by Kevin Fagin, At: SFGate
Tag: WARREN CRITICS
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JFK and the Unforgivable: How the historians’ version of the JFK assassination dishonors the historical record – Addendum
The JFK Assassination According to the History Textbooks
From: Paul Bleau
Sent: Wednesday, August 3, 2016 7:57 PM
To: ltownsend@historians.org
Subject: ComplaintHello,
A few years ago I completed a study on how history books cover the JFK assassination and how the authors justified their writings. Overwhelmingly the authors portray it as a crime committed by a lone nut who was killed 2 days later by another loner. The Warren Commission is the key source (as well as a few authors who back the lone nut scenario). The other subsequent investigations as well as work done by independent researchers who back conspiracy scenarios are not on the radar. The result is that young students who are part of a captive audience are being given an incomplete, biased account of this historical event.
I believe that on this issue, historians are violating their code of conduct by not honoring the historical record. Two articles about this issue are published on the following website: http://www.ctka.net/2016/PaulBleau1.html and http://www.ctka.net/2016/bleau-historians/historians-and-the-jfk-assassination-part-1.html.
Interviews were also given on BlackOp radio: http://www.blackopradio.com/archives2016.html.
I am hoping that the AHA can look into this situation and encourage its members to reconsider how to present this information to students in a more balanced and up to date manner.
Thank you, Paul Bleau College Professor
Return to Part 2
Return to Part 1
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JFK and the Unforgivable: How the historians’ version of the JFK assassination dishonors the historical record – Part 2
United States House of Representatives Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA)
Established in 1976 to investigate the assassinations of Martin Luther King and John F. Kennedy, the HSCA issued its final report in 1979. It found that there was a “probable conspiracy” in the JFK case.
The following is a summary of their findings (source: National Archives):
Findings of the Select Committee on Assassinations in the Assassination of President John F. Kennedy in Dallas, Tex., November 22, 1963:
- Lee Harvey Oswald fired three shots at President John F. Kennedy. The second and third shots he fired struck the President. The third shot he fired killed the President.
- President Kennedy was struck by two rifle shots fired from behind him.
- The shots that struck President Kennedy from behind him were fired from the sixth floor window of the southeast corner of the Texas School Book Depository building.
- Lee Harvey Oswald owned the rifle that was used to fire the shots from the sixth floor window of the southeast comer of the Texas School Book Depository building.
- Lee Harvey Oswald, shortly before the assassination, had access to and was present on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository building.
- Lee Harvey Oswald’s other actions tend to support the conclusion that he assassinated President Kennedy.
- Scientific acoustical evidence establishes a high probability that two gunmen fired at President John F. Kennedy. Other scientific evidence does not preclude the possibility of two gunmen firing at the President. Scientific evidence negates some specific conspiracy allegations.
- The committee believes, on the basis of the evidence available to it, that President John F. Kennedy was probably assassinated as a result of a conspiracy. The committee is unable to identify the other gunman or the extent of the conspiracy.
- The committee believes, on the basis of the evidence available to it, that the Soviet Government was not involved in the assassination of President Kennedy.
- The committee believes, on the basis of the evidence available to it, that the Cuban Government was not involved in the assassination of President Kennedy.
- The committee believes, on the basis of the evidence available to it, that anti-Castro Cuban groups, as groups, were not involved in the assassination of President Kennedy, but that the available evidence does not preclude the possibility that individual members may have been involved.
- The committee believes, on the basis of the evidence available to it, that the national syndicate of organized crime, as a group, was not involved in the assassination of President Kennedy, but that the available evidence does not preclude the possibility that individual members may have been involved.
- The Secret Service, Federal Bureau of Investigation and Central Intelligence Agency were not involved in the assassination of President Kennedy.
- Agencies and departments of the U.S. Government performed with varying degrees of competency in the fulfillment of their duties. President John F. Kennedy did not receive adequate protection. A thorough and reliable investigation into the responsibility of Lee Harvey Oswald for the assassination of President John F. Kennedy was conducted. The investigation into the possibility of conspiracy in the assassination was inadequate. The conclusions of the investigations were arrived at in good faith, but presented in a fashion that was too definitive.
- The Secret Service was deficient in the performance of its duties.
- The Secret Service possessed information that was not properly analyzed, investigated or used by the Secret Service in connection with the President’s trip to Dallas; in addition, Secret Service agents in the motorcade were inadequately prepared to protect the President from a sniper.
- The responsibility of the Secret Service to investigate the assassination was terminated when the Federal Bureau of Investigation assumed primary investigative responsibility.
- The Department of Justice failed to exercise initiative in supervising and directing the investigation by the Federal Bureau of Investigation of the assassination.
- The Federal Bureau of Investigation performed with varying degrees of competency in the fulfillment of its duties.
- The Federal Bureau of Investigation adequately investigated Lee Harvey Oswald prior to the assassination and properly evaluated the evidence it possessed to assess his potential to endanger the public safety in a national emergency.
- The Federal Bureau of Investigation conducted a thorough and professional investigation into the responsibility of Lee Harvey Oswald for the assassination.
- The Federal Bureau of Investigation failed to investigate adequately the possibility of a conspiracy to assassinate the President.
- The Federal Bureau of Investigation was deficient in its sharing of information with other agencies and departments.
- The Central Intelligence Agency was deficient in its collection and sharing of information both prior to and subsequent to the assassination.
- The Warren Commission performed with varying degrees of competency in the fulfillment of its duties.
- The Warren Commission conducted a thorough and professional investigation into the responsibility of Lee Harvey Oswald for the assassination.
- The Warren Commission failed to investigate adequately the possibility of a conspiracy to assassinate the President. This deficiency was attributable in part to the failure of the Commission to receive all the relevant information that was in the possession of other agencies and departments of the Government.
- The Warren Commission arrived at its conclusions, based on the evidence available to it, in good faith.
- The Warren Commission presented the conclusions in its report in a fashion that was too definitive.
The committee had other troubling conclusions: Neither Lee Harvey Oswald nor Jack Ruby were the loners depicted by the Warren Commission, and were involved in relationships that could have matured into a conspiracy; Lee Harvey Oswald was connected to David Ferrie and Guy Banister- two conspirators according to Jim Garrison; Jack Ruby was in fact connected to the Mafia (an issue sidestepped by the Warren Commission); Marina Oswald’s incriminating statements against her husband were found to be lacking in credibility; they were inclined to believe Sylvia Odio who asserted that she was visited before the assassination by two Cuban exiles and a Leon Oswald in an attempt to portray Oswald as unbalanced and hostile to JFK. Her testimony was rejected by the Warren Commission even though she had related the event before the assassination; The Lopez Report established that someone was impersonating Oswald seven weeks before the assassination in Mexico City in an attempt to get a visa to travel to Cuba and that the CIA had tampered with the electronic evidence.
While the HSCA asked the Justice Department to re-investigate the case- it chose to only look at the acoustical evidence, which it rejected based on science that itself is also contested.
For those who have used this final point to argue that the Warren Commission got it right and discard all the other incriminating findings- It will prove useful to read what the key members of the Committee had to say:
Gaeton Fonzi – Church and HSCA investigator
Gaeton Fonzi was interviewed a number of times after the investigations. The information he brought forward in his 1993 book, The Last Investigation was considered credible and explosive. Fonzi described an exchange he had with Arlen Specter (the Warren Commission’s principal proponent of the Single Bullet theory) where he described him as being unnerved when discussing the Commission’s evidence. He also revealed how Cuban exile group Alpha 66 leader Antonio Veciana exposed his CIA handler Maurice Bishop (a cover name for top ranking CIA officer David Atlee Phillips) who he witnessed meeting with Oswald. He discussed how close contacts of CIA officer David Sanchez Morales heard him admit a conspiracy in the assassination. He described how the HSCA was stonewalled by the CIA. He also complained about second Commission head Robert Blakey’s submissive relationship with the CIA.

Gaeton Fonzi(mid-1970s) In a speech in 1998 while receiving the Mary Ferrell JFK Lancer Pioneer Award he had this to say about the Warren Commission: Is there any doubt that the Warren Commission deliberately set out not to tell the American people the truth?
There is a brief glimpse, an illustration of the level at which that deceit was carried out, in an incident that occurred during the Warren Commission’s investigation. Commission chairman Earl Warren himself, with then Representative Gerald Ford at his side, was interviewing a barman, Curtis LaVerne Crafard. Crafard had worked at Jack Ruby’s Carousel Club. But he was seized by the FBI as he was hightailing it out of town the day after the assassination, having told someone, “They are not going to pin this on me!”
In the interview, Warren asks Crafard what he did before he was a bartender.
“I was a Master sniper in the Marine Corps,” Crafard answered.
The next question that Warren immediately asked was: “What kind of entertainment did they have at the club?”
In a 1999 interview he gave to Michael Corbin, Fonzi contradicted Robert Blakey by stating that the HSCA investigation also lacked thoroughness. He also wonders out loud whether the “…the Government itself or a power elite within the government was a controlling element here”.
He opined that the failed Bay of Pigs, the Missile Crisis followed by the cessation of secret anti-Castro operations were probably a guiding motivation for operatives linked to the JM Wave CIA station in Miami to remove the President and which end up dovetailing with Oswald’s movements in 1963.
He makes the claim that Oswald was an agent of the intelligence establishment who was coded as a leftist. He was not a lone nut. He believes that he was also a patsy who did not fire a shot and that Dealey Plaza became a shooting gallery on November 22nd 1963.
He describes also how David Phillips was not only seen with Oswald by Antonio Veciana, but how a lot of the cover-up and misinformation campaigns about Oswald were linked to him.
He concludes the interview by stating :“there is no doubt that it was a coup d’état”!
Dan Hardway and Edwin Lopez – HSCA “staffers”
(authors of appendix 13 of the HSCA Report, “Oswald, the CIA and Mexico City”, also known as the Lopez Report)
History Matters provides an excellent introduction about this report only released in 1996:
The “thirteenth appendix” to the HSCA Report on the JFK assassination is a staff report entitled “Oswald, the CIA, and Mexico City.” This report describes what the Committee learned about Lee Oswald’s trip to Mexico City less than two months prior to the assassination. Questions it grapples with include why the CIA was apparently unable to obtain a photo of Oswald from any of its photographic surveillance stations (and instead produced a photo of a “Mystery Man” who was clearly not Oswald), whether Oswald was impersonated in Mexico City, and what credibility to attach to any of the indications and allegations of Communist conspiracy emanating from that city.
The so-called “Lopez Report,” written by staffers Dan Hardway and Edwin Lopez, was released in its present form in 1996, but remains redacted in several places. It is a good starting place for grappling with some of the many mysteries of the Mexico City affair. Newly released files have provided new information not present in this report. The LBJ taped phone conversations for instance, include startling corroboration for the claim that audio intercepts of an Oswald impersonator were listened to by FBI agents in Dallas while Oswald was in custody. Declassified testimony of David Phillips, the Tarasoff couple who translated the tapes for the CIA, and others illuminate some areas and deepen the mystery in others.
The “Lopez Report” is a good point of departure for a journey into this mysterious affair.

Dan Hardway In 2014, for an ARRC conference, both Hardway and Lopez talked about their experience on the HSCA and the report. A lot of focus was put on how they had been making progress in the HSCA investigation until the CIA placed George Joannides as their resource person in charge of supervising the CIA’s interaction with the HSCA. Despite claims that Joannides was impartial, it was confirmed that he was directly involved with the Cuban exile organization called the DRE in 1963. Oswald had direct interaction with the DRE in events that became very public and were used to paint him as a communist. Hardway concludes his speech with:
“The CIA has something to hide; Joannides knew what they had to hide. The CIA knew he knew and knew we did not know who or what he was hiding; Joannides hid what he had to hide.”

Edwin Lopez Edwin Lopez confirmed the stonewalling and gave examples on how they were being spied on. He referred to the continued holding back of documents as a mess we all needed to work on together.
They also confirmed that they felt that there were either fake phone calls done by an Oswald impostor while he was allegedly in Mexico or at least faked transcripts.
Hardway hypothesizes that because of compartmentalization Phillips and Oswald may have found out on November 22, 1963 that Oswald was a patsy and Phillips received orders to tie the murder to Castro.
In a critique of Phil Shenon’s work written for the AARC in 2015, Dan Hardway expresses the opinion that the CIA is heading to what he calls a limited hang-out by admitting that Oswald may have received guidance from Cuba and that the CIA director at the time, John McCone, was involved in a benign cover-up.
In an interview he gave to Black Op Radio that same year, he recommended The Devil’s Chessboard by David Talbot, a book which exposes incriminating information about Alan Dulles and William Harvey, who can be seen now as persons of high interest in the case.
In 2015, for a civil action where plaintiff Jefferson Morley, was suing the CIA for access to information, Dan Hardway signed a Sworn Deposition that underscores CIA obfuscation techniques as well as some of his findings during the investigation. The following are some of his statements:
Beginning in May of 1978, the CIA assigned George Joannides to handle liaison with Edwin Lopez and me. In the summer of 1978, Mr. Joannides began to change the way file access was handled. We no longer received prompt responses to our requests for files and what we did receive no longer seemed to provide the same complete files that we had been seeing. The obstruction of our efforts by Mr. Joannides escalated over the summer, finally resulting in a refusal to provide unexpurgated access to files in violation of the Memorandum of Understanding previously agreed to by the HSCA and the CIA;
During the course of the spring and summer of 1978 I had been looking into several areas of research which were actively impeded under Mr. Joannides’s direction. These included back channel communications methods used by the CIA’s Mexico City Station, William Harvey’s Office of Security files and his continuing relationship with certain Mafia figures, the use of an impulse camera to photograph the Cuban Consulate in Mexico City, missing production from one of the photographic installations that covered the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City as well as the impulse camera at the Cuban Consulate, and David Atlee Phillips’ possible involvement in stories about LHO that appeared after the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
Before our unexpurgated access was cut off by Joannides, I had been able to document links between David Phillips and most of the sources of the disinformation that came out immediately after the assassination about Oswald and his pro-Castro proclivities. I confronted Phillips with those in an interview at our offices on August 24, 1978. Phillips was extremely agitated by that line of questioning, but was forced to admit that many of the sources were not only former assets that he had managed, in the late 50’s and early 1960’s, but were also assets whom he was personally managing in the fall of 1963. Mr. Phillips was asked, but could not explain, why the information that came from anti-Castro Cuban groups and individuals pointing to Cuban connections, all seemed to come from assets that he handled personally, but acknowledged that that was the case.
We have, since 1978, learned that George Joannides was running the propaganda shop at the CIA’s Miami JMWAVE Station in 1963. It is extremely unlikely that Mr. Joannides could have occupied that position and not have known, and worked with, David Atlee Phillips. In addition, in 1963, we now know, George Joannides was the case officer handling the DRE. In 1977 the CIA specifically denied that DRE had a case officer assigned when asked that question by the HSCA.
Robert Tanenbaum – Chief Counsel HSCA
In a Probe Magazine interview in 1993, Tanenbaum explained why he and Richard Sprague resigned from the Commission:
Q: I interviewed a friend of yours down in New Orleans, L.J. Delsa. He said that he felt that one of the reasons the Congress turned against the Committee was, because of Sprague’s approach. It could have set a precedent in Washington to have really serious investigations instead of fact-finding commissions. Did you get any feeling about that?
A: In my opinion, Congress never wanted to go forward with these investigations at all. That’s just based upon my having spoken with a lot of the membership of the House as I was asked to do by the Committee, in order to get funding. That’s something I never thought would be an issue before I went down there. They sort of politicized into it with some very distinguished members of Congress who were retiring in 1976, requesting that the Kennedy portion be investigated because they had seen Groden’s presentation of the Zapruder film and were very persuaded by it. Then the Black Caucus got involved and said well, investigate the murder of Dr. King. It was an election year and they said, “Ok, why not? We’ll do that.” But there was no commitment to really do it, unfortunately, which regrettably we found out while we were in the midst of investigating the case. They pulled our budget, they pulled our long-distance phone privileges, our franking privileges, we couldn’t even send out mail. And all of this was happening at a time when we were making some significant headway. So, L. J. may be right with respect to his perception, but at the same time I don’t believe they were ever committed to it. Tip O’Neill, who was the Speaker, was never committed to it. Only many, many years later did he realize that he’d made a tragic mistake.
He also reveals troubling information about David Atlee Phillips:
JD: Another thing you’ve discussed and it’s featured in your book, is this incredible movie of the Cuban exile training camp.
BT: To the best of my recollection, we found that movie somewhere in the Georgetown library archives. The movie was shocking to me because it demonstrated the notion that the CIA was training, in America, a separate army. It was shocking to me because I’m a true believer in the system and yet there are notorious characters in the system, who are being funded by the system, who are absolutely un-American. And who knows what they would do, eventually. What if we send people to Washington who they can’t deal with? Out comes their secret army? So, I find that to be as contrary to the constitution as you can get.
JD: Was it really as you described in the book, with all the people in that film? Bishop was in the film?
BT: Oh, yeah. Absolutely! They’re all in the film. They’re all there. But, the fact of the matter is the Committee began to balk at a series of events. The most significant one was when [David Atlee] Phillips came up before the Committee and then had to be recalled because it was clear that he hadn’t told the truth. That had to do with the phony commentary he made about Oswald going to Mexico City on or about October 1st, 1963.
JD: Would you describe that whole sequence, because I feel that is one of the real highlights of your book.

Robert Tanenbaum BT: As I said, I had never followed the sequence of these events and I wasn’t aware of any of this, before I went to Washington. If you had told me all this before I went, I would have said, “This is madness. Talk to me about reality!” So, Phillips was saying that an individual went to Mexico City on or about October 1st and the CIA was claiming this was Lee Harvey Oswald, just as the Warren Commission claimed. However, the following occurred: “Oswald” goes to the Russian Embassy and identifies himself as Lee Henry Oswald. He wants to fake everybody out by changing his middle name. There were tapes of what he said because the CIA was bugging the Embassy the same as they were doing to the U.S. Embassy, according to Phillips. And the CIA was photographing people going in and out of the Embassy, the same as they were doing to the U.S. (We found out, from our own sources that the CIA had a contract employee named Lee Henry Oswald, in their files.) Phillips testimony was that there was no photograph of “Oswald” because the camera equipment had broken down that day and there was no audio tape of “Oswald’s” voice because they recycled their tapes every six or seven days. The problem with his story was, we had obtained a document, it was from the desk of J. Edgar Hoover, it was dated November 23rd, 1963, the very next day after the assassination. This document was a memo to all FBI supervisorial staff stating, in substance, that FBI agents who have questioned Oswald for the past 17 hours approximately, have listened to the tape made on October 1st, by an individual identifying himself as Lee Henry Oswald inside the Russian Embassy, calling on the phone to someone inside the Cuban Embassy and the agents can state unequivocally that the voice on the tape is not the voice of Lee Harvey Oswald, who is in custody.
JD: Did you have this document while you were questioning Phillips?
BT: No. It was a whole separate sequence of events that occurred. But, I wanted to get him back before the Committee so we could confront him with this evidence, because we were in a position to demonstrate that that whole aspect of the Warren Report, and what he had testified to, was untrue. And of course, the Committee was not interested in doing that.
Tanenbaum also vindicated Garrison, incriminated Clay Shaw and shared thoughts about leads that were not followed up on:
JD: You’ve said that you’ve actually seen a CIA document that says they were monitoring and harassing Jim Garrison’s witnesses.
BT: Right. We had that information. I was shocked to read that because I remember discounting everything Garrison had said. I had a negative point of view about Garrison based upon all the reportage that had gone on. And then I read all this material that had come out of Helm’s office, that in fact what Garrison had said was true. They were harassing his witnesses, they were intimidating his witnesses. The documents exist. Where they are now, God only knows. It’s a sad commentary on the lack of oversight on the executive intelligence agencies.
JD: I read something about you to the effect that during the brief period you ran the Committee, after Sprague left, one of the areas that really interested you was New Orleans and its connection to JM/Wave and Miami. Also, Delsa told me, as far as he was concerned, that was one of the most productive areas they were working.
BT: That’s correct. The meeting in Clinton and the Clay Shaw connection and the fact that the government was lying about Clay Shaw and the aliases and so on. That the fact that the government and the executive intelligence agencies, not Garrison, were lying about that, was definitely an area to probe to find out what the justification for that was. Why were they involved in all this, if in fact, nothing had occurred? If it was meaningless, why get involved in creating a perjurious situation for a prosecutor in New Orleans? What was he really on to?
JD: What’s interesting about the day that Sprague resigns, is that’s the day De Mohrenschildt is found dead.
BT: Right. The night before the Committee vote, we had sent an investigator to serve him a subpoena. The night of the day he received the subpoena from the Committee is when he was found dead.
JD: I guess the Committee was so crippled at that time that it couldn’t really pursue whatever investigation there may have been into his murder. And he was a key witness, right?
BT: Right. We desperately wanted to find out what happened. He was someone who had not been subpoenaed before, certainly not by the Warren Commission. [CTKA note: he was questioned, but not subpoenaed.] And you’re right, he was a key player.
JD: Another thing you guys were on to that Blakey never seemed to be on to, was the connection between the people in the background of the assassination and the scandal that had just happened in Washington – namely, Watergate.
BT: Right. E. Howard Hunt, Frank Sturgis. Interestingly, some of them had been with Castro in the Sierra Maestra during the revolution and became players after the revolution. And then wound up in the Nixon White House as the “plumbers.”
JD: You’ve stated that the Committee never got any cooperation from the Kennedys.
BT: We called Senator Kennedy 20-30 times. He never responded once to an inquiry. I found that to be astounding, because after all, he is a member of this legislative branch of government. He conducts probes, he engages in fact-finding missions. How could he stonewall from his brethren in the other chamber? He could have just simply acknowledged a phone call. How could he know what information we wanted? The fact of the matter was, as a matter of courtesy, we wanted to let him know we knew he was around and we wanted to discuss with him areas that he felt we should look into and get his opinions. We certainly felt that they would be valid. So, we were very disappointed in that regard. Frank Mankiewicz came by as a representative of the Kennedy family, wanted to see whether or not Sprague and I had two or three heads. He told us, interestingly, Bobby Kennedy couldn’t put a sentence together about the assassination, he couldn’t even think about it, he couldn’t focus on it. Which explains, in large measure why the Kennedy family was willing to accept what the Warren Commission said, without concern. The event was so horrific, in and of itself, they really weren’t concerned with bringing someone to justice other than what the Warren Commission had said. In their minds, from what Mankiewicz said, if it wasn’t Oswald-some nonperson-then it was some other nonperson. What difference would it make?
JD: When the attacks on Sprague began, most notably in the New York Times and a few other newspapers, did you begin to see a parallel between what was happening to Sprague and what had happened to Jim Garrison?
BT: Of course. But, I didn’t pay much attention to it because it didn’t mean anything to me. I’m not moved to any great extent, by what people write in newspapers. They were trying to cause controversy. But, we were on a mission to do a job and nothing some dope in the New York Times or any other newspaper was going to write, that was blatantly untrue, was going to interfere with what we were doing. Whether it was a positive article or a negative article, it didn’t matter.
In 2003, Tanenbaum spoke at the Wecht Conference and what he had to say would certainly give students of American History new insights in the assassination that would not have pleased Earl Warren or Gerald Ford and some of their disciples.
Here are but a few of the points he made:
What I am saying is that from the evidence we produced, there were substantial questions about the assassination …
What I’d like to do very briefly is to explain some of the reasons why, from a prosecutorial point of view, from what our investigation revealed, there was, in my judgment, no case to convict Lee Harvey Oswald of murdering the President …
The assassination was approximately 12:30; at 12:48 a description of a suspect was sent out: “‘white male, approximately thirty, slender build, height five foot ten inches, weight 165 pounds.” Where did that description come from?
And the answer the Warren Commission gives is that this fellow Brennan was… looking up at the Depository window. And he allegedly sees this person – the shooter – Oswald the Warren Commission maintains, and was able to give a description, a miraculous feat … because if he stood up in the window you would only see a partial of his body [his knees] because the first few feet was opaque. [the window was close to the floor]
Whoever the shooter was that was in that window – in that Sniper’s Nest, he was crouched down looking out that window which was raised about 12 inches. At best, if anybody saw anybody in that window, they would have seen a partial of their face, at best.
During a 2015 interview on Len Osanic’s Black Op Radio, he talked about how the Warren Commission did not want look into a conspiracy, including Oswald’s links with intelligence and Ruby’s to the mob and the Dallas Police Department.
Richard Sprague – Chief Counsel
Historians can be illuminated by what this top level insider of impeccable credentials thought about the assassination and the ensuing cover-up from the many interviews he gave.
In the BBC Documentary The Killing of President Kennedy, Sprague related the following about Oswald:
His trip to Russia raised a number of questions that we wanted to get into. For example, when any American went to Russia and renounced his American citizenship and subsequently changed his mind and wanted to come back to this country, upon returning to this country there was a thorough debriefing by the CIA, with one exception as far as we could ascertain- Oswald…
The photographs allegedly of Oswald going into the Cuban embassy as we all know in fact are not photographs of Oswald. Secondly it turns out that those photographs, even if they were of the wrong person, you would expect they would be of a person entering the Cuban embassy but it turns out they are photographs of someone entering the Russian embassy and the question raised how could they so mix up even what building they are talking about. In addition when we inquire where are the photographs you took of the people entering the Cuban embassy the day in question we are told the cameras were not working that day. I want to talk to the camera people I want to find out if that’s true and that’s where we got stopped.
The CIA said they had re-used the tape prior to the assassination of President Kennedy, yet the FBI has a document stating that some of their agents listened to the tape after the assassination of President Kennedy and that the voice on there was not Oswald’s. In addition the CIA presented a transcript of that conversation; we had interviewed the typist who typed it up who said that the transcript presented was not in fact what was typed up by whoever it was who spoke in that conversation. These are areas that I wanted to get into.
From the photographic evidence surrounding the sixth floor window, as well as the grassy knoll, Sprague, Tanenbaum and most of the staff knew Oswald had not fired any shot, they suspected no shots came from the sixth floor “sniper’s nest” window, and knew there had been shots from other points in Dealey Plaza. They knew the single bullet theory was not valid, and strongly suspected there had been a pre-planned crossfire in Dealey Plaza. They were not planning to waste a lot of time reviewing and rehashing the Dealey Plaza evidence, except as it might lead to the real assassins.
They had set up an investigation in Florida and the Keys, of some of the evidence and leads developed in 1967 by Garrison. Gaeton Fonzi was in charge of that part of Sprague’s team. They were going to check out the people in the CIA that had been running and funding the No Name Key group and other anti-Castro groups, e.g., Willaim Seymour, Manuel Garcia Gonzalez, Jerry Patrick Hemming, Loran Hall, Lawrence Howard, and Rolando Masferrer and Carlos Prio Socarras.
This new situation, with Richard Sprague and his team garnering so much knowledge of the CIA’s role in the murder and the cover-up caused the Establishment to face a crisis. They knew they had to do several things to turn the situation around and keep the American public in the dark. Here is what they had to do:
- Get rid of Chief Counsel Richard Sprague.
- Get rid of Committee Chairman Henry Gonzalez.
- Get rid of Sprague’s key men and keep them away from more incriminating CIA evidence.
- Install their own chief counsel to control the investigation.
- Nominate a new HSCA chairman who would go along, or who could be fooled.
- Limit Sprague’s investigations of CIA people. Make sure some of the people aren’t found or, if necessary dispose of CIA people who might talk.
- Create a new investigative environment whose purpose would be to confirm all of the findings of the Warren Commission and divert attention away from the who-did-it-and-why approach.
- Control the committee staff in such a way as to keep any of them separate from other teams and silent by signing non-disclosure agreements.
- Control the media by not holding any press conferences.
These things all happened. And they fundamentally altered the temperament and goals of the HSCA. It simply was not the same. As many observers think, this was the last, best chance to solve the JFK case.
How did it happen? According to Gaeton Fonzi in The Last Investigation:

Richard Sprague The key factors that drove Richard Sprague to resign as Chief Counsel of the Assassinations Committee appeared, at the time, to be apparent and on the surface. His proposed use of certain investigative equipment, his demand for an expensive, unrestricted investigation, his refusal to play politics with Chairman Gonzalez – all were apparent grounds for the vociferous criticism which, in the long run, was debilitating to the Committee’s efforts to get on with its job. However, after his resignation and a brief respite from the turmoil of Washington, Sprague was able to view his experience in a broader perspective.” … “If he had it to do over again, he would begin his investigation of the Kennedy assassination by probing “Oswald’s ties to the Central Intelligence Agency.” Recently, I asked Sprague why he had come to that conclusion. “Well,” he said, “when I first thought about it I decided that the House leadership really hadn’t intended for there to be an investigation. The Committee was set up to appease the Black Caucus in an election year. I still believe that was a factor. But when I looked back at what happened, it suddenly became very clear that the problems began only after I ran up against the CIA. That’s when my troubles really started.
In a 2000 interview for Probe Magazine with John Williams, he described his being fired this way:
SPRAGUE: We were just going to do that type of thorough thing. I demanded the records from the CIA, and now there was an abrupt refusal, and I subpoenaed them. At that point, Gonzales, who was Chairman of the Committee, ordered the CIA, or told the CIA that they need not respond to my subpoena, and fired me, and ordered the U.S. Marshals come in and remove me from my office.
WILLIAMS: Oh, so that firing was directly after you had subpoenaed the records from the Central Intelligence Agency.
SPRAGUE: Right. But there’s more involved in it than the timing …
WILLIAMS: Right.
SPRAGUE: … if you checked the record. That came up after that. He ordered my firing. He ordered marshals to remove me from my office in what I’m sure was the first and only time in the history of the United States Congress. The rest of the Committee, backed me to a man and overrode the Chairman, and ordered that I remain, and the marshals were directed to get off.
Of course, that led to Gonzales taking it up in the House of Representatives, and the House backed the rest of the Committee. And he resigned and Stokes came on. [Louis Stokes was the Representative from Ohio. Eds. Note] I’m sure that’s the only time in the history in the United States Congress that in a fight between the Chairman and the Director, that the Chairman got bounced.
But there’s a terrible price paid for that. Every Congressman dreams of being Chairman of a Committee and being all powerful. It ultimately did not sit well with the Congress that a Chairman got ousted …
Robert Blakey – Chief Counsel and staff director 1977-79
While Sprague’s replacement, Robert Blakey, frustrated some investigators for being too trusting of the CIA, he too did not buy the Warren Commission’s final conclusions.
While at first Blakey felt that the HSCA had investigated the CIA enough to absolve them of any role in the assassination, in 2003 in an addendum to an interview with PBS, his opinion evolved. Because he found out that the CIA misled him and the HSCA by bringing George Joannides out of retirement as the CIA liaison with the Committee and hiding the role he had with an anti-Castro group called the DRE which played an important role by its interaction with Oswald:
I am no longer confident that the Central Intelligence Agency co-operated with the Committee. My reasons follow:
The Committee focused, among other things, on (1) Oswald, (2) in New Orleans, (3) in the months before he went to Dallas, and, in particular, (4) his attempt to infiltrate an anti-Castro group, the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil or DRE.
These were crucial issues in the Warren Commission’s investigation; they were crucial issues in the committee’s investigation. The Agency knew it full well in 1964; the Agency knew it full well in 1976-79. Outrageously, the Agency did not tell the Warren Commission or our committee that it had financial and other connections with the DRE, a group that Oswald had direct dealings with!
What contemporaneous reporting is or was in the Agency’s DRE files? We will never know, for the Agency now says that no reporting is in the existing files. Are we to believe that its files were silent in 1964 or during our investigation?
I don’t believe it for a minute. Money was involved; it had to be documented. Period. End of story. The files and the Agency agents connected to the DRE should have been made available to the Commission and the Committee. That the information in the files and the agents who could have supplemented it were not made available to the Commission and the Committee amounts to willful obstruction of justice.
Obviously, too, it did not identify the agent who was its contact with the DRE at the crucial time that Oswald was in contact with it: George Joannides.
During the relevant period, the Committee’s chief contact with the Agency on a day-to-day basis was Scott Breckinridge. (I put aside our point of contact with the office of chief counsel, Lyle Miller) We sent researchers to the Agency to request and read documents. The relationship between our young researchers, law students who came with me from Cornell, was anything but “happy.” Nevertheless, we were getting and reviewing documents. Breckinridge, however, suggested that he create a new point of contact person who might “facilitate” the process of obtaining and reviewing materials. He introduced me to Joannides, who, he said, he had arranged to bring out of retirement to help us. He told me that he had experience in finding documents; he thought he would be of help to us.
I was not told of Joannides’ background with the DRE, a focal point of the investigation. Had I known who he was, he would have been a witness who would have been interrogated under oath by the staff or by the committee. He would never have been acceptable as a point of contact with us to retrieve documents. In fact, I have now learned, as I note above, that Joannides was the point of contact between the Agency and DRE during the period Oswald was in contact with DRE.
That the Agency would put a “material witness” in as a “filter” between the committee and its quests for documents was a flat out breach of the understanding the committee had with the Agency that it would co-operate with the investigation.
The Committee’s researchers immediately complained to me that Joannides was, in fact, not facilitating, but obstructing our obtaining of documents. I contacted Breckinridge and Joannides. Their side of the story wrote off the complaints to the young age and attitude of the people.
They were certainly right about one question: the Committee’s researchers did not trust the Agency. Indeed, that is precisely why they were in their positions. We wanted to test the Agency’s integrity. I wrote off the complaints. I was wrong; the researchers were right. I now believe the process lacked integrity precisely because of Joannides.
For these reasons, I no longer believe that we were able to conduct an appropriate investigation of the Agency and its relationship to Oswald. Anything that the Agency told us that incriminated, in some fashion, the Agency may well be reliable as far as it goes, but the truth could well be that it materially understates the matter.
What the Agency did not give us, none but those involved in the Agency can know for sure. I do not believe any denial offered by the Agency on any point. The law has long followed the rule that if a person lies to you on one point, you may reject all of his testimony.
I now no longer believe anything the Agency told the Committee any further than I can obtain substantial corroboration for it from outside the Agency for its veracity. We now know that the Agency withheld from the Warren Commission the CIA-Mafia plots to kill Castro. Had the commission known of the plots, it would have followed a different path in its investigation. The Agency unilaterally deprived the commission of a chance to obtain the full truth, which will now never be known.
Significantly, the Warren Commission’s conclusion that the agencies of the government co-operated with it is, in retrospect, not the truth.
We also now know that the Agency set up a process that could only have been designed to frustrate the ability of the committee in 1976-79 to obtain any information that might adversely affect the Agency.
Many have told me that the culture of the Agency is one of prevarication and dissimulation and that you cannot trust it or its people. Period. End of story.
I am now in that camp.
Anyone interested in pursuing this story further should consult the reporting by Jefferson Morley of the Washington Post. See, e.g., Jefferson Morley, “Revelation 1963”, Miami New Times (April 2001).

