Tag: RFK ASSASSINATION

  • Shane O’Sullivan, Who Killed Bobby?


    Shane O’Sullivan’s book, entitled Who Killed Bobby?, is certainly better than the documentary he made on the RFK case entitled RFK Must Die! There isn’t a lot that is new in the book, and the author spends some time interviewing people that I believe were not worth tracking down. But the book seems to me to be thorough in some fundamental aspects of the case. And that is what makes it more worthwhile than his previous work.

    I

    To get to the new revelations quickly: I believe that this is the first time in book form that an author reveals how knowledge of Special Exhibit 10 arose prior to 1976. Special Exhibit 10 is the secret Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) photomicrograph that was designed to ultimately rebut all critics on the RFK case. It was a secret exhibit assembled to show that a bullet fired at Robert Kennedy the night of the assassination matched a test bullet fired by the notorious LAPD criminalist DeWayne Wolfer. Except, as the firearms panel appointed by Judge Robert Wenke in 1976 discovered, it did no such thing. It was actually a comparison of one RFK bullet with another victim bullet fired that night. A bullet fired at Ira Goldstein. As Sirhan Sirhan’s former investigator Lynn Mangan found out, Coroner Thomas Noguchi turned a copy of this exhibit over to Robert Joling in 1969. This is when much pressure was being applied over his autopsy findings in the RFK case. O’Sullivan reveals that fact to the public here (p. 349).

    As the author discussed in his documentary, witness Vinny DiPierro built on a story he told the late Philip Melanson. There were two well-defined holes in the sweater sleeve which DiPierro sustained the night of the murder. For O’Sullivan DiPierro added that LAPD Detective John Howard told him before the trial that they came from a bullet. He also added, “Keep it, we might need it.” But Howard never followed through on that charge. (p. 69) Of course, if this is so, then it is more evidence that there were too many bullets fired in the pantry for Sirhan to be the sole shooter. The book graphically shows this by displaying the official LAPD illustration of the bullet trajectories on the opposite page that this anecdote is revealed.

    The author spends a lot of time describing Sirhan’s life and his actions prior to the night of RFK’s murder. And some of this is new and important, I believe. For instance, O’Sullivan explains why Sirhan left the Ambassador that night to go to his car. He says that Sirhan felt he was getting too drunk from the mixed drinks he was consuming. So he felt that he should leave. But once he got to the car, he felt too drunk to drive but he did not want to leave exposed the gun he had used on the firing range that day. So he took it with him back to the hotel. (pgs. 14, 223, 243)

    Furthering the happenstance of the evening, the author explains that the way Sirhan got to the Ambassador that night seems to have arisen out of coincidence. That evening, he met a friend of his, Gaymoard Mistri, at Bob’s Big Boy for dinner. They then walked over to the Pasadena City College Student Union. Sirhan asked Mistri to play a couple of games of pool with him. Mistri declined. If he had not, it is likely Sirhan would not have ended up at the Ambassador. Further, Mistri handed him a newspaper before he left, since Sirhan wanted to check the horse races. The paper mentioned an Israeli demonstration to be held in the Wilshire area of Los Angeles. And this is how Sirhan ended up there that evening. (pgs. 218-219) In the entire discussion, neither of them mentioned RFK. This seems to me to strike at the heart of the first-degree premeditation issue bandied about by authors like Mel Ayton and Dan Moldea.

    O’Sullivan spends a lot of time going over the transcripts of the hypnosis sessions done for the defense by Dr. Bernard Diamond. He excerpts them at length. And in one instance he reveals the following colloquy:

    Diamond: Were you hypnotized when you wrote the notebook?

    Sirhan: Yes, yes, yes. (p. 254)

    He goes on to add that the notebooks were produced in that state by Sirhan hypnotizing himself in his mirror. So whoever hypnoprogrammed Sirhan—the prime suspect being William J. Bryan—had a subject who was primed and ready to go.

