokes are different. But apparently, Thompson, who for a time afterwards actually bought into the work of the HSCA, found all this credible. And Morris, who never brings up any of these other points, agrees without fact checking. Which is something understandable from the Times, but not Morris. Frankly, it’s hard to figure which of the two comes off worse here. Because if they had examined the actual evidence, the message of the piece would have been quite different. They did not. They accepted what Robert Blakey had sponsored. In fact, in Rosenbaum’s article both Thompson and Morris essentially agree with what Blakey produced for the public. Because all three men agree that the Umbrella Man – presumably Witt – came forward and explained himself. Well, Rosenbaum can only say that he “explained himself” by not writing about how he explained himself. Or that Blakey consciously did these kinds of things in order to make the critical community look bad.

    III

    Which is where Rosenbaum comes into the picture. For when some people questioned what Thompson and Morris had done in the New York Times, on some of the same grounds I outlined above, Rosenbaum called it “conspiracy theory pathology”. Yet, for one example, this author has not outlined any role in any conspiracy by Witt or the Hispanic looking man. All I have noted is why they seem suspicious and how Witt’s story does not seem very credible. Rosenbaum won’t even do that. In fact, in his entire Smithsonian essay, just like Morris and Thompson, he never even mentions the dark complected man at all.

    But Rosenbaum then goes even further. As noted, the title of the essay is “What Does the Zapruder Film Really Tell Us” . Well, the real title should be “What Rosenbaum Says the Zapruder Film Tells Us.” Please sit down as I relate how Ron explains the terrific back and to the left motion of Kennedy’s body at frame Z 313. He says that the most convincing explanation to him is that “JFK had been hit from behind after the previous frame, 312, slamming his chin forward to his chest, and his head was rebounding backward in Frame 313.” Go ahead, read that again. It’s a quote. Now go ahead and try it. Slam your chin into your chest and see if you can rocket your entire body backward with such force as to bounce off the back of a chair. Please, if anyone can do it, please video it and send to me. Then I won’t think Ron is a complete and useless Warren Commission shill.

    Rosenbaum then recites something from the script of Parkland. Abraham Zapruder was so upset by the violence he saw on the film that this is the reason he sold it. And then after Time-Life purchased it, they “decided to withhold Frame 313”. It would be nice if Ron would get something right once in a while. But evidently he can’t. It’s clear that Zapruder sold the film for money, and he knew what it was worth. Just as his family later milked millions from its use. And Time-Life did not just withhold Frame 313. They never officially allowed the film to be shown period. All they did was print certain frames from it. Ron then says that bootleg copies existed and this helped fuel the first generation of “conspiracy theories.” This is more Rosenbaumian nonsense. The film was available at the National Archives. And many researchers went there to view it. This is how descriptions of it got into certain books and articles by 1967. The bootleg copies came only after Jim Garrison subpoenaed the film from Time-Life for the trial of Clay Shaw in 1969.

    Rosenbaum now mangles some more history. He says that the first public showing of the Zapruder film on ABC in 1975 helped create the Church Committee in 1976. Since the Church Committee was initially set up in early 1975, this cause and effect scenario is ridiculous. What provoked the creation of the Church Committee was a number of things, including the disclosure by the New York Times in December of 1974 of James Angleton’s illegal domestic programs. Which included mail interception. The TV showing of the Zapruder film actually provoked the creation of the House Select Committee on Assassinations.

    Rosenbaum then brings up the reply by film director and author Alex Cox to the original posting of the Thompson-Morris video on the Times web site. In the Morris film, Thompson called the late Robert Cutler a “wingnut” for postulating that the umbrella could have been used as a launcher for a poisoned flechette. Alex noted that these things should not be dismissed as “wingnuttery” because, as he showed in his reply video, the CIA actually did have such weapons at the time.

    Predictably, Rosenbaum used this to close out the discussion. But not just of this particular issue, but of the entire issue of Kennedy’s assassination. He reduces it all to a flechette out of an umbrella from a Thompson proclaimed “wingnut”. Recall, Thompson was the same guy who tried to portray Jim Garrison as something as a kook in 1967 because Garrison had called Kennedy’s assassination a coup d’etat. Thompson then added there was precious little evidence for that at the time. Even though LBJ had reversed Kennedy’s foreign policy and committed over 500,000 combat troops into Vietnam; in another Kennedy reversal, as many as a half million members of the PKI, Indonesia’s communist party had been slaughtered in the CIA coup of Achmed Sukarno; and in still another reversal Air America was flying heroin into the USA from Laos. (James DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, pgs. 380-81)

    Ron then says that what all of this means is “that all is uncertainty, that we’ll never know who killed Kennedy or why to any degree of certainty.” Well, with Ron leading the way that is probably true. After all, he has been peddling this same line of “conspiracy theorists are not worth listening to” for 30 years. To people who know something about the JFK case, and the ARRB declassified files, it is Ron who is the wingnut theorist. The idea that JFK was killed as a result of a high level plot is not a theory. It is a provable fact. End of story. It was the Warren Commission that was one giant theory. And it was made up for political expediency by men who were well versed in subterfuge i.e. Allen Dulles, John McCloy, Gerald Ford and J. Edgar Hoover. And when one examines today what these men did, it seems even worse now than it did then. Somehow, Rosenbaum and Morris cannot bring themselves to discuss that point with Thompson. Or perhaps they knew the Times would never let them print that part of the interview.

    And if that is so, it tells the whole story about who Rosenbaum is and what he is up to. The dying MSM needs people like Ron, and apparently, he needs them. If there were no MSM, and if we had a truly democratic media, Rosenbaum would be exposed as the tool that he is. That’s right: Not a fool, but a tool.

  • David Reitzes Meets Michael Shermer: Send In the Clowns


    Apparently, Dave Reitzes has an uncontrollable urge to make a fool out of himself. During those distant, far off years when he did not buy the Warren Commission fairy tale, he was in the Barr McClellan/Craig Zirbel camp i.e. Lyndon Johnson killed President Kennedy. When he inexplicably switched sides, he then became allied with John McAdams and began writing on a variety of subjects, including Jack Ruby. But he began to concentrate on the New Orleans scene and became McAdams’ water carrier on Jim Garrison. The problem was, he was about as good in this area as he was when he was backing his LBJ Texas conspiracy theorem. Which means, he was not very convincing, because the quality of his scholarship and insights is quite shoddy.

    But that did not matter to John McAdams. Because the professor isn’t really interested in scholarship or accuracy. Therefore, Reitzes fit the bill. One of the silliest and stupidest projects that the Dynamic Duo worked on was something called “One Hundred Errors of Fact and Judgment in Oliver Stone’s JFK.” What clearly happened here was that McAdams and his gang (which included Tracy Parnell at the time) were upset at the web site exposing one hundred errors of fact in Gerald Posner’s pitiful book Case Closed. A book they championed even before it came out. So they decided to put together a web site to counter this humiliation. The problem was two fold. In the Posner instance, the authors collaborated with experts in each area of the JFK field and therefore the exposed errors are actually accurate. On the Reitzes creation there is no evidence that the author consulted professionally with anyone. Secondly, Posner was writing a non-fiction book. Oliver Stone and Zachary Sklar were writing a dramatic film. In the latter, one is allowed the use of dramatic license. One is not in the former. Yet Posner’s book looks so bad today that it does look like he used dramatic license in the volume. (http://www.assassinationweb.com/audio1.htm.) Which is not what non-fiction writers are allowed to do. But which the Warren Report did all the time.

    Stung by the exposure of a book they valued, McAdams and Reitzes decided to put together this moronic JFK web site. But even though they were working with a film that was allowed to use dramatic license, they had a difficult time getting up even close to a hundred. So they padded out their list with filler, the way a mover does by stuffing popcorn while boxing items. For instance, Reitzes tries to say that Guy Banister actually beat up Jack Martin over long distance phone calls, which is what the perpetrators told the police. And this is why Banister beat Martin so badly that Martin thought he was going to kill him? And this is why Delphine Roberts, Banister’s personal secretary, had to intervene in order to save Martin’s life? (HSCA, Volume X, p. 130) I don’t think so Dave. In an ARRB declassified interview done by the HSCA, Roberts said that she thought Martin was trying to get at Guy Banister’s file on Oswald. Since it was the day of the assassination, this is why Banister erupted. (HSCA interview of Roberts by Bob Buras, 8/27/78) This makes perfect sense in light of what Martin said to Banister when he accosted him: “What are you going to do, kill me like you all did Kennedy?” (op cit HSCA Volume X) Did Reitzes think that those involved were really going to tell the cops, “Well, see, we helped set up Oswald and this guy got a little too curious about seeing what we had on him while he was serving as an agent provocateur for us about the FPCC. But please don’t tell anyone officer!” In the light of the ARRB, Stone and Sklar were being kind of conservative.

    Or take another instance of Reitzian scholarship and logic: David Ferrie’s interviews with Jim Garrison and the FBI on the weekend of the assassination. Garrison was suspicious of Ferrie since he took a trip to Texas on the day of the assassination and said he was going to go ice-skating and goose hunting. He did neither. Further he drove to Houston and Galveston to do neither one of those things through a driving rainstorm. Wouldn’t this sound just a wee bit odd to anyone interested in inquiring into the Kennedy assassination?

    How does Reitzes find a way around this? He quotes Ferrie who said to the FBI that he was interested in buying a rink for himself and that he laced up skates and skated there. Reitzes leaves out the fact that the owner of the rink said that Ferrie did not skate. He stayed beside a pay phone from which he made and received calls. (William Davy, Let Justice Be Done, p. 46). Apparently, to Reitzes, it was no big deal that Ferrie and his friends went to Texas to go goose hunting and didn’t bring any shotguns. Happens all the time right?

    But, as noted above, it’s even worse than that. Reitzes does not include two other very relevant facts we know about today. First, Ferrie was deathly afraid of anyone connecting him to Oswald in the immediate aftermath of Kennedy’s murder. Ferrie called a former Civil Air Patrol member to see if he retained any photographs showing himself with Oswald in the CAP. (James DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, pgs. 81-82) He then approached a neighbor of Oswald’s who had seen Oswald at the library. Ferrie wanted to know if he recalled Oswald using Ferrie’s library card at the time. He then went to see Oswald’s landlady to check if Oswald had left Ferrie’s card behind. (ibid) As William Davy points out, that particular visit occurred before Ferrie left for Texas.

    The second point Reitzes does not include is this: in the FBI interview that he utilizes, Ferrie lied his head off. For instance, he said he never owned a telescopic rifle, or even used one. But further, he would not know how to use one. This from a man who the CIA used to train Cuban exiles for the Bay of Pigs and Operation Mongoose. (James DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, p. 177) He lied further by saying that he did not know Oswald and Oswald was not a member of his New Orleans CAP squadron. (ibid) This from a guy who is now going to be obsessed with eliminating any pictures depicting himself with Oswald in the CAP! As former prosecutor Vincent Bugliosi would say, this kind of behavior – lying and covering up – denotes “consciousness of guilt.” The fact that Reitzes surgically removed this evidence shows that the Bugliosian term also applies to him.

    Again, all this shows that, in light of today’s declassified files, the film JFK is actually conservative in its depiction of this incident. But the whole phony “hundred” list Reitzes has assembled is like this, in each and every regard: you can slice it and dice it with the new files. That is in relation to what Reitzes writes on the Paines, Jack Ruby, Clay Shaw, Kennedy and Vietnam, and even in regards to Lyndon Johnson. He is that bad. For example, it’s incredible in light of what we know today, but Reitzes tries to imply that Johnson really did not want to go to war in Vietnam. Well Dave, can you answer this question: How did the USA eventually commit 535, 000 combat troops over there? Did someone forge Johnson’s signature on all of those orders?

    The newly declassified record – something which Reitzes avoids with the rigor of a vampire avoiding sunlight-reveals that not only did Johnson knowingly reverse Kennedy’s policies in Vietnam, but that he then tried to cover up this fact afterwards. In other words, he tried to feign that he was not really doing so. (Transcripts of phone calls between Johnson and Robert McNamara of February 20 and March 2, 1964 contained in the book Virtual JFK by James Blight.) But beyond that, Johnson completely reversed Kennedy’s overall policy in Vietnam after he took office. Kennedy’s withdrawal memorandum was replaced by NSAM 288, which now drew up battle plans for a land war in Vietnam. In other words, something that Kennedy would not countenance in three years, Johnson had now done in three months. (Gordon Goldstein, Lessons in Disaster, p. 108) The reader is somehow supposed to think that Reitzes missed all this? If so what does this say about his scholarship? If he did not miss all this, then what does this say about his honesty? Either way, Reitzes is simply not credible.

    II

    But like John McAdams, Michael Shermer did not care about that fact. Michael Shermer has been exposed on this web site by the insightful work of Frank Cassano. (Click here and here.) As Cassano so aptly divined upon seeing him for the first time, Shermer’s ultimate goals were twofold. First, he was going to do all he could to make those who bought into any kind of conspiracy theories looks silly. Second, he was especially interested in rendering the Kennedy assassination null and void. In fact, the film he made for CBC, Conspiracy Rising, is a little bit scary. When it showed on German television, Brigitte Wilcke wrote a letter to the TV station protesting against such venomous and divisive propaganda being shown on the airwaves.

    Therefore, with the help of Cassano and Wilcke, it was easy to predict that Shermer would have something ready to go for the 50th anniversary of Kennedy’s assassination. What was not so easy to see is that he would allow someone as shoddy and clownish as Reitzes to write the cover story for his magazine Skeptic.

    And with that title-Fifty Years of Conspiracy Theories – both Reitzes and Shermer reveal that they are in full blown, pedal to the metal, diversionary mode. For there have not been 50 years of conspiracy theories in America on the JFK case. The first critics of the official story e.g. Mark Lane in The Guardian and Vince Salandria in Liberation, did not suggest any kind of alternative theory to the assassination of President Kennedy. What they were doing was questioning the circumstances of the crime itself and the rather baffling methods used by the Warren Commission to explain those circumstances away. And, in fact, that is what all the early critics of the case did: they pointed out the gaping holes in the work of the Commission. This includes not just Lane and Salandria, but also Harold Weisberg, Sylvia Meagher, Edward Epstein and Josiah Thompson. In none of those works is there any kind of alternative theory set forth to any serious degree. What these people did, very effectively, was to expose the incredible lacuna that the Warren Report tried to put forward as an airtight case. And the more people who read their work, the more people agreed with them: the Warren Report was an absurd fairy tale.

    But it was not just the public at large who did not buy this fairy tale. It was people in power, in both Washington and Texas. As David Talbot and Robert Kennedy Jr. have both revealed, Bobby Kennedy, who was Attorney General at the time, did not buy the Warren Commission. As author Joe McBride reveals in Into the Nightmare, Governor John Connally did not buy the absurd conclusions of the Commission either. In 1982, he told journalist Doug Thompson that he thought the Warren Report was complete bunk. When Thompson asked Connally if he thought Oswald killed Kennedy, the former governor replied, “Absolutely not. I do not for one second believe the conclusions of the Warren Commission.” (McBride, p. 418) The new president, Lyndon Johnson, in a phone call, said he did not buy the single bullet theory. The person he was talking to did not buy it either. And that person is quite significant to the matter at hand.

    Because the person on the line was Senator Richard Russell, and he served on the Warren Commission. (Gerald McKnight, Breach of Trust, pgs. 283-84) This is a point that neither Shermer not Reitzes will touch. Namely that its not just people who write about the assassination, or parts of the public, who do not buy the Warren Report. Its people who were actual victims that day, and people who worked on the report, who also thought it was hokum. And, of course, Reitzes and Shermer will not tell the public that the Commission was so divided on this issue, the Magic Bullet, that the men actually in charge of the Commission, i.e, the Troika of John McCloy, Allen Dulles and Gerald Ford, tricked the Southern Wing i.e. Russell and Congressman Wade Boggs, and Senator John Sherman Cooper, into signing onto the document. (McKnight, Chapter 11) This bit of internal subterfuge was not exposed until years later. But after it was, Russell now went public with his objections. He was soon joined by Boggs and Cooper.

    Further, it was later revealed that Russell so distrusted what the Commission was doing that he secretly helmed his own private inquiry into the Kennedy assassination . He looked askance at witnesses like Marina Oswald, as did people on his personal staff and the staff of the Commission. But further, he also questioned things like the accuracy of the rifle, if it could perform as the authorities said it did. He was also worried by the number of reported sightings of Oswald impersonators, and how easily that Oswald was allowed to leave the USSR with his Russian wife. Finally, Russell’s private inquiry also showed that Oswald was associated with some anti-Castro Cubans. And he was puzzled by what Oswald’s actual role with them was. (Dick Russell, On the Trail of the JFK Assassins, pgs. 126-27) So here you have a member of the Warren Commission who is essentially discovering way back in 1964, many of the things about Oswald that the rest of the Commission will cover up in it report. But the Troika within the Commission was so intent on the report appearing to be a unanimous decision, that they would tell Russell that his objections were being recorded, when in fact, they were not. Somehow, Reitzes and Shermer did not think that was important. Maybe because it would reveal that the Commission itself was conspiring against one of its own members?

    Another point about the Warren Commission that Reitzes and Shermer completely ignore is one of the most publicized scandals that the Assassination Records Review Board disclosed. Namely that Commissioner Gerald Ford changed the draft of the Warren Report by altering the position of the back wound up into Kennedy’s neck. These kinds of things do not happen in the real world of medical forensics. At the last moment the supervising doctor in his office does not change the location of the entrance wound from the back into the neck of the victim. Ford did not examine the body. But if one reads the declassified records of the Commission, the Commission itself knew this wound was in the back. (McKnight, pgs. 190-92) But Ford understood that the public would have a hard time understanding how a shot fired downward from six stories up could enter Kennedy’s back and then exit his neck. So he simply crossed out the word “back”, and changed it to “neck”. In other words, Ford lied. Just as he, Dulles and McCloy lied to Russell when they told him that his objections would be recorded.

    Let us take one more instance that Shermer and Reitzes ignore about the character and morals of the Warren Commission. On the 20th anniversary of the Kennedy assassination, David Belin appeared with Anthony Summers on Nightline. He said that the Warren Commission had seen every CIA document on Lee Harvey Oswald. If Belin was telling the truth, then this leaves us a host of problems about the Warren Report. Especially since the CIA is still withholding thousands of pages of documents today, over a decade after the ARRB closed down. For if Belin did see every single document the CIA had on Oswald, then why is the Warren Report silent on this very interesting and relevant information? For instance, why does the Warren Report not explain the incredible oddity of Oswald defecting to the USSR in 1959, yet the CIA not opening up a 201 file on him until over a year later? A 201 file is a very common file opened on any person of interest to the Agency. If a former Marine defects from the USA to the USSR at the height of the Cold War and threatens to give up radar secrets to the Russians, would he not be a person of interest? Yet, the reader will not see this curious fact noted in the Warren Report. Did Belin not think this was important? If Belin saw every document on Oswald, then why did he not tell us that there were no photos taken of the man in Mexico City, even though the CIA had ten opportunities to do so. Either Belin had a bizarre sense of what was important to know about Oswald, or he was lying. And neither Shermer nor Reitzes thinks this is important to acknowledge to the public.