Robert Blakey During his appearance for the AARC Conference in 2014, Blakey’s views seem to have crystallized by stating that at first he felt the CIA had cooperated but that he had come to change his mind. He also explained how he was sold the idea by the CIA of bringing in a facilitator in Joannides to help in the liaison between the CIA and the HSCA, and that that was when things went downhill. He also said that they were refused the DRE file and were told by Joannides that there was no case agent for the DRE, when in fact he was the case agent! It was also discovered subsequent to the HSCA hearings that Joannides was acting as an undercover agent in his dealings with the HSCA. He also said that FBI agent Regis Kennedy described Marcello as a tomato salesman who was not part of the mob.
During this presentation and on a 2015 Black Op Radio program he confirmed his belief in the single bullet theory, but also that a shot came from the grassy knoll due to witness testimony from several people who the Warren Commission made every effort to undermine. This includes Secret Service agents, S. M. Holland, and presidential assistant Dave Powers. He said this caused him to lose confidence in the Warren Commission report. He said that “It’s not an investigation … It’s a justification to assert that Oswald acted alone … They used the testimony of Lenny Patrick – a mob shooter – to exculpate Ruby from mob connections …” He concluded that the committees, including the ARRB, were had.
Comments on the HSCA
A diligent historian who prides himself in honoring the historical record should really take the time to digest the conclusions of the report and the statements of the high level insiders who are in the know… They do not buy the Warren Commission version of the assassination; they do not conclude that Oswald acted alone; they do not find that the murder was adequately investigated!
Liberty Lobby vs. E. Howard Hunt
Contrary to the other investigations which were governmental, this instance was a civil trial which pitted CIA operative and Watergate burglary planner E. Howard Hunt against Mark Lane. Lane came in because Spotlight was a publication which ran a piece in 1985 reporting that the CIA had a memo confirming its intention to out Hunt as having been involved in the JFK assassination, acting as something like a rogue agent. Hunt sued and won for slander but lost on appeal after Liberty Lobby hired Lane to represent them.
Spotlight wrote the following about its victory: “Scattered news reports did mention Hunt had lost a libel case against The SPOTLIGHT. However, no media reported what the jury forewoman had told the press: ‘Mr. Lane was asking us to do something very difficult. He was asking us to believe John Kennedy had been killed by our own government. Yet when we examined the evidence closely, we were compelled to conclude that the CIA had indeed killed President Kennedy.’”
Mark Lane, who passed away in 2016, was among the earliest researchers who detailed problems about the Warren Commission, which he related in the best-seller Rush to Judgement. His books Plausible Denial and the Last Word cover the trial extensively.
Comments about the Liberty Lobby – Hunt trial
While many Warren Commission defenders have tried to discredit Mark Lane through the years, an open-minded historian should consider the jury members who were asked to play an important role in ensuring that justice was served. They took in and evaluated all the evidence. And have added themselves to the already overwhelming number of insiders who do not buy what is written in most history books, i.e., the Warren Commission version of events.
ARRB Assassination Records Review Board
This Board was created in 1994 after the movie JFK put pressure on Congress to pass the 1992 JFK Assassination Records Collection Act. During a four-year period, it declassified millions of documents. Its mandate was different from the other investigations: The major purpose of the Review Board was to re-examine for release the records that the agencies still regarded as too sensitive to open to the public. In addition, Congress established the Review Board to help restore government credibility. To achieve these lofty goals, Congress designed an entity that was unprecedented.
It was not set up to re-investigate the case, nor to solve what happened on November 22, 1963. It nevertheless provided valuable information to assassination researchers that historians seem oblivious to. It achieved the following:
- Reviewed and voted on over 27,000 previously redacted assassination records.
- Obtained agencies’ consent to release an additional 33,000+ assassination records.
- Ensured that the famous Zapruder Film of the assassination belonged to the American people and arranged for the first known authenticity study of the Zapruder Film.
- Opened previously redacted CIA records from the Directorate of Operations.
- Released 99% of the “Hardway/Lopez Report” documenting the CIA’s records on Lee Harvey Oswald’s trip to Mexico City before the assassination.
- Conducted its own inquiry into the medical record of President Kennedy’s autopsy and his treatment at Parkland Hospital by deposing 10 Bethesda autopsy participants, five Parkland Hospital treating physicians, and conducting numerous unsworn interviews of Parkland and Bethesda personnel.
- Secured records relating to District Attorney Jim Garrison’s prosecution of Clay Shaw for conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy, including Shaw’s diaries, records from Shaw’s defense attorneys, investigative records from the District Attorney’s office, and grand jury records.
- Made available to the public all FBI and CIA documents from previous official investigations, like the HSCA.
- Sponsored ballistics and forensic testing of Warren Commission Exhibit 567, the bullet “nose fragment” from the front seat of the Presidential limousine (the HSCA Firearms Panel first recommended the testing in 1978, but the testing was not conducted until the Review Board existed).
- Permanently preserved all the extant autopsy photographs of President Kennedy in digitized form, and conducted sophisticated digital enhancement of selected, representative images.
Jeremy Gunn – Executive counsel
On November 10, 2013 he made the following remarks for NPR:
“There were many things that were disturbing.”

J. Thornton Boswell (left)James J. Humes (center) Pierre Finck (right) When Gunn pored over the material, what stuck out most for him was the medical evidence. For instance, what he learned in his 1996 deposition of James Joseph Humes. Humes, who died three years later, was one of the doctors who performed the autopsy on Kennedy’s body.
For one thing, Humes told Gunn that the autopsy was not performed strictly by the book; some procedures were left out, such as removing and weighing all the organs. Then, Humes made an eye-opening revelation.
“Dr. Humes admitted that the supposedly original handwritten version of the autopsy that is in the National Archives is in fact not the original version,” Gunn says. He says Humes had never said that publicly before, even to the Warren Commission.

Saundra K. Spencer When Gunn showed Saundra Spencer, the Navy Warrant Officer who processed the autopsy film, the official photos from the National Archives during her deposition in 1997, she said they were not the pictures she remembered processing. What’s more, the official pictures weren’t anything like the ones she remembered. “The prints that we printed did not have the massive head damages that is visible here,” she told Gunn. “… The face, the eyes were closed and the face, the mouth was closed, and it was more of a rest position than these show.”
“[I] can recite a litany of other unresolved questions surrounding the Kennedy assassination — ones the Warren Commission failed to answer. For example, in New Orleans in 1963, Oswald came in contact with the FBI. When he was arrested after a scuffle at a demonstration, he asked to meet with the FBI. Why would Oswald ask to see someone from the FBI?” Gunn asks. “But an FBI agent went and interviewed Oswald, came back and wrote a memo on it, put it in the file.”

Jeremy Gunn “For me, it’s quite simple,” Gunn says. “I don’t know what happened.”
“There is substantial evidence that points toward Oswald and incriminates Oswald,” he says, “and the only person we can name where there is evidence is Oswald. But there’s also rather important exculpatory evidence for Oswald, suggesting he didn’t do it, and that he was framed.”
“So they wanted to write the document in a way that would reassure the American public that it was a single gunman acting alone, somebody who’s a little bit unstable, and that that’s the explanation for what happened. Since the facts aren’t clear, though, that document can look like a whitewash.”
For the Warren Commission, transparency had its own difficulties. “There are serious problems with the forensics evidence, with the ballistics evidence, with the autopsy evidence,” Gunn says. “And, in my opinion, if they had said that openly, it would have not put the issue to rest.”
“If the president had been killed as part of a conspiracy, that needed to be known,” he says.
“The institution that had the opportunity to best get to the bottom of this, as much as it was possible, was the Warren Commission, and they didn’t do it,” he says. “Now it’s too late to do what should have been done originally.”
Doug Horne – Senior analyst
Doug Horne reviewed the military records including the military autopsy for the ARRB. What he found was revealed during interviews as well as the book he wrote, Inside the ARRB, published in 2009. Its contents are fascinating and would surprise students of American history who base their beliefs on many of the history textbooks.
Numerous persons the ARRB deposed or interviewed (FBI agents Sibert and O’Neill, mortician Tom Robinson, and others) have essentially disowned the autopsy photographs showing the back of JFK’s head intact. O’Neill said the photos of the back of the head looked “doctored” (by which he meant that he thought the wound had been repaired – put back together – not that the photo looked altered), and Sibert said the back of the head looked “reconstructed.” Tom Robinson of Gawler’s funeral home said there was a large hole in the back of the head where it looks intact in the photos. Pathologist J. Thornton Boswell said that there was a lot of bone missing in the right rear of the head behind where the scalp looks intact, but did not explain how the scalp could be intact if the bone in the right rear of the skull was missing! (See the ARRB deposition transcripts of Frank O’Neill, James Sibert, and J. Thornton Boswell, as well as the unsworn report of the ARRB interview with Tom Robinson.)

Doug Horne But perhaps Horne’s most stunning conclusion was that the photographs of “the President’s brain” in the autopsy collection are really photographs of someone else’s brain … a major deception in this case. These images, which appear to show damage consistent with a shot from above and behind, were disowned under oath to the ARRB by John Stringer, the photographer who took the official brain photos at JFK’s supplementary autopsy. He disowned the images because of the angles at which they were shot, and because they were taken on the wrong film – film he did not use. (FBI agent O’Neill also disowned the brain photos in the autopsy collection, saying that there was too much tissue present, and that at autopsy over one half of the President’s brain was missing.) These photos have been used for years by supporters of the Warren Commission’s conclusions to support their shooting scenario, and to discount those who claim there were shots from the front or right front.
General conclusions
Most historians who talked about their sources when writing about the JFK assassination were not aware of the ARRB and the wealth of new evidence made available starting a year after Gerald Posner wrote Case Closed. As a matter of fact, not one cited any of the official investigations as a source other than the Warren Commission. Which, of course, is the oldest, most contested, highly rushed, poorly investigated, biased governmental source possible.
That assessment does not come from independent authors who are trying to sell books. It comes from written reports of subsequent investigations and the statements of a very significant cross-section of insiders that participated in the investigations including the Warren Commission: Senators (some Republicans, some Democrats), counsel, staff members, attorneys, researchers, historians, archivists, investigators, FBI, DPD and Louisiana State law enforcement agents. As well as from the highest ranking members of the HSCA and Church committees. As well as an impressive number of dissenting participants of the Warren Commission itself, who have voiced their opinions in reputable magazines, newspapers, documentaries and books, all easily accessible on the web. We are not talking about zany, fringe, book peddling conspiracy theorists here. These are persons that witnessed the autopsy, questioned persons of interest under oath while looking them in the eye, poured over reports and secret documents, worked in teams to analyze the evidence, etc. – people who the U.S. government entrusted to investigate the crime of the century and who curious historians may learn from.
While they may not all know what in fact happened, they all agree on certain key points: The Warren Commission conclusions are not reliable; the investigations into the assassination were deficient (especially the Warren Commission’s); they are far from certain that Oswald and Ruby acted alone. Many of them believe that: government agencies hid the truth; the Single Bullet Theory is a fabrication; that there has been a long-lasting cover-up; that Oswald and Ruby were involved in very suspicious relationships, and the list goes on and on. All diametrically opposed to what historians, for money, are telling adolescents as part of a captive audience! Which is that Oswald did it and the Warren Commission got it right! End of story!
The American Historical Association statement of conduct stipulates that historians are to honor the historical record.. To do so they first need to know what it is! If the next edition of their history books continues to support the cover-up, their behavior should be considered nothing less than unforgivable.
Go to Addendum
Go to Part 1
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JFK and the Unforgivable: How the historians’ version of the JFK assassination dishonors the historical record – Part 1
In April 2016 CTKA published this author’s article[i] that revealed how history books portray the JFK assassination as a crime perpetrated by Oswald alone and how authors’ sources are restricted to the Warren Commission and a few books that mostly support the Lone Nut scenario. Information and conclusions coming from other major investigations and pro-conspiracy authors are almost completely ignored.
The article went on to show how the historians violate their own code of conduct on this issue and looked into possible outside influences that may have affected their work and mindsets. The unfortunate result of the lack of diligence on this issue is that captive audiences of young students have been unfairly exposed to a biased, unsound and incomplete account of the Kennedy assassination in most history textbooks.
Another point that came out was that many historians find that independent researchers that write about possible conspiracies lack credibility. There has been much propaganda to discredit them and their work. They are called zany, dishonest, and greedy and their claims are said to be baseless and off the wall. Furthermore they are accused of undermining their own institutions, government and country. Before a serious historian can zero in on whom the reliable researchers are and focus on the soundness of their arguments, they have to cut through clutter caused by hostile, omnipresent anti-conspiracy messaging as well as the cast of shaky researchers peddling low quality work.
This article focuses on what interested historians can easily learn from the official investigations and the opinions and statements from the actual investigators, lawyers, and staff members who were involved in six investigations that were mostly (all but one) government initiated and managed. The Warren Commission was the first one, the one most historians count on almost entirely for their writings, and as we will see, it is the most obsolete and least reliable.
For an historian who finds research on this issue very daunting, this should serve as a starting point – especially for those who, as they did with the Warren Commission Report, have faith in their government institutions and their representatives. What follows is what can be learned from not only the official investigation reports but from the mouths of those who were direct participants in them … the real insiders: Those who were mandated and given special powers to access witnesses and evidence! It therefore discounts the theories and opinions of independent authors.
It may prove difficult to fluff off these sources as being zany, dishonest and greedy … Doing so would suggest a far-fetched governmental conspiracy to deceive its own people and undermine important American institutions.
It is this author’s opinion that historians are disrespecting the American Historical Association statement of conduct about honoring the historical record when they assert that Oswald alone assassinated the president based on the conclusions of the Warren Commission. If they read this article and continue to do so, their actions cannot be blamed on mere ignorance of the facts, or confusion caused by obfuscators. Thereafter, if the historian does not feel compelled to dig deeper to find out what really happened, then the word unforgivable should be added to the word subservient – at least on this issue – when describing their performance. Especially when one considers the age of the subjects who are victimized in what is supposed to be a learning environment.
If they continue to cite the Warren Commission as their key source, they may want to consider taking up smoking cigarettes; after all some of the first studies about this product concluded that it was good for your health.
The President’s Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy (aka The Warren Commission)
Established on November 29, 1963, it was set up by President Lyndon Johnson to investigate the November 22, 1963 assassination of President Kennedy. The Commission presented an 888-page report[ii] and twenty-six volumes of evidence on September 24, 1964. Its major conclusions were that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone in killing JFK and that nightclub owner Jack Ruby also acted alone in killing Oswald two days later.
The Commission had “not found evidence” linking either Oswald or Ruby to a conspiracy. (WR, p. 21)
The first hint of dissension among the members of the commission is the following bewildering statement in the report which points to a rift concerning the Single Bullet theory and Connally’s testimony: “Although it is not necessary to any essential findings of the Commission to determine just which shot hit Governor Connally, there is very persuasive evidence from the experts to indicate that the same bullet which pierced the President’s throat also caused Governor Connally’s wounds. However, Governor Connally’s testimony and certain other factors have given rise to some difference of opinion as to this probability but there is no question in the mind of any member of the Commission that all the shots which caused the President’s and the Governor’s wounds were fired from the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository.” (WR, Page 19)
What is not being said directly here is that certain members of the Commission, as well as John Connally and his wife, did not believe that a single bullet caused all seven wounds, which is in fact necessary to the essential conclusions. Because if one bullet caused Kennedy’s head wound and another caused bystander James Tague’s injury, then for Oswald to be the lone shooter, he would have had to have caused all remaining seven wounds with his only other shot, because even the Warren Commission acknowledges that Oswald could not have fired more than three shots.
Statements and opinions of Warren Commission members, consultants and investigators
While most historians continue to place their faith in the Warren Commission, it is most noteworthy that an important number of important participants in the investigation had serious doubts about crucial elements in the report.
Roger Craig – Dallas Deputy Sheriff
Roger Craig was very well regarded up until the assassination. He was on duty and in Dealey Plaza at the time of the assassination. In a number of interviews he explains what he witnessed on November 22, 1963: He was in the Book Depository when the alleged murder weapon was found which he confirmed as a Mauser and not the Mannlicher-Carcano that the Warren Commission claimed Oswald owned. (Contrary to what some have written, the brand name Mauser and the calibre are stamped on some editions of the Mauser rifle; see here The Mauser, the Carcano and the Lt. Day Rifle ) Furthermore Craig claimed to have seen Oswald entering a station wagon a few minutes after the assassination, which would contradict the Warren Commission’s chronology of Oswald’s movements and implicated a getaway driver – the following is part of his Warren Commission testimony:
Roger Craig: I drove up to Fritz’ office about, oh, after 5 … about 5:30 or something like that and talked to Captain Fritz and told him what I had saw. And he took me in his office … I believe it was his office … . it was a little office, and had the suspect sitting in a chair behind a desk … beside the desk. And another gentleman, I didn’t know him, he was sitting in another chair to my left as I walked in the office. And Captain Fritz asked me “was this the man I saw” and I said, “Yes,” it was.
David Belin: All right. Will you describe the man you saw in Captain Fritz’ office?
Roger Craig: Oh, he was sitting down but he had the same medium brown hair; it was still … well, it was kinda wild looking; he was slender, and what I could tell of him sitting there, he was … short. By that, I mean not myself, I’m five eleven … he was shorter than I was. And fairly light build.
David Belin: Could you see his trousers?
Roger Craig: No; I couldn’t see his trousers at all.
David Belin: What about his shirt?
Roger Craig: I believe, as close as I can remember, a T-shirt … a white T-shirt.
David Belin: All right. But you didn’t see him in a lineup? You just saw him sitting there?
Roger Craig: No; he was sitting there by himself in a chair … off to one side.
David Belin: All right. Then, what did Captain Fritz say and what did you say and what did the suspect say?
Roger Craig: Captain Fritz then asked … . “What about this station wagon?” And the suspect interrupted him and said, “That station wagon belongs to Mrs. Paine” … I believe is what he said. “Don’t try to tie her into this. She had nothing to do with it.”
In Craig’s 1971 book When They Kill a President, he describes that many in the DPD despised Kennedy, and how the DPD was excluded from security duties the day of the assassination. The following is David Ratcliffe’s summary of the Book:
… He was a member of a group of men from Dallas County Sheriff James Eric “Bill” Decker‘s office that was directed to stand out in front of the Sheriff‘s office on Main Street (at the corner of Houston) and “take no part whatsoever in the security of that motorcade.” Once he heard the first shot, Roger Craig immediately bolted towards Houston Street. His participation in the formative hours of the investigation during the rest of that day and into the evening included observations and experiences that would have singlehandedly destroyed the entire Warren Commission fairy tale before a grand jury or a Congressional investigation.
Roger Craig was named the Dallas Sheriff‘s Department “Officer of the Year” in 1960 by the Dallas Traffic Commission. He received four promotions while he was Deputy Sheriff. Among the most important events he witnessed: At approximately 12:40 p.m., Craig was standing on the south side of Elm Street when he heard a shrill whistle coming from the north side of Elm and turned to see a man—wearing faded blue trousers and a long sleeved work shirt made of some type of grainy material—come running down the grassy knoll from the direction of the TSBD. He saw a light green Rambler station wagon coming slowly west on Elm Street, pull over to the north curb and pick up the man coming down the hill. By this time the traffic was too heavy for him to be able to reach them before the car drove away going west on Elm.

Roger Craig After witnessing the above scene, Deputy Craig ran to the command post at Elm and Houston to report the incident to the authorities. When he got there and asked who was involved in the investigation, a man turned to him and said “I‘m with the Secret Service.” Craig recounted what he had just seen. This “Secret Service” man showed little interest in Craig‘s description of the people leaving, but seemed extremely interested in the description of the Rambler to the degree this was the only part of the recounting that he wrote down. Immediately after this Craig was told by Sheriff Decker to help the police search the TSBD. Deputy Craig was one of the people to find the three rifle cartridges on the floor beneath the window on the southeast corner of the sixth floor. Originally, all three were no more than an inch or two apart. One of the three shells was crimped on the end which would have held the slug. It had not been stepped on but merely crimped over on one small portion of the rim. The rest of that end was perfectly round.
He was among those present after the rifle was found. And, along with Deputy Eugene Boone who had first spotted the weapon, was immediately joined by police Lt. Day, Homicide Capt. Fritz, and deputy constable Seymour Weitzman, an expert on weapons who had been in the sporting goods business for many years and was familiar with all domestic and foreign makes. Lt. Day briefly inspected the rifle and handed it to Capt. Fritz who asked if anyone knew what kind of rifle it was. After a close examination, Weitzman declared it to be a 7.65 German Mauser. Capt. Fritz agreed with him. At the moment when Capt. Fritz concurred with Weitzman‘s identification of the rifle, an unknown Dallas police officer came running up the stairs and advised Capt. Fritz that a Dallas policeman had been shot in the Oak Cliff area. Craig instinctively looked at his watch. The time was 1:06 p.m. (The Warren Commission attempted to move this time back beyond 1:15 to create a plausible claim Oswald had reached the Tippit murder scene in a more humanly possible time-frame than would be the case if Tippit had the encounter with his murderer earlier.)
Later in the afternoon Craig received word of Oswald‘s arrest and that he was suspected of being involved in Kennedy‘s murder. He immediately thought of the man running down the grassy knoll and made a telephone call to Capt. Will Fritz to give him the description of the man he had seen. Fritz said Craig‘s description sounded like the man they had and asked him to come take a look. When he saw Oswald in Fritz‘s personal office Deputy Craig confirmed that this was indeed the man, dressed in the same way, that he had seen running down the knoll and into the Rambler. They went into the office together and Fritz told Oswald, “This man (pointing to me) saw you leave.” At which time the suspect replied, “I told you people I did.” Fritz, apparently trying to console Oswald, said, “Take it easy, son—we‘re just trying to find out what happened.” Fritz then said, “What about the car?” Oswald replied, leaning forward on Fritz‘s desk, “That station wagon belongs to Mrs. Paine—don‘t try to drag her into this.” Sitting back in his chair, Oswald said very disgustedly and very low, “Everybody will know who I am now.”
The fact that Fritz said ‘car’ and this elicited Oswald‘s outburst about a station wagon—that no one else had mentioned—confirms the veracity of Roger Craig‘s story.
Junior counsel for the Warren Commission Dave Belin, was the man who interviewed Roger Craig in April of 1964. After being questioned in what Craig recounts as a very manipulative and selective way, Belin asked “Do you want to follow or waive your signature or sign now?” Craig noted, “Since there was nothing but a tape recording and a stenographer‘s note book, there was obviously nothing to sign. All other testimony which I have read (a considerable amount) included an explanation that the person could waive his signature then or his statement would be typed and he would be notified when it was ready for signature. Belin did not say this to me.” After Craig first saw the transcript in January of 1968 he discovered that the testimony he gave had been changed in fourteen different places.
Deputy Sheriff Roger Craig never changed his account of what he witnessed and experienced on Friday, November 22, 1963. The passage where he describes the methodology employed by David Belin in selectively recording his testimony is highly illuminating and provides us with a glimpse of how the Commission interviewed witnesses in a very controlled way. (And is echoed by the experience of Victoria Adams, another key witness, as described in Barry Ernst’s book, The Girl on the Stairs.) Craig remained convinced, for the rest of this life, that the man entering the Rambler station wagon was Lee Harvey Oswald. He was fired from the Sheriff‘s office on July 4, 1967, and from that day forward he never again could find steady work. Multiple attempts were made on his life, his wife finally left him, and in the end, he allegedly shot himself on May 15, 1975.