    O’Sullivan has found other witnesses who say they heard the famous girl in the Polka Dot Dress say, “We killed him!”, as she ran out of the pantry and down the stairs after the shooting. One was a student named Katie Keir, and Keir was backed up by reporter Mary Ann Wiegers. Wiegers appears to have described her and what she said to the FBI. (p. 132) Another witness is security guard Jack Merritt who said he heard her say “We shot him!” or “He shot him!” as she ran out of the kitchen area. (p. 183) O’Sullivan notes that Merritt also disagrees with Thane Eugene Cesar, the Ace Security Guard employee who is the chief suspect as the Second Gun, on an important point. Cesar says he and Merritt stood guard outside the southeast doors of the pantry for about 40-45 minutes after the shooting. But Merritt says he was with another guard—not Cesar—and he never mentioned Cesar. (p. 316) As commentators like Robert Joling have noted, just where Cesar was and what he was doing at this time period is mostly a puzzle to this day.

    The author also brings up interesting questions about what the hotel head of security, William Gardner, told the FBI about his whereabouts at the time of the shooting. Gardner told the Bureau he was not near scene of the crime at the time of the shooting and that he did not know what had happened there until twenty minutes later. Yet this was contradicted by two fellow employees, both with him at the time, who said Gardner was directly in the vicinity of the pantry at the time of the killing and that he definitely knew what had occurred almost at the instant it happened. (pgs. 179-180)

    The author notes some of the techniques used by LAPD to isolate a key witness like KNXT TV messenger Don Schulman. Schulman said he saw a security guard pull a gun and then heard several shots fired. Since this was incriminating of Cesar, the LAPD began to distort what he said in their reports, and actually tried to get witnesses at the TV station to say he was not in the pantry at the time. (p. 321) (I should note here, this is precisely what author Robert Blair Kaiser used to discredit Schulman in the reissue of his book, RFK Must Die. ) The author notes in this regard that, as in the JFK case, other witnesses had their testimony altered by the authorities. For example, the FBI significantly altered the statements of Nina Rhodes. She said she heard somewhere between 10-14 shots from more than one direction. The Bureau wrote that she said she heard only 8 distinct shots. (p. 343)

    Another new and interesting part of the book is the work the author has done on what one could perceive as payoffs delivered for services rendered in the cover up of the RFK case. In other words, people like Schulman and Sandy Serrano are harassed and attempts are made to intimidate them and discredit them. While, on the other hand, people like Mike McCown, Hank Hernandez, and Thomas Kranz mysteriously benefit later in life. McCown was an investigator for Sirhan’s defense team who—as people like Lisa Pease, Larry Teeter, and Phil Melanson have pointed out—did some very questionable things in his “defense”. He also had a very problematic background prior to volunteering his services. The author writes that McCown happened to be a good friend of Frank Hendrix, the owner of Ace Guard Service, the company Cesar worked for when he was on duty at the Ambassador the night of the RFK murder. By 1973, McCowan happened to be president of another guard service named American Protection Industries. And when O’Sullivan located him to interview him for this book, he was living in a large and nice home in northern California wine country. Hank Hernandez was the polygraph technician who did most of the testing for Special Unit Senator (SUS), the investigative team set up inside the LAPD to solve the RFK case. His work on people like Serrano, DiPierro, John Fahey, Jerry Owen, and Michael Wayne is quite dubious, to say the least. It turns out that, also in 1973, the late LAPD detective began to build an empire in the security guard field. The company he developed was called Inter-Com. Its first contracts were with NASA. Today it has subsidiaries in 19 countries and employs 30, 000 people. (pgs 411-412) Thomas Kranz was the lawyer who authored the Kranz Report. This was the 60-page report done for the LAPD and the DA’s office to reconcile their original investigation with the revelations of the Wenke hearings. Said hearings were rather unkind to Wolfer. Although the Kranz Report does make some criticisms of the original SUS inquiry it is essentially a revised and updated cover up. His report was belatedly issued in 1977. From there, Kranz went on to serve as a general counsel for the Army under President Ronald Reagan (who was California’s governor at the time of the RFK slaying). He then served as a special assistant to the first President Bush. Finally, in 2001, the second President Bush appointed him as a general counsel for the navy. All for writing a crappy little report.