    III

    To return to the title of the cover story, the first real alternative theory to the Kennedy assassination was constructed by New Orleans DA Jim Garrison. But it wasn’t a theory. Garrison had uncovered many facts about Oswald’s activities in the New Orleans area that the Commission and the FBI had endeavored to cover up. For the simple matter that if these had been revealed to the public, there would have been myriad questions about who Oswald really was. There would have been so many that the image of Oswald as the disaffected communist would have been brought into serious question. But Reitzes cannot mention all this since he has spent many years being in denial of it. After all, this is what he means to McAdams. (For more evidence of just how bad Reitzes is on New Orleans and Jim Garrison, click here)

    So when looked at historically, Garrison’s inquiry is really the beginning of the construction of the true facts about the Kennedy assassination. Because many authors have used his discoveries in their own books to show what Oswald was really doing in the summer of 1963 in New Orleans. In fact, even the compromised HSCA used Garrison’s discoveries. As time has gone on, this effort has mushroomed in many other fields. Until today, it is actually possible to approximate what really did happen in the Kennedy case. In other words, if the gaseous Michael Shermer really wanted his magazine to live up to its title, he would have commissioned an article to show how initial skepticism about the Commission, plus the discoveries of the ARRB, have finally led some dedicated people to be able to demonstrate with facts just what the Commission was covering up. And if private citizens can do this now, imagine what the FBI could have done if J. Edgar Hoover was really interested in finding out who killed Kennedy. But as with the episode of Ferrie lying in his FBI report, Hoover was not so inclined. If he had been really interested in who killed Kennedy, he would not have been at the racetrack on the day after his murder. But the numerous episodes of the FBI covering up the case is not what Shermer hired Reitzes to do. Shermer knows that there is a small stable of internet denizens that those interested in concealing the facts of the JFK case can call upon from time to time. The (falsely named) Anton Batey knew it also. So he went to this stable when he wanted to arrange a debate on the subject. These men – Dale Myers, Gus Russo, David Von Pein, McAdams, Reitzes and Gary Mack – all know each other and communicate with each other. Like Reitzes, Myers, Russo and Mack are all flip-floppers. And like Reitzes, they have never bothered to explain why they did the pirouette.

    But there is little doubt that in those three cases, there was much more to be had in a pecuniary sense by following the new path. To use one example, after reversing field, Dale Myers was paid by PBS, by ABC and finally Vince Bugliosi to do (execrable) work for them. And in the JFK case, the MSM is just about the only place where one can get paid any serious money. Give them what they want, you cash a nice check. So when Myers got on ABC TV in 2003, and through some hocus pocus, GIGO computer crap pronounced that the flight of CE 399 was not a theory anymore, but a fact, he got a sizeable stipend. And it didn’t bother him that what he said was utter hogwash. He knew where the ABC program was headed. After all, another member of his stable, Gus Russo, was the lead consultant on the show. Therefore, Myers knew he had some considerable CYA protection built in. So no one was going to ask him questions about the provenance of CE 399, or its eventual evidentiary trail. If they had, they would have proved that not only did CE 399 not do what Myers said it did; it was not even fired in Dealey Plaza that day. (Click here.)

    But it’s not really fair to single out Myers. Because Russo and Mack have done the same. Russo had been trying to sell a TV special on the Kennedy case for years. At one time he was even trying to cooperate with Ed Tatro about doing a special outlining a Texas/Lyndon Johnson cabal. (Click here for Russo’s long travail) In 1993, he finally found his holy grail with PBS and the late Frontline producer Mike Sullivan. Russo gave Sullivan what he wanted: an Oswald did it scenario. Russo then went on to work with CIA asset Sy Hersh on his hatchet job of a book, The Dark Side of Camelot. When that was sold as TV special, Russo now had an in with Jennings. So Jennings, who wanted to do a cover up piece in 2003, gave Russo the consultant spot on his show. What Russo did here was really kind of incredible. He actually presented people who had huge liabilities as witnesses – Priscilla Johnson, Hugh Aynesworth, Ed Butler – and presented them as if they were as clean as driven snow. In other words, they were allowed to speak unchallenged to the public with no questions asked or even presented about their backgrounds. In other words, Russo was rehabilitating clear intelligence assets.

    I have already talked about the reversal of Gary Mack relatively recently and at length. As with the others, that reversal turned out to be quite lucrative for Mr. Dunkel. (Click here.) I bring all this up to show that this could be the opening curtain for Mr. Reitzes. He might now join the others as the MSM’s new performing seal. After all, his friend John McAdams cooperated with PBS on their upcoming Nova show “Cold Case JFK.” The paradigm is pretty clear is it not?

    IV

    There is no doubt that Reitzes came through for Shermer, who instead of being skeptical, is all too eager to be gulled by the Commission’s cover up. Like many others, near the beginning of his essay Reitzes states that the Warren Commission confirmed about Oswald what the Dallas Police and FBI had concluded previously. Which is a rather nonsensical statement. For in the legal sphere you cannot have any conclusions if your case is not tested. And, as Reitzes shrewdly leaves out, the Dallas Police under DA Henry Wade and Detective Will Fritz had an abominable record of manufacturing evidence and framing people. For example, when FBI agent Vincent Drain picked up the rifle to bring to Washington, there were no traces of any prints on it reported to him. In Washington, FBI print authority Sebastian LaTona detected no indications of any prints of value. But, mirabile dictu, once the rifle was returned to Dallas, Oswald’s prints were found on it. A little fishy perhaps? Especially considering that 29 people have now been exonerated in light of latter-day reviews of Dallas Police cases.

    Concerning the so-called FBI verdict, again its what Reitzes leaves out that is the main point. The FBI officially took over the case after Oswald was dead. Therefore, there were no rules of evidence in play. Even considering that key fact, the FBI report was so bad that the Warren Commission did not even include it in their 26 volumes of evidence. But further, as many commentators have demonstrated, J. Edgar Hoover never endorsed the Magic Bullet. In other words, whereas the Commission stood by the Single Bullet Fantasy, Hoover did not. Hoover had three bullets hitting Kennedy and Connally in the limousine. The Commission had one bullet missing the car completely. Somehow, Reitzes does not think the elucidation of that point is important for his readers. Even though, the Commission itself said that to deny the Magic Bullet, is to admit to two assassins.

    Reitzes then goes on to quote former Washington Post reporter Jefferson Morley:

    The choices we make to accept the credibility of the Warren Commission … or to believe eyewitnesses who heard gunshots coming from the grassy knoll, and so decide more people were involved-are shaped, consciously or unconsciously, by our premises about the U.S. government and the way power is exercised in America.

    Does this mean that the aforementioned John Connally-who thought the Warren Report was bunk – was an unconscious revolutionary? No, it just means that Morley is wrong. There are many people of all political beliefs who think the Commission was simply full of it on the evidence. To use another example, when Jim Garrison began his investigation, he was not at all an extremist. He was a law and order moderate who was anti-ACLU and for the Cold War. (DiEugenio, p. 173) But he was an experienced criminal lawyer who understood how to prosecute cases in court. And it was solely on his examination of the Warren Commission’s ersatz evidence that he began to doubt Oswald’s guilt.

    Reitzes now goes to the ear witness testimony in Dealey Plaza. He presents a chart by, of all people, Joel Grant, to indicate that the vast majority of witnesses heard three shots. The use of Grant, an inveterate Warren Commission defender, shows a real problem with the essay: Its reliance, not so much on evidence, but the uses of evidence by Commission zealots like Grant, Vince Bugliosi and Dale Myers. To illustrate what I mean by this: one of the huge shortcomings of the Warren Commission inquiry was its failure to find and interview all the witnesses in Dealey Plaza. In fact, researchers are still enumerating these witnesses today. There simply was no such thing done by the Bureau. Further, Pat Speer has done some extensive work in this field. Speer has noted that there was not even a rigorous effort by the FBI to ask all the employees of the Depository how many bullet sounds there were and where they came from. (E-mail communication with author by Speer of 9/29/13) Therefore, considering the approach the FBI did take to this case, to simply rely on the witnesses the FBI produced for the Commission on this point is both inconclusive and woefully incomplete. But secondly, it rules out a very distinct probability. Assuming there was professional hit team in Dealey Plaza that day, they very likely would have decided in advance to have at least one man use a silenced rifle in order to confuse directionality. And CIA associated weapons technicians like George Nonte and Mitch Werbell were very familiar with these types of weapons. (See footnote to section on Werbell in Jim Hougan’s Spooks, p. 36)

    But beyond that, in the historical sense, the doubts about the Commission did not begin with the ear witness testimony in Dealey Plaza. The real problems were posed by the murder of Oswald on live television while he was literally in the arms of the Dallas Police. This sent the rather subliminal message that whoever killed Kennedy did not want Oswald to talk. After this, the earliest articles on the JFK case – with one notable exception – did not focus on ear witness testimony. The one exception being an article in Minority of One by Harold Feldman entitled “51 Witnesses: The Grassy Knoll“. On his ridiculous JFK site Reitzes tries to discredit this piece. He cannot. Feldman did a good job of culling witness statements to show that either they heard sounds from the railroad yards, or the knoll, or they instinctively ran in that direction. And he does produce 51 witnesses to that effect. Some of these people were Secret Service agents, sheriff’s deputies, or policemen. This testimony is collaborated by films produced by Bob Groden. The mass of spectators runs in that direction also. But even beyond that, the best evidence of the sound of bullets in Dealey Plaza would be the acoustical tape of sound waves. This issue is hotly debated, but if one accepts the early HSCA analysis, it surely seems to indicate to many shots for the Warren Commission.

    Reitzes now goes to the testimony of the doctors at Parkland Hospital. Since these doctors and nurses said that there was a large avulsive wound in the rear of Kennedy’s skull, and that the wound in his neck was one of entrance, Reitzes has to say, well, these emergency room people often make mistakes. Which is more nonsense. What the author fails to mention is that the HSCA tried to say this also. It later turned out that the HSCA lied on this point. For the declassified ARRB files revealed that about 20 witnesses at Bethesda agreed with the Parkland witnesses: they also saw this large avulsive wound in the rear of Kennedy’s skull. So what is Reitzes saying? That forty people in two different places were all wrong ? (For proof of this, see the chart in Murder in Dealey Plaza by Gary Aguilar on page 199.) The presence of that wound in the back of Kennedy’s skull strongly suggests a shot from the front blasting out the rear. Further, and another key point about the cover up that Reitzes is careful to leave out, the Secret Service attached itself to surgeon Malcolm Perry and told him to be quiet about the neck entrance wound. (Murder in Dealey Plaza, p. 115)

    Reitzes then shifts to the photographic evidence. After rather silly and pointless discussions of the three tramps and the Umbrella Man, he then segues into a discussion of the Zapruder film. His review of this is as antique and cliché-ridden as his review of the previous points. He tries to say that the very fast backward movement of Kennedy’s body to his left – consistent with a shot from behind the picket fence atop the grassy knoll – was actually caused by a “neuromuscular reaction”. Yawn. He fails to point out that this solution to this disturbing reaction originated with the Rockefeller Commission. And if you do that, then you can avoid mentioning who ran that Commission. It was created by Gerald Ford and the chief counsel was David Belin. ‘Nuff said. He then brings up the very slight forward motion, for perhaps a frame or two, that precedes this. This shows that Reitzes is not aware of the latest work on this point. The man who first surfaced this issue in a big way was Josiah Thompson in his influential book Six Seconds in Dallas. Thompson has now reversed himself on this point. He now says that this forward lean is illusory in that it is caused by a smear on the film. If that is so, then there is one motion – straight back – and the game is over. But further, Thompson will present further evidence this fall of a shot after Z 313, the fatal impact headshot.

    Incredibly, but logically for him, Reitzes avoids the issue of the previously missing frames. These are frames 208-211. Robert Groden found these missing frames from the Secret Service copy of the film. In his restored version, its obvious that Kennedy was hit before he disappeared behind the Stemmons Freeway sign. Which the Commission said could not happen since the line of sight from the sixth floor “sniper’s nest” window was obscured by the branches of an oak tree at that time. (WR p. 98) The point that he was hit before 210 was reinforced by the testimony of photographer Phil Willis. He said he took his first photo at the time of the first shot. Which he said was before Kennedy disappeared behind the sign. In the film you can see Willis raise his camera to his eye around frames 183-199. He then lowers it at frame 204. Since Kennedy disappears behind the sign at 210, he was hit before then. (Probe Vol. 5 No. 6, p. 4) Whether one thinks the film has been tampered with or not, it proves conspiracy in any state. Only when one avoids the key issues, as Shermer had Reitzes do here, can one avoid that conclusion.

    Reitzes then tries to say that the HSCA “authenticated” the autopsy photos and x rays. Again, this shows an antiquated and rather constricted view of the state of the evidence today. With an optical densitometer, David Mantik has scientifically proven that the x-rays in the National Archives have been touched up. (Assassination Science, pgs. 153-161) Autopsy photographer John Stringer denied to the ARRB he took the extant photos of Kennedy’s brain. (Doug Horne, Inside the ARRB, pgs. 807-09) Further, undeniably, there are certain shots taken of Kennedy’s body that do not exist today. (Ibid, pgs. 146-213) Also, in the sixties, when Dr. Humes and Stringer signed an affidavit saying the photographic collection was intact, they knew they were lying. (ibid, but especially 206-13.) Further, although the HSCA said they had a verified comparison with the autopsy photos to certify the photos were authentic, this turned out not to be true either. See, the HSCA tried to say that even though they could not find the original camera and lens; they therefore issued a qualified judgment about the photos. It turns out that the ARRB pieced together a different story. It now appears that the HSCA did find the camera. But the HSCA experts said it could not have been the one used to take the autopsy photos. It was suspected that the lens had been changed since. (The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, p. 279) Therefore, what Reitzes comes up with in regards to the autopsy authentication issues is simply a bunch of hot air.

    Near the end, Reitzes joins forces with Gus Russo and Dale Myers by saying, hey there really was no dispute between the CIA and President John F. Kennedy. So what is all this suspicion about the CIA based upon? For Reitzian silliness this takes the cake.

    Maybe Dave forgot that President Kennedy thought that the CIA deceived him about the Bay of Pigs invasion? Maybe he also forgot that Kennedy commissioned his own internal inquiry into that disaster. And that after he read both Lyman Kirkpatrick’s CIA Inspector General report and his own report by Max Taylor, he decided to fire the top level of the Agency: Allen Dulles, Dick Bissell, and Charles Cabell. And that before he did so two things happened. First, with the help of Howard Hunt, Dulles planted a story in Fortune magazine saying that it was Kennedy who was to blame for the debacle. Second, Kennedy called in Robert Lovett, who was a friend of his father’s. Lovett told him that he and David Bruce had tried to get Eisenhower to fire Dulles several times. They even wrote a long report on this to Ike. They could not do this since John Foster Dulles, Allen’s brother, was Secretary of State and provided cover for what Allen had done to the CIA. So Lovett recommended that Kennedy do so now. He did. (See, DiEugenio, Chapter 3.)

    Reitzes also leaves out the fact that both Bissell and Dulles later on admitted that they had tricked Kennedy into going forward with the operation. And that they knew it had almost no chance for success. But they thought Kennedy would change his mind about committing American forces when he saw if failing. He did not. Dulles later ended up being quite bitter about the whole process of his discharge. He said, “That Kennedy, he thought he was a god.” (ibid) Needless to say, when Dulles and Hunt switched the blame for the disaster to Kennedy in public, this was used to fire up the Cuban exiles against JFK. In fact, Kennedy so distrusted the CIA after this, that he installed Robert Kennedy as a sort of ombudsman over CIA operations. Something that Cold Warriors like Bill Harvey greatly resented. Which is why RFK dismissed him. (David Talbot, Brothers, pgs. 169-170) Again, all this is left out by Reitzes. I won’t even go into his fruity discussion of Vietnam. Except to say, that again, Reitzes leaves out the declassified documents of the ARRB on this issue. These were released way back in December of 1997. They even convinced the MSM, like the New York Times, that Kennedy had a plan to withdraw from Vietnam. And there is no mention in those documents of this plan being contingent on winning the war. (Probe, Vol. 5 No. 3, pgs. 18-20) Again, if the author missed these, he is a poor researcher. If he is aware of them and did not tell the reader he is practicing censorship.

    In sum, this is a worthless piece of work by a man who was not a good writer or researcher while in the anti-Warren Commission camp. He has now turned into an even worse writer and researcher now that he is in the Krazy Kid Oswald camp. Because while he was the former he just exhibited poor judgment and command of the facts. But Shermer’s agenda is this: if one labels someone a “conspiracy theorist” then it automatically follows that whatever they say is improperly sourced and has no factual value. Yet, as the reader can see, the truth is quite the opposite. Its people like Shermer and Reitzes who are factually challenged, in both the quality of their information and the completeness of their presentation. Which means they are in a state of denial.

    Shermer wanted Dave to snap on his red nose, whiten his face, and put fake freckles on to entertain the masses in his circus. To his everlasting shame, Reitzes did so. He then cashed his check. Probably in hopes of further gigs.

  • John McAdams and the Siege of Chicago, Part 2


    with Brian Hunt


    Upon the 48th anniversary of Kennedy’s assassination, John McAdams brought out a book on the case. That book, entitled JFK Assassination Logic: How to Think About Claims of Conspiracy, was oddly titled. For the simple reason that most people who have encountered McAdams come away thinking that his thought process concerning the JFK case is anything but logical. In fact, as we have seen, it is actually kind of warped.

    That book has been reviewed on this site more than once. (Click here for one.) Therefore, here I would like to discuss an interview the author gave about the book to the Hartford Books Examiner. First, I think it is interesting that McAdams got an endorsement from the former House Select Committee on Assassinations Chief Counsel Robert Blakey. Blakey, of course, is credited with being the last person in an official position who actually could have done something about the JFK case. And he didn’t. Most objective observers would say, he did all he could to cover up the case. For instance, he accepted the evidence at the so-called sniper’s nest window. Well Blakey is quoted as saying about JFK Assassination Logic, “McAdams gives you a crucial road map-not to decide what you should think, but how to make up your mind in the face of conflicting information.” Let us examine some of that conflicting information.

    I

    “The evidence linking him [Oswald] to the weapon is overwhelming.”

    John McAdams, JFK Assassination Logic

    In that interview the professor was asked to summarize the evidence in the Warren Commission that validates its conclusion about Oswald. McAdams responded thusly: “A solid paper trail connects Oswald to the rifle. Hard forensic evidence (bullet fragments, shell casings) connect the rifle to the shooting. Oswald almost certainly brought the rifle in to work on the morning of the assassination.”

    This might impress someone who knows nothing about the JFK case. To someone who does know something about the case, it is simply dishonest. And knowingly so. The paper trail that connects the rifle to Oswald is not at all solid. Researchers like Gil Jesus and John Armstrong have raised serious doubt about whether Oswald ordered the rifle in question, or picked it up. (Click here for Gil’s work.) The incredible part of their work is that they have brought every single step of that rifle transaction into question, and on both sides of the equation i.e. the mailing of the money order, and the picking up of the rifle through the post office. It is true that the first generation of critics accepted this part of the Commission’s case i.e. Josiah Thompson, Harold Weisberg, Sylvia Meagher, Mark Lane etc. But since the film JFK came out, there has been a whole new rank of writers and researchers who have rethought the case anew. And this includes its very foundations e.g. the provenance of the Mannlicher Carcano rifle. That is not a given anymore. As far back as 1998, the late Raymond Gallagher brought up a rather logical question that McAdams-or Robert Blakey for that matter–did not confront. The official story says that Klein’s Sporting Goods in Chicago got the money order on March 13, 1963 and deposited it that day. But the mailing envelope is stamped as leaving Dallas on March 12, 1963. (Probe Magazine, Vol. 5 No. 6, p. 10) How could an envelope travel over 700 miles, be resorted at the main Chicago post office, be rerouted to a delivery route carrier, be dropped off, be resorted at Klein’s, and then be run over and deposited in their bank–all within 24 hours and all before the advent of computers. This is logical thinking?