Jesse Curry (Chief of Dallas Police) Jesse Curry – Dallas Chief of Police
Curry who was in the motorcade just in front of the president and interviewed Oswald after the assassination is on the record for saying: “There is a possibility that one (a shot) came from in front of us … By the direction of the blood and the brains of the president from one of the shots, it just seems it would have to be fired from the front … I can’t say that I could swear that there was one man and one man alone, I think that there is the possibility that there could be another man … “. He also stated they were never able to place Oswald on the sixth floor with the rifle in his hands.
James Sibert and Francis O’Neill – FBI agents
Sibert and O’Neill witnessed the autopsy in Bethesda and wrote a report about it which disproves the Single Bullet theory and explains why junior counsel Arlen Specter, who interviewed them, prevented them from talking to the Warren Commission and also kept their report hidden.
The eventually declassified report, Sibert’s deposition to the ARRB and his interview with William Matson Law for his 2005 book In the Eye of History: Disclosures in the JFK Assassination Medical Evidence do not help Specter’s case whatsoever:

James Sibert (FBI) Law: Here’s a piece I don’t know what to think of. He said – Custer again – he’s talking about finding a bullet fragment in the autopsy room. I’ve talked to quite a few people and no one else remembers this: “I called one of the pathologists over and said, ‘Hey, we have a bullet here.’ As soon as they heard that, they came down off the raised platform, they ran over and then picked it up. Then Sibert and O’Neill also came over and said, `Well, we want that.’
Sibert: We never … the only thing we took position of, William, was a little jar with bullet fragments that had been removed from the brain. You know, metal particles?
Law: That’s the only thing I’ve ever had reported to me, and Mr. Custer has since passed away.
Sibert: I don’t remember anything about a bullet – you know they couldn’t find that bullet wound in the back – and they probed that and there was no exit. So, I said, “Well, let me go and call over at the lab, see if there is any kind of an ice bullet that might have fragmentized completely.” That was when I called agent Killion over at the lab, and he said, “Have you learned about the bullet they found under the stretcher over at Parkland?” Now, I came back and reported that to Humes, the chief pathologist, and that’s the only – I never saw that bullet. They were sending that bullet in, but it didn’t come into the autopsy room. I think they flew it into the Washington area, and that went directly to the FBI laboratory, the firearms section.
Law: I’ve talked to Mr. O’Neill quite a bit about this and asked him about his belief in the single-bullet theory, and he said, “Absolutely not, it did not happen!”
Sibert: Well, you can put me in the same category! Have you read Arlen Specter’s latest book, Passion For Truth?”
Law: No, I haven’t. I do not believe in the single-bullet theory from all I’ve read, and how can …
Sibert: I told them before they asked me to come up for the [ARRB] deposition, I said: “Well, before I come up, I want to tell you one thing: I don’t buy the single bullet theory.” And they said, “We don’t expect you to.”
Law: Yes, when I talked to Mr. O’Neill, he was adamant that it did not happen.
Sibert: In the first place, they moved the bullet wound, the one in the back. See, I don’t know if you recall, but over at Parkland, they weren’t even aware of the back wound, because they had a big fight over there as to who had jurisdiction. Texas had a law that any kind of a murder done in Texas, the autopsy had to be performed there. They didn’t know about the back wound. But they get to Bethesda – here’s the pathetic part – they found the wound in the back, of course, they took the wound in the neck as a straight tracheotomy and they didn’t find out that it was a bullet wound until the next morning when they called Parkland.
Law: Do you think it was a straight tracheotomy?
Sibert: Oh! They said over there that the … I forget who the doctor was there but he said he made that tracheotomy right over a bullet wound.
Law: That was Malcolm Perry.
Sibert: Perry, yeah. And you know, a lot of them over there said first that they thought it was an entrance wound. So, you had Parkland not knowing about the back wound, you had Bethesda not knowing about the bullet wound in the neck, taking it as a tracheotomy; which really gets you off on the right foot.
Law: Were you surprised you weren’t called before the Warren Commission?
Sibert: I was at the time, but now I can understand why.
Law: Why do you think you weren’t called?
Sibert: Why? In other words, with that single-bullet theory, if they went in there and asked us to pinpoint where the bullet entered the back and the measurements and all that stuff, how are you going to work it? See, the way they got the single-bullet theory, was by moving that back wound up to the base of the neck.
… Law: I was going to ask you to tell me your thoughts on Mr. Specter and the single-bullet theory.
Sibert: Well I – that single-bullet theory – when they had me come up to the ARRB deposition there at College Park, I said, “Well before I come up there, I want you to know one thing. I’m not an advocate of the single-bullet theory.” I said, “I don’t believe it because I stood there two foot from where that bullet wound was in the back, the one that they eventually moved up to the base of the neck. I was there when Boswell made his face sheet and located that wound exactly as we described it in the FD 302.” And I said, “Furthermore, when they examined the clothing after it got into the Bureau, those bullet holes in the shirt and the coat were down 5 inches there. So there is no way that bullet could have gone that low then rise up and come out the front of the neck, zigzag and hit Connally and then end up pristine on a stretcher over there in Dallas.”
Law: You don’t believe in the single-bullet theory. Period.
Sibert: There is no way I will swallow that. They can’t put enough sugar on it for me to bite it. That bullet was too low in the back.
Law: Where do you remember seeing it, exactly? Your partner, Frank O’Neill, if I remember right, credits you with finding the bullet hole in the back.
Sibert: Well, let me clarify that. When they had the body over at Parkland, they had a shoving match between the fellow who was going to do the autopsy who said that the autopsy had to be done in Texas – and they were going to do it there – and you had Kellerman telling them that he had orders from the Secret Service and also from Bobby Kennedy that it was going to be done in Washington. At Parkland, they never knew there was a bullet wound in the back. That body left there and they did not know about the bullet wound in the back. Then, Bethesda did not know there was a bullet wound where the tracheotomy was made. So that is a pathetic situation. It could have been handled if they had made a phone call. The smart thing to have done – if there hadn’t been such animosity between the partners over there – put one of those Parkland doctors on Air Force One to come right into Bethesda and say, “Here’s what we did.” And the clothing should have come in with the body. But they held the clothing – they didn’t even undo the tie over there at Parkland and there was a nick in the knot – and here you had this entrance or exit wound in the throat where the tracheotomy was.
Law also interviewed O’Neill:
Law: Were you surprised you were not called before the Warren Commission?
O’Neill: Yes. Because we had pertinent information and the information that was given to the Warren Commission as a result of our interview with Mr. Specter was not a hundred percent accurate ….
Law: I have your testimony to the ARRB. They asked you about the bullet wound in the throat and you said, “Well, I question it. I’ll tell you more later.” Why did you question the bullet wound to the throat?
O’Neill: Because there was no such thing as a bullet wound in the throat at that particular time. We only learned about the bullet wound in the throat in particular – well, let me see – we learned about that after the doctors – not “we” – but it was learned by the doctors who performed the autopsy after they had called down to Dallas to speak to the hospital. Ah, I think it was Malcolm Perry?
Law: Malcolm Perry was the attending physician.
O’Neill: That’s the only time that they became aware that there was a bullet wound in the throat.
Law: Do you believe there was a bullet wound in the throat?
O’Neill: I have no idea. It was not a question – I mean it was a question – there was not a question in my mind about a bullet wound in the throat, it just never came up. It was a tracheotomy, period, until we found out that it was performed over the bullet wound – over a wound – because they weren’t sure it was a bullet wound at that time.

As Law concluded, “O’Neill and Sibert are adamant that the single-bullet theory is wrong. ‘That’s Arlen Specter’s theory,’ O’Neill told me. It’s quite evident from my conversations with them that they have no respect for the one-time assistant counsel to the Warren Commission, now Senator from Pennsylvania. When I questioned Jim Sibert about the single-bullet theory and Arlen Specter, he went as far as to say, ‘What a liar. I feel he got his orders from above – how far above I don’t know.’”
The single-bullet theory is key to the “lone-nut” scenario. If, in fact, a bullet did not hit Kennedy in the back, come out his throat, hit Governor Connally in the back, exit his right chest, slam into his right wrist, breaking the bone and cutting the radial nerve, and then pierce his left thigh and fall out in remarkably pristine condition onto a stretcher at Parkland Hospital, then there was more than one assassin and, hence, conspiracy. The single-bullet theory is the linchpin of the government case against Lee Harvey Oswald. If the theory is false, the lone-assassin concept crumbles to dust.
Alex Rosen – Former FBI Assistant Director
Alex Rosen told the Committee (Church Committee testimony) that the FBI was not actively investigating a conspiracy, but was “in the position of standing on the corner with our pockets open, waiting for someone to drop information into it … “ (Source: Mary Ferrell Foundation)
Charles Shaffer – Staff member – Former Justice Department Investigator
In a 2014 Washington Post interview Charles Shaffer admitted that he now thinks that JFK was assassinated as a result of a mob-related conspiracy involving Santos Trafficante and Carlos Marcello. He also claimed that Warren’s biggest blunder was not allowing Ruby to testify in Washington where he may have exposed a conspiracy.
Alfredda Scobey – Staff member – Law assistant to court of appeal State of Georgia
Scobey wrote down notes taking the position of what a defense lawyer for Oswald could have argued with respect to the evidence presented by the Warren Commission. Her observations underscore many problems the prosecution would have faced including: The denial of Oswald’s right to legal counsel; the inadmissibility of his wife’s testimony; the poor quality of Helen Markham as witness to the Tippit assassination; the number of witnesses that refused to identify Oswald as Tippit’s assassin; the lack of pertinence of the Walker incident; the evidence obtained from the Paines’ without a warrant; the chain of possession of the rifle, etc.
Burt Griffin and Leon Hubert – Assistant counsels
Burt Griffin and Leon Hubert were charged with investigating Jack Ruby and while they had not concluded that Ruby was involved in a conspiracy, they were clearly not satisfied with the investigation and information transferred to them by the FBI or CIA. This is made clear by memos written by them and answers Judge Griffin gave in his HSCA testimony.
Lisa Pease, in an August 1995 Probe article, gives a good summary of the memos:
… Assistant counsels to the Warren Commission Burt Griffin and Leon Hubert wrote, in a memo to the Warren Commission members dated March 20, 1964, that “the most promising links between Jack Ruby and the assassination of President Kennedy are established through underworld figures and anti-Castro Cubans, and extreme right-wing Americans.” Two months later, Griffin and Hubert wrote another memo to the Commission, significantly titled “Adequacy of the Ruby Investigation” in which they warned, “We believe that a reasonable possibility exists that Ruby has maintained a close interest in Cuban affairs to the extent necessary to participate in gun sales or smuggling.”
Ruby had talked about it himself while in jail, reportedly telling a friend, “They’re going to find out about Cuba. They’re going to find out about the guns, find out about New Orleans, find out about everything.” Tales of Ruby running guns to Cuba abounded in the FBI reports taken in the first weeks after the assassination, yet neither the Warren Commission nor the House Select Committee pursued those leads very far. Griffin and Hubert expressed concern over this, saying that “neither Oswald’s Cuban interests in Dallas nor Ruby’s Cuban activities have been adequately explored.”

Burt Griffin Hubert and Griffin expressed in their memo of May 14 to Rankin that “we believe that the possibility exists, based on evidence already available, that Ruby was involved in illegal dealings with Cuban elements who might have had contact with Oswald. The existence of such dealings can only be surmised since the present investigation has not focused on that area.” They expressed concern that “Ruby had time to engage in substantial activities in addition to the management of his Clubs” and that “Ruby has always been a person who looked for money-making ‘sidelines’.” They even suggested that since the Fort Worth manufacturer of the famous “Twist Board” Ruby was demonstrating the night after the assassination had no known sales, and was manufactured by an oil field equipment company, that “[t]he possibility remains that the ‘twist board’ was a front for some other illegal enterprise.” But what Griffin and Hubert kept coming back to is that there was “much evidence” that Ruby “was interested in Cuban matters”, citing his relationship to Louis McWillie; his attempted sale of jeeps to Castro, his reported attendance of meetings “in connection with the sale of arms to Cubans and the smuggling out of refugees“; and Ruby’s quick correction of Wade’s remark that Oswald was a member of the Free Cuba Committee, a group populated with such notables as Clare Booth Luce, Admiral Arleigh Burke, and CIA journalistic asset Hal Hendrix: “Bits of evidence link Ruby to others who may have been interested in Cuban affairs.”
During his HSCA testimony, Griffin made it clear that the requests to investigate Ruby further were not followed up on.
In the documentary The Killing of President Kennedy, Griffin is even blunter: “I feel betrayed … the CIA lied to us …” He goes on to state CIA concealed their efforts to kill Castro and their links with the mafia, which would have been very important for the investigation. Griffin is also on the record as saying: “In any area where Oswald’s relation to the FBI … We could not trust Hoover”. This is important because the Warren Commission had very little investigative resources and relied heavily on the FBI for information gathering.
Senator Richard Russell – Warren Commissioner
Senator Russell in a stunning phone conversation with LBJ on September 18, 1964 voiced his disagreement with the Single Bullet theory very directly:

Sen. Richard Russell “They were trying to prove that the same bullet that hit Kennedy first was the one that hit Connally, went through him and through his hand, his bone, into his leg and everything else. … The commission believes that the same bullet that hit Kennedy hit Connally. Well, I don’t believe it.” … “And so I couldn’t sign it. And I said that Governor Connally testified directly to the contrary, and I’m not going to approve of that. So I finally made them say there was a difference in the commission, in that part of them believed that that wasn’t so. And of course if a fellow was accurate enough to hit Kennedy right in the neck on one shot and knock his head off in the next one … and he’s leaning up against his wife’s head … and not even wound her … why, he didn’t miss completely with that third shot. But according to their theory, he not only missed the whole automobile, but he missed the street! Well, a man that’s a good enough shot to put two bullets right into Kennedy, he didn’t miss that whole automobile.”
Just before his death Russell said publically that he believed that someone else worked with Oswald.
Senator John Cooper – Commissioner

Sen. John Sherman Cooper Senator John Cooper is also on the record for having written about the Single Bullet theory: “it seems to me that Governor Connally’s statement negates such a conclusion.” He later confirmed his stance in an interview for the BBC documentary The Killing of President Kennedy.
Congressman Hale Boggs – Commissioner
Boggs was neither convinced that Oswald was the assassin, nor that Ruby acted alone. According to legal advisor Bernard Fensterwald:

Rep. Hale Boggs “Almost from the beginning, Congressman Boggs had been suspicious over the FBI and CIA’s reluctance to provide hard information when the Commission’s probe turned to certain areas, such as allegations that Oswald may have been an undercover operative of some sort. When the Commission sought to disprove the growing suspicion that Oswald had once worked for the FBI, Boggs was outraged that the only proof of denial that the FBI offered was a brief statement of disclaimer by J. Edgar Hoover. It was Hale Boggs who drew an admission from Allen Dulles that the CIA’s record of employing someone like Oswald might be so heavily coded that the verification of his service would be almost impossible for outside investigators to establish.”
According to one of his friends: “Hale felt very, very torn during his work (on the Commission) … he wished he had never been on it and wished he’d never signed it (the Warren Report).” Another former aide argued that, “Hale always returned to one thing: Hoover lied his eyes out to the Commission – on Oswald, on Ruby, on their friends, the bullets, the gun, you name it.”
Congressman Gerald Ford – Warren Commissioner

Pres. Valéry
Giscard-d’EstaingIn public Gerald Ford was a staunch defender of the Warren Commission’s findings and conclusions, describing the report as a Gibraltar of factual literature. However, in private he seems to have held a very different discourse.

Gerald Ford Valérie Giscard D’Estaing, ex-president of France, claimed the following in an interview he gave to RTL:
Gerald Ford (president of the United States from 1974 to 1977, editor’s note) was a member of the Warren Commission», he resumes. «Once I was making a car trip with him, he was then President as I was myself. I said to him: ‘Let me ask you an indiscreet question: you were on the Warren Commission, what conclusions did you arrive at?’ He told me: ‘It’s not a satisfactory one. We arrived at an initial conclusion: it was not the work of one person, it was something set up. We were sure that it was set up. But we were not able to discover by whom.’»
In 1997 the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) released a document that revealed that Ford had altered the first draft of the Warren Report to read: “A bullet had entered the base of the back of his neck slightly to the right of the spine.”
LBJ – President
In a 1969 interview with Walter Cronkite, Lyndon Johnson said that he had not completely discounted the possibility of international connections to the murder.
Comments about the Warren Commission
As we can see, the conclusions of the Warren Commission are far from convincing, for they are belied by many of those who played important and direct roles in the investigation. Far from the Gibraltar that Gerald Ford referred to, it was on weak footing from the outset and things only went downhill from there.
It is clearly unsound for historians to refer to the Warren Commission as their key and only source when describing Ruby and Oswald as lone perpetrators of the crimes related to the November 22, 1963 tragedy. Considering the other government investigations that followed which impeach its modus operandi and many of its conclusions, it is like ignoring a judgement reversal after an appeal and only citing the discredited judgement of the original trial.
The Jim Garrison Investigation
Starting in 1966, New Orleans DA Jim Garrison investigated the assassination. This led to the 1969 trial of Clay Shaw, a well-known local businessman, who was accused of being part of a conspiracy. While the jury found Shaw not guilty, according to Mark Lane – who had advised Garrison – most jurors felt there had nevertheless been a conspiracy.
This investigation shed light on many, up to then under-reported, issues. Let us consider some of them:

Pierre Finck - Garrison demonstrated that Oswald, while in New Orleans in the spring and summer of 1963, was seen handing out Fair Play for Cuba flyers. For which he received a lot of negative publicity in conservative New Orleans. However, in what seems to have been a blunder, some of these flyers had the address of 544 Camp Street on them. That faux pas placed his supposed office virtually within Guy Bannister`s detective office, which was, according to Garrison, really a CIA-linked hub for organizing Cuban exile paramilitary operations to overthrow Castro, and also Communist witch-hunts.
- Many witnesses confirmed associations of Oswald with Bannister, David Ferrie and Clay Shaw, who Garrison linked with the CIA.
- Garrison argued that Oswald`s learning of the Russian language while a marine, and his journey into the USSR demonstrated his links to intelligence. He also concluded that Oswald’s Fair Play for Cuba role was an attempt to sheep-dip him as a pro-Castro villain.
- Garrison was also probably the first person to cast doubt on a strange trip Oswald allegedly made to Mexico in September 1963.
- Pierre Finck, who was part of the Bethesda autopsy team, during his testimony at the Clay Shaw trial demonstrated just how incompetently the autopsy was conducted and how the pathologists were being controlled by high-level military officers.
- During the Shaw trial, for the first time, Garrison showed the jury the Zapruder film, and demonstrated the weaknesses of the lone shooter claim.
Francis Fruge – Garrison case investigator – Louisana State Police Lieutenant
Francis Fuge’s entry into the case actually began a few days before the assassination when he first encountered and questioned Rose Cheramie, a heroin addicted call girl and drug courier, who predicted the assassination, and talked about her links with Jack Ruby while she was hospitalized from November 20-22, 1963. He met her again right after the murder. Fruge later became an important investigator for Jim Garrison. His account of this extremely incriminating story was summarized in a thoroughly documented July 1999 Probe Magazine article:
As Fruge so memorably recalled to Jonathan Blackmer of the HSCA, Cheramie summed up her itinerary in Dallas in the following manner: “She said she was going to, number one, pick up some money, pick up her baby, and to kill Kennedy.” (p. 9 of Fruge’s 4/18/78 deposition)
At the hospital, Cheramie again predicted the assassination. Again, before it happened on November 22nd, to more than one nurse. The nurses, in turn, told others of Cheramie’s prognostication. (Memo of Frank Meloche to Louis Ivon, 5/22/67). Further, according to a psychiatrist there, Dr. Victor Weiss, Rose “…told him that she knew both Ruby and Oswald and had seen them sitting together on occasions at Ruby’s club.” (Ibid., 3/13/67) In fact, Fruge later confirmed the fact that she had worked as a stripper for Ruby. (Louisiana State Police report of 4/4/67.)
Fruge had discounted Cheramie’s earlier comments to him as drug-induced delusions. Or, as he said to Blackmer, “When she came out with the Kennedy business, I just said, wait a minute, wait a minute, something wrong here somewhere.” (Fruge, HSCA deposition, p. 9)
He further described her in this manner:
“Now, bear in mind that she talked: she’d talk for a while, looks like the shots would have effect on her again and she’d go in, you know, she’d just get numb, and after awhile she’d just start talking again.” (Ibid.)
But apparently, at the time of the assassination Cheramie appeared fine. The word spread throughout the hospital that she had predicted Kennedy’s murder in advance. Dr. Wayne Owen, who had been interning from LSU at the time, later told the Madison Capital Times that he and other interns were told of the plot in advance of the assassination. Amazingly, Cheramie even predicted the role of her former boss Jack Ruby because Owen was quoted as saying that one of the interns was told “…that one of the men involved in the plot was a man named Jack Rubinstein.” (2/11/68) Owen said that they shrugged it off at the time. But when they learned that Rubinstein was Ruby they grew quite concerned. “We were all assured that something would be done about it by the FBI or someone. Yet we never heard anything.” (Ibid.) In fact, Cheramie’s association with Ruby was also revealed to Dr. Weiss. For in an interview with him after the assassination, Rose revealed that she had worked as a drug courier for Jack Ruby. (Memo of Frank Meloche to Jim Garrison, 2/23/67) In the same memo, there is further elaboration on this important point:
“I believe she also mentioned that she worked in the night club for Ruby and that she was forced to go to Florida with another man whom she did not name to pick up a shipment of dope to take back to Dallas, that she didn’t want to do this thing but she had a young child and that they would hurt her child if she didn’t.”

Francis Fruge These comments are, of course, very revealing about Ruby’s role in both an intricate drug smuggling scheme and, at the least, his probable acquaintance with men who either had knowledge of, or were actually involved in, the assassination. This is a major point in this story which we will return to later.

Rose Cheramie Although Fruge had discounted the Cheramie story on November 20th, the events of the 22nd made him a believer. Right after JFK’s murder, Fruge “…called that hospital up in Jackson and told them by no way in the world to turn her loose until I could get my hands on her.” (Fruge’s HSCA deposition, p. 12.) So on November 25th, Fruge journeyed up to Jackson State Hospital again to talk to Cheramie. This time he conducted a much more in-depth interview. Fruge found out that Cheramie had been traveling with the two men from Miami. He also found that the men seemed to be a part of the conspiracy rather than to be just aware of it. After the assassination, they were supposed to stop by a home in Dallas to pick up around eight thousand dollars plus Rose’s baby. From there Cheramie was supposed to check into the Rice Hotel in Houston under an assumed name. Houston is in close proximity to Galveston, the town from which the drugs were coming in. From Houston, once the transaction was completed, the trio were headed for Mexico.
How reliable a witness was Cheramie? Extermely. Fruge decided to have the drug deal aspect of her story checked out by the state troopers and U. S. Customs. The officers confirmed the name of the seaman on board the correct ship coming into Galveston. The Customs people checked the Rice Hotel and the reservations had been made for her under an assumed name. The contact who had the money and her baby was checked and his name showed that he was an underworld, suspected narcotics dealer. Fruge checked Cheramie’s baggage and found that one box had baby clothes and shoes inside.
Fruge flew Cheramie from Louisiana to Houston on Tuesday, the 26th. In the back seat of the small Sesna 180, a newspaper was lying between them. One of the headlines read to the effect that “investigators or something had not been able to establish a relationship between Jack Ruby and Lee Harvey Oswald.” (Fruge’s HSCA deposition p. 19) When Cheramie read this headline, she started to giggle. She then added, “Them two queer sons-of-a-bitches. They’ve been shacking up for years.” (Ibid.) She added that she knew this to be true from her experience of working for Ruby. Fruge then had his superior call up Captain Will Fritz of the Dallas Police to relay what an important witness Cheramie could be in his investigation. Fruge related what followed afterwards:
Colonel Morgan called Captain Fritz up from Dallas and told him what we had, the information that we had, that we had a person that had given us this information. And of course there again it was an old friend, and there was a little conversation. But anyway, when Colonel Morgan hung up, he turned around and told us they don’t want her. They’re not interested.
Fruge then asked Cheramie if she wished to try telling her tale to the FBI. She declined. She did not wish to involve herself further.
Aftermath of the Garrison case and general comments
Perhaps no other person who believed there was a conspiracy was vilified more than Jim Garrison. He has been called a charlatan, a publicity-seeker and crazy, among other things. With time however, many of his claims have been vindicated. While some described his case as a farce, it is often overlooked that Garrison had presented his evidence beforehand to a three-judge panel who concluded that he was justified to bring it to court, and that the subsequent HSCA investigation concluded that Garrison and his office “had established an association of an undetermined nature between Ferrie, a suspect in the assassination of President Kennedy, and Clay Shaw and Lee Harvey Oswald” – a devastating blow to Garrison detractors.
Other information from later investigations reveals that his efforts were sabotaged by adversaries who infiltrated his volunteer team and weakened his efforts; well-orchestrated propaganda attacking both his case and reputation; refusals to his subpoenas for out-of-state witnesses and the harassment, turning and untimely deaths of some of his key witnesses, including the suspicious deaths of star-witness David Ferrie and the murder of Eladio Del Valle. Other evidence that began to emerge showed that Clay Shaw, despite his denials, was in fact a CIA asset and part of a CIA organization of interest called Permindex.
To form their own opinion about Garrison, historians who are not of a pre-judging nature or overly stubborn are advised to read his highly revealing Playboy interview and his book: On the Trail of the Assassins.
The United States President’s Commission on CIA Activities within the United States (The Rockefeller Commission)
After a 1974 New York Times report on illegal acts committed by the CIA, Gerald Ford set up the Rockefeller Commission headed by his Vice-President Nelson Rockefeller in 1975. It publicized the CIA MK/Ultra mind control experiments and revealed its illegal mail opening and US protester surveillance programs (MH/Chaos). It also held a very narrow investigation into the Kennedy assassination focusing on the Zapruder film, some of the medical evidence and whether Frank Sturgis and E. Howard Hunt, who had just gained notoriety because of their roles in the Watergate scandal, were involved in the assassination. In a short eighteen-page chapter about the assassination it concluded that the CIA had not been involved and that only three shots were fired from behind the motorcade.
Many distrusted this Commission because of the involvement of key Warren Commission members such as Ford and David Belin. It was largely superseded by the Church and HSCA committees that succeeded it and that were much farther reaching.
It was during this period that, as Daniel Schorr later wrote, Ford let slip the bombshell that the CIA had been involved in assassinations. Which, as we saw previously, he probably learned about on the Warren Commission. But CIA Director Bill Colby then spun this to mean the assassination of foreign leaders.
United States Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (The Church Committee)
This U.S. Senate Committee was chaired by Senator Frank Church and issued 14 reports in 1975 and 1976 after interviewing hundreds of witnesses and studying thousands of files from the FBI, CIA and other agencies.
It delved into U.S. assassination plots against foreign leaders, which were a key component of CIA regime control or change operations. Their targets included Congo’s Lumumba, Castro of Cuba, the Diem brothers of Vietnam, Gen. Schneider of Chile, President Trujillo of the Dominican Republic. Ex CIA leader Allen Dulles’ pact with the mafia to assassinate Castro was also part of their findings. This information, which could have impacted the Warren Commission investigation, was kept secret by Dulles while he was one of its commissioners.
Volume 4 of the report sheds light on HT/LINGUAL, the illegal mail intercept programs involving both the CIA and the FBI.
The Committee also reported on the extent the CIA partnered with media and academia, in an effort to control the media, later called Operation Mockingbird: “The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around the world who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinion through the use of covert propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct access to a large number of newspapers and periodicals, scores of press services and news agencies, radio and television stations, commercial book publishers, and other foreign media outlets.”
Lead by Senators Gary Hart and Richard Schweiker, the Church Committee also conducted a focused investigation (Book 5) of the Kennedy assassination, concentrating on how the FBI and CIA supported the Warren Commission. Its report was very critical of these agencies: ” … developed evidence which impeaches the process by which the intelligence agencies arrived at their own conclusions about the assassination, and by which they provided information to the Warren Commission. This evidence indicates that the investigation of the assassination was deficient.”
If this conclusion does not shake historians blind faith in the Blue Ribbon Warren Commission, perhaps comments from the sub-committee leaders might help create some doubt.
Senator Gary Hart
An interview Hart gave to the Denver Post after his stint on the committee clearly showed that he did not buy the Warren Commission depiction of Oswald, nor did he find that the FBI and the CIA were transparent with what they knew:
“Who Oswald really was – who did he know? What affiliation did he have in the Cuban network? Was his public identification with the left-wing a cover for a connection with the anti-Castro right-wing?”
Hart believed that Oswald was a double agent which was one of the reasons why the FBI and CIA had made “a conscious decision to withhold evidence from the Warren Commission.”
During the fiftieth anniversary of the Kennedy assassination Hart was interviewed by the Huffington Post and one can only deduce that his views about the inadequacy of the Warren Commission investigation and mainstream media’s efforts into getting to the bottom of things had hardened based on the following statements:
“It’s amazing to me that American journalism never followed up on that story very much, because if you found out who killed those two guys, you might have some really interesting information on your hands.”
“I went down to Miami when [Johnny] Roselli was killed and talked to this Dade County sheriff from the Miami Police Department, and they showed me pictures of him being fished out of the water in the barrel and how he’d been killed — nightmarish stuff. And [Momo Salvatore] Giancana was killed in his own basement with six bullet holes in his throat with a Chicago police car and an FBI car outside his house.”
“I was always amazed in that particular instance of the CIA-Mafia connection and the Cuban connection 12 years — coming up 12 years — after Kennedy was killed that somebody didn’t go after that story … New York Times, Washington Post, anybody. And they didn’t. They reported the deaths and that was it, and the strange quirky coincidence, you know, but nothing more.”
“You don’t have to be a genius to believe that they knew something about the coincidence of events — Cuba, Mafia, CIA and Kennedy — that somebody didn’t want that out in the public 12 years later.”