    II

    There are areas of the book which are not new, but in which O’Sullivan does a nice job in culling the work of others, combining it with his own and therefore doing a thorough reporting job in a certain field of the case.

    For instance, in Chapter Four, he does a good job in tracing a biography of Sirhan from his childhood until just a few days before the shooting of RFK. The main sources he uses here are the relatively unused book by Godfrey Jansen, Why Robert Kennedy Was Killed, the work of Robert Blair Kaiser, the LAPD Summary Report, and statements from Sirhan’s trial. This allows him to fill in the tragic background of Sirhan’s family: his older brother was run over and killed by a British army tank in 1946, and his beloved sister Ayda died in February of 1965. He also clarifies that although technically Sirhan was a Jordanian, he referred to himself as a Palestinian Arab. Yet, he was not a Moslem. He attended a Greek Orthodox Church. (p. 86)

    His interest in horses and racing seemed to peak after his sister died. And it is at his job as an exercise boy, where he met a man named Tom Rathke. Rathke is a character who, I believe, no one has done enough work on, including O’Sullivan. The reason he is important in the saga of Sirhan is that he is the guy who interests him in what Sirhan called AMORC. This is an acronym for Ancient Mystical Order of the Rosy Cross, or simply the Rosicrucians. This is a rather odd religious cult that has a strong mystical strain to it. And this is where Sirhan first began to delve into the area of the occult and mind control exercises. (In the first, and much better, edition of RFK Must Die!, Kaiser described some interesting aspects of the relationship between Sirhan and Rathke.) After his serious accident on horseback in September of 1966, his interest in AMORC heightened and he seemed to undergo a personality change. His activities from December of 1966 to September of 1967 are rather sketchy. But it appears that at this time period, late 1966, he was hypnotized by a stage hypnotist named Richard St. Charles at a Pasadena nightclub near his house. He got on his mailing list. St. Charles wrote notes on some of his subjects. He noted that Sirhan was an excellent subject for hypnosis. But even more intriguingly, he wrote that he had definitely been hypnotized previously. (p. 382) By Rathke perhaps? This whole episode, and time period—first described by authors Bill Turner and Jonn Christian in their classic book on the case—literally cries out for more investigation. The late Larry Teeter felt that this may have been how Bryan first discovered Sirhan.

    The other interest that heightened in Sirhan at this time was the cause of Palestine. (p. 92) And the author notes that both Dr. Simson Kallas and Dr. Herbert Spiegel both believe that Bryan, or whoever hypnotized Sirhan, probably used the Arab-Israeli conflict as part of the process. (pgs 385,390) As most hypnotists or psychiatrists in the field will tell you, to get someone like Sirhan—who had no criminal or violent past—to do what he did, there had to be an intermediate (and false) step undertaken in the induction process. That is, Sirhan had to be made to believe something to motivate his uncharacteristic violent behavior. This programming technique was well revealed in the famous and well-chronicled Danish case of Palle Hardrup and Bjorn Nielson. Kaiser introduced this forensically documented incident into the literature at the end of the first edition of RFK Must Die! And Turner and Christian filled it out more in their 1978 book. Nielson hypnotized his mild mannered friend Hardrup into performing violent bank robberies by telling him that the money would be used for a higher political goal, namely uniting all of Scandinavia under one government. After Hardrup was apprehended during a robbery, the psychiatrist assigned the case looked into his past and could not reconcile his character with the violent, criminal acts: Hardrup had actually shot two people. After extensive interviews, he found out about Hardrup’s false friend Nielson and his hobby of hypnosis. He then put Hardrup under and essentially deprogrammed him. In the process he discovered how Nielson had used him against his will. At Hardrup’s trial, this evidence was entered into the record. Hardrup was exonerated. Nielson was convicted. Many people who study the RFK case believe that the visual pattern used to trigger Sirhan’ trance was the girl’s Polka Dot Dress. The visual trigger device Nielson used was the letter “x”. (See RFK Must Die!, 1970 edition, pgs 288-289. ) As I said, none of this is new, but O’Sullivan does a nice and complete job with all of the above.