    But further, the way McAdams treats this subject in his book is even worse than in the interview. With hyperbole worthy of a lawyer, namely Vincent Bugliosi, McAdams writes that the evidence linking Oswald to this weapon is “overwhelming”. (McAdams, p. 158) But yet on the next page, he is quite unconvincing on how the rifle could be delivered to Oswald’s post office box in Dallas. For if he had ordered it in the name of Alek Hidell-which the Commission says he did–there were postal rules that prevented the package from being deposited in Oswald’s box. Because the box itself was not rented in that name-it was in Oswald’s name. And according to postal rules, that rifle shipment should have been marked “returned to sender.” In other words, the rifle should have never gotten to the box. (Armstrong, p. 453; Post Office letter to Stewart Galanor, May 3, 1966)

    It is humorous to note the illogical way McAdams weasels out of this evidentiary corner that the facts paint him into. The problem is that the post office, most likely FBI informant Harry Holmes, discarded the third part of the box application, which allows others to pick up merchandise from that box. McAdams first says that just because regulations dictate that applications must be preserved for two years, why, that does not mean that all parts of the application had to be preserved. Think of the logic here: This is a crucial part of the application, since it allows other people to pick up merchandise sent to the actual box holder. In other words, it protects the post office. So why would they discard it? And in fact, this is simply another dodge by the professor. For in 1966, the post office sent a letter to researcher Stewart Galanor that explicitly stated that all parts of the application should be preserved, including part 3. (Letter to Galanor dated May 3, 1966)

    Whiffing there, he then says that since Oswald listed the name Hidell on his New Orleans box, it’s quite plausible that he did so on the Dallas box. He does a nice Fred Astaire tap dance around the fact that the New Orleans post office kept the entire application. Therefore if the Dallas application said the same, why would it be discarded? The answer is they would not have done so. And in fact, in a report to J. Edgar Hoover, the FBI stated that their investigation “revealed that Oswald did not indicate on his application that others, including A. Hidell would receive mail through the box in question …” (CE 2585, p. 4) Since Holmes was a long time FBI informant, I would like to ask the professor what the logical inference of this finding would be?

    We could go on and on in this regard. But the bottom line is that McAdams does not want to. For example, he just dismisses the fact that the rifle in evidence today is not the same rifle that was ordered through Klein’s. (McAdams, p. 160) Which, of course, when piled on top of all the other evidence-the vast majority of which he leaves out-strongly indicates Oswald never ordered that rifle. And in fact, there is a piece of sensational illogic that, quite naturally, McAdams leaves out here.

    The official story has Oswald turning over evidence of an Alek Hidell card to FBI agent John Quigley after his August 1963 arrest in New Orleans. Now, if we believe McAdams, knowing he had already ordered the rifle in that name, and knowing the FBI had that card in their files, Oswald still used that rifle to kill JFK– knowing the FBI could track it down!

    So much for the solid paper trail connecting Oswald to the rifle. Let us go to what McAdams quoted next, the projectiles and shells. Wisely, he did not specifically name CE 399. For as we noted at the end of Part One, there is no evidence that the Magic Bullet was even fired in Dealey Plaza that day. The paper trail actually indicates that CE 399 was substituted. (See James DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition, pgs 344-45) Then, when one adds in the work of Robert Harris demonstrating that another, separate bullet hit John Connally, the whole myth of the Magic Bullet is completely undermined. (Click here.)

    There is also the fact of CE 543. This is the dented shell found on the sixth floor that defies any kind of logic. As marksman Howard Donahue said of this shell, he had never seen a shell dented that way, and he doubted very much if a rifle could make that kind of dent. But further, he noted that the Mannlicher Carcano could not fire a projectile deformed like that properly. (Bonar Menninger, Mortal Error, p. 114) Josiah Thompson tried to see if a shell could be deformed like that discharged from the rifle. It could not. (Thompson, Six Seconds in Dallas, p. 144) British researcher Chris Mills experimented with this issue for hours on end. He concluded that this defect could only be reached using an empty shell that had previously been fired. And even then, he could only do it very infrequently. (See Michael Griffith’s web site, article entitled, “The Dented Bullet Shell”, dated 4/26/01)

    But further, there is strong witness testimony that all the shells were, at the very least, rearranged. The first civilian to enter the crime scene was photographer Tom Alyea. He said that when he first saw the shells, they were not dispersed as they are today in photographs. He said they were all within the distance of a hand towel. As Alyea and researcher Allen Eaglesham indicate, the shells were picked up and then dropped again by either Captain Fritz or police photographer R. L. Studebaker. (See Eaglesham’s web site, “The Sniper’s Nest: Incarnations and Implications”.) For as subsequent FBI experiments showed, the dispersal pattern after ejection would not have been anywhere near that neat. Something that, evidently, the police understood. (See Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition, pgs. 343-44)

    Considering the fact that the so-called test Blakey used to enforce the Single Bullet Fantasy, termed Comparative Bullet Lead Analysis, has been thoroughly discredited, what is now left from McAdams’s list are the fragments from the head shot that killed Kennedy. These were allegedly found in the front seat of the limousine. I could not find anything about these fragments in the McAdams book. We will now explain why he ignored them.

    These are supposed to be the head and tail of the bullet that went through Kennedy’s skull. The reader might naturally ask: Where is the middle of the bullet? Well, if you can believe it, according to the x-rays, it is in the back of JFK’s skull. The question is: How did it get there? That question must be asked because none of the autopsy doctors, nor the radiologist, nor his first assistant testified to seeing it on the night of the autopsy. When author William Law asked FBI agents Jim Sibert and Frank O’Neill, they said they did not see it either. (Law, In the Eye of History, pgs. 166, 257, 267) And they were responsible for securing evidence, since Oswald was still alive that night. Therefore, using the professor’s logic, if it was there, would not one of these men have noted it in some fashion? Well unless we are living in Orwell’s 1984 and are afraid of being arrested for ‘thoughtcrime’, we have to answer, yes they would have.

    If they did not see it, then who did? Well, now we get to understand why McAdams does not want to discuss this issue. That 6.5 mm fragment at the rear of Kennedy’s skull first appeared on the x-rays in 1968, five years after the autopsy. This was when Ramsey Clark’s review of the medical evidence first mentioned it. Why did Clark order a review of the medical evidence? Because, as Pat Speer discovered, he was very disturbed by the material in Thompson’s book. According to Clark Panel chief Russell Fisher, the Attorney General was very upset with Thompson’s book and the panel was created “partly to refute some of the junk” in that book. (Maryland State Medical Journal, March of 1977) As Speer writes, the origin of the newly found 6.5 mm fragment is very likely in the Thompson book, on page 111. (Click here for a reproduction.)

    As the reader can see, Warren Commission exhibit 388 lies about the position of Kennedy’s head at Zapruder frame 312, the instant before Kennedy was fatally struck. If the bullet entered at the base of the skull, it is very hard to imagine it would emerge at a higher point on the right side. Therefore, Fisher did two things to vitiate Thompson. He moved the wound higher, and he now “discovered” the middle of the bullet at the top rear of the skull. To say this created all kinds of new problems is an understatement of titanic proportions. (These issues are thoroughly aired in Chapter 7 of Jim DiEugenio’s upcoming book Reclaiming Parkland.) But that is how determined Clark and Fisher were to answer the critics and counter Jim Garrison. Because the results of this panel were kept on ice for about seven months. They were released during jury selection for Clay Shaw’s trial.

    This is the sum total of McAdams’ so-called called “hard evidence” against Oswald. The use of the buzzwords “hard evidence” is another trick by the professor. Because with what we know about it today, it can be shown to be so lacking in credibility and integrity that each piece of it, is now soft as mush. It can be deftly and powerfully questioned in every aspect. It simply will not withstand any kind of logical scrutiny. Which is why McAdams avoids that exercise in his book. Which is more aptly titled: How to Avoid Logic in the JFK Case.

    II

    “Ok, but none of that Paul Nolan or disinformationist stuff”

    John McAdams to Len Osanic

    In the summer of 2009, Frank Cassano suggested to Jim DiEugenio that he debate one of the bigger names from the Krazy Kid Oswald camp. So, on Len Osanic’s show, the host conveyed invitations to Gary Mack, Dave Reitzes, David Von Pein, and John McAdams. None of them replied to Len. This went on for a few weeks with the same negative results. Finally, Len went ahead and e-mailed the first three individuals. They all declined. Assuming that McAdams had already heard of the offer, Osanic only extended a formal invite to him last. To his credit, and our surprise, he replied in the affirmative. It took awhile for the format of the debate to be finalized. But just about a week before it was, McAdams relayed the above demands to Osanic. We agreed to them since Len had already announced the debate date and time.

    Today, knowing what we do about the professor, we probably would not have given in to that particular request. For from the first formal question, McAdams started making preemptive strikes and smears against his opponent. When Osanic asked him about the viability of the Single Bullet Theory, the professor said that “And I’m guessing Jim is going to go into an ad hominem attack against Lattimer or Failure Analysis Associates, and into an ad hominem attack against everybody who creates any evidence he doesn’t like.” In the reply, DiEugenio did no such thing. But in his rebuttal to that reply, this was the first thing from McAdams: “Sure. What we have is the usual collection there on this or that factoid this or that gripe or this or that complaint.” As anyone can see from the debate transcript at the Black Op Radio site, there was nothing like that in DiEugenio’s first answer. But McAdams was so eager to inject the word “factoid” into the ebb and flow, that he couldn’t help himself.

    This was repeated upon DiEugenio’s answers to Osanic’s next question about who Oswald really was. Right after Jim’s answer, McAdams replied with, “What a massive collection of factoids.” McAdams then said that Oswald was in David Ferrie’s Civil Air Patrol unit when he was 15, way, way before either of them was in New Orleans. What a stunning statement for even McAdams to make. Because DiEugenio made no mention of any specific time the two were in the CAP together. Plain and simple: Oswald was in Ferrie’s CAP unit when both of them were in New Orleans. Period. And Ferrie was in New Orleans for a long time before Oswald joined his CAP unit. But these are the lengths the professor will go to in order to avoid the factual record. He then said in reply, “Jim’s doing what conspiracists typically do…” McAdams also said Jim was using Jack White “crackpot photo analysis”, when, in fact, DiEugenio never used White’s work at all during the debate. In talking about Mexico City, McAdams said DiEugenio was using a “LaFontaine Factoid”. This is ridiculous on two counts. First, DiEugenio did not use any information from the LaFontaine book Oswald Talked during the entire debate. Second, that book does not deal with Mexico City anyway. For instance, the name Valery Kostikov, the secret KGB agent at the Soviet consulate, is not in the book’s index.

    In other words, it was OK for McAdams to unjustly smear his opponent by saying he was using “ad hominem attacks”, that he was using “factoids”, he was a natural born “conspiracist”, and he was using “crackpot” photo analysis. But, DiEugenio could not use any kind of demeaning or derogatory smears about McAdams. Those are nice rules of debate if you can get them.

    But where the professor really went off the boards was when he was called on his mangling of facts about Jim Garrison and New Orleans. Let us be clear. Like every alleged Warren Commission supporter, McAdams has a special place in his pantheon for Garrison. Because Garrison was the first man to put the Kennedy case where it belonged, in a legal venue. Therefore, the DA was clobbered by the intelligence assets in the MSM, infiltrated by the CIA, and electronically bugged by the FBI. This is all proven today with declassified documents and latter day interviews and research. (See especially Chapters 11 and 12 of Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition.) On his (unintentionally) humorous web site, McAdams denies that any and all of this happened. And what makes it even more of a joke is that he actually uses CIA memoranda to deny it! Inside the CIA, the monitoring of the Garrison inquiry was being run by Ray Rocca, James Angleton’s number one assistant. That in and of itself makes these denials ridiculous. Because as John Newman demonstrates in his milestone book Oswald and the CIA, it was Angleton who was very likely Oswald’s ultimate control agent. If you can believe it, McAdams even says that Gordon Novel and Bill Boxley were not CIA infiltrators in Garrison’s office. When, in fact, Novel was hired by Allen Dulles to wire Garrison’s office. Which he did. (DiEugenio, pgs. 232-35) Boxley gave Garrison a false address that he never lived at, and a phone number that was not at the false address. He then tried to ensnare him in bear trap after bear trap. When he was finally discovered by Vincent Salandria, he refused to show up for questioning. And he signed off with this: “Tell Big Jim, we’re coming after him-with it all!” He then laughed and hung up. (ibid, p. 284) When Boxley said “we’re coming after him”, did McAdams think he was coming at the DA with his wife. kids and dog? (Click here for an expose of another McAdams page.)

    McAdams keeps this up in his book. In his treatment of Perry Russo, he actually tries to take us back to the days of James Kirkwood’s hatchet job of a book, American Grotesque. A book that was actually commissioned by Clay Shaw. But again, he also uses James Phelan. Even though today, Phelan has been exposed as a habitual liar on many subjects dealing with Garrison. But important to this issue, he has been so exposed on the subject of Perry Russo. (DiEugenio, pgs. 243-49) More so, Phelan has been revealed as a longtime government asset by the ARRB declassified files. And that is information you will not find on the McAdams web site, or in his book. In his book, in his discussion of Russo, the professor essentially gives us the banal and stilted Phelan-Kirkwood version of his testimony. Except to jazz things up, he tries to relate this to modern day “recovered memory syndrome”. (McAdams, pgs. 44-53) There is no reference to any author interviews with Russo, Garrison, or Andrew Sciambra. And there is no mention of Matt Herron, even though Herron is in Kirkwood’s book. Where Kirkwood draws him as a key witness who props up Phelan’s version of the story.

    Except this was another Phelan lie. Herron did not back up Phelan’s story. He blew it up. He told Jim DiEugenio on two occasions that Russo said he mentioned both the gathering at Ferrie’s apartment and the presence of a man named Bertrand to Sciambra when he first met him in Baton Rouge. (Ibid, p. 246) Phelan told Kirkwood the opposite. In other words, he lied. And Kirkwood printed that canard without calling Herron. And McAdams does the same thing. Which makes him, what? A buff? It sure does make him look like a propagandist.

    But then McAdams does something that is possibly even worse. He says that the first time Corrie Collins saw a photo of Clay Shaw he was not sure about the identification. (McAdams, p. 53) But he later positively identified Shaw as the driver of the black Cadillac containing Oswald and Ferrie during the voter registration drive in Clinton Louisiana. What does the good professor leave out of this? The rather important fact that Collins was black. And that Feliciana Parish, where the incident took place, had a strong racist element in it. And that this was an era of cross burnings and beatings and lynchings. So if Collins was at first hesitant to go on record, that is quite understandable. The man had a family to worry about. Because, in fact, Guy Banister had several friends in the area. And they would naturally not look kindly to a black man testifying against their friend. And in her book, Joan Mellen notes that there were attempts in Clinton at bribery and intimidation. For example, Kirkwood actually visited Collins’ father. (A Farewell to Justice, p. 236) Hugh Aynesworth tried to bribe Sheriff John Manchester. (Ibid, p. 235) And some of the Clinton/Jackson witnesses met with early and untimely deaths during the Garrison investigation e.g. the incredibly important Gloria Wilson, and Andrew Dunn. (ibid, pgs. 237-38) So yes, Corrie Collins had extenuating circumstances to ponder before going on record. He had a family to protect. But he told the truth, which was corroborated by several other witnesses, and a photograph. How any alleged scholar, especially one who grew up in George Wallace’s Alabama, could leave all of this information out of his book is simply inexcusable. But it shows a remarkable lack of empathy and sensitivity.

    McAdams exhibited even more of his uncontrollable irresponsibility during the debate. He said so many erroneous things in that it would take too long to recount and correct all of them here. But let us mention what he said about Dan Campbell. Campbell was a former Marine who worked for Banister infiltrating student organizations. According to McAdams, Tony Summers wrote that a Marine was arrested on the day that Oswald was arrested. And this word came down to Banister’s office. The professor then said that it was Summers who made the connection that this was Oswald. But since Oswald was in jail, then Campbell and Summers were wrong about his identification.

    This rendition of Dan Campbell’s testimony is not what Summers wrote. For there is nothing in his book that says Campbell saw Oswald on the day Oswald was arrested. All it says is that he heard about it from someone soon afterwards. (Summers, p. 293, emphasis added) Which could mean a day or two afterwards. And there is nothing in the book that says Campbell heard a Marine was arrested. And it was not Summers who made the connection, it was Campbell. He said he saw a young man with a Marine haircut come into Banister’s to use the phone one day. The next time he saw him, his face was on TV being accused of killing President Kennedy.

    What McAdams said about Michael Kurtz during the debate was more of the same rigmarole. The professor said that Kurtz said on television in 1993 that he was there with Banister and Ferrie. (Its hard to discern here if McAdams means by “he”, Oswald or Kurtz) But McAdams added, this information was not entered in the first edition of Kurtz’s book, Crime of the Century.

    Again, this is not correct. DiEugenio corrected him on the air (which the professor got very angry about afterwards). As far back as 1980. in Louisiana History, Kurtz did write that these men associated together, and he himself saw Oswald with Banister. And Kurtz referenced that article, and used some material from it, in the 1982 edition of Crime of the Century. McAdams, through his ally David Von Pein, later tried to save himself by saying that he really meant the second edition of the Kurtz book. Well, the problem for both McAdams and Von Pein is that much the same information is in that second edition. (See pages 202-04) And in that second edition, Kurtz also references his more detailed 1980 article. (See page 271) Clearly, McAdams and Von Pein were desperately grasping at straws. And they didn’t check the straws before they tried to use them.

    III

    “I note the wiki Fletcher Prouty page is under the control of Gamaliel. He has BLACKLISTED the official website of Col. Fletcher Prouty.”

    Len Osanic to a Wikipedia Volunteer

    To understand how the above happened, that is the lockout of Len Osanic’s valuable Prouty page–which is a font of primary sources on the man–one has to understand who ‘Gamaliel’ is. But beyond that, the reader must also understand the close relationship between Gamaliel and John McAdams.

    Three years ago, CTKA reader and supporter J. P. Mroz penned an extraordinarily important article about Wikipedia and its co-founder Jimmy Wales. This article, perhaps one of the most important pieces CTKA ever published, provided rare insight into the history and, even more importantly, the structure of Wikipedia. Mroz explained that, far from being a “people’s encyclopedia”, it is heavily regulated by different levels of administrators. Beyond that, it has its own rules as to what can be used–not just as sources, but also as what is termed, External Links. (Click here for the article.) Mroz found out firsthand just how regulated the “people’s encyclopedia” was. But specifically, just how quick the Wales bureaucracy was in detecting any attempt by its users to break open the mythology of the Warren Report in the pages of Wikipedia. For when he tried to link an article criticizing the acceptance of the backyard photographs to Wiki’s Lee Harvey Oswald page, he got what is called a Wiki-ticket. That is a warning as to what was acceptable, and what was not, in reference to the JFK case.

    In his fine article, Mroz traced his Wiki-ticket to the notorious Gamaliel. Most of the huge bureaucracy that runs Wikipedia use false names. But indefatigable Wiki critic Daniel Brandt found out who Gamaliel really was. In fact, Brandt exposed many of the real people behind these false names. (Click here for a directory.) Gamaliel’s real name is Rob Fernandez, and he lives in Tampa, Florida. And therein lies a tale that reveals much about the influence of McAdams’ site on an unsuspecting public.