Sen. Gary Hart The article also underscores the following intriguing insight: According to Hart, the Warren Commission — the presidential commission charged with investigating Kennedy’s assassination that concluded Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone — remained unaware of the connections between Cuba, the CIA, the Mafia and Kennedy. Only then-CIA director Allen Dulles, who was on the commission, knew, according to Hart, but Dulles said nothing to the other members.
During a day-long symposium in May 2015 featuring former Church Committee members and staff, held by the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law at the Constance Milstein and Family Global Academic Center of the New York University in Washington, D.C, Hart on a panel with former Church Committee Colleague Senator Mondale, added this powerful affirmation:
” … THE THREE MAFIA FIGURES INVOLVED IN THE CASTRO PLOT WITH THE CIA. WE HEARD FROM ONE OF THEM TWICE. THE 2nd TIME – THE 1st TIME HE CAME AND WENT WITH NO PUBLIC NOTICE AT ALL. HIGHLY SECRET. THE QUESTIONS OBVIOUSLY WERE WHO ORDERED CASTRO KILLED, WHAT ROLE DID YOU PLAY SO FORTH. I FELT AT THE TIME THAT HE WAS GENERALLY FORTHCOMING HE STILL KNEW A LOT HE WASN’T TELLING US. HE WENT HOME TO MIAMI AND DISAPPEARED AND ENDED UP DEAD. HE WAS IN HIS 70s. AND MAFIA TIMES IN THOSE DAYS THAT WAS RETIREMENT. FOR THE REST OF US NOW IT’S MIDDLE-AGED. THE 2nd FIGURE WAS PROBABLY THE TOP MAFIA FIGURE IN AMERICA. PREPARED TO SUBPOENA HIM WITH THE HOUSE COMMITTEE. HE WAS KILLED IN HIS BASEMENT. KILLED IN HIS BASEMENT WITH SIX BULLET HOLES IN HIS THROAT. NEITHER OF THESE CRIMES HAVE BEEN SOLVED. NOW, BY AND LARGE THE MEDIA INCLUDED WITH THESE WERE DISMISSED AS MAFIA STUFF. THERE IS NO DOUBT IN MY MIND THEY WERE KILLED IN CONNECTION WITH OUR COMMITTEE. THE QUESTION IS WHY? WHO DID IT AND WHY? “
Sen. Richard Schweiker

Sen. Richard Schweiker Schweiker’s comments are even more explosive.
In 1975 he made the following statement to the Village Voice: “We do know Oswald had intelligence connections. Everywhere you look with him, there are fingerprints of intelligence.”
In 1976 he told CBS News that the CIA and FBI lied to the Warren Commission and that the case could be solved if they followed hot new leads. He also claimed that the White House was part of the cover up.
In a BBC documentary the Killing of President Kennedy he made the following blistering statement about the Warren Commission investigation:
“The Warren Commission has in fact collapsed like a house of cards and I believe it was set up at the time to feed pabulum to the American people for reasons not yet known, and one of the biggest cover-ups in the history of our country occurred at that time.”…
“The most important thing was that the intelligence agencies did all the wrong things if they were really looking for a conspiracy or to find out who killed John Kennedy.”…
“The key is why did they let him (Oswald) bring a Russian-born wife out contrary to present Russian policy, he had to get special dispensation from the highest levels to bring his Russian-born wife out, that in itself says somebody was giving Oswald highest priority either because we had trained and sent him there and they went along and pretended they did not know to fake us out, or they had in fact inculcated him and sent him back and were trying to fake us out, but he had gotten a green light no other American had gotten.”
In the documentary he goes on to say that the highest levels of government were behind him and his committee being mislead, and were continuing the cover-up and also that Oswald was clearly involved with pro-Castro and anti-Castro groups, which smacks of an intelligence role as a double agent, and that these relationships were not investigated.
In an interview Bob Tanenbaum (first Deputy Counsel for the HSCA) gave to Probe Magazine, here is how he describes an exchange he had with Schweiker where the senator directly accuses the CIA:
Q: One of the more interesting subjects you’ve mentioned in some of your talks is this meeting you had with Senator Schweiker which, I’m assuming, you give a lot of weight to, because of the evidence and because of who it was coming from.
A: Well, it was shocking! I went up there with Cliff Fenton and Schweiker told me in his opinion the CIA was responsible for the assassination. That’s a heck of a statement to come from a United States Senator and one who had even been Ronald Reagan’s running mate in 1976, even though they didn’t make it.
Q: Was it just you in the room when he told you that?
A: Yeah, it was just the two of us. I was stunned! He had asked Cliff to leave and he had his own staff people leave. I had that material he had given us which contained all that information about Veciana and the Alpha 66 group and this Bishop character.
Q: When I interviewed Schweiker, one of the last questions I asked him was if he had been on the oversight committee, for which he had not been nominated, which avenue would he have pursued. And he said, “I would have gone after Maurice Bishop.”
A: Well, as I said, I was stunned. Even after investigating this case, I’m not going to say that the CIA did it. He was saying it definitively. What the evidence suggested when we were in Washington was there were certain rogue elements who were involved with Bishop and others, the “plumber” types in the Nixon White House, who were involved with Oswald, who were substantially involved with anti-Castro Cubans who, the evidence suggests, were involved in the assassination. I keep saying that the evidence suggested it because we weren’t there long enough to make the case. So, there was a short-circuiting that occurred. But, that’s the area we were moving inexorably toward. And then I spoke with Gaeton Fonzi and Gaeton would corroborate this to the extent that he worked with Schweiker, he knew what Schweiker’s feelings were and he knew all about that file on Veciana. And that’s when we asked Gaeton to come on board, because he had worked on the Church senate oversight committee and he had a lot of connections that would be very helpful. And he’s a very honest guy.
Comments about the Church Committee
Any conscientious historian who has reached this point in the article and continues to cite the Warren Commission as the key historical record in their textbooks read by unsuspecting students to conclude that Oswald acted alone, that person deserves the scorn of all who entrust academia to help shape the minds of our youth. The case against the Warren Commission made by Government officials so far is devastating; things are about to get even worse. The HSCA investigation into the assassination will turn Gerald Ford’s Gibraltar into a bowl of Jello.
[i] The JFK Assassination According to the History Textbooks, Part 1, Parts 2 and 3
[ii]http://www.history-matters.com/archive/contents/wc/contents_wr.htm
Go to Part 2
Go to Addendum
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Mark Lane, Part II: Citizen Lane
When Mark Lane’s autobiography was published in 2012, I was working on my rewrite of Destiny Betrayed. Right after that, I started in on Reclaiming Parkland. I tried to get someone else to review Citizen Lane, but there were no takers. In retrospect, I am sorry that I could not get anyone interested. And I also understand why no one in the MSM reviewed the book. It is, in quite simple terms, both a marvelous read and an inspiring story.
Too often in the JFK field, we focus solely on the work of the author or essayist on the assassination itself. In my view, this is mistaken. It’s important to me to know who an author is outside of the field. To give one example, Robert Tanenbaum—who wrote the thinly disguised roman a clef about the HSCA, Corruption of Blood—was a graduate of Boalt Hall School of Law. He then became a prosecutor under the legendary New York DA Frank Hogan. He rose to become head of the homicide division. Tanenbaum never lost a felony case in his nearly decade long career in that office. Therefore, he cannot be dismissed as a tin foil capped conspiracy theorist. The late Philip Melanson rose to become the head of the political science department at the University of Massachusetts-Dartmouth. He then built an RFK archives at his university, the best such repository on the east coast. He wrote 12 non-fiction books, including an excellent one on the Secret Service.
In my elegy for the recently deceased Mark Lane, I alluded to some of the things he had accomplished outside the Kennedy assassination field: his work for the alleged killer of Martin Luther King, James Earl Ray; his book on the fey, chaotic Chicago Democratic Convention of 1968; and his prime role in freeing an innocent man from death row, James Richardson. Little did I know how much I was still leaving out. I, and many others, clearly shortchanged the career of a truly remarkable attorney.
I have belatedly read Lane’s autobiography, Citizen Lane. Let me say two things at the outset. Everyone should read this book. It is the testament of a man who dedicated his legal career to a lifelong crusade for the causes he believed in. And, as we will see, Lane did this almost right at the beginning of his career. It is clear that no obituary of Lane came close to doing him justice, because there seemed to be a unified MSM boycott about this book. Without reading it, no one can come close to fairly summarizing his career.
Lane was born in New York in 1927, two years before the stock market crash. His father was a CPA, and his mother was a secretary to a theatrical producer. All three of their children went to college and graduated, which is quite an achievement for that time period. Lane’s older brother became a high school mathematics teacher and a leader of the teachers union in New York. His younger sister became a history professor who eventually took over the Women’s Studies Department at the University of Virginia. She built it from virtually nothing to the point where it had fifty majors, and the areas of concentration were expanded. (See here https://news.virginia.edu/content/ann-j-lane-first-director-women-s-studies-uva-has-died)
After serving in the army in Europe during World War II, Mark Lane returned home and decided to become an attorney. He attended Brooklyn School of Law. It was founded in 1901, and is highly rated today by the National Law Journal. That particular publication rates law schools by return on investment. That is: how many of the graduates sign on with the top law firms in the United States. According to that rubric, Lane’s alma mater is in the top 15% of law academies. But Lane did not intend on cashing in on his law degree.
Lane decided that what he wanted to do was to offer legal services to those who did not have access to them but, in fact, really needed them. So he began as a member of the leftist National Lawyers Guild, and working in an office with the later congressional representative Bella Abzug. Lane started out as little more than a researcher and court stand-in for his boss when he was behind schedule. But one day he happened to walk by a court in session while the great Carol Weiss King, founder of the National Lawyers Guild, was defending a client. Lane heard her say, “Just who does this government think it is that it can violate the law with impunity, that it can traduce the rights of ordinary people, that it can tell us that the law doesn’t count because these are extraordinary times? ” (p. 27)
From that propitious moment on Lane decided he was not going to be a gopher for anyone anymore.
II
He now set up an office on the second level of an apartment building in Spanish Harlem. Because few other attorneys were there, people began to come to him with their most dire needs. Prior to Lane’s arrival, when there was a gang shooting, the young Latin accused of the crime almost automatically was executed or got life imprisonment. With Lane there this all changed, even in instances when the victim was white and the assailant was Puerto Rican. Lane was one of the first to assail what was called the Special Jury System. (pgs. 43-44) In New York, under these circumstances, the jury master could choose a jury, instead of having one picked at random. Therefore, the accused was not judged by a jury of his peers. Later, Lane was instrumental in getting this system abolished.
Once he developed a higher profile, Lane would set up legal clinics for the public in high school auditoriums. One of his specialties was advising local renters on how to set up tenant councils and, if necessary, conduct rent strikes. (p. 48) He even arranged to have a legal clinic at the offices of the local Hispanic newspaper. With their help, Lane helped save the concept of rent control in New York City. (p. 49)
Lane was also an active member of the National Lawyers Guild. Like many young lawyers in the late forties and fifties, Lane thought the ABA did not take a strong enough stand against Richard Nixon and the House Un-American Activities Committee or the demagogue Joe McCarthy. He volunteered to organize a benefit show for the Guild. When the main targeted performer refused to sign on, Lane went to the blacklisted folk singer Pete Seeger. Seeger invited the jazz artist Sonny Terry. Lane also invited female folk singer Martha Schlamme. Every ticket was sold, with scores of people paying for standing room only. Lane went on to do two more of these shows for Seeger. They went over so well that the young attorney briefly thought of becoming a musical impresario. (p. 36) But, lucky for us, he did not. Lane married the talented and attractive Schlamme, who unfortunately, died of a stroke in 1985.
By this time, the mid fifties, Lane had been in practice for just six years. But yet, his reputation as a champion of lost causes was so prevalent that a young man named Graciliano Acevedo walked into his office one day. He was an escapee from a young adult prison. Except it was not called a prison. It was called Wassaic State School for Mental Defectives. Acevedo began to recite a virtual horror story to the young lawyer. He told him that Wassaic was not really a school. It was a prison camouflaged as a school. Acevedo had been committed there without access to an attorney and not given a hearing or a trial. He did not want to return. He said there was no real schooling going on there, and that the guards were incompetent and sadistic and would beat up some of the prisoners. In fact, one guard actually killed an 18-year-old prisoner. (p. 58)
Lane took Acevedo to a psychiatrist. When his IQ was tested it turned out to be 115. So much for him being a mental defective. Lane decided he was not going to turn him over. He now enlisted two local reporters to his side: Fern Marja and Peter Khiss. Marja ran a three-day series on the abuses of this “school,” which culminated with an editorial plea for it to be cleaned up. Which it was. There was no more solitary confinement, books were now made available, academic tests were now given in Spanish, guards were fired (some were prosecuted), and hundreds of the inmates were released.
It is hard to believe, but at this time, Lane was just 28 years old.
III
Lane was interested in improving the community he worked in, as were some other talented people. So, through his defense of a parishioner, he met with the famous reverend, Eugene St. Clair Callender. After getting the young man off, he and Callender decided to work on creating a drug treatment center at the Mid-Harlem Community Parish. (p. 79) Once the two men got the center up and running, they passed its management on to one of the former patients. That center ended up treating 25,000 patients. After a meeting with baseball star Jackie Robinson, a company he was affiliated with agreed to hire some of the rehabilitated drug addicts. To culminate their success story, Lane and Callender invited a young rising star of the civil rights movement to come north and speak in Harlem. Martin Luther King spoke in front of the Hotel Theresa in 1957. Lane supplied the power for the sound system through a nearby nightclub run by boxing great Sugar Ray Robinson. (pgs. 86-87)
From social problems, Lane now turned toward the political field. The young attorney did not think the Democratic Party of New York was representing Spanish Harlem anywhere near as well as it should. So Lane decided to organize his own version of the party. He got the backing of Eleanor Roosevelt in this effort. At the beginning, he said that if he won his race for the state legislature, he would only serve one term. He then wanted to pass the seat on to a local Hispanic. With the help of his sister, brother and Eleanor Roosevelt, the Lane campaign registered over four thousand new voters. At the same time he was running for office, he was managing the local campaign of Senator John Kennedy for president.
On Election Day, his backers patrolled the ballot boxes to make sure no one from outside the district tried to vote. Lane won and celebrations broke out. As promised, after he served one term, he passed the seat on to a local Latino community organizer he knew.
At around this time, the early sixties, the struggle for civil rights was heating up to a fever pitch. The election of John Kennedy and the appointment of his brother Robert F. Kennedy as Attorney General, inspired long delayed public demonstrations to attain equality for black Americans. Callender decided to join in one of these actions, the Freedom Riders movement, by sending Lane and local black activist/lawyer Percy Sutton south to join in them. (p. 138)
In Jackson, Mississippi, before they could even participate in the protest, both men were arrested for sitting next to each other at an airport terminal. The charge was disorderly conduct. They were convicted without trial and sentenced to four months in prison. They were released on bail and promptly interviewed by the New York Times and New York Post. (p. 144) After the bad publicity, the two men returned south to stand trial. Wisely, the prosecutor moved for a directed verdict of not guilty.
IV
We now come to a part of Citizen Lane that most of our readership will be partly familiar with. That is, Lane’s writing of his famous National Guardian essay proclaiming doubt about the guilt of Lee Harvey Oswald for the murder of President Kennedy. What inspired Lane to write his essay were the pronouncements of Dallas DA Henry Wade after Oswald had been killed. This was suspicious in itself, since Jack Ruby killed Oswald live on national TV in the basement of City Hall. In spite of that, perhaps because of it, Wade held a press conference and stated that, even though he was dead, and would not have an attorney, or a trial, Oswald was still guilty. (p. 150) Lane studied the charges levied by Wade. He now decided to respond to the DA’s bill of indictment. Although he offered his work to several outlets e.g. The Nation, Look, Life, the Saturday Evening Post, none of them would publish it. Finally, James Aronson of the left leaning National Guardian called. He had heard of the essay through the publishing grapevine. Lane told him he could have it for now, but not to publish it yet. In the meantime, he went to Jimmy Weschler of the New York Post. The Post had helped him with the Wassaic scandal, and covered his political campaign fairly. Weschler turned it down. After final approval for Aronson, it became a mini-sensation. Aronson had to publish several reprints. Weschler never spoke to Lane again. (p. 152)
This essay was not just hugely popular in America, it also began to circulate through Europe and even Japan. Therefore, with the money Aronson made through the $100 dollar sale of the rights from Lane, he arranged a speaking tour abroad for the author. With Lane’s dissident profile rising, the head of the ABA and future Supreme Court Justice Lewis Powell wanted him disciplined because of his defense of Oswald. (p. 155) But Marguerite Oswald had read Lane’s work and wanted him to defend her deceased son, which Lane agreed to do. But the Warren Commission would not tolerate anything like that, by Lane or anyone else. In fact, following through on Powell’s suggestion, Commission Chief Counsel J. Lee Rankin filed a complaint with the New York City bar. Lane had to get an attorney to represent him and the complaint was dismissed. (p. 157)
Even though Rankin would not tolerate a formal defense of Oswald before the Warren Commission, Lane now established his Citizens Commission of Inquiry (CCI) to informally investigate the Kennedy case through a wide network of volunteers. Through his lecture tours he raised enough money to fly to Dallas and talk to witnesses. He also rented a theater in New York and began to appear on college campuses. When he was invited to travel to Europe, the American embassies abroad tracked his appearances and tried to talk his backers out of their sponsorships. At one appearance in Vienna, they planted a translator who deliberately misspoke what he was saying. When the crowd started objecting, an American living there took over the duties. (p. 159)
When Lane returned to the States, he tried to get a book published based upon the Warren Report and the accompanying 26 volumes of evidence. But the FBI visited some of the prospective publishers and talked them out of working with Lane. They also visited local talk radio hosts and tried to discourage them from having him on the air. The Bureau then tapped the phones of the CCI so they would know when and where Lane would be traveling in order to investigate the case. He was also placed on the “lookout list” so that when he arrived back from a foreign speaking tour, the FBI would know he had returned.
Because he was working for nothing but expenses, and he had neglected his private law practice for the Kennedy case, Lane was extremely low on funds at this time. Finally, a British publishing house, the Bodley Head, decided to publish his manuscript called Rush to Judgment. A man named Ben Sonnenberg went to the company and volunteered his services to edit the book. When Lane saw his suggestions, he thought they were weird. It later turned out that Sonnenberg was a CIA agent who was relaying information to the Agency about what was in the book. (p. 165)
The book did well in England and the Bodley Head began to look for an American publisher. They contacted Arthur Cohen of Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Cohen was very interested but, probably through Sonnenberg, the CIA found out how explosive the book was. Although it did not implicate them, they tried to talk Cohen out of publishing the book anyway. Cohen told them if they did not leave him alone, he would double the advertising budget. (p. 165) Norman Mailer did a good review of the book in the New York Herald Tribune and the volume became a smashing best seller in America.
Lane began to tour the country from coast to coast as the book caught on like wildfire. In St. Louis, he got a phone caller on a talk show who said he wanted to talk to him offline. He then told him that he needed to talk to him out of the studio. So he directed him to a phone booth nearby. When Lane got there, he now instructed him to go to another phone booth a few miles away. Lane, who had received numerous death threats before was now getting worried. But it turned out that the caller was alerting him to an assassination attempt on his life. He told Lane that this would take place in Chicago, outside of a hotel room he would be staying in and he actually gave him the room number he would be at. He then added that there would be a studio across the street. Lane would cross the street to get there at a precise time, and then there would be an attempt to run him over with a truck. (p. 169) Lane asked him how he knew all of these details. The man said that he had been hired to drive the truck, but he refused to kill an American on American soil. He then added that he would now send a taxi to pick Lane up and return him to his hotel, which he knew the name of. When Lane got to Chicago, all the details the assassin told him were accurate. So he changed his room number, and then arrived at the interview via a circuitous route.
{aridoc engine=”iframe” width=”560″ height=”315″}https://www.youtube.com/embed/3XoAg-FeU9I?rel=0&showinfo=0{/aridoc} Mark Lane appears on Firing Line with William F. Buckley Jr. Although many people had been
skeptical of the Warren Report’s conclusion that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone in
the assassination of President Kennedy, Lane’s book Rush to Judgment was the first to
lay out the argument seriously. He defends himself ably in this spirited exchange.
After Rush to Judgment became a national bestseller, documentary film director Emile De Antonio got in contact with him to a do a film based upon the book. So the two traveled to Dallas to interview some witnesses. One of them, Sam Holland, told them that he had been alerted in advance about them coming. And he had also been told by the police not to talk to them. Further, he had been threatened with the loss of his job if he did so. When Lane asked him if those were the circumstances, then why he was talking to him, Holland replied with words that have become hallowed in the annals of JFK assassination literature: “When the time comes that an American sees his president being killed and he can’t tell the truth about it, that’s the time to give the country back to the Indians—if they’ll take it.” As Lane reports, Holland had tears in his eyes as he said this.
I should add one more detail about their work on this film, one that does not come from this book, but from Lane’s 1968 volume A Citizen’s Dissent. While at work on the film, the two struck a deal with CBS to look at their outtakes from their 1964 two-hour special on the Warren Report. The first night they watched five hours of film. They understood it would eventually run to 70 hours—for a two-hour documentary? Lane and De Antonio found something shocking that first night. CBS was, as Lane put it, filming from a script. If any witness diverted from that scenario, the interviewer yelled cut. The witness was then instructed with new information so as to alter their answer for the camera. The witness then gave the revised answer. Only the rehearsed parts were shown to the public. Needless to say, after their first night, CBS called the librarian and said the agreement they had was null and void. (Mark Lane, A Citizen’s Dissent, pgs. 75-79)
V
While on a speaking tour in northern California in 1968, Lane picked up a magazine and read the story of James Joseph Richardson. Richardson was a resident of Arcadia, Florida, who was charged with killing his seven children with poison. (Citizen Lane, p. 187) Lane happened to have another speaking engagement upcoming in Florida. While there, he found that Richardson had been convicted. Lane got in contact with Richardson’s attorney and then with Richardson. After this he and three of his friends and working associates—Carolyn Mugar, Steve Jaffe and Dick Gregory—conducted an eight-month investigation, after which he published a book about the case called, appropriately, Arcadia. This managed to attract some attention to the case and place some pressure on local officials.
The book strongly suggested that Richardson had been framed and that the local police chief and the DA had cooperated in manufacturing evidence. This turned out to be the case. Lane got TV host David Frost interested in the case and he did a jailhouse interview with Richardson. Dick Gregory got a story in Newsweek. Lane called a press conference on the steps of the state capital after he had acquired a copy of the master case file. These documents proved the accusations he had made in his book. The governor now ordered a special hearing into the case and the new facts were now entered into the record. Janet Reno had been assigned the case as a special prosecutor. Lane was allowed to make his case to vacate the previous judgment. Reno made a short presentation which, in essence, agreed with all the facts Lane had presented. She also agreed the verdict should be vacated. The judge agreed also and Richardson was set free. (pgs. 206-07) Lane later called the day Richardson was freed after 21 years of incarceration the greatest day of his professional life.
Mark Lane (left) with Jane Fonda
It would seem almost destined that an attorney like Lane would get involved with the long and arduous attempt to end the Vietnam War. Lane did. With actress Jane Fonda and actor Donald Sutherland, he helped arrange the famous Winter Soldier Investigation. This was a three-day conference in Detroit in 1971. It was designed to publicize the atrocities and crimes that the Pentagon had committed in its futile attempt to defeat the Viet Cong and the regular army of North Vietnam. A documentary film was made of the event and the transcript was entered into the Congressional Record by Sen. Mark Hatfield.
Both President Richard Nixon and his assistant Charles Colson despised the conference, as did the Pentagon and the FBI. They therefore began counter measures to neutralize its impact. Lane wrote a book about the subject called Conversations with Americans. Consulting with the Pentagon, New York Times reporter Neil Sheehan wrote an article saying that since some of Lane’s interviewees were not listed in Pentagon records, then the persons must be ersatz. When Lane tried to call Sheehan and enlighten him on this issue, Sheehan never returned his calls. Lane understood that some of the soldiers would not want their actual names entered into the book for fear of retaliation. Therefore, he had entered the real information about the subjects on a chart and given this information to a former lawyer for the Justice Department. (See pages 219-221) Sheehan apparently never wanted this information. And neither does former professor John McAdams because he still runs a link to Sheehan’s false article to discredit Lane.
Neil Sheehan was a former acolyte of Col. John Paul Vann. Vann had been part of the American advisory group that President Kennedy had sent to Vietnam to assist the ARVN. Vann became convinced the war could not be won unless direct American intervention was applied. In this, he was in agreement with New York Times reporter in Vietnam, David Halberstam. Kennedy disliked them both since he had no intention of inserting American combat troops in Indochina. Somehow, 42 years after the fall of Saigon, McAdams still does not understand what made it such a disaster. It was partly because of writers like Sheehan and military men like Vann.
But that is not all Lane did to try and stop the war. He also read up on the laws concerning conscientious objectors and provided counseling to scores of young men who wanted to use that aspect of the law to either avoid service or leave the service. (p. 236) In addition to that, because Lane had achieved a high profile on the war, one day a Vietnamese pilot training in Texas got in contact with him. He said he did not want to be part of these Vietnamese Air Force missions, since most of them targeted civilians. So he asked Lane if he could be granted political asylum in America so as not to go back and do bombing runs. Lane did some work on the issue. He told him that he did not think he would be successful petitioning for asylum in America, but he thought he could do so in Canada. Therefore, along with his lifelong friend Carolyn Mugar, the two set up a kind of underground railroad into Canada. Carolyn would stop her station wagon before the border checkpoint. Lane and the man he calls Tran (along with two other trainees) jumped out of the car and circled around into a snowy, thin forest. After Carolyn passed the border, she then drove along a narrow road to pick up the pair on the Canadian side. Because of its success, Lane duplicated this along with Mugar several times. He later talked to a Royal Canadian Mounted Policeman who said that they were on to what he was doing. but they actually were in agreement with him. (p. 283)
VI
One of the most gripping chapters in the book is Lane’s description of his participation in the defense of Russell Means and Dennis Banks of the American Indian Movement (AIM) during the siege at Wounded Knee, South Dakota, in 1973. AIM had organized an effort to impeach tribal president Richard Wilson who they felt was a totally corrupt pawn who was actually abusing the tribe. The area was cordoned off with FBI agents and US Marshals. During the siege, several people were shot and at least one disappeared. After the siege was lifted, Banks and Means went on trial for conspiracy and assault. They were defended respectively by Lane and William Kunstler.
The trial began in January of 1974. Lane motioned for a change of venue to St. Paul, Minnesota, which the court granted. It became very obvious early on that the FBI had illegally wiretapped the phone at the reservation and that they had suborned perjury from their star witness. (p. 267) Although one of the jurors became ill before a final verdict was voted on, the judge accepted an acquittal to one charge and threw out the other because of prosecutorial misconduct. That ruling was accepted on appeal.
Most of us know about Lane’s participation in the Martin Luther King case. He and Dick Gregory wrote a good book about the murder of King. It was originally titled Code Name Zorro and then reissued as Murder In Memphis. In this volume, Lane only discusses his work with Grace Stephens. Stephens was at Bessie’s Boarding House with her common law husband, Charlie Stephens, when King was shot. She saw a man run out of the communal bathroom. Yet, she would not say it was James Earl Ray, the accused assassin, even though she was sober and got a good look at him. Charlie was stone drunk at the time and was not a witness to the man running out. He did not even have his glasses on. (p. 290) But since he would say it was Ray, he was used as a witness to extradite the alleged assassin from England.
When Lane started investigating the case, he asked around for Grace. No one knew where she was or why she was never called as a witness. Finally, Lane got some information that she was squirreled away in a sanitarium. He went there and looked for her. When he found her, he sat down next to her, took out a tape recorder, and asked her about the man she saw. She said she did get a good look at him. And when she was shown pictures of Ray, it was not him. Lane left the place and then played the tape on local Memphis radio. He then got a hearing called in order to free Grace Stephens. (p. 294)
In the fall of 1978, Lane was asked by his friend Donald Freed to go to Jonestown in Guyana. James Jones wanted Freed to lecture there on the King case. Freed figured that since Lane knew much more about it than he did, he would let him do the talking. Lane was well received and he was invited back in November. Before he left, he got a call from a congressional lawyer in Washington. He inquired about how many news media would be there, and if the congressional delegations of Leo Ryan and Ed Derwinski would be small. He was assured that there would be no media and that just one assistant would accompany both congressmen. (p. 305) He had inquired about this because he felt that if everything was kept small scale, he could serve as a mediator if Jones got too paranoid about being investigated. Lane was either misinformed or he was lied to on both points.
Jones did feel threatened by the rather large delegation and Lane could not control things. After watching and intervening in a murder attempt on congressman Ryan, Lane advised the representative from northern California to leave the scene. Jones had seen Ryan bloodied and the newsmen were trying to take photos. (p. 310) Lane convinced Ryan to go. He told him he would interview the people his constituents were inquiring about.
After Ryan left for the airport—where he and others would be killed on the tarmac—Lane and the People’s Temple lawyer Charles Garry were placed in a cell. Lane talked to one of his guards and convinced him that he would be the perfect author to tell the truth about the colony. Miraculously, the two lawyers made it through the jungle to Port Kaituma where they were rescued by the military. They then sought refuge in the American Embassy. Lane concludes this chapter by agreeing with most authors: Jonestown was not a mass suicide. It was at least partly a mass murder. (Please read Jim Hougan’s three-part series on Jones to gain some understanding of what really happened at Jonestown http://jimhougan.com/JimJones.html)
As shown in the video clip above, many people know that Mark Lane opposed William F. Buckley on his show Firing Line about the JFK case. What very few people knew, including me, was that Lane also opposed him in court on four counts of defamation. Buckley had sued Willis Carto for libel because he had called him a neo-fascist and a racist. Carto’s first lawyer took a powder on him and so he turned to Lane in desperation: Buckley was requesting $16 million dollars in damages. Even though the judge was clearly biased towards Buckley, Lane did very well. He simply used words that Buckley had written in his own magazine, National Review to show that Buckley had clearly sided with the forces of segregation in the south way past the time when King and Rosa Parks began their campaign to integrate the area. He also showed that Buckley encouraged the prosecution of African American congressman Adam Clayton Powell, and that he was also in favor of the poll tax. The $16 million was reduced to $1,001.00. (pgs. 321-28)
It is also instructive to compare the work Lane did in life with what the counsels of the Warren commission did. Did David Belin ever take on a case of abusive landlords? Did Wesley Liebeler ever hold free legal clinics on how to organize rent strikes? Not to my knowledge.
Two other things I did not know about Lane that are in this book. He successfully argued a case before the Supreme Court against Jack Anderson. This again involved a libel case in which Anderson had libeled Carto. The district judge had thrown the case out. Lane argued it should be reinstated. He won the case and Carto settled for a withdrawal of the charges and a token payment to a charitable cause. (p. 336)
Second, Lane had a radio show. He made an appearance on a radio program in New Jersey in 2004 to talk about the JFK case. He did so well that he was invited back. He was then offered a job five days a week, which he declined. But he agreed to do the show once a week with a co–host. The show was called Lane’s Law and I really wish I had known about it since it sounds very funny. Lane had a great time making fun of pompous fools like Sen. Bill Frist. (p. 346)
When Lane’s sister Anne became ill and had to resign her Department Chair at Virginia, Lane moved to Charlottesville to be close to her. She later recovered and moved to New York to attend her children and grandchildren. Mark decided to stay in Virginia. Coincidentally, all three siblings passed away in a period of four years, from 2012-16.
Unlike what Bob Katz once wrote about him, Mark Lane was not an ambulance chaser. In each high profile case he entered, he was requested to do so: from the JFK case to the Buckley case, and all of them in between, including Wounded Knee and the King case. It is also instructive to compare the work Lane did in life with what the counsels of the Warren commission did. Did David Belin ever take on a case of abusive landlords? Did Wesley Liebeler ever hold free legal clinics on how to organize rent strikes? Not to my knowledge.
Mark Lane was such an effective defense lawyer he could have made millions a la Dick DeGuerin defending the likes of Robert Durst. Instead, he decided to be an attorney for the wretched and the damned. A counsel for the downtrodden and the lost. But they happened to be, like Wounded Knee and the JFK case, just causes. And Lane acquitted himself well, considering the forces arrayed against him. I know of very few lawyers who could have written a book like this one. Lane’s life stands out as a man who did what he could to correct the evil and injustice in the world around him, with no target being too small or too large in that regard. This book stands out like a beacon in the night. It shows both what a citizen should be, and what an attorney can be. Buy it today.
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Why CBS Covered Up the JFK Assassination, Part 1
Part One
When Warren Commission critic Roger Feinman passed away in the fall of 2011, he was freelancing as a computer programmer. That was not his original choice for a profession. Roger started out in life as a journalist. In fact, while in college, he actually submitted reports on campus anti-war disturbances to local radio stations. When he graduated, he got a job at the local New York City independent television station WPIX. In 1972, at the rather young age of 24, he began working for CBS News in New York. There, among other things, he assisted in producing “The CBS World News Roundup with Dallas Townsend.” Under normal circumstances, Roger could have expected a long career at CBS, a few promotions, a nice salary, a munificent benefits package, and a generous pension. He never got any of that. In fact, he was terminated by his employers in the fall of 1976.

Roger Feinman Why? Because in 1975, Roger saw the CBS News Department preparing for another multi-part special defending the Warren Report. The reader should be aware that this was the third time in 11 years that CBS had used its immense media influence to propagandize the public into thinking all was right with the official version of President Kennedy’s assassination. Back in 1964, upon the Warren Report’s initial release—actually the evening of the day it was published—CBS preempted regular programming. Walter Cronkite, assisted by Dan Rather, devoted two commercial-free hours to endorsing the main tenets of that report.
But something happened right after Cronkite and Rather did their public commemoration. Other people, who were not in the employ of the MSM, also looked at the report and the accompanying 26 volumes. Some of them were lawyers, some were professors, e.g., Vincent Salandria and Richard Popkin. They came to the conclusion that CBS had been less than rigorous in its review. By 1967, the analyses opposing the conclusions of both CBS and the Warren Report had become numerous and widespread. Books by Edward Epstein, Mark Lane, Sylvia Meagher and Josiah Thompson had now entered into public debate. Some of them became best sellers. Thompson’s book, Six Seconds in Dallas, was excerpted and placed on the cover of the wide circulation magazine Saturday Evening Post. Lane was actually appearing on popular talk shows. Jim Garrison had announced a reopening of the JFK case in New Orleans. The dam was threatening to break.