    O’Sullivan does a similar job with the looming figure of Hank Hernandez and how he manipulated and intimidated the testimony of DiPierro, Serrano, and Fahey. Fahey is a particularly interesting figure since he has been somewhat ignored by most researchers. Lisa Pease revived him for her two-part article on the RFK case first published in Probe, and then excerpted in The Assassinations. (She specifically discussed Fahey on pgs. 589-91) Fahey is the traveling salesman who said he spent much of the day of June 4, 1968 with a girl who strongly resembled the Girl in the Polka Dot Dress. They took a trip to Oxnard early in the afternoon and were tailed. When the girl realized he knew they were being followed, she said the people tailing them were out to get Mr. Kennedy that night at his victory reception. (The Assassinations, p. 590) When Fahey saw the news reports about the girl running out of the hotel that night, he called the FBI. Word about Fahey got to journalist Fernando Faura. He had a sketch artist draw a portrait of the girl based on Fahey’s description. When he was done, Faura showed the portrait to DiPierro who said he saw a girl standing next to Sirhan in the pantry right before RFK was shot. When he saw the portrait, DiPierro said, “That’s her.” (Ibid) Hernandez tricked Fahey into telling a lie, told him he had flunked his polygraph (when he had previously passed one from someone else), and suggested he might tell his wife he was having an affair with the girl. That did the trick on Fahey. (p. 154) In fact, O’Sullivan devotes an entire chapter to the tactics used by Hernandez to intimidate and reverse the stories of Fahey, Serrano, and DiPierro. (Chapter 6)

    O’Sullivan also deserves credit for chronicling the rather uncoordinated campaign to try and get the case reopened which took place from about 1973-1976. This began, of course, with the release of Ted Charach’s documentary The Second Gun. This film is still worth seeing even today. And in my view, is better than O’Sullivan’s documentary on the case. When the film was originally released in 1973 it created a mini sensation, especially with the powers that be in Los Angeles. The authorities in the DA’s office and the LAPD now looked at Charach and the other critics of the RFK case as enemies to be monitored, surveilled, and subverted. (Although the author describes some of these nefarious activities, he does not go as far as he could have. Especially for a book that ended up being 500 pages long.) From the release of the Charach film, people like actors Paul LeMat and Robert Vaughn, attorneys Mel Levine and Vincent Bugliosi, forensic experts Bob Joling and William Harper, congressman and Democratic activist Allard Lowenstein, and most of all former newscaster Baxter Ward, and RFK friend and Ambassador shooting victim Paul Schrade, all of them made such a huge amount of noise in California that they actually forced new hearings on the RFK case. This culminated in Ward getting elected to the LA County Board of Supervisors and having noted criminalist Herbert MacDonnell do a powerful public presentation for them. And this gave enough ballast to the case to force Judge Robert Wenke to summon his panel of firearms experts in 1976. Which, unfortunately, included FBI specialist Cortland Cunningham. The author does a good job in chronicling the largely unconnected strands of this admirable citizens protest.

    Let me conclude this part with O’Sullivan’s discussions of what I would call some of the cretins in this case. First up is Grant Cooper. Cooper was the lead lawyer for Sirhan at his trial. He did an amazingly poor job. And O’Sullivan fills in the background of the Friar’s Club case that paralleled the Sirhan trial in an effort to explain it. In the latter case, Cooper was caught with stolen grand jury transcripts. He was under investigation for this and could have been disbarred. Yet, after the Sirhan trial, he received what was essentially a slap on the wrist: He was fined and later reprimanded. (p. 351) (Although O’Sullivan does a decent job in this, Teeter collected much more information on it and felt the figure of US Attorney Matt Byrne figured large in the background of the affair. Yet O’Sullivan barely mentions Byrne.) But the author does point out that, shockingly, Cooper later revealed that he never heard of either Schulman or Cesar the whole time he was defending Sirhan! (See p. 322)