    For Fernandez is the perfect gatekeeper for the professor. Consider some of the firsthand comments by Fernandez quoted by J. P. Mroz:

    What I’m proudest of and spent more time working on than anything else are my contributions to Lee Harvey Oswald. The Oswald entry is even mentioned in a newspaper article on Wikipedia. If you want to witness insanity firsthand, try monitoring these articles for conspiracy nonsense.

    Don’t worry, we have years of experience dealing with the conspiracy folks. If you are really bored, check out the talk page archives-its like a never ending series of car crashes.

    As I said in my edit summary, conspiracy theorists take issue with every detail of the Kennedy assassination. To include each of their challenges would overwhelm the text.

    In other words, Fernandez and McAdams are soul brothers on the matters of 1.) Oswald’s guilt in the JFK case, and 2.) Critics of the Warren Commission being just street corner “buffs”. Therefore–like McAdams’ moderation on his forum-Fernandez swoops down on anyone who dares defy the Commission and its efficacy. In fact, in his obeisance to the Warren Report, Fernandez is roughly the equivalent of Orwell’s Thought Police. And that comparison is not made by me. It is made by him. For, as more than one observer has noted, Fernandez once had a Nazi Swastika on his web site. And there is a famous picture of him wearing a white T -shirt with a giant scissors imprinted on it.

    Now, how close are McAdams and Fernandez? According to Wikipedia expert Tom Scully, McAdams’ biography at Wiki was first started by Fernandez. One will see not one negative sentence in that entry about McAdams. In fact, one will see his JFK web site both singled out and praised. At the bottom, one will see an External Link to the McAdams JFK page. With this kind of built-in bias, it is no wonder that John McAdams is one of the most active editors of JFK material on the “people’s encylopedia”. That Fernandez allows this is really kind of shocking. But it shows how Wikipedia, like much of the “online revolution”, has grown into a huge disappointment. Because Fernandez is about as objective on the JFK assassination as say Anthony Lewis or Tom Wicker from the New York Times were. Therefore, the Times championed books by writers like David Belin and Gerald Posner. Today, Fernandez paves the way for someone as agenda driven and factually challenged as McAdams. As many commentators have stated, this illicit union between Fernandez and McAdams does much to drive the unsuspecting public to the professor’s boondoggle of a web site. The damage inflicted on what may be thousands, or tens of thousands, of unwary neophytes is staggering to imagine. For when one Googles the name “Lee Harvey Oswald”, the number one reference that comes up is Wikipedia’s. If one looks at the External Links list at the bottom, one will see not one, but two references to McAdams’ site.

    Therefore, Fernandez is able to propagate McAdams’ disinformation at the same time that he is able to deprive the reader of sources of contrary information. And Len Osanic and Fletcher Prouty are the newest victims of this horrendous double standard. For Fernandez is very eager to use what can be called ‘branding irons’ on sources of information. For example, the reader will look forever on Wikipedia to see an article or essay referenced to Probe Magazine. Even though that journal was universally praised as perhaps the finest ever in the field. And almost each article was academically footnoted to credible sources in the literature. Here is the question: Why does something like McAdams’ fatally flawed web site qualify as an External Link, but neither Probe Magazine, nor CTKA, makes the cut? As per scholarly approach and quality information, there is simply no comparison. Therefore, as the reader can see, Fernandez is not after those qualities. His journey starts in reverse. If the source states Oswald is guilty it can make the cut. The way you get there doesn’t really matter.

    Now, the biggest shock to the system since 1967 in regards to the Kennedy case was Oliver Stone’s film JFK. The late Col. Fletcher Prouty was influential in the making of the film, and he was actually a character in the picture. Portrayed by actor Donald Sutherland, he was code named Mr. X. It was through him that much of the material relating to Kennedy’s intent to withdraw from Vietnam was conveyed. This is anathema to McAdams. (As it was to Gary Mack’s friend and fellow propagandist Dave Perry.) Therefore, on his web site, he tries to discredit Prouty. For instance, he actually uses an essay by Chip Berlet, who could be called as anti-conspiracy as McAdams. He then uses a long essay originally posted on CompuServe to critique Prouty’s work on the Vietnam War. Throughout this page, he makes several inaccurate statements about what Prouty has actually said in interviews and in books. Or, he tries to makes things he did say sound as if they are completely wild and unfounded. For instance, Prouty disputed the idea of petroleum as a “fossil fuel”. McAdams tries to say that this makes Fletcher a crackpot. But yet the idea of abiotic oil is not uncommon at all. In fact, today, many people agree with it; and some would say that the new Russian deep well drilling proves it. (Click here for an interesting essay on the topic.) What this really shows is McAdams’ restricted mode of thought, combined with his overreaching goal of smearing the critics. Which, with the aid of Fernandez, he has been successful at doing on Wikipedia.

    That Jimmy Wales allows this kind of conflict of interest by McAdams to run amok under the protection of Fernandez is a disgrace. Anyone interested in the true facts of the JFK case should never give a dime to any of Wales’ recurrent pleas for donations. For as we can see, Wales’ constant refrain about this democratic and free “peoples’ encyclopedia” is false. It is neither free nor democratic. On the JFK case, Fernandez has guaranteed it is under the control of a blinkered street cop.

    IV

    “People who are mentally disturbed have the right to sleep in parks.”

    John McAdams

    As we have seen in abundance, McAdams is a pure propagandist on the JFK case. That is, even when he knows better he chooses to spout disinformation. As a further example of this, let us return to the case of Jack Ruby being injected with cancer cells. Greg Parker has informed me that McAdams was aware that Ruby himself thought this was happening. Because he informed the professor about it via the professor’s newsgroup. He also informed him that human experimentation with cancer injections had been going on since at least 1956, and was continuing in 1964. Parker sourced his post to magazines like Time and Newsweek, and newspapers like the New York Times. In other words, even though the professor knew it had actually happened, he still misinformed his audience in Chicago.

    But one of the worst errors that those in the JFK community can make about McAdams is to limit him to being a provocateur in the Kennedy assassination field. For make no mistake, that is not all he is concerned about. One way to illuminate that fact is to go back to the McAdams/DiEugenio debate. At one point I said that Kennedy was the most liberal president since Franklin Roosevelt. McAdams replied that both Truman and Johnson were more liberal than Kennedy. In a nutshell, this tells us much about where the man is coming from. And that he is not just about the technicalities of Kennedy’s assassination. To make a statement like that is a telltale sign of a large and hidden agenda.

    As most historians understand today, Harry Truman pretty much reversed Roosevelt’s plans for the postwar world. Roosevelt always had a much more liberal view of the USSR than Winston Churchill did. In fact, with Operation Unthinkable, Churchill had planned on World War III breaking out in 1945 in Europe. The two men had different views on this point. But if FDR had lived, there is little doubt he would have prevailed on the issue since Churchill was unceremoniously voted out of office at the end of the war. When Truman took office the White House hawks, whom Roosevelt had deftly kept at bay, now circled around the foreign policy ingenue and Missouri machine politician. And within a matter of months, Roosevelt’s vision of cooperation was now turned into a Churchillian apocalyptic Cold War. The best book on this key point in history in Roosevelt’s Lost Alliances by Frank Costigliola. In his introduction, he quotes no less than Churchill’s foreign secretary Anthony Eden as saying that the death of FDR was fatal to the continuance of the Grand Alliance. And Eden directly blamed Truman and Churchill for breaking with Roosevelt’s plans and policies and causing the Cold War. (Costigliola, pgs. 1-2)

    As many authors have pointed out–Richard Mahoney, John Newman, Gordon Goldstein, James Blight, David Kaiser–Kennedy was not a Cold Warrior. He was actually trying to achieve detente with both Cuba and Russia at the time of his death. He was also trying to support independence or neutralization in the Third World e.g. Congo, Laos, Indonesia. All of these forays by JFK were torn asunder by President Johnson in a remarkably short time after Kennedy’s murder. (James DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition, pgs. 367-77) So by what kind of logic or historical facts can any so-called Political Science professor conclude that Truman, who broke with FDR and helped start the Cold War, and Johnson-who broke with Kennedy and reasserted the Cold War-were both more liberal than JFK? The answer is: there is no logic or historical facts to support that false conclusion. The professor doesn’t need one. Why? Because John McAdams is not only a JFK assassination informational provocateur. He is a rightwing political operative who would be comfortable spending a night in a New Orleans bistro sharing his world-view with the likes of Guy Banister.

    For example, back in 1995, the infamous Chase Manhattan memo surfaced. This was a paper written by Riordan Roett of the Emerging Markets division of the Rockefeller controlled bank. Mexican president Ernest Zedillo was being faced with a guerilla uprising by a group called the Zapatistas led by Subcomandante Marcos. Zedillo was trying to negotiate out of the crisis in Chiapas province. Roett’s paper urged Zedillo to go in and militarily end the problem for his investors. Roett said that this may provoke some negative reactions internationally, but there were “always political costs in bold action.” (Counterpunch, February 1, 1995) The revelation of this internal memo created a firestorm of controversy and picketing of the bank. Therefore the bank backed off the memo once it got too controversial. Wisely, Zedillo ignored Roett. Agreements were reached and lives were spared. That disappointed our political science professor. He wanted Zedillo to obey the memo and go in and wipe out the rebels. (Probe Magazine, Volume 3 No. 3, p. 13)

    But it’s not just in foreign policy where McAdams has fascist tendencies. He was also all for Ronald Reagan’s trickle-down economics. In a dialogue with Greg Parker, the professor of Poly Sci wrote, “A lot of people care about how well Americans, rich and poor, are doing. They were all doing better during the Reagan years, and indeed have been doing better since.” This, of course, is the common rightwing mantra about Milton Friedman, and Reagan’s implementation of the Austrian School of Economics. Which reversed the primacy of Keynesian economics. That reversal has done much to devastate the middle class; and has done even more damage to the poor in this country. One of the best books about how far the American economy has fallen since the Kennedy-Johnson years is Winner Take All Politics by Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson. (For the author’s review, click here.)

    Contrary to what the professor spouts, there are clear economic indices which show that the American standard of living has seriously declined since the sixties. And that it does not compare well with other Western industrialized countries. That book illustrates in detail-with reliable data– how the Friedman model performed a reverse Robin Hood in macroeconomics: It took from the middle class and gave to the rich. As Parker noted to McAdams, trickle down–or as Reagan called it, supply side–should have really been called trickle up. Just how extreme is McAdams on this issue? Later on in his dialogue with Parker he actually wrote the following in regard to the plight of the homeless: “It really has more to do with American notions of ‘liberty’ that hold that people who are mentally disturbed have a right to sleep in parks.” This of course clearly echoes the famous adage by author Anatole France: “The law in its majestic equality forbids the rich as well as the poor to sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets and to steal bread.” The difference is that Anatole France was being satirical. The scary part is that McAdams means it. It really does not matter to him that tens of thousands of Americans who cannot take care of themselves now sleep in parks, on the stairs of public buildings, and in parking lots. After all, with them on the streets, people like Henry Kravis and Joseph Cassano and Angelo Mozilo were free to pay less taxes on their illicit gains that helped cause the greatest economic disaster since 1929. A catastrophe that the American taxpayer, in large part, ended up paying for.

    One should add, McAdams does not just talk like this in chat groups. He is an active agent for the power elite. An elite that doesn’t give a damn as America more and more resembles a Third World country. For instance, the New York Times broke a story about Wal Mart having a list of bloggers it used to get out its party line about its (lamentable) company practices. Well, McAdams was one of those bloggers. He got his marching orders from a man named Marshall Manson of the communications company called Edelman. (New York Times, May 7, 2006) Manson structured his communications like blog entries, with a pungent sentence atop what appears to be a news story, but is really more like an editorial. For example, one entry Manson sent out was against Maryland state legislation requiring companies to devote part of their payroll to pay for employee health insurance. Something, of course, which Wal Mart opposes. McAdams was a recipient of some of these Manson written “blog posts”. And he printed some of them on his Marquette Warrior blog. Without telling the reader they were from Wal Mart’s public relations department. (ibid)

    McAdams may have gotten on the Wal Mart list through his association with another rightwing group called The Heartland Institute. All one needs to know is that The Heartland Institute holds as its poster boy none other than Friedrich A. Hayek, the father of the Austrian School and the idol of Friedman. I can do no better than link the reader to this fine expose of The Heartland Institute by Joseph Cannon. As Cannon and the New York Times have noted, Heartland has been the most assiduous institute to push the denial of climate change. (New York Times, May 1, 2012) Just how extreme is this group? They once paid for a Chicago digital billboard featuring Ted Kaczynski-the Unabomber-with the caption, “I still believe in global warming, do you?” The plan was then to switch the faces to Charles Manson, and Fidel Castro. (Washington Post, May 5, 2012) These are the kinds of people McAdams links arms with and calls his political comrades.

    But perhaps the most bizarre thing McAdams ever wrote on his blog was when he called Father Bryan Massingale a “politically correct race hustler”. In fact that was the title of the blog entry about the man. Massingale is a fellow professor at Marquette who believes in using the teachings of Christ to further progressive causes, like workers’ rights. (Click here for an example.)

    After calling a black Catholic priest a race hustler, McAdams did not note the irony that he grew up in Alabama when George Wallace was governor, and that his father served on local school boards for decades. Yet, here he was smearing Massingale’s belief that elements of our society contain a doctrine of “white privilege” as being those of a “race hustler”. When, in fact, only someone who came from that kind of background could ignore that fact so completely. (See Tuscaloosa News, September 11, 1997 for the information about McAdams’ father. It was surfaced by ace internet researcher Tom Scully.) This shows not just a lack of sensitivity, but also a disturbing lack of self-knowledge.

    But it’s not a complete lack of self-knowledge. McAdams is quite aware that his neo-fascist politics present a liability to his pose as a researcher on the JFK case. After all, as anyone can see, his entire belief system about the USA is about 180 degrees away from where Kennedy was trying to go. As we have seen, he is so aware of this that he tries to deny who Kennedy was. But there is also a compliment to his reactionary politics. He doesn’t want the public at large, especially at Wikipedia, to know just how rightwing he really is. Therefore, as Tom Scully has discovered, he erases references that others try and place in his Gamaliel penned entry there. And presumably, with Fernandez’ help, they stay erased. The professor’s excuse for cutting it? According to him it was “a bunch of irrelevant stuff”. As the reader can see, the incredible extremes and volume of this material is anything but irrelevant. And anyone who understands who Kennedy was, will know that. For as I showed in my essay, The Posthumous Assassination of John F. Kennedy, the smearing of Kennedy’s legacy, as well as the deliberate confusion about his death, these are two conscious aims of the hard right. (See The Assassinations, edited by DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, pgs 325-373, for that essay.)

    But conversely, as Scully also points out, McAdams thought it was important to add to the Jim Douglass bio at Wiki. He added the sentence that Douglass was a member and co-founder of a religious group that questions the official story about 9-11. So with McAdams its important that Wiki readers know that about Douglass; but it’s not important that they know-among many other things-that McAdams wanted to wipe out the Zapatistas.

    That’s a nice double standard if you can get it. And with Fernandez as his ally, he can.

    V

    “Sorry conspiracy theorists, modern forensic science show that John F. Kennedy was likely killed by one guy with a grudge and a gun.”

    John McAdams

    Everyone knows that PBS had been under attack for a long time by the rightwing. In fact, as far back as 1995, Newt Gingrich tried to eliminate federal funding for public broadcasting. In 2005, Patricia S. Harrison, a former co-chair of the Republican National Committee, became president of the CPB, the parent company of PBS. Harrison was appointed by former CPB Chair Kenneth Tomlinson. Tomlinson was once editor-in-chief at Reader’s Digest, and was formerly the Director of Voice of America. At that position he became close friends with Karl Rove. While at the CPB he consciously encouraged PBS to hire more conservative voices.

    As the years have gone by, this effort has picked up bipartisan steam. In 2008 President Obama even appointed a famous Republican entertainment lawyer, Bruce Ramer, to the board of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting. And Ramer became board chairman from 2010 to 2012. (Obama appointed Ramer again for the board in 2013.) In 2011, the House actually passed a bill that cut all financing for the CPB for 2013.

    The people who work at PBS are quite aware of this threat. (New York Times, February 27, 2011) They therefore know just how far they can go in their programming. And they won’t go any further. In 1993, Frontline presented a pro Warren Commission special on the 30th anniversary of Kennedy’s assassination. Who was Lee Harvey Oswald? was produced by the late Mike Sullivan and worked on by the likes of Gus Russo and Dale Myers. It was not until after Sullivan died that Myers finally revealed that the script was more or less rigged from the start. On his blog, “Secrets of a Homicide” Myers revealed that Sullivan suggested that Russo and Myers “start with finding out who pulled the trigger in Dallas first and then worked backward from there to find out if anyone else was involved.” Question: With Russo and Myers as his consultants, whom did Sullivan think they were going to say pulled the trigger in Dallas?

    PBS and its Nova series is about to do it again. Except this time, its not with Russo and Myers. If you can believe it, it’s with McAdams. Question for producer/director Rush DeNooyer: Have you ever heard of the phrase, gigo? This is computerese for “Garbage in, garbage out”. In other words, the state of the art technology one uses is worthless unless it is guided by the best information available on the JFK case.

    What good is it to test the rifle and ammunition if you say that “it was used by Lee Harvey Oswald”. As I showed at the beginning of this article, that is certainly not a given. And there is no evidence that Oswald ever purchased that ammunition.

    What is the point in showing us high-speed photography of the Western Cartridge Company bullets in flight if there is no evidence that CE 399 was fired that day, or that the Magic Bullet ever traversed Kennedy’s body?

    And what in heaven’s name is a “Virtual Autopsy”? Frank O’Neill, one of the FBI agents at the autopsy later said about Arlen Specter, anytime one does an autopsy without the body, that is not medicine. It is magic. Which is how the autopsy by the Clark Panel in 1968 moved the head wound up four inches in Kennedy’s skull. And why the HSCA in 1979 stuck with that higher wound but lowered the back wound. Will this show explain how and why these events happened? And will the show explain that this is very, very unusual, that is bullet wounds moving around in corpses.

    Will the “virtual autopsy” explain why, if Kennedy was killed by two bullets, neither of the bullet tracks was dissected? Will the “virtual autopsy” explain to the viewers why Kennedy’s brain was not weighed the night of the autopsy? Will the “virtual autopsy” explain why none of the malleable probes used that night even remotely matched up with the needed trajectory of the magic bullet? If one cannot even pose these questions, then what is the program about?

    Well, we know what it is about, because McAdams is associated with it. Its about PBS preserving its funding by covering up the death of President Kennedy. And with the use of McAdams, DeNooyer is not even making an effort to cover up his tracks. He wants to keep his job. He wants Nova to stick around. And if he has to (literally) walk over the dead body of President Kennedy, hey that’s fine. People have to make a living. Therefore, DeNooyer is still going to recycle the whole Warren Commission spiel about the Magic Bullet, and the 6.5 Carcano and can this rifle do this and can this bullet do that and could Oswald do what no other marksman had ever done.

    Oh, my aching back. Please give us all a break from this stale, hoary, antique and sickening charade. PBS was created as an alternative to the MSM. Here, they have become so susceptible to political pressure they are now imitating the MSM. Why not get Dan Rather to host the show?

    VI

    “Liberals are like ducks in water in academia.”

    John McAdams

    Which leaves us with a question about McAdams: who is he actually? As I have tried to show here, to think of him purely in relation to the JFK case is a grave error. His domain is wider than that. Which is why he does such lousy research on the Kennedy murder. But we should recall, many rightwing operatives do the JFK hit piece first to prove their bona fides to their benefactors e.g. David Horowitz.