Therefore, in the summer of 1967, CBS again came to the aid of the official story. They now prepared a four-hour, four night, extravaganza to, again, endorse the findings of the Warren Commission. As in 1964, Cronkite manned the anchor desk and Rather was the main field reporter. And again, CBS could find no serious problems with the Warren Report. The critics were misguided, CBS said. Walter and Dan had done a seven-month inquiry. At the time of broadcast, it was the most expensive documentary CBS ever had produced. And they found the following: Acting alone, Oswald killed President Kennedy and police officer J. D. Tippit. Acting alone, Jack Ruby killed Oswald. And Oswald and Ruby did not know each other. All the controversy was Much Ado about Nothing. Cronkite was going to “shed light” on these questions for those in the public who were confused.
To show how much “light” Cronkite was going to shed, he began the first installment by saying that there was no question that Oswald ordered the rifle in evidence. Yet, as John Armstrong and others have shown, there are many doubts about whether or not Oswald ordered this rifle. Apparently, among other things, Walter and Dan didn’t notice that the money order allegedly used to pay for the rifle never went through the Federal Reserve system.
Eight years after this broadcast, in 1975, two events occurred to raise interest in the JFK case again. First, the Church Committee was formed to explore the crimes of the CIA and FBI. The committee revealed that, way before Kennedy was killed, the CIA had farmed out the assassination of Fidel Castro to the Mafia. Yet, the Warren Commission was never told about this. Even though Allen Dulles—the CIA Director when these plots were formulated—was on the Commission. Secondly, in the summer of 1975, in primetime, ABC broadcast the Zapruder film. This was the first time that the American public had seen the shocking image of President Kennedy being hurled back and to the left by what appeared to be a shot from his front and right. A shot Oswald could not have fired. The confluence of these two events caused a furor in Washington. A congressional resolution was passed to form the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA), a reopening of the JFK case.
CBS decided they were going to try and influence the outcome of the HSCA in advance. So they now prepared still another special about the JFK case. (And since the congressional resolution forming the HSCA sanctioned an inquiry into the Martin Luther King case also, CBS was going to a do a special on that assassination too.)

Richard Salant, former president of CBS 
William J. Small, former president of NBC News and executive with CBS for 17 years There was a small problem. Roger Feinman had become a friend and follower of the estimable Warren Commission critic Sylvia Meagher. Therefore, he knew that 1) The Warren Commission produced a deeply flawed report, and 2) CBS had employed some questionable methods in the 1967 special in order to conceal those flaws. Since Roger was working there in 1975, he began to write some memoranda to those in charge warning them that they had repeated their poor 1967 performance in November of 1975. His first memo went to CBS president Dick Salant. Many of the other memos were directed to the Office of Standards and Practices.
In preparing these memos Roger had researched some of the rather odd methodologies that CBS used in 1967, and again in 1975. Since, in 1975, he had been there for three years, he got to know some of the people who had worked on that series. They supplied him with documents and information which revealed that what Cronkite and Rather were telling the audience had been arrived at through a process that was as flawed as the one the Warren Commission had used. Roger requested a formal review of the process by which CBS had arrived at its forensic conclusions. He felt the documentary had violated company guidelines in doing so.
As Roger’s memos began to circulate through the executive and management suites—including Salant’s and Vice-President Bill Small’s—it was made clear to him that he should cease and desist from his one-man campaign. But he would not let up. CBS now moved to terminate their dissident employee.
On September 7, 1976, CBS succeeded in terminating Roger Feinman. But the collection of documents he secured through his sources was, to my knowledge, absolutely unprecedented. This remarkable evidence allowed us, for the first time, to see how the 1967 series was conceived and executed. But further, it takes us into the group psychology of a large media corporation when it collides with controversial matters of national security.

Daniel Schorr One of the most remarkable discoveries Roger made was this: the initial proposal for the special was made from certain employees inside CBS. The proposal was originally sent to Salant by CBS Vice-President at the time, Gordon Manning. Two men who had relayed the idea to him were Daniel Schorr and Bill Small. Later on, Les Midgley would join the effort.

Gordon Manning, executive at CBS, NBC and Newsweek Small was the CBS Washington Bureau Chief from 1962-74 who was now vice-president. Schorr had joined CBS in 1953 and worked under the legendary Edward R. Murrow as a reporter. Manning was hired away from Newsweek to CBS by executive Fred Friendly in 1964. By 1967 he had also become a vice-president. Midgley had also started in print media. But by 1963, he had become a top prime time news producer at CBS.
The first proposal was sent to Salant by Manning in August of 1966. It was declined. Manning tried again in October. This time he suggested an open debate between the critics of the Warren Report and former Commission counsels. It would be moderated by a law school dean or the president of the ABA.
One month after Manning’s debate proposal, Life Magazine published a front-page story in which they questioned the Warren Commission verdict with photographic evidence from the Zapruder film (which they owned). They also interviewed Texas Governor John Connally who disagreed that he and Kennedy had been hit by the same shot. That idea, the Single Bullet Theory, was the fulcrum of the Warren Report. Without it, the Commission’s verdict was rendered spurious. The story ended with a call to reopen the case. In fact, Life had actually put together a small journalistic team to do their own internal investigation.

Les Midgley, CBS producer A few days after this issue appeared, Manning again pressed for a CBS special. This time he suggested the title, “The Trial of Lee Harvey Oswald”. Here, a panel of law school deans would review the evidence against Oswald in a mock trial setting. Including evidence that the Warren Commission had not included.
At this time, Manning was joined by producer Les Midgley. Midgley had produced the two-hour 1964 CBS special. His suggestion differed from Manning’s. He wanted to title the show “The Warren Report on Trial”. Midgley suggested a three night, three-hour series. One night would be given over to the commission defenders, one night would include all the witnesses the commission overlooked or discounted. The last night would include a verdict conducted by legal experts. On December 1, 1966, Salant wrote a memo to John Schneider, president of CBS Broadcast Group. He told him that he might refer the proposal to the CNEC. That acronym stood for CBS News Executive Committee. According to information Roger gained through discovering secret memos, plus through secondary sources, CNEC was a secretive group that was created in the wake of Edward R. Murrow’s departure from CBS.

Edward R. Murrow Murrow was a true investigative reporter who became famous through his reports on Senator Joe McCarthy and the treatment of migrant farm workers. The upper management at CBS did not like the controversy that these reports attracted from certain segments of the American power structure. After all, they were part of that structure. Salant went to Exeter Academy, Harvard, and then Harvard Law School. He had been handpicked from the network’s Manhattan legal firm by CBS President Frank Stanton to join his management team. From 1961-67, Stanton was chairman of Rand Corporation, a CIA associated think tank. During World War 2, Stanton worked in the Office of War Information, the psychological warfare branch. President Eisenhower had appointed Stanton to a small committee to organize how the USA would survive in case of nuclear attack. The other two members of CNEC were Sig Mickelson and founder Bill Paley. Mickelson had preceded Salant as president of CBS News. He then became director of Time-Life Broadcasting. Mickelson said nothing when founder Bill Paley—who had also served in the psywar branch of the Office of War Information, in World War 2—met with CIA Director Allen Dulles and agreed to have CBS overseas correspondents informally debriefed by the Agency.

Frank Stanton, former CBS president and chairman of the Rand Corporation from 1961-67 When Salant had reached his crossroads with CNEC, the writing was on the wall for any fair minded, objective treatment of the JFK case at CBS. For as Roger wrote, “The establishment of CNEC effectively curtailed the news division’s independence.” Further, Salant had no journalistic experience and was in almost daily communication with Stanton. As Roger further wrote, Salant “frequently exercised editorial supervision over CBS news broadcasts.” And further, his memoirs did not mention the supervision of CNEC. Or the Warren Commission documentaries made under his watch. These hidden facts “belied Salant’s frequent public assertions of CBS News’ independence from corporate influence.”

Sig Mickelson, former president of CBS News and director of Time-Life Broadcasting The day after Salant informed the CNEC about the proposal, he told Manning that he was wavering on the mock trial concept. Salant’s next move was even more ominous. He sent both Manning and Midgley to California to talk to two lawyers about the project. One of the attorneys was Edwin Huddleson, a partner in the San Francisco firm of Cooley, Godward, Castro and Huddleson. Huddleson attended Harvard Law with Salant. Like Stanton he was on the board of Rand Corporation. The other lawyer the men saw was Bayless Manning, Dean of Stanford Law School. Both men told the CBS representatives that they were against the network undertaking the project on the grounds of “the national interest” and because of “political implications”. Gordon Manning reported that both attorneys advised them to ignore the critics of the Warren Commission, or to even appoint a panel to critique their books. Huddleson even recommended having scientist Luis Alvarez as a consultant to counter the critics. Which CBS actually did.
On his return to CBS headquarters, Gordon Manning realized what was happening. He suggested a new title for the series, “In Defense of the Warren Report”. He now wrote that CBS should dismiss “the inane, irresponsible, and hare-brained challenges of Mark Lane and others of that stripe.” Gordon Manning’s defection left Midgley out on a limb. Salant, with the help of the White House, was about to cut it off. (Bayless Manning had played a significant role in reversing the aim of the program. It is perhaps of interest here to note that in 1971, David Rockefeller made Bayless Manning first president of the Council on Foreign Relations.)
Unaware of what Salant was up to, on December 14, 1966, Midgley circulated a memo about how he planned on approaching the Warren Report project. He proposed running experiments that were more scientific than “the ridiculous ones run by the FBI.” He still wanted a mock trial to show how the operation of the Commission was “almost incredibly inadequate.”

William S. Paley, creator of CBS television, and founder of CNEC In response, Salant now circulated an anonymous, undated, paragraph-by-paragraph rebuttal to Midgley’s attack. The secret author of that memo was none other than Warren Commissioner John McCloy—then Chairman of the Council on Foreign Relations. Ellen McCloy, his daughter, was Salant’s administrative assistant. In this memo, McCloy wrote that “the chief evidence that Oswald acted alone and shot alone is not to be found in the ballistics and pathology of the assassination, but in the fact of his loner life.” [emphasis added] As most Warren Commission critics had written, it was this approach—discounting or ignoring the medical and ballistics evidence, but concentrating on Oswald’s alleged social life—that was the fatal flaw of the Warren Report. From this point on, Ellen McCloy would be on the distribution list for almost all memos related to the Kennedy assassination project. She would now serve as the secret back channel between CBS and her father in regards to the production and substance of the project.

John J. McCloy. His daughter, Ellen, who was Salant’s administrative assistant, admitted to acting as his clandestine liason with CBS during the production of the 1967 Warren Report special. Clearly, the tide had turned and Salant was now in McCloy’s corner. For Salant then asks producer Midgley, “Is the question whether Oswald was a CIA or FBI informant really so substantial that we have to deal with it?” Midgley, still alone out on the limb, replies, “Yes, we must treat it.”
This clandestine relationship between Salant and McCloy was known to very few people in 1967. In fact, as Feinman later deduced, it was likely known only to the very small circle in the memo distribution chain. That Salant deliberately wished to keep it hidden is indicated by the fact that he allowed McCloy to write these early memos anonymously. For as Feinman also concluded, McCloy’s influence on the program was almost certainly a violation of the network’s own guidelines. Which is probably another reason Salant kept it hidden. In fact, as we will see, Salant was actually in denial about the relationship.
After Feinman was terminated he briefly thought of publicizing the whole affair (which he eventually decided against doing). So he wrote McCloy in March of 1977 about the CFR chair’s clandestine role in the four night special. McCloy declined to be interviewed on the subject. He also added that he did not recall any contribution he made to the special.
But Feinman persisted. About three weeks later, on April 4, 1977, he wrote McCloy again. This time he revealed that he had written evidence that McCloy had participated extensively in the production of the four night series. Very quickly, McCloy now got in contact with Salant. McCloy wrote that he did not recall any such back channel relationship. Salant then contacted Midgley. He told the producer to check his files to see if there was any evidence that would reveal the CBS secret collaboration with McCloy. Salant wrote back to McCloy saying that at no time did Ellen McCloy ever act as a conduit between CBS News and McCloy.
This, of course, was false. And in 1992, in an article for The Village Voice, both Ellen McCloy and Salant were confronted with memos that revealed Salant was lying in 1977. McCloy’s daughter admitted to the clandestine courier relationship. Salant finally admitted it also, but he tried to say there was nothing unusual about it. Which leaves the obvious question: If that were the case then why was it kept secret from almost everyone? Including the public. (See further “JFK: How the Media Assassinated the Real Story”)

Betty Furness doing a Westinghouse ad As alluded to previously, there was still work to be done with the last holdout, producer Les Midgley. While the four-night special was in production, Midgley became engaged to one Betty Furness. Furness was a former actress turned television commercial spokesperson. At this time, President Lyndon Johnson now appointed her his special assistant for consumer affairs. Even though her only experience in the field had been selling Westinghouse appliances for eleven years on television. She was sworn in on April 27, 1967, about two months before the CBS production first aired. Two weeks after it was broadcast, Midgley and Furness were married. We should note here, as Kai Bird’s biography of McCloy, The Chairman, makes clear, Johnson and McCloy were both friends and colleagues.
But there is another point to be made about how Midgley was convinced to go along with McCloy’s view of the Warren Commission. Around the same time he was married to Furness, he received a significant promotion. He was now made the executive editor of the network’s flagship news program, “The CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkite”. This made him, in essence, the number one news editor at CBS. Such a decision could not have been made without consultation between Salant, Cronkite and Stanton. And very likely the CNEC.
We have now seen—in unprecedented detail—how the executive level of CBS completely altered a proposal to present a fair and balanced program about the murder of President Kennedy to the public, and at a very sensitive time in history. Consulting with their lawyers, they decided such a program would not be in “the national interest” and would have “political implications”. We have also seen how the president of CBS News secretly brought in a consultant, John McCloy, whose participation was a violation of the standards and practices of the network. We have seen how both McCloy and Salant then lied about this secret back channel, which was never revealed to the public. We have also seen how Gordon Manning and Les Midgley, through a combination of the carrot and stick treatment, were made to go along with the Salant/McCloy, CNEC agenda.
We should now look at the impact this secret relationship would have on what CBS was going to broadcast to an unsuspecting public. For their widely trumpeted “examination” of the Warren Report was anything but.
Go to Part 2
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Why CBS Covered Up the JFK Assassination, Part 2
Part Two
In the first part of this article we saw that, as the controversy over the JFK assassination rose in 1966, some employees at CBS News wanted to deal with the subject in a fair and objective way. Specifically, in either a debate or mock trial format, with both sides—both critics and advocates of the Warren Report—represented equally. But CBS President Richard Salant, in consultation with the CNEC—the secret executive committee at CBS—took control of this proposal, and more or less hijacked it. Salant and the CNEC brought in his own consultant to the proposal. One who would not abide by the critics being allowed a fair and equal voice in this debate. Former Warren Commissioner John McCloy would now have a powerful voice about the upcoming special. His back channel to the show would be through his daughter, Ellen McCloy, who worked for Salant. Not only would this be kept under wraps, but also when CBS moved to terminate Roger Feinman in 1975, Salant would deny any such relationship.
Once McCloy was brought on board, the complexion of both CBS and their programs—both in 1967 and 1975—were altered. The amount of time given over to the critics of the Warren Report would be severely curtailed. But beyond that, CBS would now employ other consultants, besides McCloy, for both their 1967 and 1975 programs. Men who would be rabidly pro-Warren Report. Some of them would appear on the shows as guest speakers. Some would be hidden in the shadows. But in no case would CBS make clear just how biased these men were. In addition to the clandestine role of McCloy, some of these consultants included Dallas police officer Gerald Hill, reporter Lawrence Schiller, physicist Luis Alvarez, and urologist John Lattimer.

Gerald Hill Gerald Hill was just about everywhere in Dallas on November 22, 1963. He was at the Texas School Book Depository, he was at the murder scene of Officer J. D. Tippit, and he was at the Texas Theater—the place where Lee Harvey Oswald was arrested. Hill appears on the 1967 show as a speaker. But Roger Feinman found out that Hill was paid for six weeks work on the 1967 show as a consultant. During his consulting, Hill revealed that the police did a “fast frisk” on Oswald while in the theater. They found nothing in his pockets at the time. Which poses the question as to where the bullets the police said they found in his pockets later at the station came from. That question did not arise during the program, since CBS never revealed that statement. (Click here and go to page 20 of the transcript.)

John Lattimer During World War II, John Lattimer traveled with Patton’s Third Army across France. He treated the wounded during the D-Day invasion. At the end of the war, he was the court-appointed doctor for the Nazis accused of war crimes at Nuremburg. As researcher Milicent Cranor discovered, Lattimer was J. Edgar Hoover’s physician. Fittingly then, he had been defending the Commission since at least 1966 in the pages of the Journal of the American Medical Association. In 1972, he became the first doctor allowed to enter the National Archives and inspect the autopsy evidence in the JFK case. He reaffirmed the Warren Commission verdict without telling the public that Kennedy’s brain was missing from the archives. In 1975, Dr. James Weston was the on-camera witness for the medical evidence. Lattimer consulted with Weston and prepared some visual aids for him. Lattimer spent a large part of his career writing articles and performing dubious experiments propping up the Warren Report. (Click here, and here)

Luis Alvarez Luis Alvarez worked on refinements in radar detection during World War II. He then had a role on the Manhattan Project. He actually witnessed the destruction of Hiroshima from an observation plane, the B-29 The Great Artiste. In 1953, Alvarez was on a CIA-appointed study group for UFO’s called the Robertson Panel. In the sixties, he was part of the JASON Advisory Group; this was a powerful organization of top-level scientists that advised the military on things like fighting the Vietnam War. Along with people like Henry Kissinger, Ronald Reagan and George Schultz, he was a member of the secretive and quite conservative Republican private club, the Bohemian Grove. Alvarez was part of the Ruina Panel, which was put together to conceal evidence of Israel exploding nuclear devices. (Click here) Like Lattimer, Alvarez spent a considerable amount of time lending his name to articles and questionable experiments supporting the Warren Report. In fact, as demonstrated by authors like Josiah Thompson (in 2013) and Gary Aguilar (in 2014), Alvarez actually misrepresented his data in some of his JFK experiments. (Click here and go to the 37:00 mark for Aguilar’s presentation.)

Lawrence Schiller The same year of the 1967 CBS broadcast, Lawrence Schiller had co-written a book entitled The Scavengers and Critics of the Warren Report. This was a picaresque journey through America where Schiller interviewed some of the prominent—and not so prominent—critics of the report and caricatured them hideously. The book was simultaneously published in hardcover and softcover, and was also accompanied by an LP record album. But this constituted only Schiller’s overt actions on the JFK case. Secretly, he had been an informant for the FBI for many years on people like Mark Lane and Jim Garrison. These documents were not declassified until the Assassination Records and Reviews Board was set up in the nineties. (See Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition, by James DiEugenio, p. 388) How bad was Schiller? He attacked New Orleans DA Jim Garrison even though he himself had discovered witnesses who attested that Garrison’s suspect, Clay Shaw, actually used the alias of Clay Bertrand. Which was a major part of Garrison’s case against the man. (ibid)
As the reader can see, with this cast of consultants, the 1967 CBS Special was wrongly titled as “A CBS News Inquiry: The Warren Report”. For the last thing these four men, plus McCloy, wanted to do was to unearth the methodology and process by which the Warren Commission had come to its conclusions. For if that had been done, the results would have shown just how superficial, how haphazard, how agenda-driven the Commission really was. What CBS was going to do was—come hell or high water—endorse the Warren Report. And this became obvious right at the start of the program in the summer of 1967.

Walter Cronkite For instance, Walter Cronkite intoned that, as a crowd of people rejoiced at the sight of President Kennedy approaching Dealey Plaza, “another waited”. Cronkite then said that, faced with dangerous conditions, President Johnson appointed the Warren Commission. Yet, Johnson never wanted a blue ribbon panel from Washington. He wanted a Texas-based investigation founded upon an FBI report. People outside the White House, like Yale Law School Dean Eugene Rostow and columnist Joseph Alsop, foisted the idea of the Warren Commission upon him. (see The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, pp. 7-16) Cronkite then names the men on the Warren Commission while showing their pictures on screen, affirming that this inquiry would be made “by men of unimpeachable credentials”. Needless to say, Cronkite does not mention the fact that President Kennedy had fired Commissioner Allen Dulles in 1961 for lying to him about the Bay of Pigs.
Cronkite then got to the crux of the program. After stating that the Warren Report assured the public the most searching investigation in history had taken place, he now began to show books and articles that were critical of the Commission. He then revealed certain polling results that demonstrated a majority of Americans had lost faith in the Warren Report. This signalled what the program had now become. It was the first network special that took aim at the work of those critical of the Warren Commission. Its raison d’être was to take on the work of the critics and reassure the public that these people could not be trusted. They had given the Warren Report a bum rap.
Cronkite then went through a list of points that the critics had surfaced after reading the report and its 26 volumes of evidence. These were:
- Did Oswald own a rifle?
- Did Oswald take a rifle to the book depository building?
- Where was Oswald when the shots were fired?
- Was Oswald’s rifle fired from the building?
- How many shots were fired?
- How fast could Oswald’s rifle be fired?
- What was the time span of the shots?
To shorten a four-hour story: CBS sided with the Warren Report on each point. Oswald fired three shots from the sixth floor with the rifle attributed to him by the Warren Commission. Two of three were direct hits—to the head and shoulder area—within six seconds. Not only that, but using men like Alvarez they came up with novel new ways to endorse the Warren Report. But as we shall see, and as Feinman discovered, CBS was not candid about these newly modified methods.
One way that CBS fortified the case for just three shots was Alvarez’ examination of the Zapruder film—which the program did not actually show. This was Abraham Zapruder’s 26-second film of Kennedy’s assassination taken from his position in Dealey Plaza. Alvarez proclaimed for CBS that by doing something called a “jiggle analysis”, he computed that there were three shots fired during the film. What this amounted to was a blurring of frames on the film.

Dan Rather Dan Rather took this Alvarez idea to a Mr. Charles Wyckoff, a professional photo analyst in Massachusetts. Agreeing with Alvarez, at least on camera, Wyckoff mapped out the three areas of “jiggles”. The Alvarez/Wyckoff formula was simple: three jiggles, three shots. But as Feinman found out through unearthed memos, there was a big problem with this declaration. Wyckoff had actually discovered four jiggles, not three. Therefore, by the Alvarez formula, there was a second gunman, and a conspiracy. But as the entire executive management level of CBS had committed to McCloy and the Warren Report, this could not be disclosed to the public. Therefore Wyckoff’s on-camera discussion of this was cut out and not included in the official transcript. It is interesting to note just how committed Wyckoff was to the CBS agenda, for he tried to explain the fourth jiggle as Zapruder’s reaction to a siren. As Feinman noted, how Wyckoff could determine this from a silent 8 mm film is rather puzzling. Even more damning is the fact that, as Life Magazine had deduced, there were actually six “jiggles” in the Zapruder film, and they only allotted one to a “startle reaction”. (See Josiah Thompson, Six Seconds in Dallas, Appendix F) But the point is, this (censored) analysis did not actually support the Commission. It undermined it.
And in more than one way. For Wyckoff and Alvarez placed the first jiggle at around Zapruder frame 190, or a few frames previous to that. As most people who have studied the case know, this would have meant that Oswald would have had to be firing through the branches of an oak tree—which is why the Commission moved this shot up to frame 210. But CBS left themselves an out here. They actually said there was an opening in the tree branches at frame 186, and Oswald could have fired at that point. This is patently ridiculous. The opening at frame 186 lasted for 1/18th of a second. To say that Oswald anticipated a less than split second opening, and then steeled himself in a flash to align the target, aim, and fire—this is all stuff from the realm of comic-book super heroes. Yet, in its blind obeisance to the Warren Report, this is what CBS had reduced itself to.
Another way that CBS tried to aid the Commission was through Wyckoff purchasing five other Bell and Howell movie cameras. (CBS was not allowed to handle the actual Zapruder camera.) The aim was to cast doubt on the accepted speed of the Zapruder camera, and suggest it might have been running slow (so that there would have been more time to get off three shots). The problem was that both the FBI and Bell and Howell had tested the speed of Zapruder’s actual camera, and they both decreed it ran at 18.3 frames per second. Wyckoff proceeded to time these other cameras using the same process that Lyndal Shaneyfelt and Bell and Howell did: by aiming the cameras at a large clock with a second sweep hand, and running them for a determinate number of frames. Wycoff announced the results for these timings as 6.90, 7.30, 6.70, 8.35, and 6.16 seconds. Rather concludes this interview by asking, “So, under this theory, the shooter, or shooters, of the shots could have had up to how many seconds to fire?” And Wyckoff replies, “They could have had, according to this, up [to] as much as eight and thirty-five hundreds [sic] of a second–which is a pretty long time.” (CBS Transcript, Part 1, p. 19) Thompson points out that CBS did not clarify here that they had computed these timings from a run of 128 frames, not 103. In other words, they begged the question concerning frame 186. If they had not played fast and loose with the public, they would have told them that at 18.3 fps, Zapruder’s camera would have run through 128 frames in 6.9 seconds (as opposed to 5.6 for 103 frames), thus making the difference between Zapruder’s camera and the slowest running of the other five considerably less remarkable with respect to the total running time for the supposed three-shot sequence. In fact, Zapruder’s camera seems to be running at an average speed, if one combines the other cameras’ running speeds and divides by five (op. cit., pp. 293-294). As Thompson states, the whole experiment really proves nothing about whether the camera was running slow. Even Dick Salant commented that it was “logically inconclusive and unpersuasive.” But it stayed in the program.
Why did Rather and Wyckoff have to stoop this low? Because of the results of their rifle firing tests. As the critics of the Warren Report had pointed out, the Commission had used two tests to see if Oswald could have gotten off three shots in the allotted 5.6 seconds revealed in the Warren Commission, through the indications on the Zapruder film. These tests ended up failing to prove Oswald could have performed this feat of marksmanship. What made it worse is that the Commission had used very proficient rifleman to try to duplicate what the Commission said Oswald had done. (See Sylvia Meagher, Accessories After the Fact, p. 108)
So CBS tried again. This time they set up a track with a sled on it to simulate the back of Kennedy’s head. They then elevated a firing point to simulate the sixth floor “sniper’s nest”, released the target on its sled and had a marksman fire his three shots.
In watching the program, a question most naturally arises. CBS had permission to enter the depository building for a significant length of time, because Rather was running around on the sixth floor and down the stairs. In the exterior shots of Rather, it appears that the traffic in Dealey Plaza was roped off. So why didn’t CBS just do the tests right then and there under the exact same circumstances? It would appear to be for two reasons. First, the oak tree would have created an initial obstruction for the first shot. Second, there was a rise on Elm Street that curved the pavement. This was not simulated by CBS.
CBS first tried their experiment in January of 1967. They used a man named Ed Crossman. Crossman had written several books on the subject and many articles. He had a considerable reputation in the field. But his results were not up to snuff—even though CBS had enlarged the target size! And even though they gave him a week to practice with their version of the Mannlicher Carcano rifle. (Again, CBS could not get the actual rifle the Warren Report said was used by Oswald.) In a report filed by Midgley, he related that Crossman never broke 6.25 seconds, and even with the enlarged target, he only got 2 of 3 hits in about 50% of his attempts. Crossman stated that the rifle had a sticky bolt action, and a faulty viewing scope. What the professional sniper did not know is that the actual rifle in evidence was even harder to work. Crossman said that to perform such a feat on the first time out would require a lot of luck.
Since this did not fit the show’s agenda, it was discarded: both the test and the comments. To solve the problem, CBS now decided to call upon an actual football team full of expert riflemen—that is, 11 professional marksmen—who were first allowed to go to an indoor firing range and practice to their heart’s content. Again, this was a major discrepancy with the Warren Report, since there is no such practice time that the Commission could find for Oswald.
The eleven men then took 37 runs at duplicating what Oswald was supposed to have done. There were three instances where 2 out of 3 hits were recorded in 5.6 seconds. The best time was achieved by Howard Donahue—on his third attempt. His first two attempts were complete failures. It is hard to believe, but CBS claimed that their average recorded time was 5.6 seconds. But this did not include the 17 attempts CBS had to throw out because of mechanical failure. And they did not tell the public the surviving average was 1.2 hits out of 3, and with an enlarged target. The truly striking characteristic of these trials was the number of instances where the shooter could not get any result at all. More often than not, once the clip was loaded, the bolt action jammed. The sniper had to realign the target and fire again. According to the Warren Report, that could not have happened with Oswald.
There is one more point about this experiment. Neither at this stage, nor any other, was there any mention of the hit to James Tague. On his one miss, the Warren Commission said that Oswald’s shot hit the curb beneath bystander James Tague. This then bounced up off his face, drawing blood. Perhaps they avoided this because Tague was on a different street than Kennedy and about 260 feet away from the limousine. How could Oswald have missed by that much if he was so accurate on his other two shots? Further, the FBI found no copper on the curb where Tague was hit. This defies credulity, because the ammunition used in the alleged rifle is copper coated. (James DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, pp. 228-29) Again, this was surgical-style censorship by CBS.
Related to the ballistics evidence is what CBS did with the medical evidence. The two chief medical witnesses on the program were Dr. Malcolm Perry from Parkland Hospital in Dallas, where Kennedy was taken after he was hit; and James Humes, the chief pathologist at the autopsy examination at Bethesda Medical Center that evening.
In their research for the series, CBS had discovered a document that the Warren Commission did not have. The afternoon of the assassination, Perry had given a press conference along with Dr. Kemp Clark. Although it was filmed, when the Commission asked for a copy or a transcript, the Secret Service said they could not locate either. (Doug Horne, Inside the ARRB, Vol. 2, p. 647) This was a lie. The Secret Service did have such a transcript. It was delivered to them on November 26, 1963. The ARRB found the time-stamped envelope.