    The author also is revelatory about the growing relationship between writer Dan Moldea and Cesar. As most people who have read my essay in The Assassinations know, Moldea wrote a book on the RFK case in 1995. It was entitled The Killing of Robert Kennedy. In it, Moldea reversed field. For years, he had maintained—at the minimum—that there were enough unanswered questions about the case, that 1.) All the files of SUS should be made public, and 2.) The case should be reheard. Moldea helped in the former, but his book tries to stifle the latter. It is quite simply the Case Closed of the RFK case. The book’s design has three main lines of argument. First, it tries to explain away all of the gross mishandling of the case by LAPD as honest errors. Second, it does unbelievable gymnastics with the evidence to pin the crime on Sirhan. Third, it pulls out all the stops in order to exonerate Cesar. Including giving him a phony polygraph test in which he clearly lied, but passed anyway (The ugly details about that book can be read in The Assassinations, pgs. 610-631) Well, the author here exposes just how close Moldea has now bonded with the suspect. Clearly, Cesar appreciated what the amateur sleuth Moldea did for him. So much so, he asked Moldea to be the godfather to his child. (p. 345) They have stayed in close contact ever since the publication of Moldea’s horrendous book. The author talked to Moldea in 2005 and Moldea knew where Cesar was living in the Philippines. (ibid) According to Moldea there was a film project in the works. In fact, he was the main point of contact for the chief suspect in the RFK case. In effect, his agent. When O’Sullivan asked if he could interview Cesar, Moldea replied that it would cost fifty thousand dollars. When O’Sullivan inquired if he would be getting anything for his money, that is, would Cesar tell him anything he had not told to Dan, Moldea replied, “Probably not.” But that was still the price. When O’Sullivan asked if Moldea would appear on a brief BBC special on the RFK case with him, Moldea said he had a price also. It was much cheaper though, only $2,500. (p. 346) Clearly, Moldea is not excited about talking about this case. (If I wrote a book as bad as his, I wouldn’t be either.) But even more so, he wants nobody near Cesar. Except him.

    I wonder why?

    III

    Having noted the above, I have several adverse comments to make.

    First, although O’Sullivan reveals some interesting facts about Moldea, overall I think he treats him rather mildly. He never really notes the many ridiculous—actually offensive— parts of Moldea’s book. And some of that book he actually seems to buy into. For example, he seems to accept the statements of officer David Butler—a friend and admirer of DeWayne Wolfer’s—as to why Sirhan’s gun barrel got fouled. Butler says that there were several shots fired for souvenirs and this leaded the barrel to the point that no bullet markings could be made for matching purposes. (p. 372) I find this hard to believe. But even if you accept it, it still leaves a huge question: If it is true, why did the LAPD have to falsify Special Exhibit 10? Why didn’t Butler go home and get one of his souvenir bullets and create a match? Moldea did not ask that question and O’Sullivan does not pose it. Further, O’Sullivan does not expose just how bad the polygraph test Moldea arranged for Cesar was. (The Assassinations, pgs. 606, 622) Or how ludicrously untenable Moldea’s ultimate solution to the crime really is. (Ibid pgs. 630-631)

    Another person who I think O’Sullivan is rather gentle with is Mike McCowan. O’Sullivan spent a lot of time interviewing this guy in his documentary. And there are many, many references to him in the index to this book. I really did not understand all the attention. There are a lot—and I mean a lot—of indications that McCowan was not just a lousy investigator. But that he was actually an infiltrator inside the defense team. For instance, it was he who was the source of that silly Sirhan “confession” that Moldea used to close his book with. Lisa Pease unearthed many pertinent facts about the man that indicate he performed this double agent function for the police previously. (ibid p. 576) Further, before he died, Teeter showed me documents that he found in the Sacramento Archives which revealed that McCowan had been meeting with Hernandez in his office while serving as Sirhan’s investigator! Were they talking about the Dodgers?