    In recent years, the CIA has had an officer in residence program. That is a CIA officer takes a sabbatical or is retired and takes up teaching duties at a university. (Independent Online, “CIA’s Man on Campus”, by Jon Elliston, November 29, 2000) Various big universities were cooperating with the program. One of them was Marquette. The CIA proudly said the program was overt. So the invaluable Daniel Brandt decided to test the CIA’s word on this issue. He wrote a letter to the CIA in February of 2001. He asked them for a list of all CIA personnel who participated in the this program since it began in 1985. Daniel wanted the years of participation, the campus, and the name of the participant. After one year, he got no reply.

    So in March of 2002, he filed a Freedom of Information Act request on this same subject. Three months later, he got a reply. The reply said that “the information you seek must be denied since it is classified under the provisions of Executive Order 12958.” Brandt concluded that the CIA’s overt academic program was a PR front. And the campus was just another tool used for the CIA’s secret operations.

    Consider one last interesting twist to our story of John McAdams. In early 2009, researcher Pat Speer happened to google the name of the professor. He came upon an acappella internet radio station that the professor ran as a sidelight. Or was it just a sidelight? Because Speer noted that the ads on the web site were all paid for by the CIA. They had the CIA emblem on them. One read things next to the emblem like, “The Work of a Nation, the Center of Intelligence”. Another recruitment ad read, “You can make a world of difference: National Clandestine Service Careers.” When Pat asked the professor about his sponsor, McAdams said he was innocent, it was all just a coincidence.

    Oh really? I suppose the CIA meeting about discrediting COPA occurring before Paul Nolan met Matt Labash was also just a coincidence.

    We should all now be a little wiser about the associate professor and his transparently phony products.

  • John McAdams and the Siege of Chicago, Part 1


    with Brian Hunt


    “McAdams did indeed make comments that were intended to imply that Gary Aguilar was a drug addict. IMO, they were deliberate, malicious and intended to smear the doctor.”

    Robert Harris on John McAdams

    Several months ago I received a phone call from a couple of people who lived in the Chicago area. They were associated with a play that was going to be staged at a venue called the Glen Ellyn Village Theater. Glen Ellyn is a suburb of nearly 30,000 people which lies about 25 miles west of the Windy City. The play was called Oswald: The Actual Interrogation.

    Dennis Richard is the playwright. And he personally appeared and did a little talk on opening night. This was the Midwest premiere of his play, which had already been produced in Los Angles and New York. The director was William Burghardt, who was one of the men who was in contact with me. Bill was interested in the play since he was interested in the topic. As he told the Glen Ellyn Daily Herald, the subject of Kennedy’s assassination had fascinated him since he was in seventh grade. He therefore read scores of books on the subject. He came to the conclusion that he “thought this couldn’t have happened the way the official inquiry decided.” So Burghardt decided to contact Richard to produce the play for the 50th anniversary of the Village Theater Guild.

    Burghardt’s production ran for three weeks late last summer. It was a successful run. So successful that Burghardt says the play will be produced this November in Forth Worth. Why did Burghardt and his friend, assassination researcher Phil Singer, want me there? Because, during the last week of the production, they decided to invite John McAdams to discus the play with the audience after a performance. Burghardt ran a notice about the play on McAdams’ web site. McAdams replied that he might come to see it. Burghardt invited him to come, and told him he would even buy him dinner. Which he did. McAdams lives in Milwaukee, about 90 minutes directly north of Glen Ellyn. To present a counterpoint to McAdams, Burghardt wanted me to be there. Although I was interested, I had to beg off because of the cost of the flight and the expense of renting a room. Therefore, Burghardt had an associate of Bob Groden’s, Mr. Singer, appear opposite McAdams. Singer had seen an earlier performance of the play and talked to Burghardt afterwards.

    Phil and Bill taped the discussion with the audience on the night McAdams was there. They then sent me a DVD of the discussion. As I watched it, I regretted not being able to attend. Because McAdams was in his rabid mode. And since neither Bill nor Phil understood his battery of rhetorical and verbal techniques, they weren’t really ready to counter him. In fact, it was such a stereotypical performance by the infamous Marquette professor that I decided to use it as a launch pad for a review of McAdams’ JFK career. But to establish who McAdams is, let us describe some of the things he did and said during this roughly forty-minute discussion with the audience.

    First of all, whenever McAdams appears in public in any kind of give and take about the facts of the Kennedy assassination, the backers should set certain ground rules to protect the public. Because he utilizes certain techniques almost immediately. Two simple rules would be: 1.) McAdams should not be allowed to use the word “buff” in any aspect 2.) McAdams should not be able to use the term “factoid” in any instance. These would limit him to such an extent he would probably not even show up. Let me explain why.

    Like Ron Rosenbaum, McAdams uses the term “buff’ to automatically demean the work of any person who studies the JFK case from a critical angle. By using that term, instead of the word “critic”, he reduces the works of scholars like the late Phil Melanson and Dr. John Newman to the level of street corner chatter. When, in fact, their work is much more valuable to the pursuit of facts and truth than the exposed hackery of Warren Commission counsels like David Belin and/or Arlen Specter.

    Concerning the use of the second propagandistic term, McAdams borrowed the term “factoid” from a panel discussion in Washington D. C. after the film JFK came out. The late Fletcher Prouty was on that panel. When Prouty tried to bring in matters that did not directly tie into the Commission’s case against Oswald, the moderator said that these were “factoids”. Therefore, under this rubric, things like Kennedy’s intent to withdraw from Vietnam, his issuance of NSAM’s 55, 56 and 57 to limit the role of the CIA, and his editing of the McNamara-Taylor report in the fall of 1963 would be “factoids”, even though they are all facts.

    Well, McAdams borrowed this deceptive term and he now applies it to everything that counters the case of the Warren Commission. For instance, in his debate with this author–a matter we will return to later–he labeled many of the evidentiary problems with the SIngle Bullet Theory as “factoids”. This would include the finding of the Magic Bullet on the wrong stretcher; the alleged exit wound for the Magic Bullet being smaller than the entrance wound; the fact that Kennedy’s cervical vertebrae are not cracked or broken, yet they would have to be if the Warren Commission trajectory for the Magic Bullet is correct; the fact that the probes inserted into Kennedy’s body that night at Bethesda did not match the proper trajectory either: the back wound was much too low to connect with the front wound, and almost every witness said the malleable probe could not find an exit; and the fact that Secret Service agent Elmer More was sent to Dallas to talk Malcolm Perry out of his story about the throat wound being an entrance wound. These are termed “factoids” by the professor, even thought they are all facts. He does this for the simple reason that he doesn’t like them because they are facts. And they torpedo the Commission’s case.

    If I had been in Chicago, I would have laid those ground rules in advance. Especially in light of the fact that, as we shall see, McAdams does this himself on occasion. That is, he tries to place ground rules about the uses of words and terms toward him. Again, this is a matter we shall return to later.

    A third request I would have made was there not be any use of the term “conspiracy theorist.” For the simple matter that the Warren Commission is one giant theory to begin with. And it is a theory based upon Swiss cheese. That is it relies upon witnesses and evidence that simply do not merit any credence. For example, witnesses like Marina Oswald, Helen Markham, and Howard Brennan are people that even the Commission counsels did not want to use. Exhibits like CE 399, the paper sack allegedly used by Oswald to carry something to work that morning, and CE 543, the dented shell found on the Sixth Floor, these are all of dubious provenance and would have been ripped to shreds by a competent defense attorney.

    But unfortunately, I was not there. And therefore these rules were not laid out. Let us see what the uncontrollable professor from Marquette did in my absence.

    Since Richard’s play is about the interrogation sessions of Oswald by the Dallas Police, naturally a question came up about the lack of a stenographic or forensic record by the police in this, the most important case in their history. On cue, McAdams tried to say that the lack of any such record is a myth made up by what he called the “buffs”. McAdams said there were notes and they were in the Warren Commission volumes. With that statement, McAdams was in full propagandistic mode. He was actually trying to conflate the memorandums penned by the interrogators with a legal stenographic record made by a professional recording secretary. They are not remotely the same. As was mentioned during the discussion, the estimated time of all the sessions was about 10-12 hours. The longest report the Commission contains is by Captain Will Fritz. His report is about 12 pages. (See Warren Report, p. 599ff) Did Fritz let Oswald watch television most of the time? If he didn’t then this cannot possibly come close to constituting a complete report of what was said. Further, two sets of handwritten notes were found by the ARRB in the nineties. Something the professor failed to mention. Why did it take 30 years for them to show up? This is how distorted McAdams’ analysis becomes in order to try and obfuscate significant points made by the “buffs”. There was simply no stenographic record made of Oswald’s interrogations. Period.

    Many legal analysts have noted that Kennedy’s murder took place before either the Escobedo or Miranda decisions were handed down by the Supreme Court. This meant that in 1963, the police did not have to furnish Oswald with a lawyer during questioning; nor did they have to advise him that he could remain silent, and if he chose not to have counsel, everything he said could later be used against him in court. Miranda also dictated that if a suspect wished to stop answering questions, he could say so and the police had to stop questioning him. As no less than Vincent Bugliosi admits, Oswald did say he wanted to stop answering. But since there was no Miranda decision in place, the police overrode his request and kept on questioning him anyway. (Bugliosi, Reclaiming History, p. 161)

    In light of all these factors that favored the police, why would Fritz choose not to record these sessions with the most important suspect he ever had? After all, Oswald was literally defenseless in front of him. Well, according to the late Mary Ferrell, Fritz did record the sessions. He recorded them with a hidden tape recorder. But once Oswald was killed, Fritz stored the tapes in a safe deposit box at a bank. (Author’s 2008 interview with the late Jack White) As most commentators know, Fritz then largely clammed up about this case for the rest of his life. And no one knows what he did with the tapes.

    Someone brought up the use of the paraffin tests to exonerate Oswald. McAdams instantly tried to say that even at the time, that test was not at all probative. The questioner denied that and said he could cite a case showing McAdams was wrong. This would seem to corroborate an interview I did with a forensic expert back in the nineties. He said that paraffin test was used by every major police department in the country in 1963, and was also allowed in court. (Destiny Betrayed, First Edition, p. 362) Incredibly, McAdams tried to use, of all people, Dr. Vincent DiMaio as an authority on this test. DiMaio is a pathologist whose field of expertise is the nature and configuration of gunshot wounds. In fact, his most famous book is titled just that, Gunshot Wounds. And no less than Milicent Cranor has used that book to advance evidence against the Warren Commission about the nature of Kennedy’s wounds.

    But further, as no less than Robert Groden has discovered, DiMaio is wildly biased when it gets to the JFK case. In the early nineties, the Turner Network was going to do a documentary on the Kennedy case. This author was one of the editorial consultants on the show before production began. Groden was going to be the technical consultant in Dealey Plaza where the producer-director was going to line up a laser beam to see if the Single Bullet Theory could do what the Warren Commission said it could. Groden was there with blown up frames from the Zapruder film to make sure everything was in order as far as positioning went. (Something that Gary Mack did not do for his abominable Inside the Target Car.)

    The experiment was about to be conducted. But a funny thing happened just before the beam was switched on. Vincent DiMaio walked onto the set. He began to question how the model in the car was seated and how it lined up in relation to the others. He then began to rearrange the models. Groden was shocked, since the good doctor’s realignment did not jibe with the picture frames he had in hand. In other words, DiMaio was going to contravene the photographic record because he knew the laser beam would indicate the Single Bullet Theory was hokum. This long and heated argument in Dealey Plaza ended up capsizing the project. That is how determined DiMaio was to ensure that the American public would not see the Warren Commission as the hoax it was. This is the kind of authority John McAdams would have us rely upon.

    McAdams also tried to defend the fact that Oswald was deprived of his day in court–this time with a lawyer-when he was murdered by Jack Ruby in the basement of the Dallas Police Department. Some of the things he said in defense of what the police did that day are so bizarre that they need to be noted. For instance, he tried to actually blame officer Roy Vaughn for letting Ruby into the basement. Vaughn was the policeman who was at the entrance to the Main Street ramp. He was supposed to refuse entry to unauthorized persons-which would have included Ruby. Vaughn vehemently denied that Ruby ever came down the Main Street ramp he was guarding. But further, he passed a polygraph on this issue with flying colors. (Sylvia Meagher, Accessories After the Fact, p. 407) On top of that, he had five corroborating witnesses to back him up in stating that Ruby did not enter the basement that way. (ibid, p. 405)

    It later turned out, as Sylvia Meagher suspected, Ruby did not enter the basement through the Main Street ramp. There was a cover up about this inside the Dallas Police Department. Unlike Vaughn, the man in charge of security that day, Patrick Dean, failed his polygraph. Even though he was allowed to write his own questions. (Anthony Summers, Conspiracy, p. 464) He even lied about how Ruby could have gotten into the basement. (ibid, p. 468) Dean then refused to testify before the House Select Committee on Assassinations. (ibid) And beyond that, the DPD kept a sixth, and best, back up witness to Vaughn away from the Warren Commission. This was Sgt. Don Flusche. Flusche had parked his car opposite Vaughn’s position on Main Street that day. He had assumed a position leaning up against his car in order to watch Oswald’s transfer to the county jail. To top it off, he also new Ruby. And there was no doubt in Flusche’s mind that Ruby “did not walk down Main Street anywhere near the ramp.” (ibid, p. 462)

    In light of this, it is ludicrous for McAdams to say, as he did, that the Dallas Police though they were in control of the basement, or that Roy Vaughn was “distracted”. The evidence indicates that, at the very least, the police were negligent. Worst case scenario, the police aided Ruby’s entrance. But the audience in Chicago could not know that since, no surprise, McAdams was not giving them accurate information on the issue.

    But the Marquette professor was not done misrepresenting the Ruby case. When describing how Ruby ended up dying, he said that he was granted a new trial but died of cancer in 1967, before it was held. When Burghardt added that some people think he was injected with cancer cells, McAdams laughed this off as somehow being farfetched. The professor had also warned the audience to avoid “buff forensics”. The implication being that they are not be trusted.

    Perhaps nothing in this discussion shows just how arrogant and, at the same time, how utterly ignorant the “professor” was and is. For in this very case he assumes to be an expert on, there is compelling evidence that cancer cells can be injected. And indeed had been injected on an experimental basis in the fifties.

    In his famous Playboy interview in 1967, Jim Garrison talked about David Ferrie’s alleged treatise on the viral theory of cancer. But, as with many pieces of evidence, no one besides Garrison had seen this document until the creation of the Assassination Records Review Board. The ARRB then declassified some of Garrison’s files in the nineties. When Dr. Mary Sherman’s biographer, Ed Haslam, got hold of this document he immediately deduced that Garrison was mistaken about its origins. Ferrie could not have written such a learned, impeccably scholarly article. After much study, Haslam concluded that the true author was one of the foremost cancer researchers in the USA at the time. He makes the case it was Dr. Sarah Stewart. Stewart was the first to successfully demonstrate that viruses causing cancer could be spread in animals. (E mail communication with Haslam, 4/5/2013) In other words, the smug and self-satisfied alleged JFK expert had again whiffed. And he did so by missing an important point right under his nose. As we shall see, this is a recurring and a disturbing characteristic of the professor. That is, he is so eager to discredit the “buffs” that he shoots his gun while still holstered. Thereby hitting himself in the foot. Yet, he doesn’t notice his several missing toes.

    II

    “You buffs have been cooperating marvelously with my scheme to make this group [alt.conspiracy.jfk] a shambles.”

    John McAdams

    As the reader can see from a review of this brief 40-minute vignette, John McAdams can’t help himself. Given any kind of opportunity, he simply must distort the facts of the JFK case. And at the same time he does this, he actually tells his audience that it’s the other side that is guilty of doing so. This makes McAdams a self contained, ambulatory, propaganda model. He does this so compulsively, so automatically, that on the eve of the fiftieth anniversary of Kennedy’s murder, it’s a good time to do a career retrospective on him. If we dig deep enough, perhaps we can find the roots of his rather bizarre behavior.

    McAdams grew up in the Deep South. He graduated from high school as the 75-year reign of Jim Crow and racial segregation began to crumble under opposition from Kennedy and King. And the first oddity in this chronicle begins with the name of McAdams’ hometown. No kidding, its called Kennedy, Alabama. (Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, 12/31/93) And some of his family still abides there. (McAdams’ blog, Marquette Warrior, 6/14/2010) This is a very small hamlet in western Alabama, right on the border of Mississippi. If you can believe it, with cosmic irony, he graduated from Kennedy High School in 1964. (According to researcher Brian Hunt, the school and town are not named after JFK.) Therefore, the caucasian McAdams grew up in an overwhelmingly white town in Alabama while images of President Kennedy sending in the National Guard to remove Governor George Wallace from the gates of the university were being seared into his head. (http://www.nbcnews.com/video/nightly-news/47362544#47362544)

    I mention this because it may help explain the origins of the associate professor’s quite conservative political philosophy. And, as we shall see, if anything, that characterization is an understatement. It is hard to get further to the right than McAdams without falling into the fringes of the neo-Nazi sects.

    It is not easy to find any information about McAdams between 1964 and 1981. But it seems that he first taught Social Studies in high school before getting a Ph. D. from Harvard in 1981. He then began a career as a college instructor and ended up at Marquette in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. It is here that he began to display his interest in the assassination of President Kennedy. This seems to have been a direct reaction to the appearance of Oliver Stone’s film JFK. For at around this point, two things happened that raised his profile in the JFK community. First, he began to have a strong presence on the Internet. Second, he began to teach a class on the JFK case. Since young people are always attracted to this subject, the first time he offered the class he had 47 students. (ibid, Milwaukee Journal Sentinel.)

    Back in 1996, Probe Magazine did an article on some of the peculiarities of people with interesting backgrounds who now had become prominent on the Internet in the JFK field. We noted one Ed Dolan, a retired Marine captain and former CIA employee who then posted on Compuserv. (Probe, Vol. 3 No. 3, p. 12) Gerald McNally was another personage of interest. He was a member of the Association of Former Intelligence Officers, the group founded by David Phillips as a reaction to the investigations of the Church Committee. (ibid)

    It was in this then nascent milieu that McAdams’ pugnacious style and his rightwing politics first began to warrant attention. For instance, a newcomer to the Internet once wrote about him: “McAdams is a spook isn’t he? I am concerned about McAdams and his ilk. The stuff he puts up on the ‘Net is pure disinformation … He doesn’t respond to the facts, he just discredits witnesses and posters.” (ibid, p. 13) As we shall see, the last sentence was prescient. For McAdams at times will invent facts in order to discredit the “buffs”. But in addition, there was the frequency of his posting. At times it was fifty posts per day. And beyond that, he was posting on five different forums. (ibid) Who has the time or energy to do such things if one has a full time job? Especially to do some of the silly acts that McAdams performed. For instance, according to Lisa Pease, McAdams tried to deny that Clay Shaw was ever actually part of the very suspicious Italian agency called Permindex. So someone finally got tired of McAdams’ malarkey and scanned in Shaw’s own Who’s Who in the Southwest listing, where he himself listed his membership in Permindex. So what did McAdams do? He then went to another of his member forums and repeated the same canard: that Shaw was not on the Board of Permindex.

    When McAdams’ attempt to take over alt.conspiracy.jfk did not work out, he started his own forum. The problem was that this was a moderated forum. And McAdams does not like any vigorous and knowledgeable viewpoint criticizing the Warren Commission. One of his strongest antagonists online was Dr. Gary Aguilar. As noted, McAdams intimated he was a drug user-which he is not. Aguilar was quite rightly outraged by this and got in contact with Marquette officials. This resulted in a story in the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel. The lead line was as follows: “A Marquette University professor who hurled profane insults across the Internet … has been chastised by university officials …” (MJS, 3/24/96) Gary Aguilar was quoted as saying, “He’s extremely mean spirited. What academic purpose can be served by calling people these names?”