Robert Pierpont But Feinman discovered that CBS had found a copy of this transcript years before. White House correspondent Robert Pierpont found a transcript through the White House press office. One reason it was hard to find was that it should not have been at the White House; it should have been at the Kennedy Library. But as Roger Feinman found out, it had been relabeled. It was not a Kennedy administration press conference anymore; but the first press conference of the Johnson administration. So it ended up at the Johnson Library.
None of this was revealed on the program by either Cronkite or Rather. And neither the tape nor transcript was presented during the series. In fact, Cronkite did his best to camouflage what Perry said during this November 22nd press conference, specifically about the anterior neck wound. Perry clearly said that it had the appearance to him of being an entrance wound. And he said this three times. Cronkite tried to characterize the conference as Perry being rushed out to the press and badgered. Not true, since the press conference was about two hours after Perry had done a tracheotomy over the front neck wound. The performance of that incision had given Perry the closest and most deliberate look at that wound. Perry therefore had the time to recover from the pressure of the operation. And there was no badgering of Perry. Newsmen were simply asking Perry and Clark questions about the wounds they saw. Perry had the opportunity to answer the questions on his own terms. Again, CBS seemed intent on concealing evidence of a second assassin. For Oswald could not have fired at Kennedy from the front.
Commander James Humes did not want to appear on the program. He actually turned down the original CBS request to be interviewed. But Attorney General Ramsey Clark pressured him to appear on the show. (This may have been done with McCloy’s assistance.) As Feinman discovered, the preliminary talks with Humes were done through a friend of his at the church he attended. There were two things that Humes said in these early discussions that were bracing. First, he said that he recalled an x-ray of the president which showed a malleable probe connecting the rear back wound with the front neck wound. Second, he said that he had orders not to do a complete autopsy. He would not reveal who gave him these orders, except to say that it was not Robert Kennedy. (Charles Crenshaw, Trauma Room One, p. 182)
Like the Perry transcript, this was exceedingly interesting information. Concerning the malleable probe, the problem is that no such x-ray depiction exists today. As CBS stated, Humes had been allowed to visit the National Archives and look at the x-rays and photos prior to his appearance. Needless to say, the fact that this x-ray was missing is not mentioned on the program. Because of that, the pubic would have to wait almost 30 years—until the creation of the Assassination Records Review Board—to find out that other witnesses also saw a malleable probe go through Kennedy’s back. But neither pictures nor x-rays of this are in the National Archives today. The difference is that these other witnesses said that the probe did not go through the body, since the wounds did not connect. This may be the reason they are missing today. (DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, pp. 116-18)
On camera, Humes also said that the posterior body wound was at the base of the neck. Dan Rather then showed Humes the drawings made of the wound in the back as depicted by medical illustrator Harold Rydberg for the Warren Commission. This also depicts that wound as being in the neck. Humes agreed with this on camera. And he added that they had reviewed the photos and referred to measurements and this all indicated the wound was in the neck.
Even for CBS, and John McCloy, this is surprising. In the first place, the autopsy photos do not reveal the wound to be at the base of the neck. It is clearly in the back. (Click here and scroll down) The best that one can say for CBS is that, apparently, they did not send anyone with Humes to visit the archives. Which is kind of puzzling, since good journalistic practice would necessitate two witnesses to such an important assertion. And beyond that, CBS should have sent its own independent expert, because Humes clearly had a vested interest in seeing his autopsy report bolstered, especially since it was under attack by more than one critic.
The second point that makes Humes’ interview surprising is his comments on the Rydberg drawings’ accuracy. These do not coincide with what Mr. Rydberg said later. To this day, Rydberg does not understand why he was chosen to make these drawings for the Commission. Rydberg was only 22 at the time, and had been drawing for only one year. There were many other veteran illustrators in the area whom the Commission could have called upon. But Rydberg came to believe that it was his very inexperience that caused the Commission to direct the doctors to him. For when Humes and Dr. Thornton Boswell appeared before him, they had nothing with them: no photos, no x-rays, no official measurements. Everything they told him was from memory. And this was nearly four months after the autopsy. (DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, pp. 119-22) The Rydberg drawings have become almost infamous for not corresponding to the pictures, measurements, or the Zapruder film. For Humes to endorse these on national television, and for CBS to allow this without any fact checking—this shows what a National Security project the special had become. In fact, the Justice Department had scripted the Humes/Rather interview in advance. (ibid, pp. 125-26)
As noted, CBS also knew that Humes said that he had been limited in his autopsy pathology for the Kennedy autopsy. This would have been another powerful scoop if CBS had followed it up. Since they did not, the public had to wait another two years for the story to surface. This time it was at the trial of Clay Shaw in New Orleans, when autopsy doctor Pierre Finck took the stand in Shaw’s defense. Finck said the same thing: that Dr. Humes was limited in what autopsy procedures he was permitted to follow on Kennedy (ibid, p. 115). This story would have had much more exposure and vibrancy if CBS had broken it, because the press bias against Garrison was very restrictive and controlling. But, as we have seen, the Justice Department control over Humes and CBS was also restrictive—the difference being that CBS was a much more powerful institutional entity than the rather small DA’s office of a medium sized city.
What CBS did with the Humes/RFK story should be followed up on to show just how badly CBS was willing to mangle the truth.
In early 1975, when the JFK case was heating up again, Sixty Minutes decided to do a story on whether or not Jack Ruby and Lee Oswald knew each other. After several months of research, Salant killed the project. Those investigative files were turned over to Les Midgley, and became the basis for the 1975 CBS special, which was entitled The American Assassins. Originally this was planned as a four-night special: one night each on the JFK, RFK, Martin Luther King and the George Wallace shootings. But at the last moment, in a very late press release, CBS announced that the first two nights would be devoted to the JFK case. Midgley was the producer, but this time Cronkite was absent. Rather took his place behind the desk.

Franklin Lindsay In general terms, it was more of the same. The photographic consultant was Itek Corporation, a company that was very close to the CIA. In fact, they helped build the CORONA spy satellite system. Their CEO in the mid-Sixties, Franklin Lindsay, was actually a former CIA officer. With Itek’s help, CBS did everything they could to move up their Magic Bullet shot from about frame 190 to about frames 223-226. Yet Josiah Thompson, who appeared on the show, had written there was no evidence Governor Connally was hit before frames 230-236. Moreover, there are indications that President Kennedy is clearly hit as he disappears behind the Stemmons Freeway sign at about frame 190: his head seems to collapse both sideways and forward in a buckling motion. But with Itek in hand, this now became the scenario for the CBS version of the Single Bullet Theory. It differed from the Warren Commission’s in that it did not rely upon a “delayed reaction” on Connally’s part to the same bullet.

Milton Helpern CBS also employed Alfred Olivier. Olivier was a research veterinarian who worked for the Army wound ballistics branch and did tests with the alleged rifle used in the assassination. He was a chief witness for junior counsel Arlen Specter before the Warren Commission. (See Warren Commission, Volume V, pp. 74ff.) For CBS in 1975, Olivier said that the Magic Bullet, CE399 was not actually “pristine”. For CBS and Dan Rather, this makes the Single Bullet Theory not impossible but just hard to believe. Therefore, it could have happened. Apparently, no one explained to Rather that the only deformation on the bullet is a slight flattening at the base, which would occur as the bullet is blasted through the barrel of a rifle. There is no deformation at its tip. And there is only a tiny amount of mass missing from the bullet. In other words, as more than one author has written, it has all the indications of being fired into a carton of water or a bale of cotton. And if CBS had interviewed the legendary medical examiner Milton Helpern of New York, that is pretty much what they would have heard. (Henry Hurt, Reasonable Doubt, p. 69) It is odd they did not do so, since CBS Headquarters is in New York, and Helpern was still alive in 1975.

James Weston As we have seen, Dr. James Weston would be the on camera medical witness in 1975. Both Weston and Lattimer had seen the medical exhibits before the show was filmed. Taking that into consideration, what they said is not surprising; it is what they left out that is. Predictably, Weston said that there were only two shots, both from the rear. Yet Weston makes no mention of the brain being missing, a fact that both he and Lattimer had to know. Without that exhibit, there was no proof of the brain being sectioned, which is the standard procedure for tracking bullets inside the skull. If this was not done, there is no proof of directionality. Further, there was no mention of the new feature to the x-rays that was found in a Justice Department review in 1968: this was a disk-shaped 6.5 mm fragment in the rear of the skull. Its size fits perfectly the ammunition caliber of the Mannlicher Carcano rifle. It was not seen the night of the autopsy by any of the pathologists. Third, in that same Justice Department review, particle fragments Humes described in his report as going upward from the entry wound, low in the back of the skull, had disappeared on the x-ray. Weston mentioned none of these changes in the evidence. One wonders if he actually read the autopsy report, or just relied on his briefing by Lattimer.

George Burkley Finally, Rather realizes, without being explicit, that something was wrong with Kennedy’s autopsy. He actually said to the audience that the autopsy was below par. And he also reversed field on his opinion of Humes. After praising his experience in 1967, Rather now says that neither Humes nor Boswell were actually qualified to perform Kennedy’s autopsy, and that certain things were actually botched. In other words, what Humes told CBS through a third party in 1967 was accurate. But, in contradiction to Humes’ denial that it was Bobby Kennedy who did so, Rather claims that it was Kennedy physician George Burkley who actually controlled the autopsy. Burkley could not have done any such thing unless it was approved by RFK. And Robert Kennedy had given orders to do a full autopsy. That same order was co-signed by Burkley. (Crenshaw, ibid, p. 182) In this author’s opinion, this piece of disinformation sounds like it was created by Lattimer.
In its perniciousness, in its “blame the victims” theme, Rather’s comment echoes what John McCloy said to Cronkite on camera in 1967. McCloy said that if the Commission made a mistake, it was in not demanding the autopsy materials for their examination, adding that these were under the control of the Kennedy family. If anything shows how “in the tank” CBS and Cronkite were to McCloy, this exchange does. First of all, the medical exhibits were not in control of the Kennedys in 1964. They were under control of the Secret Service that year. Secondly, the Commission did have these exhibits. And McCloy had to have known that. (Gerald McKnight, Breach of Trust, p. 171)
Let us make no mistake about what CBS was up to here. The entire corporate upper structure—Salant, Stanton, Paley—had completely overrun the lower management types like Midgley, Manning and Schorr. And the lower managers decided not to utter a peep to the outside world about what had happened. There was only one recorded instance where CBS let on to how they had fixed their proceedings. In 1993, CBS did another special endorsing the Warren Report. This time, as in 1975, Rather was the host. He called both Bob Tanenbaum of the HSCA, and David Belin of the Warren Commission, to Dealey Plaza. They both discussed their differing views of the case. But Tanenbaum stated that, unlike, Belin, he had tried well over a hundred felony cases through to verdict. Evidently, Rather was impressed with Tanenbaum’s honesty and experience. When the camera was off, Rather stated quietly to the former prosecutor: “We really blew it on the JFK case.”
Not only Cronkite and Rather participated in this appalling exercise; so too did Eric Sevareid. He appeared at the end of the last show and said that there are always those who believe in conspiracies, whether it be about Yalta, China, or Pearl Harbor. He then poured it on and said some of these people still think Hitler is alive. He concluded by sneering that, anyway, it would be utterly impossible to cover up such a thing. (Watch it here)
No it would not Eric. You, your network, and your cohorts just gave us an object lesson in how to do it. Only Roger Feinman, who was not at the top, or anywhere near it, had the guts to try and get to the bottom of the whole internal scandal. And he got thrown under the bus for trying. In that valiant but doomed effort, he showed what hypocrites the top dogs at CBS were, how easily they were cowed and cajoled by their bosses. Everyone then took the Mafia vow of silence about what they had done. Which is despicable, but considering the magnitude of the crime they committed, also understandable.
(This essay is largely based on the script for the documentary film Roger Feinman was in the process of re-editing at the time of his death in 2011. The reader can view that here)
Addenda
A. The CBS rifle tests
The author has been informed by Josiah Thompson that the deception by CBS went even further than Roger Feinman knew. CBS line producer Bob Richter revealed some fascinating information to author Thompson after the 1967 special was broadcast. CBS stated for the internal record that many of their rifle attempts were faulty since the weapon jammed or malfunctioned. Thus was not the case. This misreporting deliberately concealed the fact that in the majority of those instances, the marksman just could not duplicate what the Commission said Oswald did. CBS simply did not want to admit those failures, and add them to the ones they did admit to. (04/26/2017)
B. Documents
Thanks to the efforts of Pat Speer, some of Roger’s documentation can again be examined. The hard-to-find reproductions can be found at Pat’s’ website. These are screenshots taken from a copy of Roger’s original PowerPoint presentation. For this reason, a few of them are unfortunately legible only with difficulty. But the reader will see that they represent in substance the story recounted here. We are grateful to Pat for making these available.
Back to Part 1
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The Death of Mark Lane
I finally understood the influence and reputation that the late Mark Lane had in America when I arrived in Pittsburgh for the Cyril Wecht Symposium at Duquesne in the fall of 2013. At the airport, I was picked up in a private car and driven to my hotel. The driver asked me what I was in town for. I replied a JFK conference on the 50th Anniversary at Duquesne. He asked me if Mark Lane was going to be there. I said yes he was. He replied that he wrote his first research paper back in college many years ago on the JFK case, and he used a lot of the work of Lane in doing it. He asked me to thank Lane for that inspiration. When I arrived at the hotel, I did see Mark and I conveyed the debt of gratitude from my driver.
After I did so I went up to my room and thought: Geez, there must be literally tens, maybe hundreds of thousands of people across America who feel that way about Lane. For the simple reason that Lane was literally the prime mover in the dissent movement against the official version of the Kennedy assassination. Within just three weeks of Kennedy’s death, Lane had issued the first legal arguments against the public stampede to condemn the memory of the accused assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald, who had been shot and killed by Jack Ruby while in the custody of the Dallas police. Lane wanted to publish his defendant’s brief in The Nation. But that liberal journal—and several other periodicals– would not accept it. So he went to the even more leftist journal The National Guardian.
At that conference in Pittsburgh, there were a few copies of that original essay on a coffee table. Lane picked one up and said to me, “They had to print several reprints of this issue. They eventually sold a hundred thousand of them.” This was in mid-December of 1963, two weeks after the first meeting of the Warren Commission, when every major media outlet in America was accommodating leaks from people like Jerry Ford, J. Edgar Hoover and Allen Dulles about how compelling the case against Oswald was. But there was Mark Lane, the one attorney standing up for a dead man who was being walked over by every public and private institution in America.
Mark Lane Through the Years
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Marguerite Oswald, mother of the murdered suspect, heard about Lane’s polemic. She wanted him to act as her murdered son’s defense advocate. But the Warren Commission would not allow it. When Lane forwarded his request to the Commission, Chief Counsel J. Lee Rankin wired back to him the following message: “The Commission does not believe that it would be useful or desirable to permit an attorney representing Lee Harvey Oswald to have access to the investigative materials within the possession of the Commission or to participate in any hearings to be conducted by the Commission.” (See Lane’s A Citizen’s Dissent, e-book version, Part 2, “The Great Silence.”)
In fact, one of the many travesties of the Commission was that Oswald was not granted counsel throughout the ten-month legal procedure. In that respect, the proceeding was a runaway prosecution. Lane was allowed to appear before the Commission twice, once in March and once in July. These were clearly token, adversarial appearances. In fact, it is hard to find another witness who the Commission treated with such hostility. (Walt Brown, The Warren Omission, pgs. 243-45)
At around this time in 1964, Lane began to be surveilled by the FBI. Because he was doing JFK lectures abroad, he was also placed on the federal government’s “lookout list” for international air travel. Whenever Lane returned from abroad, the FBI was alerted he was back. (See Lane, op. cit) But beyond that, the FBI now began to interview certain radio hosts who had chosen to place Lane on the air. These Bureau visits resulted in Lane being banned from certain media outlets. And the buzz about those visits discouraged other outlets from having him on.
In spite of his other considerable achievements, Mark Lane will be forever linked to the JFK assassination. He was, quite literally, a pioneer, a trailblazer in the wilderness.
But Lane would not let up in his defense of Oswald. He then rented a theater in New York City and began to lecture there regularly, taking apart the evidence presented by the developing official story. With the funds attained by these talks, and his various lectures at home and abroad, Lane set up a Citizens’ Commission of Inquiry to collect evidence ignored by the FBI and the Warren Commission. Lane actually managed to appear on some rather widely distributed talk programs, like the one hosted by Merv Griffin.
He then began writing a book based upon the Warren Report and its accompanying 26 volumes of evidence. He could not find a publisher for his book in America. Therefore, Rush to Judgment was first published in England in 1966. It became so successful that it was later published in the U.S. and became a smashing bestseller. At a lecture at the 40th anniversary of Kennedy’s death, Lane said he later found out that the reason he could not find a domestic publisher was that the FBI was visiting publishing houses and discouraging them from publishing his work.
In 1967, Lane followed Rush to Judgment with a documentary film of the same title. This production was shot by famous film-maker Emile de Antonio. De Antonio made films on several controversial subjects like the demagogue Joseph McCarthy and the Vietnam War. He later said that in his entire career, he never met as many witnesses who were literally afraid for their lives to go on camera. Lane literally had to plead with and cajole people to come out of their homes. A few years after this documentary film, Lane worked on the story for a fictional film about the JFK case called “Executive Action.” That film was released in 1973. It was directed by the veteran David Miller and featured some famous leading actors like Burt Lancaster, Robert Ryan, and Will Geer.
In 1967, Lane had worked for New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison during his two-year inquiry into the JFK case. Around 1975, after both the revelations of the Church Committee and the ABC showing of the Zapruder film had ignited outrage favoring a new investigation, Lane did two things to further that interest. First, he released a new documentary on the JFK case called “Two Men in Dallas,” featuring local sheriff’s officer Roger Craig. Second, he restarted his grass roots Citizens’ Commission of Inquiry. He used that committee to lobby Congress to pass a resolution to reopen the Kennedy murder case. To put it mildly, Lane did not get along very well with the final Chief Counsel to the House Select Committee on Assassinations Robert Blakey.
In the 1980’s, Lane decided to take on the appeal of a libel verdict against publisher Willis Carto, the Liberty Lobby and their controversial publication Spotlight. In 1981, Liberty Lobby had lost a $650,000 case judgment when Victor Marchetti had written in Spotlight that the CIA had to devise an alibi for their agent Howard Hunt being in Dallas on November 22, 1963. (Lane, Plausible Denial, pgs. 129-32) Through the help of his volunteer network and some fine sleuthing, Lane discovered that such a memo did exist. It had been prepared by CIA counter-intelligence chief James Angleton, and had been seen by journalist Joe Trento. And Trento had actually written about it. (ibid, pgs. 152-55) By his aggressive defense, Lane not only reversed the judgment, he actually convinced some of the jurors that the CIA was involved in the Kennedy assassination. (ibid, pgs. 320-323)
Lane wrote a book on the Howard Hunt case that was published in 1991. Called Plausible Denial, that book also became a best seller. It gave us harsh insights into CIA officers Hunt, Angleton, Richard Helms and David Phillips. Concerning the last, during a debate with Lane, Phillips actually said that when the entire record was declassified, there would be no evidence that Oswald was ever at the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City. (ibid, pgs. 75-87)
But that still wasn’t enough for Lane. In the new millennium, Lane published his final book on the JFK case called, eponymously, Last Word. In this book, Lane brought out another aspect of the case: the possible complicity of the Secret Service in the assassination. That book was promoted by various video trailers, during which Lane interviewed luminaries like former HSCA Deputy Counsel Robert Tanenbaum, film director Oliver Stone, and former Secret Service agent Abraham Bolden.
But the amazing thing about Lane is that there were still other aspects of his legal career, outside of the JFK case, that I have not even mentioned. For instance, for a time in the seventies, Lane served as attorney for the accused assassin of Martin Luther King, James Earl Ray. He also co-wrote a book on the King case with Dick Gregory called Code Name Zorro. Lane also took on the case of James Richardson. Richardson was a black man in the south who was indicted and convicted of killing his seven children. Through some extraordinary detective work—and with help from Gregory and Garrison assistant Steve Jaffe—Lane had Richardson freed after 21 years of unjust incarceration. He then wrote a book on that case called Arcadia. His book about the riotous—and ruinous—Chicago Democratic convention, called Chicago Eyewitness, makes for an interesting journal. Lane’s reports on this shocking event make it the ultimate crushing of youthful dissent in America and a turning point in history—which it was. In 2012 he summed up his tumultuous career with an autobiography called Citizen Lane. (Visit Lane’s website for information on how to get Lane’s books.)
In spite of his other considerable achievements, Mark Lane will be forever linked to the JFK assassination. He was, quite literally, a pioneer, a trailblazer in the wilderness. In that dark year of 1964 when the Warren Commission was trying to keep everything quiet, while men like FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover were leaking rigged and false evidence to the papers, there was Mark Lane, speaking from his podium each night, to anyone who would listen.. He did this not just because it was his vocation, but because he had personally met President Kennedy when he was running for office in New York. Therefore, he kept up that crusade for the truth about Kennedy’s murder at a very high cost to himself.
As he wrote in his 1968 book A Citizen’s Dissent, he lost his one corporate client over the JFK case. He was then vilified by his opponents who seemed to have easy access to the press, which Lane did not come close to having. Warren Commission junior counsel Wesley Liebeler was actually going to run against him for his state legislative seat. Through it all, through his over more than five decades of dissent against the folly of the Warren Commission, Mark Lane never lost his fighting spirit or his dedication to his cause. He liked to say that the folly of the Commission had led to a national tragedy. Which it did. For both him and all of us.
Lane died at age 89 at his home in Charlottesville, Virginia, May 10. 2016. We are all a bit poorer for his passing. It signifies a milestone. Taps at Reveille.
~ Jim DiEugenio
For more remembrances of Mark Lane from Cyril Wecht, Bob Tanenbaum, Don Freed, Steve Jaffe, David Lifton, Joan Mellen, Joe McBride and John Barbour, listen to the BlackOp Radio installment below:

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The Decline and Fall of Jim Fetzer
Part One
James Fetzer was born in California in 1940. He attended South Pasadena High School, and then Princeton. After graduating, he joined the Marines and ascended to the rank of captain. He resigned to attend graduate school. In 1970, he attained a Ph. D. from Indiana University. His areas of concentration were history of science and philosophy of science. He began teaching philosophy at the University of Kentucky. He then taught at a series of colleges in the south and east before getting a tenured position in 1987 at the University of Minnesota-Duluth. He retired from that position in 2006, having attained the Distinguished McKnight University Professorship. During his long academic career, Fetzer wrote or edited over 20 books and published over 100 essays.
The first time this author ever encountered Jim Fetzer was when I looked at a copy of the first JFK book he had edited. It was called Assassination Science. The reason I ended up buying this anthology—many years after it was published in 1998—was because it contained two articles by Dr. David Mantik. I considered Mantik a good authority on the medical evidence, and I wished to reference him in the second edition of Destiny Betrayed, and also in Reclaiming Parkland. In those two articles, the book lived up to its title, since Mantik was at least trying to reason scientifically based upon the autopsy evidence. For instance, he argued there was reason to believe, based upon optical densitometer readings, that the Kennedy autopsy x-rays had been manipulated. Chuck Marler also wrote a quite interesting piece about how the Warren Commission had altered surveyor James West’s plat map of Dealey Plaza. This was done under the supervision of junior counsel Arlen Specter.
But elsewhere, the claim that the book was completely based upon science does not ring true. For example, near the end of the book, in a chapter called “Assassination Science and the Language of Proof”, Fetzer begins to reel off a bullet audit list. This is labeled Proof 1. (p. 352) That is, proof demonstrating there were more than three bullets fired in Dealey Plaza that day. But the very first pieces of evidence he uses, he misconstrues. Referencing David Lifton’s Best Evidence, he writes that, in that book, Lifton shows the reader photos of two “substantial bullet fragments”. He then adds that they were recovered from the presidential limousine and that they thus denote, for his purposes, two bullets.
Unfortunately, this is incorrect. And it’s rather easily proven so. For if one goes to the Warren Commission exhibits which picture the two fragments, it is plainly captioned that they are the head and tail of one bullet. Since Fetzer lists the Commission exhibit numbers, it is odd that he got this wrong. (See Commission Exhibits 567 and 569)
Then Fetzer’s scientific reasoning veers off even more. He writes that the probability in favor of the Secret Service setting up President Kennedy are anywhere from a million to 1 to a billion to 1. (See p. 367) Quite naturally, he then concludes that the evidence that the Secret Service set up President Kennedy is overwhelming. He uses the usual litany of complaints here—e.g., someone wiped out the back of the limousine outside of Parkland Hospital.
My question: Did Fetzer ever try and find the man who used a bucket to wipe out the back of the limousine? To my knowledge, he remains nameless to this day. Therefore, there is no interview with him to see why he did what he did. Or if he did it of his own volition, or someone told him to do so. If these factors are not known, then how can one assign a mathematical probability to them happening? These are the things that our side has to demand if we are going to assign statistical probabilities to events.
Fetzer now veers off even more from the book’s title. He now states that his witness Chauncey Holt reported in a radio interview that he was a counterfeiter who worked for the CIA in 1963. (ibid, p. 368) He was ordered to bring false Secret Service identifications to Dealey Plaza on 11/22/63. That he disguised himself as one of the three tramps in the famous photographs of these hoboes who, after being unloaded from a train car, were escorted through Dealey Plaza on the way to police headquarters.
If we added up all the researchers who have made claims about who these three tramps were, the number would probably be in the double figures. To say, on the basis of a radio interview, that we know who they are and that Holt is credible, what is scientific about that deduction? What is even forensic about it? Suffice it to say, other researchers have dug into Holt’s story at great length, and have shown great doubt about his claims—for instance, that Holt traveled to New Orleans to deliver pre-printed leaflets to Guy Banister’s office for Oswald to pass out, when in fact there is evidence these were printed in New Orleans and Oswald hand-stamped the leaflets with Banister’s address.
From here, Fetzer’s book gets even worse. He starts writing about Madeleine Brown and the infamous Murchison party. Like the Three Tramps, this “party” has become a matter of evolution. Except in this case, it’s not the identities that have evolved, it’s the sheer number of persons reported present. Fetzer goes in all the way on this one. He has George Brown of Brown and Root, J. Edgar Hoover, John McCloy, Richard Nixon and LBJ all on hand. (p. 369) When LBJ arrived, there was a closed-door private meeting of about 20 minutes in length. When it was over, Johnson told Madeleine that Kennedy would be taken down. To go through all the problems with this rather tardy “night before” planning and the credibility of Ms. Brown would be both laborious and cruel. Suffice it to say, Seamus Coogan has done some nice work on this Murchison gathering, and found some good reasons to qualify it as suspect. (Click here and slide down to “A Short Dissection”.)
II
Two years later, in 2000, Fetzer edited another anthology. This was more modestly titled as Murder in Dealey Plaza. This book was, I felt, better than the first one. And for a very simple reason. Dr. Gary Aguilar joined Mantik, and the two each wrote long essays for the volume. Combined, they account for about 125 pages. In this reviewer’s opinion, they make for fascinating reading in any informed debate about the medical evidence in the JFK case today. The book also contained an interesting essay by the late Doug Weldon on what happened to the Kennedy limousine after the assassination; a good essay by Vince Palamara on the Secret Service, and ARRB researcher Doug Horne’s argument for two brain examinations in the JFK case. Further, Mantik had edited and highlighted three medical evidence depositions conducted by the Assassination Records Review Board. In my view, this marked the high point of Fetzer’s contributions to the JFK case.
But there was a qualifier to note. As opposed to the first book, Fetzer personally contributed very little to this volume. His writing amounts to about 35 of the volume’s 420 pages of text. About half of those pages consist of a review of Jesse Curry’s book JFK Assassination File, a summary of Assassination Science, and a letter to a Justice Department attorney about the Zapruder film.
This last revealed a growing obsession of Professor Fetzer’s: namely that the Zapruder film had been altered. And not by a little, but by a lot. Fetzer’s argument is for wholesale alteration of the film. In fact, it was this strong belief by the former professor that led to a bitter and personal feud with author and private investigator Josiah Thompson.
Thompson had based his 1967 book, Six Seconds in Dallas, largely on an analysis of the Zaprduer film, which he was allowed to view at the headquarters of Life magazine. That publication had decided to sponsor a small, closely held reinvestigation of the JFK case in the second half of 1966. Thompson had been a part of that team, which also included reporters Dick Billings and Hugh Aynesworth. It resulted in a preliminary report in Life entitled “A Matter of Reasonable Doubt” on the third anniversary of Kennedy’s murder. This inquiry was disbanded when, in New Orleans, it ran into the early stages of Jim Garrison’s investigation. Why? Because Holland McCombs, a top executive at Life, was a close friend of Clay Shaw. It was further sandbagged by the employment of Aynesworth, who was really working as an undercover agent. In fact, after an interview he did with Garrison, he reported back to a colleague, that they must not let on they were working both sides.
But because of this endeavor, Thompson was allowed to have extensive access to the Zapruder film, for the simple reason that Life owned it. He consequently examined individual frames with a magnifying glass, was allowed to view transparencies, and so on. No author at that time had anywhere near his exposure to the film. As a result, Six Seconds in Dallas was written something like a visual essay, using drawings made from the film. It is probably not too broad a statement to say that, without his access to the film, Thompson’s book would not exist—at least in the form it does today. It is therefore not unfair to claim that Thompson had a vested interest in the film being genuine.
Since Fetzer did not edit his first anthology until 1998, he had no such vested interest. In fact, as we shall see, Fetzer seemed to enjoy challenging established shibboleths in the JFK case (and, as we shall also see, in other fields.) He seemed to actually revel in the combined role of trailblazer/hell raiser. Hence the feud between Fetzer and Thompson took on not just an inherent generational aspect—that is, between the established entity and the New Kid on the Block; it was also a debate over style, and the way evidence was weighed and measured. Thompson represented a more conservative, considered, traditional approach. Fetzer, who seemed to be radicalized and energized by his feud with Thompson, now seemed intent on picking up on almost any offbeat novelty in the field to further his self-styled role as the brave, bold, brass-balled iconoclast.
So almost as an extension of his Thompson blood feud, Fetzer’s next collected essay anthology was entitled The Great Zapruder Film Hoax. This came out in 2003. And if one goes over to Amazon.com, one will see that Thompson promptly posted a fully negative review about it. That same year, Fetzer held a seminar at the University of Minnesota in which he invited several speakers from his book to address a live audience on the subject. In this instance, Fetzer decided to disable comments on YouTube. In other words, there was no arguing with the professor on this issue.
III
My first personal dust-up with Fetzer came in the same year that his Zapruder film volume was published. For at the end of 2002, a rather mysterious book entitled Regicide was published. It was mysterious for two reasons. The author, a man named Gregory Douglas, was very much an unknown quantity in the critical community. Secondly, the book actually pretended to explain exactly how the assassination of President Kennedy came about. It did so through documents allegedly penned by the CIA’s Chief of Counter-Intelligence James Angleton. In other words, Angleton had masterminded the assassination, worked with other power groups—like the Pentagon and the Mafia—and left behind meeting logs of his conferences with them. (Hmm—oh really?) Somehow, Douglas had discovered the documents. From them he had written the ultimate solution to the JFK case.
Fetzer accepted this. He jumped on Amazon.com and gave the book a five star review. I had heard about the book but delayed reading it, or making any judgment about it for two simple reasons: I had no idea who Douglas was, or how he had come into possession of the documents. I poked around on these issues and I discovered through former CBS reporter Kristina Borjesson that Douglas was deliberately mysterious, and he used more than one name. She found this out since she had previously tried to run down a story put out by him. I then asked Lisa Pease—who had a strong interest in Angleton—if she had heard about the book. She said she had. Someone had told her that Douglas was a rather unsavory character who, before Regicide, had been accused of forging documents, and using them to write books, this time in regards to the Third Reich.
I decided to do some research on Mr. Douglas. It turned out that, if anything, both of these reports were putting it mildly. For Douglas also went by the name Walter Storch, among others, and he ran a weird news blog called TRB News. To make a long story short, the book is almost certainly a hoax. And Douglas had a long history as a confidence man. I wrote an essay that was partly focused on Douglas and his book called “Beware the Douglas/Janney/Simkin Silver Bullets”. (Click here to read it) In that essay I compared this book to other previous hoaxes like Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal (aka The Torbitt Document), and Farewell America. I mentioned Fetzer’s initial acceptance of the book, and his later distancing himself from it.
The professor did not appreciate me bringing up this issue. He got in contact with me and expressed his umbrage in no uncertain terms. I defended myself by saying it was not at all difficult to find out about Douglas/Storch’s past. All one had to do was to do a name search on Google. He replied that we had a difference of opinion about the quality of sources. To this day, I really do not know what that meant. Was he saying that he still put some faith in Douglas? Or that his book still had some validity? I didn’t see how that could be the case. Or was he reflexively trying to defend himself from missing a relatively easy to find truth about the matter?
Whatever the reason was, this episode indicated two traits about Jim Fetzer that would manifest themselves more fully in the future. First, a rather lax attitude toward critical analysis of scholarly sources, which was odd coming from a former philosophy professor who wrote books with titles like Scientific Knowledge: Causation, Explanation and Corroboration, Philosophy of Science, and Philosophy, Mind and Cognitive Inquiry, among many others. (To be exact, he edited the last.) The other disturbing trait exhibited by the Gregory Douglas episode was Fetzer’s taste for, let us call it, the Sensational Solution. That is, the idea that there were large areas of the case that were yet to be discovered, and that only through some inside or offbeat source could the complete truth about the murder of JFK be found.
IV
There was a third character trait Fetzer exhibited that was not really suitable for the scholarly study of a complex phenomena like the JFK case. That was an overweening self-righteousness. He was right no matter how much data there was against him; no matter how many people could show he was wrong; and no matter what their qualifications were. All these traits would come to the forefront in three instances that would soon surface on various forums dealing with the JFK assassination. Specifically, these were the cases of Judyth Baker, Ralph Cinque and Peter Janney. And by this time, not only was the professor online, he had his own internet podcast show called The Real Deal.
Let us deal with the first two instances. At what was then John Simkin’s Spartacus Educational JFK Forum, Jim Fetzer was directly responsible for two of the longest, most controversial, most volatile threads ever created there. They dealt with first Baker, and then Ralph Cinque and his Doorway Man theory. Fetzer had Baker on his podcast and was vouching for her as a new, late-arriving witness who was absolutely imperative to the JFK case.
To say the least, many people disagreed with him. There were Oswald biographers—like David Lifton and John Armstrong—who did not buy her. And there were people who had thoroughly studied the New Orleans aspects of the case—like Bill Davy and myself—who did not buy her. I was also influenced by the work of the fine Florida researcher Carol Hewett. Hewett had done some work for 60 Minutes on Baker. That program had seriously thought of doing a segment on the woman. After Hewett presented her case, they decided not to. (See here for a critique of Baker)
No matter how many people pointed out good reasons not to buy into Baker, Fetzer would not backtrack. (And this is after he said that he would change his mind if confronted with contradictory information.) Some pointed out his incredible stamina. Others, like myself, privately e-mailed him and advised him to desist since he was dealing with aspects of the case he was not familiar with. Fetzer communicated back that he would do no such thing. This genuinely puzzled me, since it defied his identity as a scholar. New Orleans is a very complex, multi-layered area of study in the JFK case. It literally takes years to understand it. Yet Fetzer—who had not done any real study of that area—was endorsing someone who made bizarre claims, and had little back up for them. As many have stated about the JFK case: extraordinary claims demand extraordinary evidence. Which Baker did not have. Yet that seemed alright with the professor; her claims were enough.
Fetzer even titled a thread he started at Spartacus, “Judyth Vary Baker: Living in Exile.” Then Glenn Viklund—who I disagree with about everything else in the JFK case—posted documentary information that this tenet was false. Baker had applied for political asylum in Sweden. That request was denied. Baker appealed and the appeal was denied in early summer of 2008. She left. Her status the whole time was as an asylum seeker. She was never living in exile.
The problem here for Fetzer was twofold. First, the liberal Swedish government did not think that Baker had any personal problems due to her alleged involvement with Oswald. And they ruled on the case twice. Secondly, Viklund wrote that these documents about Baker’s case were a matter of public record. He spent about four hours going through them and he made four phone calls to Sweden to garner further information. The obvious question was: Why didn’t Professor Fetzer do the same before mistakenly titling his thread? Fetzer’s lack of due diligence—as exposed in both the Gregory Douglas and Baker cases—was becoming a chronic problem. (Click here for that thread)
V
About two years later, in January 2012, Fetzer was back at work on Spartacus Educational. He was also writing for an online magazine called Veterans Today. He was using that journal to promote his ideas about the JFK case. This thread also ended up being very long (although not nearly as long as the Baker thread). It ended up with nearly 700 replies. It got so vociferous, so belligerent, that it eventually was locked. (Here is a link to the thread)
I am not going to detail here what Fetzer and Ralph Cinque were propagating. It seemed to me to be so wild, so far out, that it was almost a caricature of what those so-called “tin foil hat” JFK researchers were all about. So I refer the reader instead to their Oswald Innocence Campaign home page in which they spell out what they mean. For those who don’t care to wade through all those pages, in a nutshell, what they were saying was that in the famous Altgens photo, the facial features of the figure in the Texas School Book Depository doorway were done over in an attempt to hide its, i.e., Oswald’s, identity. The object was to make it appear that it was Billy Lovelady. In other words, the photo was altered.
To say this one was met with some resistance does not at all register how bad the reception was. (For an example, click here) The main problem with this is that there were at least three pieces of evidence in the record that undermined it. And again, Fetzer missed all three of them. But let us begin with how the controversy began.
When Lovelady, a fellow worker at the Texas School Book Depository, showed up to have his FBI photo taken, they did not tell him to wear the same shirt he had on the day of the assassination. So he wore a striped shirt and not a plaid shirt. This left the door open for some notable people to deny the Altgens doorway photo was of him: e.g., Harold Weisberg.
As others pointed out, there were films from that day which showed Lovelady outside the Book Depository with a plaid shirt on, and another film from inside the Dallas Police Department. That latter film showed both Lovelady and Oswald in the same room at the same time. One can see that Lovelady had a shirt on that was similar to the figure in the doorway. Further, a central tenet of Fetzer and Cinque was that the Doorway Man figure was wearing a V-neck undershirt. Yet when one looks at Robin Unger’s finer resolution of the photo, to put it kindly, this is not readily evident.
And it later turned out, through better photo renditions and comparisons, that the Fetzer/Cinque V-neck appeared to be an illusion from a chin shadow. This created a serious problem, since part of their argument was that Lovelady was wearing a round-necked T-shirt, and Oswald was not.
For his version of Altgens, Fetzer had used a scan from Life magazine. Which, of course, did not make for a very good rendition of the photo. Finally, Pat Speer pointed out that Oswald had changed his shirt after he left the Depository to go back to his rooming house. (He did this since he did not think there was going to be any more work to do.) Thus the shirt that Fetzer claimed Oswald was wearing at the police station was not the same one he was wearing before the assassination. This in turn meant there was no control factor for the comparison, because we really do not know what shirt Oswald was wearing in the Depository. And the Altgens photo was a black and white picture, so it was not easy to be definite about its color and pattern.
This thread became so obnoxious and so insulting that the moderators had to clean it up about a third of the way through. And warnings were given to the participants to calm down. About thirty posts past this warning, the moderators eliminated an entry in which Fetzer “included a number of insults directed at the Forum membership, including one particularly crude reference.” But Fetzer did not get the message. On February 8, 2012, he posted this about Pat Speer: “You must have led a strange life Pat, to have grown up with such a grotesque tendency to distort, misread, and mislead those who read your posts.” And Speer was a moderator! And he was actually letting Fetzer guest host Cinque’s comments, since Cinque was not a member!
It got so bad that former friends, Fetzer and Greg Burnham, now became opponents. Burnham posted the following: “I withdraw from this debate. I concede exasperation.” But he returned, which was a mistake, since the thread ended up with Greg telling Fetzer that he and his wife now considered Fetzer persona non grata in their home. Cinque told Duncan MacRae, “MacRae, you’ll be eating my shorts before I eat that.” Cinque then told another moderator, Jim Gordon, “But, if you can’t find any other such examples, then you can take your composite theory and shove it in the same place I told Lamson to shove his angle of incidence. Is that clear enough? Are we communicating?”
Incredibly, at the conclusion of this eventually locked thread, Fetzer and Cinque then tried to bring up this issue again. Except this time they now argued that in the film inside the Dallas Police station, it wasn’t actually Lovelady. Lovelady had been substituted by an actor. This corollary to the original thesis was met with even greater cynicism than the first time around. It was so preposterous that it eventually led to Fetzer being banned from Spartacus Educational. These two incidents at that forum—with Baker and Doorway Man—showed that Fetzer simply could not admit he was wrong. No matter what the arguments against him were, no matter how powerful the evidence arrayed against him was. And all of this led some to elevate his name into a pejorative term which has gained online notice (for instance, in the Wiktionary).
VI
Around this same time, 2012, Peter Janney’s book Mary’s Mosaic was published. Fetzer now raised his saintly, self-righteous manner to even higher amplitude. On Amazon.com, he called Janney’s book a litmus test for the research community, one that would “separate the competent from the frivolous, the courageous from the cowardly and the honest from the dishonest”.
But, as with his commentary on Judyth Baker, what became obvious in his review of Janney was that he knew little or nothing about the Mary Meyer case before he read the book. He simply accepted just about all that the author wrote as if it were fact, despite Janney actually using people like Gregory Douglas as a source. Janney also appeared on Fetzer’s podcast more than once. Again, Fetzer did not challenge any of the tenets of the book. For instance, Janney had written that his suspected killer, William Mitchell, had disappeared off the face of the earth; yet, lo and behold, researcher Tom Scully—armed only with a computer— had found him living in northern California. And it was the correct Mitchell.
If that were not embarrassing enough, Scully’s information on Mitchell revealed that he was in his seventies at this time. Yet the late Leo Damore—Janney had adapted and used his work profusely in his book—said he had met Mitchell in the early nineties, and he was 74 at that time. How can a man not age in a generation? Further, Fetzer suggested that since Janney could not find any details of his academic career at Harvard—where he allegedly attended—that record must have been purged. But Scully found those records, once again armed only with a computer. (Click here)
This episode revealed in excelsis the severe shortcomings in Fetzer’s critical apparatus. As this author has stated, criticism is nothing if not qualitative analysis. That is, one must examine the data the author adduces, where he got it, and how solidly backed it is. That rule is a common one in historical analysis. But it is even more important for the JFK case, for the simple reason that this field is littered with fraudsters, politically motivated smear jobs, and deliberate disinformation. And these kinds of problems have proliferated of late since it is relatively easy to get a book published today. Decades ago, one had to sell an editor and publishing house on a book. Today one can just sign up with, for example, Create Space, and start typing away. Presto! one has a Kindle edition.
Beyond qualitative analysis, the responsible critic must also apply comparative analysis—that is, how does the book compare with other related work in the field. Janney’s book went way beyond what anyone else had ever proposed in the Mary Meyer case. He was proposing an exotic, high tech precision assassination team that was taking out Mary Meyer because she was transforming the former Cold Warrior Kennedy into a visionary statesman. So in addition to the actual mechanics of the murder of Mary, there was also the portrait of Kennedy to deal with. For if that portrait was faulty, then the motive for murder was dubious. This required a comparative analysis of the latest scholarship in the field of Kennedy’s foreign policy, which, again, Fetzer had not done. Or if he had, it was woefully lacking in his discussion of the book. So why was he calling the book a litmus test when it was apparent he had not done his homework before jumping onto Amazon to praise the book? (CTKA’s two-part review of the book is here)
It was this book, and Doug Horne’s five-volume series Inside the ARRB, that began Fetzer’s lashing out at Lisa Pease and myself. In my view, Horne’s book was much better than Janney’s, though in my review of that very long book I did make some criticisms. (Click here for that review) And that was enough for Fetzer to start attacking me on some forums.
Part Two
VII
As noted in Part One (above), a most puzzling fact about Jim Fetzer’s approach to the JFK case has been his lack of any rigorous critical methodology. This failing allowed him to accept and embrace people like Judyth Baker, Ralph Cinque, and Peter Janney and his book Mary’s Mosaic. This last example—his acceptance of a faultily premised book—leads into two other works that Fetzer accepted pretty much in their entirety. I am speaking here of Philip Nelson’s tome, LBJ: The Mastermind of JFK’s Assassination and John Hankey’s documentary film, first titled JFK 2 and then retitled Dark Legacy: George Bush and the Murder of John F. Kennedy.
To say that Fetzer praised the Nelson book would be putting it much too mildly. In fact, it would be a misrepresentation. Jim Fetzer called Nelson’s book “a masterpiece”. He also tried to draw a parallel between it and James Douglass’ book on the JFK case. He called Nelson’s book the equivalent of JFK and the Unspeakable in the Lyndon Johnson field.
This last assertion puzzled this author, because it betrayed a lack of insight into what made the Douglass book exceptional. Jim Douglass’ book deals more with John F. Kennedy than it does with his assassination. The distinction of that book is that it shows how Kennedy’s assassination was a result of the policies he had instituted as president—especially, but not only, those dealing with Vietnam and Cuba. Douglass attempts to explain 11/22/63 as a reaction to a man who had decided to try and halt the Cold War, if not completely, at least to make a start. And it uses his June 10, 1963 American University speech as a touchstone throughout. To my knowledge, it was the first book of that kind ever published.
How could one possibly do a book like that about Lyndon Johnson? It would not seem to me to be possible. What Nelson actually did was to write a book in which he collected all of the data he could on what a dishonorable man Johnson was. This in itself is not at all uncommon. It began back in 1964 by rightwing extremist J. Evetts Haley. Haley was an instructor at the University of Texas who was dismissed because of his attacks on Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal as being socialist. When running for governor of Texas in 1956, Haley promised to use the Texas Rangers to block school integration. This was two years after the Supreme Court’s Brown vs. Board decision, which decreed integration must be achieved with due haste. In 1964, Haley published his book A Texan Looks at Lyndon. This was a clear attempt to attack Johnson from the right and soften him up for Barry Goldwater—who Haley endorsed for president. Because the John Birch Society also backed Goldwater, they helped make the book a runaway best seller. When the 1964 presidential election heated up, the book was selling tens of thousands of copies per day. It eventually sold into the millions. In my experience, it was the first book to insinuate that LBJ was involved in several murders, including that of his sister Josefa, and to implicate Mac Wallace as his probable hit man.
In the JFK field, the book became the paradigm for writers like Nelson, Barr McClellan (Blood, Money and Power), Glen Sample and Mark Collom (The Men on the Sixth Floor), and Craig Zirbel (The Texas Connection). To be fair, Nelson also stated that he was influenced by Noel Twyman’s book, Bloody Treason. Which is odd, because whatever one thinks of Twyman’s book, it certainly did not leave a very lasting impression on the research community. Except for Nelson. But what Nelson borrowed from Twyman was probably the weirdest part of his book. Twyman first recited all of the literature about JFK’s extra-marital affairs, e.g., Marilyn Monroe, Mary Meyer, Judith Exner. He then swallowed them in their most extreme forms, not questioning anything about their previous presentations. He theorized that the Washington power structure felt that if they plotted to murder JFK they could use his extra-marital affairs as leverage against the Kennedy family’s attempt to expose the conspiracy, or to recruit those whose cooperation they sought by invoking Kennedy’s putative behavior as a threat to national security. Unfortunately for Twyman and Nelson—fortunately for the rest of us—this author exposed much of this as flatulence in his long essay, “The Posthumous Assassination of John F. Kennedy”. That piece was originally published in Probe Magazine and then excerpted in The Assassinations. Nelson, and Fetzer after him, ignored that important work, for it punched myriad holes in Twyman’s utterly fantastic daydreams, which, in his mystifying credulity, Nelson accepted in full, even going beyond Twyman in some ways. Surprisingly, more like unbelievably, Fetzer found little or no fault in any of this. What is further ironic in Twyman’s wholesale acceptance of the above, is that Johnson, whom he sees, along with Hoover, as being brought into the plot, was the man who once said he bedded more women by accident than Kennedy did by design. Johnson also said that the worst invention for women’s fashion was pantyhose. Johnson’s womanizing, or even Allen Dulles’ for that matter, certainly makes any claim about playing upon the moral indignation or fear of security breaches among the Washington élite seem rather preposterous. What serious historian could take such an argument in earnest? Well, a pseudo-historian like Nelson could.
CTKA had author, journalist, and private investigator Joseph E. Green review Nelson’s book. As the reader can see by reading that review, we were at odds, again, with Professor Fetzer. To put it plainly, we found his unqualified endorsement of Nelson’s book as “a masterpiece” rather dubious. Since Green’s review was published, two new discoveries have been made which weaken Nelson’s thesis even more.
Nelson stated with certainty that Johnson had ducked down in his trailing car as President Kennedy and Governor John Connally were being hit by shots during the assassination. (Nelson, pp. 471-78) He wrote that the Altgens photo proved this, since Johnson is not visible in the picture. Nelson then concluded that this showed that Johnson knew what was coming. To say that Nelson plays this up to large effect does not do his hyperbolic treatment justice. Pulling out all the stops, he pretentiously labels this section of his book “The Hidden Key to Unraveling the Crime of the Century”. That’s not even enough. He then writes that it is “prima facie proof of Lyndon Johnson’s foreknowledge of the assassination.” (ibid, p. 476)
In 2013, two years after the release of Nelson’s book, Robert Groden published Absolute Proof. He reduced Nelson’s metaphysical certitude to rubble. On page 272 he makes a powerful case through photo analysis—which he knows something about— that 1) You can see Johnson’s head in the photo, and therefore, 2) what Nelson said so certainly occurred did not happen. In other words, Joe Green’s criticism was correct. Johnson did not duck down in the car at all. Moreover, as Groden wrote, he “was probably as unaware as his wife Lady Bird that the shooting was even taking place.” Which, of course, is the opposite of Nelson’s presentation. So much for Fetzer’s “masterpiece”.
The other cinching point that Nelson abided by in his book was the Malcolm Wallace fingerprint. This was the belated discovery by the late researcher Jay Harrison that Wallace’s fingerprint was one of the unidentified prints found on the sixth floor. Nelson put this piece of information in his book. He then criticized others for not accepting it. (See pp. 589-90) It turns out that he should have double-checked it first himself. Joan Mellen did do that. Her computer analysis has shown that it is not Wallace’s fingerprint. Her book on this subject—and the whole Mac Wallace episode— will be released this fall.
The question in regard to our titular subject is this: How could anyone call this book a masterpiece? By doing so, Fetzer was placing his own credibility on the block with the book. As the reader can see, Fetzer’s unqualified and irresponsible use of that term in relation to this bloated mediocrity says more about him than it does Nelson. I am sure Nelson was appreciative of the accolade. But what does Fetzer’s lack of circumspection and gravitas do for the rest of the interested public? As in the cases of Gregory Douglas, Ralph Cinque, Judyth Baker and Peter Janney, it shows just how Fetzer is so eager to accept—and how blindly he does accept—practically anything that comes down the pike in the JFK field, almost as if the wilder and more unfounded it is, the better. Which is nearly the precise opposite of what the function of criticism is.
VIII
This brings us to Fetzer and his pal John Hankey. It doesn’t need to be said—it almost follows from the above record—that Fetzer endorses Hankey’s work. Seamus Coogan has written several fine articles for this web site, e.g., on the Majestic Papers, and on Alex Jones. But the first article which brought Seamus to the attention of the JFK critical community was his long and detailed critique of John Hankey’s documentary, first titled JFK 2. (It was then retitled Dark Legacy.) Hankey’s film tried to make the case for the involvement of former President George H. W. Bush in the murder of President Kennedy. As Seamus revealed, it was not successful. (Click here)
Seamus’ review created a mini-uproar in the critical community—and a few other places. Why? Because it was the first extended critical analysis of Hankey’s film. And Seamus was a well-informed and well-read reviewer. Up until his review, some people had been accepting of the film.
I should explain. Because of the decline of belief in the MSM, many alternative forms of press and radio outlets have developed. They are, much of the time, short of guests to interview. Since they do not have a budget to hire screeners or analysts, people like Hankey fill the vacuum. Seamus broke open that phenomenon as far as Hankey was concerned. In fact, his review created a kickback effect. Hankey and his meager following were angry because Seamus had exposed the myriad faults in his film in such intricate fashion. CTKA got e-mails from radio hosts who had guested Hankey and also writers like Michael Green who had accepted his work.
Seamus’ review created such a brouhaha that Hankey was actually forced to acknowledge the criticism. But he then tried to beat it back by attacking Seamus for having an agenda. I decided to join in the fray and defend Seamus’ fine work. (See here)
My point was that Hankey’s excuses for making literally dozens of serious errors in his film simply did not fly. And he could have easily corrected them if he really wanted to. Later, Hankey attempted another defense: he tried to say that his errors were all minor. As the reader can see by clicking the link above to the discussion at ”JFK Murder Solved”, this is simply not the case. Making up fanciful dialogue and putting it in the mouth of former DCI Bill Colby is not a minor error. Neither is manufacturing a scene with George H. W. Bush walking into FBI Director Hoover’s office with a couple of Cubans and a revolver to threaten him. (Hankey eventually cut this scene out. He never thanked Seamus for pointing out its inherent absurdity.)
But Hankey and Fetzer then went further. If one can believe it, Hankey tried to put together a conspiracy theory as to why CTKA published Seamus’ essay. In this fantastic and bizarre Cecil B. DeMille extravaganza, Hankey actually tried to drag in Lisa Pease, who had absolutely nothing to do with Seamus’ essay. The truth is much plainer and simpler. Seamus was watching Hankey’s documentary online one evening. He e-mailed me some questions about it. I finally asked him why he was asking me such stupid questions. He said because this information was in Hankey’s film. From there he began work on a critique of the film. I edited it, as I do all essays at CTKA. The major part of my editing consisted of cutting it down in length. If I recall correctly, Seamus’ essay was originally something like 55 pages long. I thought this was overkill, and further, that few people would stick around that long. So I cut out about 20 pages, not an easy task, since it was all pretty good. In other words, my major effort on the piece actually aided Hankey. But this was a Seamus Coogan work all the way. And he went on to better things later. Off a later piece he did for us, Seamus actually got a paying job as a writer. We are always willing to give young and new authors an opportunity, even though this might eventually hurt us, since these people may not write for us as often anymore.
But the point is, Hankey was stung. He had actually been selling some products off the notoriety he garnered from his documentary. But Seamus’ harpooning of his film became one of the most popular articles at CTKA. Probably the most frequently viewed essay since this author’s review of JFK and the Unspeakable. For that reason, Hankey could not leave it alone. He now began to extend his truly nutty conspiracy theory about it. On the James Corbett show, the Corbett Report, Hankey dropped one last element of his crazy schematic: Jim DiEugenio was a CIA operative.
This was absolutely bonkers of course. So when two listeners who were loyal CTKA writers and readers heard it, they contacted Corbett and asked for equal time to reply, which Mr. Corbett allowed me to do. But now Fetzer joined in on this, in two ways. On his program, he actually insinuated I was part of the CIA’s Operation Mockingbird program. Mockingbird is the Agency’s longtime project to control the media from the top down. That is, by controlling certain owners and editors, e.g., William Paley of CBS, David Sarnoff of NBC, Phil Graham of the Washington Post. It extended down to reporters like Jeremiah O’Leary of the Washington Times and Hal Hendrix of the Scripps-Howard News Service.
Now, perhaps no one in the critical community has written as many articles on the Agency’s involvement in the Kennedy assassination, or the cover up, as often as this writer has. But further, I have also written and talked about CIA involvement in both the RFK case and the MLK case. In fact, the book The Assassinations, co-edited by Lisa Pease and myself, holds that as its overall theme. I have been physically threatened by a former CIA operative to cease writing. A man close to the Agency, and then living in Canada has told us, that the CIA closely monitored Probe Magazine. And I don’t blame them for that. So, to cover their own failings, Hankey and Fetzer libeled me. And to a lesser extent Lisa and Seamus.
IX
The Fetzer/Hankey sideshow reached its apogee when the fine film Kill the Messenger came out in October of 2014. I am fortunate enough to be able to write film reviews for Robert Parry at Consortium News. I am proud of that association since I think Parry and his online publication is one of the very best alternative media sources there is. Among other stories, Parry broke the whole CIA/drug running angle for the Associated Press. This was back in 1985 when he and his partner, Brian Barger, stumbled across it while covering Ronald Reagan’s CIA war against the Sandinista government of Nicaragua. Bob was one of Gary’s biggest supporters when he first published his three part series back in 1996 for the San Jose Mercury News. And for many years after Gary’s death in 2004, Bob marked his demise with an anniversary story in his online magazine. (Click here for an example)
Since I reviewed movies for Bob, I quite naturally asked to review the Jeremy Renner production of Nick Schou’s book of the same title. I was familiar with the story since I had read the book and met Webb before. But I did some additional research for the article. My review was published on 10/16/14. I am quite content with the review, and other luminaries were also duly impressed. For example, David Talbot posted it to his Facebook page. Radio broadcasters got in contact with me to go on the air. (Click here for the review)
But Fetzer and Hankey looked at my review not as a reason to celebrate a good movie. Nor did they see it as a cause to celebrate the memory of a fine reporter; or as an opportunity to condemn the CIA for what they had done to Gary and his story. (Click here for the proof) In fact, they really did not have very much to say about Renner’s fine film or Gary Webb. Fetzer and Hankey, still stung from Seamus’ article, decided to make me the target of the film’s release. At Fetzer’s new outlet Veterans Today, he allowed Hankey to call me “an op” over my review. Why? After all, I did praise the film, and Webb’s work. It was because I wrote that Webb had taken his own life.
Which happens to be true. How do I know this? Because Lisa Pease and the late journalist Michael Ruppert attended the funeral. They both had misgivings about the cause of death. Once they talked to the surviving family members, those reservations were silenced. Hankey and Fetzer based their smear of me, and their conspiracy theory about Webb’s death, on the fact that Gary had died of two self-inflicted gunshot wounds to the head. It did not matter that Ruppert had been a Los Angeles policeman and said that he had been called to homes where such things had happened. It did not matter that Gary’s son Eric still had the weapon. And Eric had done a pre-release interview published in LA Weekly where he had addressed this question.
That interview with Eric was published in the September 29, 2014 issue. It was part of a long story by Sacramento reporter Melinda Walsh. It was available online. I read it before I wrote my review. Since Fetzer and Hankey published after me, they had access to the story also. Eric told Walsh that he still had the weapon. It was a .38 Special that Gary got from his father. This particular edition of the weapon does not require the shooter to re-cock in order to take a second shot. As Eric further explained, “I’ve got that gun so I know. Once you cock the trigger, it goes “bang” real easily … You could just keep on squeezing and it would keep on shooting.” These are the kinds of researchers that Fetzer and Hankey are. In their incontinent desire to go after CTKA and myself, they would overlook the man who is probably the best witness to this issue, one who still had the weapon at his home.
With their main point neutered, let us look at the evidence, which, in their campaign, Fetzer and Hankey either ignored or discounted. As biographer Nick Schou explains in the first chapter of Kill the Messenger, Webb had serious financial problems in the last year of his life. Gary had been drummed out of journalism due to the campaign against his “Dark Alliance” series about the Contras running drugs, and the CIA either aiding it or ignoring it. He was helped out by getting a job through local Democrats in the California legislature. But when there was a power shift in Sacramento, Gary was cast adrift. He tried to get a job in daily journalism. He sent out about fifty resumes. He could not even get an interview. So he was forced to work at a weekly, which did not pay him anywhere near what he had been making previously. As a result, he could not afford the mortgage on his house. He had to put it up for sale.
In addition to that, he had tried to move in with his ex-wife Sue, who had garnished his wages for back child support. She turned him down. So did his ex-girlfriend. Gary was on anti-depressants, which were not working very well.
As Schou notes in the last chapter of his book, several days before his death Webb had called an old friend, Annie Nocenti, who was working at a suicide hotline out of town. He sounded depressed, and so she asked if he wanted to see her so she could cheer him up. Gary replied, “You’d stay for a week, we’d have fun, and then I’d put you on a plane and kill myself.” She did not take this seriously. But when she called back, Gary said he had made the decision to take his own life. He had already paid for the cremation. He made it clear that this matter was between her and him and no one else.
As Schou relates early in his book, there were no signs of forced entry to the death scene. In fact, Gary left a note on the door instructing the first responders not to come in. They should call for an ambulance first. He left identification on the nightstand. In the trash can was a poster from his first job with the Kentucky Post. It was a motto from his editor Vance Trimble, saying that they would never pull a controversial story under pressure. Gary had left his bank account in his wife’s name. And he had mailed letters to his brother Kurt in San Jose—which included his last will and testament—and also to his wife and children. He told his son Eric not to be dissuaded from pursuing a career in journalism because of what had happened to him. He wanted his ashes spread out over the Pacific Ocean so he could body surf forever. I ask the reader: In God’s name, what else more does a rational person need to know?
I did not want to deal with these matters in my review. Just as the film did not. Probe Magazine had covered Gary’s epochal and bold three part series which had literally taken the country by storm. I wanted to concentrate on the good things Gary had achieved and the finer aspects of a film that literally everyone should see. It depresses and frustrates me that I have to dredge up these painful aspects in order to correct the libelous smears rendered in the pages of Veterans Today. Libel motivated by the animus of Fetzer and Hankey toward an article I did not even write. In order to fulfill that animus they walked over the dead body of a fine journalist whose work they could never touch.
What happened to Gary Webb was not a wacky Alex Jones/ Fetzer/Hankey conspiracy theory. It was part of a national tragedy that deprived Webb of the only career he ever desired. That is, to be a reporter for a major newspaper. As Schou wrote in his book, quoting Parry: “What happened to Gary is an American tragedy, but one that still hasn’t been addressed.” Or as writer Marc Cooper said, “What I can say is that the media killed his career. That’s obvious and it’s really a nauseating and very discouraging story. Because as a journalist, the only thing you have is your credibility. When that is shredded, there’s no way to rebuild it.”
This is the truth about what happened to Gary Webb. It’s a much larger and deeper story than the likes of Hankey and Fetzer could ever address. They don’t have the talent or the insight. And, as shown above, they have very little credibility.
X
It was not enough for Fetzer to muck up the JFK case. In addition to sponsoring Hankey on Gary Webb, he then spread out to other areas: like the RFK case, and 9-11. In all these instances, Fetzer chose the same trail as he had before—the most extreme, sensational one.
In the 9-11 field, in 2005 Fetzer teamed up with former Brigham Young professor Steven Jones to form something called Scholars for 9/11 Truth. Jones is actually a scientist. He has a Ph. D. in physics from Vanderbilt. Jones did post-doctoral work at Cornell and has worked at two linear accelerators, one at Stanford and one at Los Alamos. He also worked at a research lab from 1979-85, and the Department of Energy for several years into the nineties. He is an acknowledged expert on fusion. In 2005, Jones presented a paper on his BYU sponsored web site attempting to explain the collapse of the Twin Towers by way of thermite explosives.
Yet just one year after Jones and Fetzer teamed up, they got a divorce. Why would Fetzer want to split from such a reputable scientist? He and Jones split over something that is literally hard to describe. I actually still do not understand it. In its own way, it is as far out as the Fetzer/Cinque “Altgens altered photo to disguise Oswald” nonsense. I first heard about it through Joseph Green, the CTKA correspondent who reviewed Philip Nelson’s book for this web site. Meeting with Lisa Pease and myself on a weekend he spent in LA several years ago, he told us, “Did you hear about what the 9-11 people are now proposing?” Since I did not follow that field I said no, I didn’t. Joe replied, “They are now saying that the towers were leveled by space beams, no plane hit them, and what people saw was a giant hologram.” I said: You can’t be serious? Joe replied, “Yes I am. And Fetzer is part of it.”
Unfortunately, Joe was correct. This was indeed what Fetzer and Jones split apart over. And in 2006, about 80% of Scholars for 9/11 Truth broke away from Fetzer. Led by Jones, they formed a new research group called Scholars for 9/11 Truth and Justice. (For those interested in how the actual divorce proceeded, click here)
In sum, Jones could not abide by the directed energy beams, no planes ideas of Judy Wood and Morgan Reynolds. As we have seen, Fetzer always had a penchant for the Sensational Solution, no matter how far out it was, no matter whom it came from. Reynolds had actually worked as an economist in the George W. Bush administration during his first term. For good reason. He was anti-labor-union and wanted to do away with the minimum wage. David Shayler was another of these wild, far out 9-11 visionaries. Shayler stated that the Trade Center jetliner crashes were faked using “missiles wrapped in holograms” and that: “there is little evidence to show that jets went into the buildings. Watch the footage frame by frame and you will see a cigar-shaped missile hitting the World Trade Center.” (The Liverpool Echo, 1/22/07) As Victoria Ashley wrote, “Jim Fetzer is the primary force behind publicity and press releases for the claims of Judy Wood and Morgan Reynolds, advocating endless investigation into every possible scenario imaginable.” As Ashley and others properly noted, this all “displays a classic example of discrediting by association…” (Click here for Ashley’s essay)
In 2007, Fetzer and his new partner Kevin Barrett announced that they now went even beyond the wildness stated above. They now stated that they supported the idea of TV fakery. In other words, the videos of the 9-11 event were faked.
As some have observed, Shayler used to work for British intelligence, MI-5. (See the book, Spies, Lies and Whistleblowers by Annie Machon) The man who is usually credited with beginning the hologram malarkey is former pilot John Lear. Lear was very good friends with the late CIA agent Gordon Novel. As this author revealed in the second edition of Destiny Betrayed, Novel was hired by Allen Dulles to infiltrate Jim Garrison’s investigation in 1967. (pp. 232-33) The same source that revealed this to me also noted Novel’s long and friendly relationship with Lear. (ibid, p. 429, note 53) It is incredible that Fetzer did not see these clear connections, or the parallel to the JFK case. He just blundered into them. In spite of the fact that, upon entering the 9-11 field, he proclaimed to all who would listen: “When I came into this 9-11 thing, see … The others don’t know diddly shit about disinformation. “ (City Pages, 6/28/06, by Mike Mosedale)
From the above sorry performance, neither did Fetzer.
XI
Fetzer’s colossal ambition also made him enter the Robert Kennedy assassination field. Again, this was a bit odd, because Fetzer showed no credentials on being an authority in this area. The RFK community is much more narrowly populated than the JFK case. So it is quite hard not to bump into someone who has been tilling that same field. I had been involved in RFK studies for a period of about three years at the turn of the millennium. It is a very interesting area of endeavor, the main reasons being that 1) that case is even more clearly a conspiracy than the JFK case, and 2) the subject of post-hypnotic suggestion is an utterly fascinating study. It’s so fascinating, in fact, that one can get sidetracked by it and have a hard time making a U-turn out.
Fetzer entered this field in a roundabout way. To my knowledge, he had never done any notable or original work on RFK. But in November of 2006, author and documentary film-maker Shane O’Sullivan went on the BBC network. O’Sullivan had been at work researching the RFK case for a possible screenplay. This eventually turned into both a book (Who Killed Bobby?) and a documentary. But back in 2006 on the BBC he was an interview guest. In his research he said he had discovered that there were three CIA officers at the Ambassador Hotel the night Bobby Kennedy was murdered. He had attained photos of these men and enough witnesses had identified them that he was now going public with their identities. He said they were George Joannides, David Morales and Gordon Campbell.
Recall, this was in 2006, and I saw a clip of the appearance. I immediately had some reservations. For starters, Joannides and Campbell were mostly office manager types. So the idea that the CIA would place them directly in the field to conduct dirty work seemed far-fetched. But also, through the years, I had come to have my doubts about photo identification as a reliable method to solve a crime. There had simply been too many of these that turned out to be wrong—e.g., the infamous three tramps in Dealey Plaza. And they left the critical community with egg on its face. I had been involved with one of these in my first published book, the hardcover edition of Destiny Betrayed. So thereafter I had become very cautious about these forms of detection.
After the BBC broadcast, David Talbot and Jefferson Morley got funding from a major magazine to pursue this investigation further. It turned out that O’Sullivan was wrong. (see this essay) The photo of Morales was the murkiest one in quality. Morley and Talbot found better photos and showed them to a few family members. They all said it was not he. The two reporters also found out that Joannides was stationed in Greece at the time of the RFK murder. In fact, two of the three alleged CIA officers had been identified back in 1968 by the authorities. Campbell was actually Michael Roman. Roman was at the Ambassador with his brother Charles. They both worked for Bulova Watch Company. There was a regional sales meeting at the hotel that week. (O’Sullivan, p. 470) The FBI interviewed Roman a few months after the assassination and he described his reaction to Kennedy’s death for them. The alleged Joannides figure was actually a man named Frank Owens. He also worked for Bulova. He worked under Roman as a regional sales manager. The FBI had also interviewed him in October of 1968. (ibid, p. 473)
In his book O’Sullivan included a photograph of Owens with Roman. A few pages later, he reveals a 1973 photo of Joannides taken in Vietnam. I defy any rational person to look at those two photos and even think they are the same man. (The two shots of Joannides include a close-up.) This comparison actually convinced a reluctant O’Sullivan that he was wrong. (O’Sullivan, p. 474)
But not Fetzer. (see here) In his belated response, Fetzer goes into full denial mode. And he singles out Lisa Pease and myself as succumbing to the faulty work of others. He even goes as far as to insinuate that the families of Owens and Roman were actually faked by the CIA! (Did they also fake Roman’s brother Charles?) He concludes—apparently with a straight face—that both Lisa and myself needed to track the evidence where it leads. And he then says Shane finally changed his mind since he was overwhelmed by the assaults on him. No one can read the two chapters that Shane wrote on this topic in his book and come to that conclusion. Shane resisted the new evidence step by step. But he finally decided that he had been wrong by the sheer amount of data which contravened his original tenet. To his credit, he did not retreat into “fake families”.
XII
“I’ve put them in their place so many times. I haven’t seen where they’ve laid a glove on me.”
–Fetzer to journalist Mike Mosedale in 2006
The above quote shows an almost astonishing lack of perspective and self-reflection. As we have seen in this relatively concise review of his public career, Jim Fetzer has had more gloves laid on him than a wealthy woman at a Gucci store in Beverly Hills. From endorsing the likes of John Hankey and Philip Nelson, to failing to reveal the full story about the death of Gary Webb; to advocating the wildly fantastic tales of Judy Wood, Morgan Reynolds, and John Lear about 9-11; to failing to see that the CIA would not need to “fake a family” in the RFK case since the photos are not of CIA officers at the Ambassador—the reader can see that Fetzer has apparently lost his bearings on what constitutes evidence in high profile crimes of state. To the point that one really does not know what to make of the man today. In addition to being ejected from Spartacus Educational, he was also ejected from Deep Politics Forum and let go from Veterans Today. (For the decision to ban him from DPF click here)
About the last departure, from Veterans Today, it is quite a negative achievement to be terminated by editor Gordon Duff, because he has admitted that a lot of their work at VT is made up. (Click here)
What has been Fetzer’s reaction to all of these people turning their backs on him? He has doubled down on his extremism. He now says that the “deaths” at Sandy Hook were part of a FEMA exercise. In other words, no one actually died. It was part of a plot to further gun control in America. (Click here) What about the Boston Marathon bombing? That was faked also. (Click here)
Meanwhile, in his JFK endeavors, there has been a persistent drive to somehow blame Israel. Many, many people have worked on the JFK case for decades. Not one reputable critic has ever endorsed the view that the Mossad or Israel had any kind of role in the murder of President Kennedy. The fact that say, Jack Ruby and Meyer Lansky were Jewish does not mean they did what they did for Israel. After all, Lansky was a major Mob member who, according to David Talbot’s book on Allen Dulles, was once asked by the CIA to kill Castro. Jack Ruby was a footman for the Mob in Dallas, and also was a former FBI informant who had strong ties to the Dallas Police and did gun running for the CIA. But Fetzer and a pal, Don Fox, used the fact that I—and hundreds of others in the JFK field—do not buy this cockamie idea to, again, attack me. (I cannot link to that article at VT since Duff purged much of Fetzer’s work. But here is a link to the headline)
This last indicates a disturbing trend, and perhaps a reason for Fetzer’s increasing isolation. Fetzer seems to have been a victim of his own penchant for the extreme, the sensational, the over-the-top idea. He consequently has now tumbled into the place where that all ends up. He seems to have enlisted in the ranks of the Holocaust Denial movement. For instance, he wrote the foreword for Nicolas Kollerstrom’s Breaking the Spell: The Holocaust, Myth and Reality. This book states that only a million Jews died in the Nazi death camps and Zyklon B gas was used as a disinfectant. (Click here for a sample of this work)
Need more? The last anthology Fetzer edited is called, And I Suppose we didn’t go to the Moon either? His co-editor was someone named Mike Palacek. The book centers of three topics: 1) The USA never went to the moon; 2) Beatle Paul McCartney died decades ago, and was substituted; 3) The Holocaust was a myth. If you can believe it—and you sure as heck can by now—in the section of the book on the last topic, Fetzer allows infamous Holocaust denier Robert Faurisson to contribute an essay. Who’s next Jim? How about David Irving? Faurisson actually wrote an essay saying that The Diary of Anne Frank was a forgery. In fact, an article Fetzer wrote about the Sandy Hook tragedy was entitled “Did Mossad death squads slaughter American children at Sandy Hook?” So, in this piece, written relatively soon after the tragedy, Fetzer seemed to think people actually perished. But not for long.
Later, he switched horses and now said no one died there and it was all a FEMA exercise. He seems to have based this on a dubious document saying that a FEMA exercise would be conducted at the elementary school in December of 2012. Unfortunately—as with Gregory Douglas—this document has been shown to be almost certainly a hoax. And, as with Gregory Douglas, it was apparently manufactured by people who have a history of doing this kind of thing. That would be bad enough. But it’s not the whole story. When essayist Keith Johnson—who has specialized in studying Sandy Hook—alerted Fetzer that he was associating himself with manufactured evidence, Fetzer refused to change his position.
But actually, it’s even worse than that. In short films that have been prepared by C. W. Wade and others, it has been indicated that Fetzer likely used the same technique he and Cinque used for their Oswald-in-the-doorway imbroglio. That is, they used poor quality film to cloud important evidentiary issues. I cannot do better than to refer you to this article as an exposé of Fetzer’s book Nobody Died at Sandy Hook. There were so many complaints about this book that Amazon.com eventually pulled it from circulation. For a thorough debunking of Fetzer’s efforts on this issue, I refer the reader to Johnson’s essay and advise you to click through to his links and watch the videos at the end. After the reader digests all of this he will see that, as of today, there is little difference between Jim Fetzer and the people who tried to pass off the moon landings as a Stanley-Kubrick-produced hoax, one which the film director purportedly confessed to before he died.
Jim Fetzer began his post-academic career on the JFK case, on which he once produced some passable work. But there may be a hint as to why he ended up in a toxic pond. In an interview he did in 2006 with journalist Mike Mosedale, in referring to his three JFK edited anthologies, Fetzer said the following: “These books I have published are the most important in establishing the objective and scientific evidence of the existence of conspiracy and cover up in the assassination of JFK. Bar none. No other books come close. Remotely. None. They’re in a category by themselves.” (italics added)
What to make of such a man? Does he really believe that the likes of Sylvia Meagher, John Newman, and Gaeton Fonzi should not even breathe the same air he does? Let me say this in their defense: Sylvia Meagher would not even enter the same building with the likes of John Hankey and Philip Nelson. And she would consider Fetzer’s associations with them enough to consider him persona non grata. So in addition to his lax critical standards, and his taste for the sensational, Fetzer appears also to be afflicted with a streak of megalomania about his own position in the JFK field.
Today, far from being a Fonzi, or Meagher, it is more appropriate to look upon Fetzer as a Jeff Rense or Tom Flocco. That is, a repository for junk science and half-baked conspiracy fantasies (I can’t even call them theories. Is he aware of how many times NASA actually went to the moon?)
But he still travels on, shilling for his own omnipotence in the field. In 2013, at the 50th anniversary of Kennedy’s murder, he sponsored a conference in Santa Barbara. In an interview with the (unsuspecting) local alternative media, he stated that there were anywhere from 8-10 shots fired at JFK. He then named six different locations from which they were fired. He then topped that. He now reeled off six different assassins—and which shots they were responsible for! (Santa Barbara Independent 11/20/13) Needless to say, Hankey and Nelson were part of this conference. Thankfully, the reporter did not ask Fetzer about the moon landings.
On his radio program today, Fetzer will often be heard musing as to why some authors and researchers do not want to be guests on his show. But, he says, they will go on Seamus Coogan’s show. (Except that Seamus does not have a show.) Another musing is that he blames the Zionist cabal for obstructing his path into more popular media markets. A third thing he can’t figure out is why he is not invited to the more accepted JFK conferences. That is, those sponsored by people like Cyril Wecht and Debra Conway.
The last is not hard to figure at all. Back in 1998, at a JFK Lancer Conference in Dallas, Fetzer got so vociferous in his attack on Josiah Thompson that Debra Conway decided to spare the audience from more of his rant. She walked over to the wall and disconnected the microphone.
After what we know today about Jim Fetzer, we should all follow her example.
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The Pigs Grunt
“What do you expect from a pig but a grunt?”
– Kevin Costner as Jim Garrison, JFK
In early February 1967, Warren Commission critic Ray Marcus received a letter from Robert Richter of CBS News. The news organization was thinking of producing a new program on the Warren Report, Richter said, and was contacting some of its critics. One of them, Vincent Salandria, had given Richter a copy of The Bastard Bullet and described some of Marcus’s other work. Perhaps Marcus would be willing to give CBS a hand.
Marcus wrote back on February 14: “I shall be happy to assist as best I can.” He described his Zapruder film analysis and his conclusions on the assassination shot sequence, and some of his photographic work, including the #5 man detail of the Moorman photograph, which he believed revealed a gunman on the grassy knoll.