    Conversely, O’Sullivan makes light of the statements of former Howard Hughes assistant John Meier. Meier stated that after the RFK case, he met with J. Edgar Hoover and Hoover told him that he knew the assassination was a CIA effort run by Bob Maheu. O’Sullivan says he met with Meier and he has yet to see any evidence of such. (p. 423-424) Yet, incredibly, in the next paragraph he notes something that Jeff Morley first surfaced in his book on Winston Scott. Namely, that James Angleton had the RFK autopsy photos in his office when he left. As Morley noted, Hoover had them also—which made sense since the FBI aided in the investigation. But why would Angleton have them? There has never been any official indication the CIA did any RFK inquiry.

    O’Sullivan also misses a point in his brief mention of F. Lee Bailey, Bryan and the Boston Strangler case. Bailey used Bryan in that case to hypnotize Albert DeSalvo who later confessed to the murders. O’Sullivan calls DeSalvo the Boston Strangler and attributes all the killings in that case to him. (p. 399) That he can say this clearly reveals he has not kept up with that case. Because in 1995 author Susan Kelly wrote a powerful book that changed the paradigm in that field. It was aptly called, The Boston Stranglers. She raised some serious questions about the culpability of DeSalvo. And in 2002 she was proved to be correct. For in that year, both DeSalvo and one of his purported victims were exhumed. The results were rather surprising. First, DeSalvo’s rendition of what he had done to his purported victim did not match the condition of her remains. Second, there was semen on her that did not match DeSalvo. Which indicated someone else had killed her. The question then became, how and why did DeSalvo confess to a murder he most likely did not commit. Which would seem to point in the direction of Bryan in helping plant a false confession.

    Curiously, O’Sullivan spends two entire chapters proving that his 2006 BBC report was completely wrong. That is the report in which he said that there were three CIA officers at the Ambassador Hotel the night of the RFK shooting. He had taken photos of these men to several witnesses who had previously seen the men. From this, he came to the conclusion they were Dave Morales, George Johannides, and Gordon Campbell. I for one had my doubts about this from the start. For one, these men, especially the last two, were essentially office managers. Why would you place them in the field to actually do, or directly supervise, dirty work? I expressed these—and other—reservations to David Talbot when he started an investigation of the matter for The New Yorker. Talbot and his partner on the assignment, Jeff Morley, did a lot of legwork and proved that this thesis was wrong. In fact, the LAPD had previously identified the two men thought to be Campbell and Johannides as employees of Bulova Watch Company. And they were correct.

    But by detailing his inquiry into the matter, O’Sullivan proves that the identifications he had before he went on BBC were anything but conclusive. I actually counted the identification attempts the author describes in Chapter 17. From what I could see, in each case, he had at least as many witnesses who either denied the identification or were uncertain as he had those that were positive. In fact, in his best case—that of Johannides—I counted two positives, three unsure or maybes, and one negative. And one of the positives, by Dan Hardway, was only leaning that way. Further, when one sees a photo of the real Johannides, it is clear that the man at the hotel was not he. (p. 373) O’Sullivan holds this photo until his last page on the subject. One has to question his judgment on this matter and why he so implicitly trusted a character like the mysterious Dave Rabern. This is a CIA friend of Brad Ayers who I discussed in my review of O’Sullivan’s documentary.

    What makes this even more paradoxical is that O’Sullivan gives an alternative thesis, one first promulgated by Phil Melanson, the back of his hand. This is the tantalizing case of Khaiber Khan. Khan was a former Iranian intelligence operative who was seen at RFK headquarters with Sirhan more than once. He filled out over twenty volunteer cards with names of people he termed “friends” and then gave his own address as their point of contact information. On June 2nd, Khan brought four men into the office as volunteers—one of them was Sirhan. At the time a campaign worker was registering these men, her copy of Kennedy’s Election Day itinerary was stolen from her desk. (The Assassinations, p. 592) Another witness confirmed Sirhan was with Khan on that day.