    What the associate professor was doing of course was the familiar counter-intelligence tactic of polarization. One way to do this is to demonize the opponent. So not only was Aguilar a “buff”, he was a drug using buff. The message being: Is this the kind of person you would trust for information on a controversial subject like the JFK case? Of course, the fact that Aguilar was very knowledgeable about the medical evidence, much more so than McAdams was or ever will be, this formed part of the plan. The other part was censorship. Jeff Orr once wrote that, “I didn’t know that the JFK assassination newsgroup I was posting on was affiliated to the McAdams website; until after my posts were removed and I was blocked from making further posts.” The reason Jeff was censored was because McAdams said his information amounted to poorly sourced-you got it– “factoids”. So Jeff then found more exact sources and footnotes. He reposted the information, which was about why Ruby had to kill Oswald. In a matter of minutes, that post was removed by McAdams. Jeff concluded that “Whether he is a paid disinformation specialist, or unpaid, he is definitely promoting information that is knowingly false to him.” (post of Orr, 2/08/00, at Dave’s ESL Cafe)

    III

    I had my marching orders.”

    Matt Labash to Gary Aguilar

    In the time period of 1993-94, the backlash against Oliver Stone’s film was in high gear. The 30th anniversary of Kennedy’s assassination was the occasion for a particularly bad CBS special hosted by Dan Rather. But also, Bob Loomis at Random House had enlisted Gerald Posner to write a book reinforcing the Warren Commission. This turned into the bestselling Case Closed. This book was attended by a publicity build up that was probably unprecedented for the time. The book was featured on the cover of US News and World Report, and Posner got a featured spot on an ABC TV newsmagazine. (Posner has since been exposed as a pathological plagiarist, and also part of a scheme to defraud Harper Lee of her royalties. But as we shall see, McAdams still admires his discredited book.)

    In the summer of 1994, there was a meeting in Washington between CIA officer Ted Shackley, former CIA Director, the late Bill Colby, CIA affiliated journalist Joe Goulden, writer Gus Russo, and Dr. Robert Artwohl. (Probe Vol. 6 No. 2, p. 30) One of the subjects under discussion was the upcoming fall conference in Washington of the newly formed Coalition on Political Assassinations, or COPA. At the time, the Assassination Records Review Board was being formed and some interesting things had already begun flowing out of the National Archives. When word about this meeting got out, Russo tried to pass it off as a research meeting for his book Live By the Sword. This did not remotely explain what Goulden and Artwohl were doing there. When author John Newman called Colby, he said the CIA was worried about what the research community was going to say about David Phillips and Mexico City. Since they thought Phillips had gotten a bum rap from the HSCA. (ibid) It was later revealed that one of the topics of the meeting was if they should use one of their friendly media assets to attack COPA. (ibid)

    It looks like they did. But the conduit for the attack was not Gus Russo. Russo was already unwelcome in the critical community because of his work on the wildly skewed 1993 Frontline documentary about Oswald. He had actually been attacked in public at a Dallas Conference the previous year by Cyril Wecht and this author. So what apparently happened is that the strategy was to use someone with a lower public profile. And then to lower that even further by having him attend the conference under a false name. We might have never learned about this operation if the perpetrator had used the name of say ‘Jack Smith’. But he didn’t. He used the name of ‘Paul Nolan’. One day, the real Paul Nolan was surfing the Internet when he found out what had happened. He then posted the following message: “I was just doing some research over the ‘net. I wanted to see if anything came up that had my name in it. Guess what? My REAL name is Paul Nolan! Apparently, some asshole wants to use my name as an alias.”

    The “asshole” Nolan was referring to was John McAdams. McAdams attended a COPA Conference in Washington under Nolan’s name. He just happened to meet up with a reporter named Matt Labash. Labash wrote a rather long article for Washington’s City Paper ridiculing the conference. The only attendee given any long quotes in the piece was McAdams, under the name of Nolan.

    Was the fact that McAdams managed to get noticed under a phony name and get interviewed by Labash a coincidence? Not likely. When Gary Aguilar called Labash and asked him about the negative spin of the article, the writer replied that he had his marching orders for the piece. Milicent Cranor did some research on Labash and discovered he had an interesting history. At the time, he was employed by Rupert Murdoch’s The Weekly Standard. But he had been formerly employed by the Richard Mellon Scaife funded American Spectator. And one of his previous assignments had been infiltrating the liberal Institute for Policy Studies and doing a lengthy hit piece on them in the Unification Church owned Washington Times. As we will see, the political orbits of the two perpetrators-Labash and McAdams– have much in common. Some would say, too much. Whatever the auspices, the meeting appears to have achieved the objective that Colby and Shackley had in mind. As did the overall counter attack against Stone’s film. The goal was the familiar one of 1.) polarize and 2.) then marginalize.

    IV

    “That site is the greatest collection of lies and disinformation that has ever appeared in this case.”

    Robert Harris, referring to McAdams’ site

    In fact, McAdams begins his web site with, if not a lie, a half-truth. At the very top of the page, he uses a quote from Jackie Kennedy. It reads, “He didn’t even have the satisfaction of being killed for civil rights … It’s-it had to be some silly little communist.” The associate professor does not footnote this quote. The shocked widow may have said this as an immediate reaction to having her husband’s brains blown out in front of her. But this is not what she thought upon a few days of reflection. As David Talbot notes, a few days later, the widow, along with Bobby Kennedy, put together a mission for their mutual friend William Walton. (See Talbot, Brothers, pgs. 29-34) Disguised as a cultural exchange, Walton’s real job was to inform Russian official Georgi Bolshakov about what Jackie and Bobby really thought had happened to President Kennedy. They felt he had been removed by a large, rightwing, domestic conspiracy. And Walton told Bolshakov that, “Dallas was the ideal location for such a crime.” What this meant was that the new president, would not be able to fulfill the designs JFK had for pursuing detente with Khrushchev. Johnson was far too close to business interests. Therefore, Robert Kennedy would soon resign as Attorney General, He would then run for office, and use that position to run for the White House. At that point, if he won, the quest for detente would continue.

    Now, this anecdote was not surfaced by “buffs”. It appeared in the book One Hell of a Gamble by the late Aleksadr Fursenko and Tim Naftali. To my knowledge, neither man was ever considered a Kennedy assassination theorist in any way. And neither was Walton. Walton was just doing the bidding of his two close friends. Yet, if one searches the index to McAdams’ Kennedy Assassination web site, you will not find any reference to this important piece of history.

    So why does McAdams lead off his site with that particular quote? Because it does two things for him. First, it presents the (false) idea that the Kennedy family actually bought into the Warren Commission. Second, it also brings forth the phantasm that, psychologically, people need to believe in a conspiracy because they cannot accept President Kennedy dying at the hands of a deranged communist. Today, of course, everyone, including McAdams, knows that the former idea has been knocked aside by both Talbot’s book and the revelation by Robert Kennedy Jr. in an interview with Charlie Rose that his father didn’t buy the Warren Commission.

    The second idea, about needing a psychological crutch, was actually started by CIA asset Priscilla Johnson, the favorite JFK author of both Richard Helms and David Phillips. She penned a column playing on this theme for the 25th anniversary of Kennedy’s death. It’s a neat trick. In that it asks the public to avoid the evidence in the case because the only people who criticize the Commission are those who cannot emotionally accept Oswald as the killer. Incidentally, this is what Johnson’s book, Marina and Lee does. It avoids the evidence in the case and instead draws a portrait of Oswald that is similar to what the Warren Commission did: Oswald as the twisted commie sociopath.

    Its odd that McAdams should criticize the critics as being “buffs” who rely on their own books for mutual reinforcement. First, it simply is not true. People like Jim Douglass used a variety of books and sources outside of the Kennedy assassination literature. For another example, click through to these two articles by Milicent Cranor and see all the references she uses from core and established medical literature. One of them being Di Maio in his real field of expertise. (http://www.history-matters.com/essays/jfkmed/TrajectoryOfaLie/TrajectoryOfaLie.htm) (http://www.kenrahn.com/JFK/Critical_Summaries/Books/Galanor%27s_Cover-up/Cranor_to_Grant.html)

    But alas, if one looks at the sources for John McAdams’ site, one can fairly say that this insularity and circularity-let us call it buffery– is true of McAdams. A man he uses as both a source and an outlet is rabid Warren Commission defender Max Holland. Another source he uses is Dave Reitzes. Another author he employs is a man named Eric Paddon. These contributors all have one thing in common: they all share McAdams’ agenda. In other words, they are his kind of “buffs”. Paddon is there since he is a history professor who is anti-Kennedy. And therefore McAdams can use him to argue against the idea Oliver Stone used in his film, namely, that Kennedy was going to withdraw from Vietnam in his second term. In his very brief essay on the subject, he does something common on the site. He uses several misrepresentations. For instance, he writes that Kennedy increased the “troop number” in Vietnam. This is a distortion of the record. Since there were no American troops in Vietnam when Kennedy took office, and there were none when he was murdered. Kennedy increased the number of advisors, and as Thurston Clarke shows in his new book on President Kennedy, JFK’s Last Hundred Days, he was sure they remained only advisors.

    The problem with McAdams and Paddon’s ideas on this particular concept, Kennedy’s intent to withdraw from Vietnam, is that the newly declassified record proves them thunderously wrong. The ARRB declassified very compelling documents about Kennedy and Vietnam in December of 1997. (Probe, Vol. 5 No. 3, p. 18) Among them were the records of the May 1963 Sec/Def meeting in Hawaii. These prove that Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara was implementing Kennedy’s orders for a withdrawal. As he had an in-country team from Saigon there to check on the withdrawal’s progress. These documents were so forceful that even the New York Times and Philadelphia Inquirer had to run stories about Kennedy’s plan to withdraw from Vietnam. These declassified records, which you will not find on McAdams’ site, enabled a series of authors to write fascinating books backing up Stone’s thesis, e.g. Gordon Goldstein’s Lessons in Disaster and James Blight’s Virtual JFK. Quite naturally, Paddon’s essay makes no reference to either these documents or these two books. If you can believe it, and you probably can, there is no specific reference in his essay to NSAM 263, Kennedy’s direct orders to withdraw a thousand advisors by Christmas 1963 and the rest by 1965. Incredibly, Paddon ends his essay on this subject with a quote from Thomas Reeves’ book A Question of Character. That book is one of the worst hatchet jobs on President Kennedy in recent times. To use someone like this shows that this site is not about the factual record. It is about smearing the factual record.

    Let us take another example, Jack Ruby. There have been several good authors who have written about Ruby. To name just three: Seth Kantor, Henry Hurt, and Anthony Summers. So whom does McAdams go to in order to enlist someone to write about Ruby? Some scholar in the field? No sir. He uses the Warren Report; and he then goes to his little coterie of buffs and recruits and finds Dave Reitzes for a bit more.

    Recall, the Commission concluded that Jack Ruby had no significant link to organized crime. But yet, as many authors have shown, Ruby idolized Lewis McWillie and knew him well. And in fact, Ruby admitted this himself. He even sent him guns while McWillie was in Cuba. McWillie’s girlfriend, Elaine Mynier, said the same thing about Ruby. (Jim Marrs, Crossfire, p. 389, 393) This is important because McWillie worked for and with Santo Trafficante while he was in Cuba. (ibid, p. 389) And there is a report by Englishman John Wilson that Jack Ruby visited Trafficante while he was imprisoned by Fidel Castro at a camp on the outskirts of Havana. (Antony Summers, Conspiracy, p. 440) If you can believe it, by now its pr for the course, in the Reitzes essay, you will not see one reference to McWillie-or Trafficante! Now if you do that, how can you possibly title your essay, “Was Lee Harvey Oswald’s killer part of a conspiracy?” You have eliminated one major link to a possible conspiracy by censorship.

    The Reitzes essay includes the following sentence: “Also, were it Oswald’s intention to talk, he’d already had nearly 48 hours in which to do so.” Again, if you leave out an important fact, you can write such nonsense. In this case, Reitzes left out Oswald’s attempted call to former military intelligence officer John Hurt. That call occurred on Saturday evening, November 23rd. It was aborted by the Secret Service before the clerk could put the call through. The next morning, Oswald was killed by Ruby. (James DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition, pgs. 165-66) A major cause of his death was due to Captain Will Fritz. Fritz broke the protection pocket planned in advance by stepping out in front of Oswald, separating himself by about 10-12 feet, and leaving an opening for Ruby to kill the alleged assassin. Anyone can see this by just watching the wide-angle film of the shooting. Apparently, neither Retizes nor McAdams did so.

    One of the fruitiest sections of this fruity site is when McAdams and Reitzes try to say that Jim Garrison could not find anyone in New Orleans who could tell them Clay Shaw used the alias of Clay Bertrand. This is a lie achieved by censorship. They use a memo from Lou Ivon to Garrison saying that he could not find anyone to inform them of this fact. What they leave out is something Garrison related in his book. Namely that once Garrison stopped going on these excursions with his men, they started to get results. The reason they did not at first was because many people in the French Quarter resented Garrison because of his previous French Quarter crackdown on the B girl drinking rackets, (DiEugenio, p. 210) This was attested to by two witnesses in the Quarter who told writer Joan Mellen they knew Shaw was Bertrand but would not tell Garrison’s men that. When it was all over, Garrison had discovered about a dozen witnesses who certified that Shaw was Bertrand. (ibid, pgs. 210-11, 387) But it wasn’t just Garrison who knew this in 1967. The FBI knew it at about the same time Garrison was about to discover it. In a memo of February 24, 1967, the Bureau “received information from two sources that Clay Shaw reportedly is identical with an individual by the name of Clay Bertrand.” (ibid, p. 388) In another FBI report of the same time period, reporter Lawrence Schiller told the Bureau that he knew three homosexual sources in New Orleans and two in San Francisco who indicated that Shaw was known by other names, including that of Clay Bertrand. (ibid)

    I should add, this was an open secret in the spring of 1967. Even Ed Guthman, an editor of the Los Angeles Times knew about it. And he told former Warren Commission lawyer Wesley Liebeler that Shaw was Bertrand. (DiEugenio, p. 269) You will find none of this declassified information on the professor’s site.

    In McAdams’s section on the motorcade route, he says there was no route change and that anyone who says there was is upholding a-drum roll please-factoid! He then selectively chooses from the record to try and show there was only one misplaced newspaper announcement of the motorcade going down Main Street. That is without the right onto Houston and left onto Elm Street. Again, yawn, this misleading on his part. On November 16th, reporter Carl Freund wrote on page one of the Dallas Morning News, “The President and Mrs. Kennedy are expected to drive west on Main Street next Friday.” On November 20, the route was again described as such. And on the day of Kennedy’s arrival, the map that appeared on the front page of the Dallas Morning News depicted a path straight down Main Street, without turns onto Houston and Elm. (McAdams excuse for the last is risible. He writes that the map was not large enough to depict the turns.) Vince Palamara, perhaps the foremost authority on the Secret Service, has also maintained the route was changed. And he quotes agent Gerald Behn as actually saying so to him.

    McAdams’ discussion of Lee Harvey Oswald is equally misleading and censored. Let us take just one aspect of that review: Oswald’s staged defection. McAdams understands how deadly this is to his hoary and mildewed portrait of the Krazy Kid Oswald, an image he upholds from the discredited Commission. Therefore, instead of detailing the suspicious circumstances of the defection, he refers the reader to Peter Wronski’s site. Which is a valuable site but it deals with Oswald in Russia. Not the steps leading to his defection. Let us reveal some of those steps and the reader will see why McAdams ignores them.

    While in the Marines, Oswald became so well versed in Russian that he took a Russian test in February of 1959. Even though he was a radar operator. After the test, he kept studying the language assiduously. He then met with the relative of a friend of his named Rosaleen Quinn. Quinn was also studying Russian. But she had been tutored in the language for over a year in preparation for a State Department exam. Quinn was surprised that Oswald spoke Russian at least as well as she did. (DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition, p. 131) So the question becomes, was Oswald becoming proficient in Russian for some future military assignment?

    The indications are he was, but you will not find them on McAdams’ site. For instance, in mid-March of 1959, he applied for a school of higher education called Albert Schweitzer College. (ibid, p. 133) To this day, no one knows how he found out about this obscure college in Switzerland. The place was so hidden, that even the FBI couldn’t find it. But on his passport application, Oswald listed this place as one of his destinations.

    That application was filled out right after he attained a hardship discharge from the Marines. But he had applied for his passport seven days before he was actually released. The alleged hardship was that his mother had a candy box drop on her nose while working at a candy store. When Marguerite went to see a doctor about this incident, he told her that her son was going to defect to Russia. This was in January of 1959. (Ibid, p. 136) Which was six months before Oswald he even begun the process of the discharge.

    It was common knowledge that hardship discharges were quite difficult to attain. Since they entailed lengthy investigations to be sure they were executed honestly. The usual completion time was anywhere from three to six months. Incredibly, Oswald’s was approved in ten days, on August 27, 1959. (ibid, p. 136) Even though it was a patent fraud! For Oswald did not help his mother when he was discharged. Oswald left his mother in Fort Worth 72 hours after he arrived. He then went to New Orleans, said he was in the import-export business-which he was not-and booked transport on a freighter to England. In England he told the authorities he was there to attend college in Switzerland. Which he was not. But this is where Albert Schweitzer College came in handy. Because he wasn’t going to tell them he was defecting to Russia.

    His arrival in Helsinki is important for two reasons. First, it was the only European capital that granted visas to Russia within a week. Oswald again got expedited service: 48 hours. (Ibid, p. 138) Oswald apparently knew that. Though we don’t know how he did. But second, Nelson Delgado, Oswald’s Marine colleague, expressed surprise that Oswald could afford to travel across Europe. Delgado thought it would take as much as a thousand dollars to do so. A sum that, by all accounts, Oswald did not have. But making the expense even more puzzling, when Oswald got to Helsinki, he stayed at the Hotel Torni. (ibid, p. 137) Which was roughly the equivalent of the Ritz Carlton. Someone probably alerted him to the odd juxtaposition of a poor Marine staying at a Nelson Rockefeller type hotel. Because he checked out and went to the Klaus Kurki. Which did not improve things much. Since it’s more like the Four Seasons. Where did Oswald get the money to stay at these places?

    All of the above raise the sharpest questions about who Oswald was and how his defection was stage-managed. Try and find any of it noted it noted on McAdams’ Oswald page.

    This is too long already, but there is one other thing that should be pointed out about this horrid web site. Like Vincent Bugliosi and Arlen Specter, McAdams knows there are certain things that simply cannot be revealed about the fantastic pristine bullet CE 399. Because if you do, you blow up the chain of possession issue about the exhibit. Therefore, although he elsewhere notes Josiah Thompson’s book, Six Seconds in Dallas, he does not mention Thompson’s interview with O.P. Wright. Wright was the Parkland Hospital security officer who denied to Thompson that CE 399 was the bullet he turned over to the Secret Service on the day of the assassination. (Thompson, p. 175) And although McAdams notes other work by John Hunt, he fails to reference his two essay at JFK Lancer. These reveal that the FBI lied about agent Elmer Lee Todd’s initials being on the bullet. Todd was the agent who got the bullet at the White House and then delivered it to FBI headquarters that night. The Warren Commission states that his initials are on the bullet. John Hunt checked at the National Archives. They are not on the bullet. (DiEugenio, p. 345) But further, the receipt that Todd made out to the Secret Service says he got CE 399 at 8:50 PM. This was the bullet that was recovered from someone’s stretcher. Yet, in the FBI records of Robert Frazier, he wrote that he got the “stretcher bullet” at the FBI lab 7: 30 PM. (ibid) So the question then becomes: how could Todd get a bullet to give to Frazier an hour and twenty minutes after Frazier already had it?