A few months later Marcus nearly changed his mind. He was in Boston attending to some business interests when he happened to see an article in The Boston Herald-Traveler by the paper’s television editor, Eleanor Roberts. The article’s first sentence told most of the story. “A most unusual television experiment is taking place at CBS News—the preparation of a documentary on another look at the Warren Commission Report—which may never be telecast.” Unless CBS could develop new information that weakened the arguments of the Commission’s critics, Roberts wrote, the project might be shelved.
Immediately, Marcus telephoned Roberts. She would not tell him the source of her story, but did say it was a CBS executive who had been a reliable contact in the past.
A few weeks later Marcus heard again from Bob Richter. The CBS program was in development and he wanted to discuss Marcus’s work with him. But Marcus said no, he had changed his mind; he had seen the Roberts article, and it was plain that CBS was not approaching the subject impartially.
But Richter had a good comeback. “Some of us here are trying to do an honest job,” he said, “and if those of you who have important information don’t cooperate with us, you’re just guaranteeing that the other side wins.” Richter seemed sincere and his reasoning sound. Marcus agreed to meet with him.
The two men met several times and Marcus outlined the work that he had done. Richter was impressed with the Moorman #5 man detail (below right), discovered by David Lifton in 1965, which Marcus and Lifton both believed revealed a Dealey Plaza gunman. Richter agreed that the murky image was almost certainly a man. He saw a series of ever-larger blow-ups of the picture, which Marcus had placed in a special portfolio. Richter arranged to have duplicates made of the entire set, and said he would show them to his superior at CBS, Leslie Midgley, the producer of the program.

Midgley, it turned out, said he could not see anything resembling a man in any of the pictures when Richter showed them to him. But he agreed to meet with Marcus to go over the portfolio one more time. They met, along with Richter, in Midgley’s office. Included in the portfolio was a detail from a photograph of civil rights activist James Meredith moments after he was shot—a photo which revealed, unambiguously, his assailant in the shrubbery along the side of the road. Marcus had included an enlargement of the gunman for purposes of comparison to the #5 man detail, since the lighting and the figure obscured among leaves—this one known to be a man—were similar in appearance. Flipping through the series of #5 man enlargements, Midgley kept repeating that he couldn’t see anything that looked human. Then he came to an especially clear photo, and he said, “Yes, that’s the man who shot Meredith.”
Marcus and Richter immediately glanced at one another, in what Marcus took to be obvious and mutual understanding of what had just happened. Midgley was looking not at the photo of the Meredith gunman, but of the clearest enlargement of the Moorman #5 man detail, which he had previously looked at but dismissed.
Midgley understood what happened, too. He visibly reddened but did not acknowledge the error. Marcus must have felt completely vindicated, for this was an absolute, if tacit, admission: in order for Midgley to wrongly identify the #5 man detail as “the man who shot Meredith,” he first had to be able to see #5 man in the picture.
Marcus politely reminded Midgley he was looking at #5 man. The meeting ended shortly after this, without further discussion of what had just happened.
After the incident in Les Midgley’s office, Marcus had met again with Richter and stayed in touch with him by telephone. By June, the broadcast date was drawing near, and the CBS project had developed into a four-part special. On June 19 Marcus wrote Midgley an eleven page letter describing, in great detail, the incident in Midgley’s office, and calling the mis-identification “a very understandable error. But one which would have been impossible for you to make had you not promptly recognized the #5 image as a human figure, despite your earlier denials that you saw anything in the pictures that looked like a man.” With its vast resources, both technical and financial, CBS was obviously capable of presenting the #5 man image clearly and objectively. “Need it be stated,” Marcus told Midgley, “that if CBS fails to do so—especially considering your positive reaction to #5 man—that fact in and of itself will constitute powerful evidence that the entire CBS effort was designed to be what I fear it to be: a high-level whitewash of the Warren Commission findings?”
The next morning Marcus mailed the letter to Midgley and enclosed additional copies of #2 and #5 man and other photographs. That same day he telephoned Bob Richter in New York. He wanted Richter to confirm, in writing, the mis-identification of the #5 image that had taken place in Midgley’s office, which Richter agreed to do. Then Richter, while cautioning that Marcus would probably be unhappy with the overall content of the four programs, added that some of the Moorman details might make it into the final edit of the show. Richter described one of images but Marcus said it wasn’t the best one to use. Which one was? Richter asked. The most advantageous one to show, Marcus replied, would be the clearest one of the bunch—the one Richter’s boss, Les Midgley, had mistaken for the man who shot Meredith.

That same evening, the CBS television network broadcast the first of its four-part CBS News Inquiry: The Warren Report. CBS was touting the documentary as “the most valuable four hours” its viewers might ever spend in front of their TV sets. It was anchored by Walter Cronkite, a broadcasting legend already considered the Dean of American television newsmen. Cronkite said later it would have been “the crowning moment of an entire career—of an entire lifetime—to find that Oswald had not acted alone, to uncover a conspiracy that took the life of John F. Kennedy.” But, he continued, “We could not.”
Each segment of the CBS News Inquiry posed a series of questions and answered them with an unbiased evaluation of the evidence. That, at any rate, was the appearance. The actual content of the four programs left many wondering whether CBS had really taken a disinterested approach to the subject. The Boston Herald Traveler article Ray Marcus had seen, stating that the CBS documentary might really be aimed at “weakening the arguments of those who criticize” the Warren Report, may have been accurate, after all.
Mark Lane also had a stake in the program. “I decided to watch the CBS effort very closely,” he said later. Like Ray Marcus, Lane had met with Bob Richter in the months preceding the broadcast, and had also been interviewed for the documentary. After watching the series he concluded that the programs were highly deceptive. “What had evidently been the original approach—to present the evidence and permit the viewer to draw his own conclusions—bore no resemblance to the final concept.”
In 1964, Thomas G. Buchanan observed that the facts of the assassination as they were initially reported in the media changed several times, but the conclusion of Oswald’s lone guilt never did. “If, as a statistician, I were solving problems with the aid of a machine and I discovered that, however the components of my problem were altered, the machine would always give me the same answer, I should be inclined to think that the machine was broken.”
CBS was such a machine. It altered its components with firearms and ballistics tests that improved on the original FBI tests; with new analyses of the Zapruder film; and with new interviews with witnesses to the events of November 1963. But its answer was the same one it had always reported, the same one delivered by the Warren Commission: Lee Oswald, for reasons not entirely fathomable, had murdered President Kennedy without direction or help from anyone.
To answer the questions it posed, CBS used a number of experts. One of them was Lawrence Schiller. Schiller was the photographer and journalist who had once acted as Jack Ruby’s business agent, and had played a role in developing research that became an anti-critic triple threat: an article in a World Tribune Journal supplemental magazine, a record album called The Controversy, and a book called The Scavengers and Critics of the Warren Report. CBS used Schiller to refute allegations that a photograph of Lee Harvey Oswald brandishing the alleged assassination rifle was a forgery.
Schiller, Walter Cronkite said, had studied both the original photograph and its negative. Appearing on-camera, Schiller said that the critics “say that the disparity of shadows, a straight nose shadow from the nose, and an angle body shadow proves without a doubt that [Oswald’s] head was superimposed on this body.” But Schiller said he had gone to the precise location in Dallas where the original was taken, and on the same date, at the same hour, had taken a photograph of his own. This picture, he said, perfectly reproduced the controversial shadows, indicating the Oswald picture was genuine.
Mark Lane was not able to respond to Lawrence Schiller on the CBS program. But he later said that the negative for the photograph was never recovered by the authorities, suggesting the photograph was not genuine. Lane wrote: “It is interesting to fathom the CBS concept of the life of the average American if it imagined that watching Jack Ruby’s business agent after he studied a nonexistent negative might constitute ‘the most valuable’ time spent watching television.”
On the second installment of the CBS documentary, Dr. James J. Humes, the Navy doctor who had been in charge of the President’s autopsy and had burned his autopsy notes, was interviewed. Asked about the discrepancy between the schematic drawings that placed an entry wound at the base of the neck, and the autopsy “face sheet” that indicated this wound was really lower down on the back, Humes said that the face sheet was “never meant to be accurate or precisely to scale.” The exact measurements were in fact written in the face sheet margins, and conformed to the schematic drawings.
Sylvia Meagher was so incensed by this that she wrote to CBS News President Richard Salant. The CBS documentary was “marred by serious error and fallacious reasoning which inevitably will have misled and confused a general audience.” In the case of Dr. Humes, while he insisted the measurements written in the face sheet margin were correct, “CBS failed to pursue or challenge this explanation, as in conscience it should have done, by pointing out no marginal notations giving precise measurements for any other wound, cut-down, or physical characteristic appear on the diagram; that every other entry in the diagram appears to be accurate, as opposed to the crucial bullet wound in the back; that the clothing bullet holes match the diagram, not the schematic drawings; that a Secret Service agent saw a bullet hit the President four inches below the neck; and that another Secret Service agent, summoned to the autopsy chamber expressly to witness the wound, testified that this wound was six inches below the neck.”
The third part of the CBS special proved to be especially newsworthy. A portion of this segment was devoted to the JIm Garrison investigation in New Orleans, although for much of it Garrison was put on the defensive. CBS included a sound bite with Clay Shaw, who said: “I am completely innocent … I have not conspired with anyone, at any time, or any place, to murder our late and esteemed President John F. Kennedy, or any other individual … the charges filed against me have no foundation in fact or in law.”
Most damaging to Garrison was the appearance of William Gurvich, a former Garrison investigator introduced as his “chief aide” who, Cronkite told his viewers, had just resigned from the DA’s staff. Asked why he quit, Gurvich said that he was dissatisfied with the way the investigation was being conducted. “The truth, as I see it, is that Mr. Shaw should never have been arrested.” Gurvich said he had met with Senator Robert F. Kennedy “to tell him we could shed no light on the death of his brother, and not to be hoping for such. After I told him that, he appeared to be rather disgusted to think that someone was exploiting his brother’s death.” The allegations of bribery by Garrison investigators, Gurvich said, were true. Asked whether Garrison had knowledge of it, Gurvich answered: “Of course he did. He ordered it.”
Garrison himself was interviewed by Mike Wallace. Reflecting on all the bad publicity he was getting, which included allegations of witness intimidation and bribery, the DA said, “This attitude of skepticism on the part of the press is an astonishing thing to me, and a new thing to me. They have a problem with my office. And one of the problems is that we have no political appointments. Most of our men are selected by recommendations of deans of law schools. They work nine to five, and we have a highly professional office—I think one of the best in the country. So they’re reduced to making up these fictions. We have not intimidated a witness since the day I came in office.”
Not missing a beat, Wallace pressed on: “One question is asked again and again. Why doesn’t Jim Garrison give his information, if it is valid information, why doesn’t he give it to the federal government? Now that everything is out in the open, the CIA could hardly stand in your way again, could they? Why don’t you take this information that you have and cooperate with the federal government?”
“Well, that would be one approach, Mike,” Garrison countered. “Or I could take my files and take them up on the Mississippi River Bridge and throw them in the river. It’d be about the same result.”
“You mean, they just don’t want any other solution from that in the Warren Report?”
“Well,” the DA replied, “isn’t that kind of obvious?”
Garrison told Wallace there was a photograph in which assassins on the grassy knoll were visible. He was referring, of course, to the #5 man detail of the Moorman photograph. As he had for CBS, Ray Marcus had supplied Garrison with a portfolio of images from the picture, including the clearest copies of the #5 man enlargement.
“This is one of the photographs Garrison is talking about,” Wallace told his viewers, holding up one of the Moorman pictures Marcus had given to Bob Richter. It was not the one that Marcus had recommended to Richter. Instead Wallace held up a smaller version—the smallest one, Marcus recalled, that he had given CBS. “If there are men up there behind the wall,” Wallace said, “they definitely cannot be seen with the naked eye.”
Marcus had urged Bob Richter to use the enlargement that the producer of the CBS New Inquiry, Les Midgley, had mis-identified as “the man who shot Meredith.” Some months after the airing of the CBS documentary, Midgley was asked to reflect on the broadcasts. Echoing Walter Cronkite, Midgley said, “Nothing would have pleased me more than to have found a second assassin. We looked for one and it isn’t our fault that we didn’t find one. But the evidence just isn’t there.”
The final segment of the CBS Inquiry on the Warren Report was broadcast on the evening of June 28. It posed viewers with the question, Why doesn’t America believe the Warren Report?
“As we take up whether or not America should believe the Warren Report,” said correspondent Dan Rather, “we’ll hear first from the man who perhaps more than any other is responsible for the question being asked.” That man was Mark Lane.
Lane said that the only Warren Commission conclusion that was beyond dispute was that Jack Ruby had killed Lee Harvey Oswald. “But, of course, that took place on television,” Lane said. “It would have been very difficult to deny that.” Beyond that, Lane continued, there was not a single important conclusion that was supported by the facts. The problem was compounded by so much of the Commission’s evidence being locked up in the National Archives where no one was allowed to see it.
The photographs and X-rays of the President’s body, which represented some of the most important evidence in the entire case, were not seen by any of the Commission members, Lane said. This was a very serious shortcoming, since these films could show decisively how many wounds the President had suffered and precisely where they were located.
Rather than immediately address this, however, CBS chose to question Lane’s credibility, presenting a Dealey Plaza eyewitness named Charles Brehm, who accused Lane of misrepresenting his statements in his book Rush to Judgment.
But the most notable feature in the final installment of the CBS documentary was the appearance of former Warren Commission member John McCloy. Aside from his comments to the Associated Press the previous February when the Garrison case first broke, these were his first public statements about the Warren Commission investigation. “I had some question as to the propriety of my appearing here as a former member of the Commission, to comment on the evidence of the Commission,” McCloy told Walter Cronkite as their in-studio interview began. “I think there is some question about the advisability of doing that. But I’m quite prepared to talk about the procedures and the attitudes of the Commission.”
The Warren Commission, McCloy said, was not beholden to any administration. And each Commission member had his integrity on the line. “And you know that seven men aren’t going to get together, of that character, and concoct a conspiracy, with all of the members of the staff we had, with all of the investigation agencies. It would have been a conspiracy of a character so mammoth and so vast that it transcends any—even some of the distorted charges of conspiracy on the part of Oswald.”
McCloy insisted that the Warren Commission had done an honest job. Its Report may have been rushed into print a little too soon, he said, but the conclusions in it were not rushed. McCloy did, however, indulge in a little second-guessing. “I think that if there’s one thing I would do over again, I would insist on those photographs and the X-rays having been produced before us. In the one respect, and only one respect there, I think we were perhaps a little oversensitive to what we understood was the sensitivities of the Kennedy family against the production of colored photographs of the body, and so forth. But … we had the best evidence in regard to that—the pathology in respect to the President’s wounds.”
At the outset of this last installment of the CBS News Inquiry, Walter Cronkite had informed his audience: “The questions we will ask tonight we can only ask. Tonight’s answers will be not ours, but yours.” In wondering why America didn’t believe the Warren Report, CBS asked two underlying questions: Could and should America believe the Warren Report? “We have found,” Cronkite said at the program’s conclusion, “that wherever you look at the Report closely and without preconceptions, you come away convinced that the story it tells is the best account we are ever likely to have of what happened that day in Dallas.” He criticized the Commission for accepting, without scrutiny, the FBI and CIA denials that there was any link between Lee Oswald and their respective agencies. And he criticized Life magazine for its suppression of the Zapruder film, and called on Time-Life to make the film public. Nevertheless, Cronkite said that most objections to the Warren Report vanished when exposed to the light of honest inquiry. Compared to the alternatives, the Warren Report was the easiest explanation to believe.
“The damage that Lee Harvey Oswald did the United States of America, the country he first denounced and then appeared to re-embrace, did not end when the shots were fired from the Texas School Book Depository. The most grevious wounds persist, and there is little reason to believe that they will soon be healed.”