    Lisa Pease built on Melanson’s original work on Khan. She filled out his intelligence background more fully and some of the controversies he had been involved in back home. She also connected him to another tantalizing character named Michael Wayne. Khan had actually been driving Wayne around the night of the murder. This is something that O’Sullivan leaves out in his brief and dismissive discussion of Wayne. And, incredibly, in the entire book there is no mention of Khan! He even has Sirhan doing some things that, reportedly, Wayne did—like talking to an electrician about where RFK would be standing that night. (p. 223) Maybe both men did this. But O’Sullivan leaves out an important point in that regard: Wayne resembled Sirhan. (The Assassinations p. 597)

    O’Sullivan also tries to dismiss the fact that Wayne wanted to get a poster signed by RFK that night as Wayne being a Kennedy memorabilia collector. (p. 11) I found this rather strained. Why? Because Wayne had the business card of Keith Gilbert on him that night. Anyone familiar with the work of Bill Turner on the Minutemen—the radical, rightwing, and militant organization—will know who Gilbert was. For a time, Jim Garrison had Turner and Jim Rose investigate that group in regards to the JFK assassination. And Gilbert was part of the inquiry. Wayne denied any connection. But when the LAPD checked on Gilbert, guess what? He had Wayne’s business card. (The Assassinations p. 599)

    O’Sullivan also tries to say that the poster Wayne had in his hand that night was too small to conceal a .22 handgun. Apparently, this is to weaken the witness statements that he had something shiny and metallic in his hand that was concealed by his poster. Yet, to be as small as he describes it, it would not be a poster, or placard. It would have to be a handbill. But this is not how the witnesses described it. They described it as a poster rolled up in his left hand. The very fact it could be rolled up mitigates it being a handbill. (Ibid, p. 598) Another witness called it a rolled up piece of cardboard which resembled a placard. (Ibid p. 597) I could go on this regard, for instance, how Hernandez manipulated his polygraph of Wayne and the transcript to make him less suspect. But suffice it to say, the author has a seeming double standard for what he thought was a plot versus what Melanson and Pease developed.

    To close out, there is next to nothing in the book about the case of Scott Enyart, the high school photographer who had his pictures in the pantry pilfered by the LAPD. Yet this could have shown the LAPD in a very revealing light. Also, once or twice O’Sullivan actually seems to proffer the idea that Sirhan could have gotten within an inch or two of RFK’s head to deliver the fatal shot. I thought Ted Charach’s film put this to rest. He superimposed Sirhan’s gun onto a picture of RFK, right in the spot the fatal bullet entered. In the wake of the shooting, no pantry witness said they saw that unforgettable image that night.

    The book closes with a summary of the Discovery Times Channel special broadcast in June of 2007, and summarized on this site. This show featured the work of audio specialist Phil Von Pragg on the audio tape made by Canadian reporter Stanislaw Pruszynski. This appears to reveal well over ten shots fired in the pantry that night. O’Sullivan believes that this evidence could be coupled with a deprogramming of Sirhan in one last attempt to find out the truth. Which, of course, is what Bill Pepper, Sirhan’s current attorney, is attempting to do.

    Although the book is a mixed bag, overall I think it is a worthwhile effort. It’s worth having in the shamefully small library of books on the RFK case.

  • Why the New York Times Deserves to Die


    On April 8, 2009, Alec Baldwin at Huffington Post, wrote a column decrying the financial problems the New York Times and saying that it would be a real loss if somehow the Times would have to curtail publication to an online edition. On Len Osanic’s Black Op Radio, I took issue with this and said the opposite: When the Times, Washington Post, and LA Times all finally fell, listeners should visit the empty buildings and spit on them. My reasoning being that on the serious issues of the day, the scandals, the murders, and wars that make up modern American history – the JFK assassination, Vietnam, the King murder, the killing of Robert Kennedy, the CIA and drugs, Iran-Contra, Watergate, the phony Clinton scandals (e.g. Whitewater), the elections heists of 2000 and 2004, and the phony run-up to the Iraq War – those papers have not just been wrong, but they have been misleading. And in many cases they have been deliberately so. And it is those issues that have helped form the current reality of American life. Which, in comparative terms, if you were around in the sixties, is pretty bad.