    The unfortunate reader who visits John McAdams’ site cannot ask himself that question. The professor can’t put it there since it incinerates his site. As with Oswald’s defection, McAdams has selectively culled the information he puts there. He then trumpets that site loudly as undermining the “buffs”. Except, like Vince Bugliosi, his argument is gaseous, since he has rigged the site beforehand.

    I could easily go to each major page on that site and show exactly how he does this with each category. But the above makes my point. John McAdams is the equivalent of a cheap magic act. He creates illusions for those who do not know where to look to see the trickery. And he then has the chutzpah to frame the argument as his critics being wrong. This is not what college professors are supposed to be about. Its not intellectual freedom. It is intellectual censorship and deception on a grand scale.


    (In Part 2 we will examine McAdams’ relationship with Wikipedia, his ground rules for debates, his rightwing politics and activism, his upcoming PBS special, and his recruitment help for the CIA.)

  • Ron Rosenbaum Fires the First Salvo, Part 2


    Rosenbaum Whitewashes Angleton


    In Part 1 of this article we detailed the rather systematic way in which, in 1983, MSM journalist Ron Rosenbaum did all he could to demean the Warren Commission critics and cheapen any real investigation into the JFK case. That article, “Still on the Case’ was penned for Texas Monthly, which, for decades, has provided a welcome outlet for writers who cover-up the JFK case.

    Just a month before that, in October of 1983, Rosenbaum did a rather curious, actually bizarre essay about James Angleton. On April 10, 2013, from his perch in Slate, he more or less recycled his 1983 essay and coupled it with a cover story about Lee Harvey Oswald. One written by a former intelligence analyst that blamed JFK’s murder on Oswald and indirectly, Fidel Castro. A tall tale that would bring a wink and a nod from Angleton’s ghost. Which seems to be something Rosenbaum is very interested in doing. But which today, with what we know about the fruity Angleton, simply will not fly. And it is very hard to think that Rosenbaum is not aware of it. Which makes it even more puzzling as to why he tries to get away with it.

    I

    Before trying to answer the question about Rosenbaum’s bona fides, let us do two things. Let us review who Jim Angleton was, and then review Rosenbaum’s writings about him. That will provide the scaffolding to properly approach his 2013 essay.

    During World War II, Hugh Angleton pulled some strings and got his son out of the infantry and into counter-intelligence work in the OSS. This division was called X-2. Stationed in London, Jim rose to man the Italy desk for the OSS. (Tom Mangold, Cold Warrior, p. 38) Late in 1944, he was transferred to Rome, and became the top counter-intelligence chief for Italy. He had a high clearance and shared in the Ultra Secret, the breaking of the German spy code. Angleton stayed in Italy after the war. He developed connections with other spy services. And because he has met Allen Dulles there, he helped Dulles rig the 1948 Italian elections to prevent a likely communist victory. As Christopher Simpson noted in his book Blowback, this was done from the offices of the Dulles brothers law firm Sullivan and Cromwell. Angleton worked with the Dulles brothers, Foster and Allen, plus Frank Wisner, and Bill Colby. (Simpson, p. 90)

    Allen Dulles and Angleton had become great friends in Italy. Therefore, when the CIA was formed in 1947, Allen used his considerable influence to make sure Angleton was part of it. And Angleton brought in another friend he met in Italy, Ray Rocca. (Mangold, p. 45) Rocca would serve as Jim’s close assistant until the end of his career in 1975. Angleton was responsible for collection of foreign intelligence and liaisoning with other intelligence agencies. He eventually took over the CIA’s Israeli desk. And he became involved in Wisner’s attempt to roll back Soviet domination in East Europe.

    It was when Dulles became Deputy Director in 1953, and then Director in 1954, that Angleton began to carve out his Counter-Intelligence domain. As Tom Mangold notes in his book, it is not really possible to exaggerate the impact Dulles had on Angleton”s career. As he writes, “his sponsorship of Angleton and his staff was the key factor in the untrammeled growth of Angleton’s internal authority.” (ibid, p. 50) In fact, after the war Angleton was thinking of taking a job under his father with NCR. But it was Dulles who insisted he stick with intelligence work. (Ibid) It was the freedom that Dulles gave Angleton that allowed the CI chief to essentially build his own arm of the Agency. A branch that would eventually number close to 200 persons. But more importantly, it would allow him to work both outside of anyone’s purview and outside any legal restrictions. When Dulles was fired by President Kennedy, Angleton’s power was now protected by Richard Helms who was Director of Operations, then Deputy Director, and then DCI from 1962-1973. In other words, Angleton worked without regulation or review for two decades. (Ibid, pgs. 51-52) As we shall see, this was a blunder of titanic proportions. One which the public was not made fully aware of until 1991. Four years after Angleton had passed away.

    II

    After Britain’s intervention in the Russian Civil War, the NKVD (precursor to the KGB) decided to begin a long-term internal subversion project against England. One which had tremendous potential for long term profits.

    The idea was to recruit spies at the upper class, elite institute of higher learning, Cambridge. The most famous group recruited was later termed the Cambridge Five. This consisted of Anthony Blunt, Guy Burgess, Donald McLean, John Cairncross, and, most importantly to our story, Kim Philby. All five of these men ended up in high positions in the British government, serving in either MI5 or MI6; the former corresponds to the FBI, the latter to the CIA. The five men were all in position throughout World War II and beyond, well into the beginning of the Cold War. (The film Another Country is based on the origins of this ring and focuses on Burgess.)

    At Cambridge, Philby was a member of the outspoken left which critiqued the Labor Party, a group called the Cambridge University Socialist Society. After a trip to Berlin, where he saw the Nazi persecution of communists, he then navigated over to the Comintern. Further, Philby’s first wife, Litzi Friedman, was certainly a socialist, probably a communist. He met her in Austria where he was trying to help the country resist the German Anschluss, and also aiding the Comintern in enabling communists to escape Hitler. From there on in, Philby did all he could to conceal his leftist sympathies and replace them with a conservative veneer.

    In 1937, as a journalist, he went to Spain and was actually decorated by the fascist General Francisco Franco. On his return to London, he finally became what the NKVD hoped he would: a member of the Secret Intelligence Service, MI6. He worked there along with Burgess.

    Philby was quite good at climbing the ladder. For in 1944 he became chief of the Soviet and communist division. In other words, he could tell Stalin everything the British knew about him. Plus, he was in position to mislead MI6 about Stalin’s plans. He was even in position to know about NKVD defectors who could expose him. Which prospective defector Konstantin Volkov tried to do, but which Philby was in perfect position to stop. And he did. In fact, in 1945, Philby received the Order of the British Empire (OBE) for his intelligence work during the war. The Queen did not know that, at around the same time, the NKVD was secretly honoring Philby for what he was doing for them.

    In 1949, Philby was transferred to Washington. He became the British liaison to the CIA and FBI. Burgess also joined him, and they worked out of the British Embassy. It was there that both of the deep cover spies met James Angleton and William Harvey.

    III

    FBI code breaking analyst Robert Lamphere said about Philby’s position in Washington that he was in “as perfect a spot for the Soviets as they could possibly get a man.” (David Martin, Wilderness of Mirrors, p. 44) For instance, Philby was knowledgeable about the hunt for the spy ring that gave away the secret of the atom bomb. Kim Philby “was aware of the results of the … investigation of Klaus Fuchs.” (ibid) Philby even knew about the upcoming arrests of the Rosenbergs and Morton Sobell. But in spite of that knowledge, the Russians chose to sacrifice the trio rather than run the risk of exposing Philby.

    At this time, 1949-51, one of Angleton’s duties was to be formal liaison to high-ranking foreign intelligence officers. This coincided with Philby’s tour of duty in Washington. Philby later said that the two men would lunch about three times every two weeks and speak on the phone 3-4 times per week. (Mangold,p. 64) Angleton’s secretary would escort Philby into his office and she would then type up the oral dictation Jim made of those meetings into memoranda. (Ibid, p. 65) As Philby said, he cultivated Angleton socially since he thought that, “the greater the trust between us overtly, the less he would suspect covert action.” He then added that he was not sure who gained the most from this complex game-playing: “But I had one big advantage. I knew what he was doing for CIA and he knew what I was doing for SIS. But the real nature of my business he did not know.” (ibid, p. 65)

    What brought it all down was that the FBI found out the Soviets had intercepted a telegram from Winston Churchill to President Truman. They didn’t know who did it, but they knew he worked from inside the British Embassy. (Martin, p. 44) The inquiry then worked its way from the bottom upward. FBI analyst Robert Lamphere was one of the men who had access to the Venona crypts. This was the FBI’s deciphering of the Soviet secret code. The Bureau now began to center on a man named HOMER in the Venona codes. Philby knew who this man was. And he thought he would crack if the CIA or FBI got to him and questioned him. And if he did, that could expose Burgess and himself.

    Guy Burgess had gone from MI6 to the BBC to the Foreign Service. He was living as a lodger in Philby’s Washington home at this time. One night, Philby had a dinner party for Lamphere, Angelton, Harvey and their wives. Libby Harvey got a little tipsy. Burgess was fond of drawing caricatures of people. He drew an obscene one of Libby. Bill Harvey didn’t think it was funny and took a swing at him. Angleton jumped between them. And Philby tried to usher the guests out before any more violence took place. (Martin, p . 48)

    It turned out that the HOMER in Venona was McLean. With that knowledge, Philby knew he had to get McLean out of London before MI5 could act on that information. But it could not appear that he was the one warning him. Therefore, he had put Burgess up to acting outrageously e.g. with Libby. Burgess also pulled the stunt of getting three traffic tickets in one day. And he mouthed off to the officers in all three instances. The combination of these acts finally did the trick. Burgess was recalled to London. McLean had been scheduled to be questioned by MI5 on Monday, May 28, 1951. On Thursday, May 24th, Burgess arrived in England. Once he landed, he told a fellow passenger that, “A young friend of mine in the Foreign Office is in serious trouble. I am the only one who can help him.” (ibid, p. 50) He then rented a car and drove to McLean’s home. Burgess now drove his fellow Cambridge spy to Southampton, where they boarded a cross-channel ship to Saint-Malo. From there they went to Rennes and caught a train to Paris. Neither man was seen in public again until they held a joint press conference in Moscow in 1956. (ibid)

    To this day, no one knows why Burgess left England with McLean. Those were not Philby’s instructions. Until the end of his life, Philby never forgave Burgess for disobeying him. For the fact is that Philby knew about Venona and HOMER. Burgess had been Philby’s lodger, and now Burgess had fled also. This now did what nothing had ever done before: it cast suspicion on Philby himself. Was he The Third Man who had tipped off his two spy friends?

    CIA Director Walter Bedell Smith asked Harvey and Angleton to write up reports of what they knew about Burgess, his ties to Philby, and who they thought Philby was. (Mangold, p. 65) Harvey’s five-pager was an accusatory masterpiece. It was full of hard facts that built a strong circumstantial case that Philby had sent Burgess to aid his fellow Cambridge spy. But it went further. It declared that Philby had also been the one to derail the Volkov defection in order to save himself. Which was true. (Martin, p. 54)

    On the other hand, Angleton’s memo was fuzzy and impressionistic. It noted some oddities about Burgess, but seemed to excuse Philby on the grounds he was unwise in his choice of friends. A CIA officer who saw the report described it as, “a rambling, inchoate, and incredibly sloppy note.” Angleton even told Smith not to tell the British Philby might be a spy since it would damage CIA-MI6 relations. (Mangold, p. 66) Wisely, Smith forwarded SIS the Harvey memo. They used it to, at first, examine and then suspend Philby. But after years of inquiry, Philby did not confess. And they could not find any hard evidence to expose him. Cleared in public by Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, he was later brought back as a low level British agent in Lebanon, where he also served as a reporter. In 1963, MI6 finally put together a substantial case against him. An agent was sent to induce Philby to confess in return for immunity. Philby agreed and asked for time to set his affairs in order. This ended up being an excuse to arrange for his passage to Moscow. It was now certain that Philby was perhaps the highest level Soviet agent to ever operate in London and Washington. And it was also clear that Angleton could not have been more wrong about his friend.

    IV

    That Angleton was tricked by Philby could not really be held against him. Because Philby had done that to many people on both sides of the Atlantic. But the fact that Angleton was still in the dark afterwards, when Burgess and McLean had escaped, that should have been a tell-tale sign to everyone involved. Especially in comparison to the fact that Harvey had been uncannily accurate about Philby and his career. Making the comparison even worse was that, “No one had known Philby better or spent more time with him than Angleton.” (Martin, p. 55) In fact, up to the moment he was recalled to London, Philby was still chumming around with Angleton. Harvey was shocked at this. To the point that he actually thought that Angleton might be a Soviet agent. (Ibid, p. 57) In fact, even in 1952, when Philby was in the process of being thoroughly examined and then suspended, Angleton was still in his camp. He actually told another British intelligence officer that Philby would one day lead MI6. (Mangold, p. 66)

    In 1963, when the master spy had escaped to Moscow, Angleton finally got around to issuing a damage report on Philby. And even that was sketchy and incomplete. (Ibid, p. 67) But further, the real data upon which any accurate damage report would be based was the record contained in the memos of the Philby/Angleton meetings. As we have seen, these had been dictated by Angleton after each instance. These should have been examined by a team of analysts. But Angleton never volunteered those memos to any higher authority. After he was forced into retirement, there was a thorough search of his office. Not a single memo was found. There was evidence, a sign in sheet, of 36 meetings in his office (Ibid) There should have been 36 memoranda discovered. None were available.

    When Angleton became Chief of Counter-Intelligence, he controlled the Philby file. It was locked in a vault next to his office. No one could have stopped him from pilfering from it. Peter Wright of MI5 told biographer Tom Mangold that Angleton burned the memos of those meetings. Wright knew this because Angleton told him about it. Wright wanted them produced for his own investigation. When he asked for them, Jim A. said, “They’re gone Peter. I had them burned. It was all very embarrassing.” (ibid, p. 68)

    Leonard McCoy, who became Deputy Chief of Counter-Intelligence after Angleton left, said that the CIA had all kinds of operations going on at the time in areas like Albania, the Baltics, Ukraine, Turkey and southern Russia. They also had “stay behind” projects in East Europe. Almost all of them were rolled up by the Russians and their allies. McCoy said it was unfair to blame it all on Angleton’s closeness to Philby. But it would also be unfair to say that none of it was caused by that friendship. (ibid) McCoy said that this was a most difficult episode for Angleton to assimilate. Both the personal betrayal and the damage done to the CIA and the USA were owed in part to a man Angleton completely trusted. Consequently, he very seldom talked about it.

    But he did say some words to Wright. Wright said, “Jim was obsessed by Kim’s betrayal … .Can you imagine how much information he had to trade in those booze-ups?” Wright said that Angleton talked about killing Philby. (Ibid, pgs. 68-69) He concluded that, “Jim developed an awful trauma about British spies. Kim did a lot of damage to Jim. A lot of damage.” Cicely Angleton said that Philby’s betrayal hurt her husband, “terribly deeply-it was a bitter blow he never forgot.” In fact, after Philby went to Russia, Angleton thought that Philby was still “maintaining the campaign against Western intelligence from Moscow.” Walter Elder, special assistant to CIA Director John McCone from 1961-65, said that Philby’s betrayal was a very important event in Angleton’s life: “The Philby affair had a deep and profound effect on Jim. He just couldn’t let the Philby thing go. Philby was eventually to fit neatly into Jim’s perception of a Soviet “master plan” to deceive the entire West.” Elder continued in this vein thusly: “Long after Philby’s defection in 1963, Jim just continued to think that Philby was a key actor in the KGB grand plan. Philby remained very prominent in Jim’s philosophy about how the KGB orchestrated the “master plan” scenario.”

    As we shall see, Elder is talking about Angleton’s reception to Major Anatoli Golitsyn of the KGB. A defector whom Angleton-to put it mildly-placed too much trust in. And that misguided trust originated in the paranoia of the Philby betrayal. Angleton bought into Golitsyn’s wild and lurid portrayals of a KGB ‘monster plot’ because it fit the state of mind he was in after Philby’s personal treachery. As we shall see, this does appear to be one way to explain the incredible scenarios that Angleton fell for at the hands of Golitsyn.

    V

    According to Rosenbaum’s 1983 article in Harper’s, all the above is wrong. Why? Sit down please. Because Ron tells us that it was Angleton who was playing Philby. Therefore, all the above was a beautiful act by Jim A. The lamentations to his wife, to Peter Wright, his reluctance to turn over the memoranda which would have shown the information Angleton and Philby shared. According to Ron, Angleton even let all those operations in East Europe, and other places in Central Europe be rolled up. In other words, he got people killed because he was playing up to Philby to get his confidence.

    Then what is one to make of all the honors bestowed upon Philby when he finally fled to the USSR? Continuing and up to his burial with full honors, and a posthumous stamp issued with his name on it. Was that all unearned? Because, according to Ron, Philby was really informing to Angleton all the time he was in the USSR. Even though Angleton, as we have seen, told others at the time that Philby was still leading the KGB “master plan” from Moscow.

    It should be added, the above is just the beginning of the honors Philby won in the USSR. Before his death, he received the Order of Lenin, one of the highest honors a civilian could attain in the USSR. The KGB actually protected him from assassination. At his wake, several KGB agents made commemorative speeches as to his importance. He was then buried in the exclusive Kuntsevo Cemetery, a place where former premier Georgy Malenkov was buried. After his death, he had his plaque placed at the current Russian spy service center, and his portrait is in the Hall of Heroes.

    But according to Ron, those Russkies are just plain stupid. What is Ron’s evidence for the Russians being so dang dumb and honoring a guy who was just a tool of Angleton? If you read Ron’s article in the 1983 Harper’s, as collected in his anthology Travels with Dr. Death, its actually two sources: William Corson and Teddy Kollek. Both say that Angleton was informed of the Cambridge group at the time he knew Philby in Washington. (See Rosenbaum, Travels with Dr. Death, pgs. 23-25.)

    Now, from just the mention of the two names, this is strained even for Rosenbaum. Why? Because Corson was part of a circle of intelligence officers and reporters who worked with Angleton! After he left the CIA, that particular circle also included former Agency officer Robert Trumbull Crowley, and journalist Joseph Trento. Corson was a Marine in Vietnam who worked with the Southeast Asia Intelligence Force. There he became close with the CIA. Crowley and Angleton were friends and colleagues in the Agency. Corson wrote a book with Crowley called The New KGB. This book clearly showed the influence of Angleton’s thinking. Because it really was more of a history of the KGB rather than a current dossier on who they were. But further, it said that the Communist Party was not really in charge of the USSR anymore, the KGB was. Therefore, there was no real hope for detente. And “Soviet professions of reasonableness are pretense, a smokescreen behind which Russia under its new KGB masters reverts to harshest Stalinism.” With that in mind, there was little left to do but hold the USSR at “arm’s length and proceed with President Reagan’s Strategic Defense Initiative or “Star Wars” program. (New York Times, July 7, 1985)

    What is incredible about this is that the book was published the year Mikhail Gorbachev came to power! In fact, it was published four months after he became General Secretary. This is how wrong the authors were. And Angleton was right there with them since he was still saying similar things about the USSR at that time. (Mangold, p. 356) Now, in itself, that is something interesting that Rosenbaum does not inform the reader about. For if Philby was really Angleton’s tool, and he was now stationed in Moscow, why would Angleton and his circle still be so wrong about who Gorbachev was? And this was just two years before Angleton’s death. If any such communication existed-and there is no evidence it did-then it indicates Philby was still tricking Angleton.

    What about Kollek? Kollek was a long time Zionist who became the Mayor of Jerusalem in 1965. Angleton took over the Israeli desk in 1949 and was criticized by many for being too favorable to Israel during his tenure. Therefore, when Kollek says in a 1977 book on Anthony Blunt that he passed on the identity of the fifth member of the Cambridge spy ring to Angleton, one has to raise an eyebrow. (Rosenbaum, p. 25) Besides the fact that the “Fifth Man” was not who Kollek says he was, there is the problem that this “revelation” came in 1977 from a friend of Angleton’s. (Just as the “revelation” from Corson came out in 1977.) In other words, just two years after Angleton was fired, his friends now came out with these glimmers that Angleton was really aware of what Philby was doing all along.

    How weak are these excuses? Even Rosenbaum and Angleton have to acknowledge their transparent flimsiness. When Rosenbaum calls Jim A. for a comment on these newly discovered secrets–which arrive about 26 years too late–Angleton replies: “My Israeli friends have always been among the most loyal I’ve had. Perhaps the only ones to remain loyal.” (Ibid) For once Angleton and the author agree on something: His friends are trying to (unjustifiably) redeem him. In fact, Rosenbaum himself admits this may be true. In one moment he writes that, “Needless to say, there will be those among Angleton’s many critics who would say that the whole notion … was carefully planted by Angleton and his allies in an attempt to turn his most mortifying failure-the Philby case-into a clandestine success.” (ibid, p. 26)

    It is reassuring that even Rosenbaum is sometimes able to discern the obvious.

    VI

    Except there is even falsity in that above admission. Because Philby was not Angleton’s “most mortifying failure”. Most people would easily hand that honor to Anatoli Golitsyn. But in his writing on Angleton, Rosenabum has always been reluctant to fully describe just how blind Angleton was to Golitsyn’s fantasies. Or that Anatoli was manipulating Angleton for his own personal gain. Which he was. Golitsin was an ordinary KGB analyst who defected in December of 1961. When asked if he knew of any KGB double agents in Washington, he said he knew none. But he did know one of them in Europe who was codenamed SASHA. (Mangold p. 75)

    Very quickly, Golitsyn showed signs of megalomania. After a few weeks in America, he said he was tired of dealing with low level case officers like Dick Helms. (Who happened to be the number three guy in the CIA at the time.) He wanted to see President Kennedy and Attorney General Robert Kennedy. (Ibid, pgs. 76-77) He also wanted 15 million dollars to direct an organization to begin his plan to overthrow the USSR.

    Golitsyn did not get to see President Kennedy, but he did meet with Director John McCone–more than once. When he was asked to place his ideas about defeating the KGB in writing, he would not. McCone’s assistant concluded that, “Golitsyn was basically a technician. He had no knowledge of Soviet policy or decision-making processes at the high levels.” (Ibid, p. 77) But further, Angleton then got him a meeting with Allen Dulles. When Dulles asked him if he knew of any KGB penetration agent within the CIA, Golitsyn said he did not. (Ibid, p. 78)

    What these two episodes prove is that other people saw through Golitsyn rather quickly and easily. And second, Golitsyn later changed his story about a KGB mole inside the CIA. Yet, in spite of all this, Angleton continued to buy into him for 12 more years.

    Angleton did more than buy into him. He helped create and aggrandize Golitsyn. He violated a cardinal rule about defectors. He gave Golitsyn access to top secret Soviet Division files. He then laid down rules for how other agencies could interview him. This had the effect of letting Anatoli now create his own espionage tales, at the same time he was being at least partially protected by Angleton. But further, in the middle of a military debrief, Angleton arranged for Golitsyn to have an expenses paid two-week vacation to Disneyland. (Ibid, p. 81) But when he returned for the debrief, he was caught dead to rights creating a false story about how the KGB had gained access to a sensitive portion of the US Embassy in Moscow. (ibid) When confronted with this lie, Golitsyn walked out of the debrief. And he did not return.

    This pattern was repeated time after time during Golitsyn’s first year in America. He would be caught making something up, Angleton would ignore it, and he would demand, and get, more access to secret files. Sometimes he would even get access to the files of other agencies, like the FBI.

    But then Golitsyn made a claim that sealed Angleton’s fate. And his eventual disgrace. Anatoli told Jim that he should not listen to any defectors who followed him. Because they would all be fakes sent by the KGB for the purpose of discrediting him. This was part of the Soviet master plan, which also included secret messages in newspaper clippings. (Mangold, p. 87)

    Angleton was not content with allowing Golitsyn to only foul the intelligence networks in America. He then allowed him to do the same in England and France. He then would charge handsome fees for doing so. After seeing their files, he then would finger certain operatives. In England it was Roger Hollis and Graham Mitchell. But he also claimed that Labor candidate for prime minister, Hugh Gaitskell, was killed in order to allow Harold Wilson to take office. Therefore, the natural assumption was that Wilson was really a KGB asset. (Mangold, p. 95) Thus began a whisper campaign against Wilson.

    Armed with files from the CIA, FBI, MI5 and MI6, Golitsyn now pronounced any attempt at detente with the Russians to be useless. He also said that the idea of a Sino-Soviet split was part of the “master plan” to deceive the West. (It had actually begun in 1960 and was in full bloom by 1962) He also said that the idea that Eastern Europe wanted to be free from the USSR, that was also a deception and part of the master plan. And now he reversed himself on a key issue: the KGB had planted domestic agents inside the CIA.

    The more extreme Golitsyn got, the more Angleton liked it. When he returned from England, Anatoli got three gifts from his benefactor. He lent him his own lawyer-accountant, Mario Brod. He gave him a cash reward of 200,000 dollars. (Which would be about a million dollars today.) He then introduced him to a first-class stockbroker, James Dudley. In other words, as Golitsyn began to foul up the CIA’s operations here and abroad, Angleton began to personally reward him in ways that the middle level analyst had never dreamed of. The defector now bought a New York City townhouse and a farm in upstate New York. So the question then becomes: If you were Golitsyn, wouldn’t you also tell your benefactor not to trust any other defectors? If he did, they could endanger Golitsyn’s new status and prestige.

    Which is what happened with Yuri Nosenko.

    VII

    It is difficult to talk about the Nosenko case without referring to Edward Epstein. And it’s difficult to talk about Rosenbaum without mentioning Epstein. For the simple reason that Rosenbaum once wrote that Epstein’s Legend was a groundbreaking piece of work. (Rosenbaum, p. 37) Today, with later, more honest books about Angleton, most would disagree with that assessment. Most people would say that, like what Corson and Kollek did, Legend was a propaganda piece for Angleton. It was published around the same time, and it was a way for Angleton to press his case that William Colby had fired him unjustly.

    In the wake of all the information we have today, Angleton’s complaint against Colby is simply not credible. The truth is Nosenko was one of the most valuable defectors the CIA ever had. His information was much more valuable than Golitsyn’s. And it had very few, if any of the liabilities. Further, he had a much higher batting average. That is, his leads panned out at a much higher rate than Anatoli’s did. (Mangold, pgs. 333-34) But the point is that, by buying into the KGB ‘master plan’, that all other defectors would be fakes, Angleton ignored defectors who had an even higher batting average than Nosenko.

    Just how badly was Angleton tied into Golitsyn’s creed? He tried to discredit Nosenko to others months before he ever appeared in America. (Mangold, p. 169) This is an important fact that Epstein does not reveal in Legend. And neither does Rosenbaum. How did Angleton do this? He showed Golitsyn the record of Nosenko’s first debrief. This was done in Europe with CIA officer Peter Bagley. Bagley was at first impressed with Nosenko. But now the two men targeted Bagley and turned his opinion around on Nosenko. Epstein later admitted that Bagley had been a major source for him when he wrote Legend. (The Assassination Chronicles, p. 552) But as noted above, Epstein never reveals this plotting by Angleton in his book.

    That is a crucial point in the story. Because, as most know today, when Nosenko arrived in America, he was immediately imprisoned. He was then made to undergo intense hostile questioning and a rigged polygraph test. Undoubtedly, part of this was due to the fact that Nosenko actually defected two months after Kennedy’s murder. And he told the CIA that Oswald was not a Russian agent, and the KGB had only routinely surveilled him while he was in Russia. (Mangold, p. 174) This was more poison to Angleton. Because he was the CIA’s liaison to the Warren Commission at the time. And its clear he was pushing the line that Oswald was a Russian agent and the USSR had been behind the plot to kill Kennedy. In other words, Nosenko endangered both Angelton and Golitsyn.

    The basic facts about Nosenko’s imprisonment and torture were presented by Epstein. But Mangold’s book went much further in detail. Suffice it say, his imprisonment went on for five years. It got so bad that Nosenko went on a hunger strike. When he did, the CIA threatened to feed him intravenously. (Mangold, p. 188) For three years, he was not given anything to read. He did not see a dentist. Therefore, his teeth rotted. His second polygraph was also rigged. (Ibid, p. 189) Bagley wanted him to sign a fake confession for purposes of “disposing” of him.

    It wasn’t until Nosenko was imprisoned for three years that the tide began to turn against Angleton. Nosenko was finally given over to CIA officers who were not so influenced by Angleton and Golitsyn, and were not so biased against the man. When Bruce Solie of the Office of Security took over the case he was shocked at what he found. He quickly saw that Nosenko’s replies had often been mistranslated and the polygraph tests had been gamed against him. He also found out that at least six leads given to Bagley by Nosenko had been ignored. When Solie discovered them and passed them on, they all panned out. Some of them led to arrests. (ibid, p. 198) All of this important information was omitted by both Epstein and Rosenbaum.

    But further, Solie found that the reasons given by Bagley for suspecting Nosenko was a false defector were illogical. Nosenko had exaggerated his position in the KGB and lied about certain recall orders. Solie concluded that these kinds of things were commonplace with defectors. The former was used in order to make them more attractive to the CIA, and the latter was done to hurry his exfiltration to the West. (Mangold, p. 197) Solie now gave Nosenko a third polygraph. One that was not done under hostile conditions, nor was it rigged. Nosenko passed. Solie issued a 283 page report saying that Nosenko was a genuine KGB defector. The FBI now took up nine more of his leads. In 1969, Nosenko was finally set free and became a CIA consultant. Every CIA Director after Richard Helms agreed with Solie about Nosenko. In fact, Bill Colby was repelled by what Angleton had done to the man: “The idea that the CIA could put a guy in jail without habeas corpus just scared the living daylights out of me. That kind of intelligence service is a threat to its own people.” (Ibid, p. 203)

    But what is incredible about the Golitsyn/Angleton folie a deux is that it did not stop with Nosenko. It was repeated in the Yuri Loginov scandal. And again, neither Epstein nor Rosenbaum tell their readers about that. Loginov was also a prospective KGB defector. He was problematic to Angleton because, first, he said Nosenko was genuine, and second he said the Sino-Soviet split was real. But, probably even worse, he said that the exposure of a CIA double agent in Russia, Pyotr Popov, was not done by Golitsyn’s alleged mole, but by a mistake in tradecraft the KGB picked up on. (Mangold, pgs. 213-17) Because of this, Loginov was marked as a fake defector. But what Angleton did to Loginov was even worse than what he did to Nosenko. He turned him over to BOSS, the South African intelligence service, as a KGB agent. Without telling them Loginov was working as a double agent for the CIA. But like Nosenko, Loginov would not crack under interrogation. So he was handed over to West Germany and used by them in a spy trade with the Russians. To this day, no one knows for certain what happened to Loginov. There are some reports that he was simply dismissed. There are some reports that he was shot. But Angleton certainly knew that his execution was a probability once he was turned over to BOSS.

    In all, Angleton bragged that he turned back 22 defectors as fakes. The CIA later found that every single one of them was genuine. (Mangold, p. 231) Angleton’s pathological obsession with Golitsyn had paralyzed the CIA’s main mission in the Cold War: to collect reliable human intelligence on what was going on inside the Kremlin.

    The ultimate end game of the Angleton/Golitsyn marriage was codenamed HONETOL. This was the formal search for the mole inside the CIA. The mole which, in 1962, Golitsyn told Dulles did not exist. This search never bore any fruit: the mole was never found. But it ended up damaging, in some cases, wrecking the lives of those who came under suspicion. This occurred when Angleton gave Golitsyn their files. By the time it was finished, over 100 people were investigated. It got so bad that, after Colby fired Angleton, an act of congress was passed so that his victims could seek redress for having their careers stalled or destroyed. (Mangold, p. 277) Those were the lucky ones. Because there were victims overseas who could not seek redress from congress. Again, this tragic facet of the Angleton/Golitsyn union is not noted by either Epstein or Rosenbaum.

    For the truth about Angleton is easy to apprehend today. Books by Mangold, David Wise, and Michael Holzman were not one-sided mouthpieces for Angleton and his pals, as Legend was. Because toward the end, when Angleton and Golitsyn could not find their invisible mole, they turned inward. They now said a former ally against Nosenko, David Murphy, was the mole. Angleton actually flew to Paris, where Murphy was stationed, to warn the SDECE that Murphy was a double agent. (Mangold, p. 299) By the time Angleton was removed from office, he had investigated Prime Minister Harold Wilson of England, Prime Minister Olof Palme of Sweden, Chancellor Willy Brandt of West Germany, industrialist Armand Hammer, diplomat Averill Harriman, Prime Minister Lester Pearson of Canada, and National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger. These were all elements of Golitsyn’s ‘Monster Plot’.

    When Bill Colby took over, he did something unusual with Angleton. He began to review his performance as Counter Intelligence Chief. He later commented, “I couldn’t find that we caught a spy under Jim. That really bothered me.” (Mangold, p. 313) The further he looked the more obvious it became to Colby, “He was not a good CI Chief.” (ibid) For example, Colby could not find one productive operation Angleton was running in the USSR. Angleton’s division was on its own, cut off from the CIA. So much so that it had almost nothing to do with the rest of the Agency. When Colby found out that Angleton had routed all Israeli communications to himself, not to be shared with other Mideast stations, he took him off the Israeli desk. For this had prevented effective communications during the Yom Kippur War. (Ibid, p. 314) Colby also found out that Angleton was actually running agents through a private person, his lawyer Mario Brod.

    That was it for Colby. He called Angleton into his office and gave him three options. He could take another job in the Agency, take early retirement or become a consultant. When Angleton declined all three, Colby cooperated with CIA asset Sy Hersh to expose Angleton’s roles in an illegal mail intercept project and MH Chaos, a huge domestic surveillance program. Finally, in 1975, Angleton was forced out. At least 13 years too late. Unfortunately, Colby allowed Angleton several weeks to clean out his office. Still, when George Kalaris took over, he was surprised at what he discovered. There were dozens of letters from the illegal mail intercept program that had never been opened. (Ibid, p. 327) Angleton had not left behind the combinations to several safes. Kalaris had to have them blown open. To just recover all the hidden files took several weeks. It took three years to integrate them into the Agency’s central filing system.

    When Kalaris got to the HONETOL files on Wilson, Roger Hollis, Armand Hammer and Kissinger he was so ashamed at what was in them he had them incinerated. Kalaris commissioned a complete review of Golitsyn’s record. He found out that less than 1% of his leads had panned out. (Mangold, pgs. 333-34) Meanwhile, Kalaris discovered another source Angleton had ignored. A Russian military officer from the GRU. Kalaris decided to investigate those ignored leads which had been buried by Angleton. This source, code named NICK NACK, scored a perfect 20 for 20. (Ibid, p. 344)

    Kalaris now decided to retire Golitsyn. But he had to get all the files Angleton had given him back. It turned out that Angleton had allowed Anatoli to take FBI files and CIA personnel files to his home! Former CIA analyst Cleveland Cram was brought in to write the history of the CI division. It ended up being 12 volumes long. Cram concluded that Angleton had had a detrimental impact on the CIA. And the Golitsyn years had been a nightmare. (Ibid, p. 345) He also reviewed the literature of the period. He said that Epstein’s book Legend was part of a disinformation campaign. And it gave Angleton and his supporters an advantage by placing their argument forward first, adroitly but dishonestly.

    Angleton never gave up. He told CIA officer Walter Elder that the Church Committee was a KGB plot run by Philby out of Moscow. He was endorsing Goltisyn’s pronouncements into the eighties. Even though each of six predictions he made in 1984 turned out to be wrong. This was the true and sorry record of the man praised by Epstein and Rosenbaum. As a spy chief, Angleton was horrid.

    VIII

    Which brings us to Rosenbaum’s 2013 piece in Slate. Like Angleton, Ron just can’t give up. His New York Times July 10, 1994 essay on Philby was so confused and unwieldy that Rosenbaum seemed to say it was Philby who planted the idea of a mole in the CIA on Angleton. In fact, it was Golitsyn who did so. In that same 1994 piece, he seemed to drop the whole ‘Angleton played Philby’ nonsense. He said Philby had only one master, the Soviet Union. He added that only “die-hard supporters of James Angleton” would persist down the Angleton played Philby path.

    Well, I guess Ron is a die-hard Angleton supporter. He now tries to bring back the idea he discarded in 1994. In an article called “Philby and Oswald” he is ready to revive the old disinfo. His basis is an Epilogue to a recent novel called Young Philby. And what is Ron’s basis for this: an interview the novelist did with Teddy Kollek! Oh my aching back. Let us refer to the wise word of Daniel Wick in his discussion of two books on Philby published back in 1995:

    The evidence overwhelmingly demonstrates that Philby did great harm to the interests of the West and none whatsoever to Soviet interests, and that his treachery caused the deaths of dozens of Western agents while he did nothing that harmed a single Soviet. In the end, pop romantic speculation aside, he was Moscow’s man. (LA Times, January 1, 1995)

    In this same article, Ron tries to push the terrible book by CIA analyst Brian Latell, Castro’s Secrets. I would refer the reader to the ctka review of that book by Arnaldo M. Fernandez. (Castro’s Secrets) Once one does that, one will see that Ron is up to his old tricks again. His major endeavor in all this Angleton and Kennedy stuff is to confuse matters. Here is a guy who can write about the JFK case, “every once in a while something new turns up, a new twist, a declassified document an overlooked defector, a forgotten witness.” I guess Ron missed those 2 million pages of ARRB declassified documents. He sure missed the declassified Inspector General Report on the CIA-Mafia plots to kill Castro. Because Rosenbaum can write in his 2013 article that Castro was under threat from “assassination plots orchestrated by JFK and his brother Bobby.” If Rosenbaum had read the IG report he would have seen that these plots were deliberately kept from the Kennedys by the CIA.

    Would that have made any difference to him? Probably not. Rosenbaum is incorrigible. To the author, he represents all that is wrong with the MSM on both Jim Angleton and the JFK case. He can actually write that Angleton had a “mythic reputation within the intel community as the Master of the Game.” Whatever reputation Angleton had in the intelligence community has been destroyed with the release of new information about himself and his relationship with Oswald. As we have seen, Angleton was a disaster as a CI Chief. He was taken by not just by Philby but by Golitsyn. And as John Newman shows in his book Oswald and the CIA, he was very likely Oswald’s ultimate control agent. (Click here for a review.)

    If Rosenbaum is not aware of any of this, then he is irresponsible. If he is aware of it, then he is executing a whitewash. Either way, the man is irrelevant to the matters he is writing about on this the 50th anniversary of the JFK case.


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