    This leaves the obvious question to Mr. Baldwin: Why then Alec, should we lament their current problems and their possible diminution and cessation? How have the served the American public well since 1963? I would argue the opposite. Since they have served us so poorly, we should actually look forward to the day we are free of them. The only problem being that, as I wrote about elsewhere, what is waiting in the wings isn’t a heck of a lot better. And this includes the outlet where Baldwin’s piece appeared. (Click here for why its not.)

    But that does not mean that we cannot try and build something better in the future. Especially since it is proven that these three newspapers are incorrigible in this regard. That is, no matter how often they are proved wrong, no matter how vociferously they are criticized, they never ever change. For instance, Jerry Policoff wrote his first essay critiquing the NY Times on the JFK case back in 1971. (James DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, p. 379) At the time, it had no effect. And in the following nearly four decades, the increasing barrage of criticism also went unheeded. And the worst aspect of this controversy is this: Those organizations do not seem to understand how their obstinacy led to 1.) The increasing public cynicism about both politics and the media, and 2.) The rise of alternative forms of media, especially on the Internet. That’s arrogance for you.

    The Times’ latest outburst of arrogance forms the basis for this column. On April 14th, the New York Times published an essay, properly labeled an opinion piece, co-authored by Mark Medish and Joel McLeary. The title of the essay was “Assassination Season is Open”. The authors begin the piece by saying that “state-sponsored assassinations are back in season”. They then marked this trend by referring to “targeted snuff jobs” from “Dubai to Dagestan, from Yemen to Wazirstan”. As if somehow this had been dominating the news and American consciousness lately. Well no one has approached me lately and said, “Jim, what did you think about that political hit in Dagestan last month?” If they did, my reply would have been, “Where is Dagestan?”

    The authors used this pretext to segue into the questions of whether or not the elimination of a foreign leader by assassination is morally justified, and whether it carries with it the law of unintended consequences: “Elimination of an enemy’s leadership may seem like a simple solution, but one must ask what will come in its place.”

    Then comes the real reason for the essay. It’s in the following sentence: “The last era of unrestrained use of assassination by the United States was during the Kennedy administration.” If one knows the history of the Times on the twin issues of the Kennedys and domestic assassinations, one could have predicted this was coming. I thoroughly discussed the issue in my essay, “The Posthumous Assassination of John F. Kennedy”. (The Assassinations, p. 324) In that long essay, I located where this whole debate about the uses of so-called executive action began, and the mad desire of the MSM to somehow place responsibility for it on the Kennedys. When, in fact, the historical record would simply not support that deduction.

    As I wrote in Part 8 of my review of Reclaiming History, the concept of “regime change” and the consequent murders that accompany it originated with the changes brought to the CIA by Allen Dulles. Which was seven years before John Kennedy even ran for president. But since the MSM had always been close with the CIA, and since Allen Dulles had actually started Operation Mockingbird-the attempt by the CIA to control the media-they were not going to readily admit this. Even if it was true. So during the 1974-75 investigations by the Church and Pike committees – when the crimes of the CIA and FBI were first given heavy exposure – these CIA murder plots were heavily publicized. And the CIA took a public flogging over it. Especially since, in their own Inspector General report, they admitted that they had no presidential approval for the plots to kill Fidel Castro, and that they deliberately kept them from the Kennedys. (The Assassinations, pgs 327-28) So when the NY Times says that Kennedy’s ‘executive action” policy targeted Fidel Castro in Cuba, this is ass backwards. And the CIA admitted it in their own report. And it is a primary document in this discussion. A primary document, which somehow, these two reporters failed to consult.

    In fact, the Church Committee clearly demarcated the beginnings of these assassination plots against foreign leaders as beginning with Allen Dulles and President Eisenhower. And they blamed the eventual plot that took the life of Patrice Lumumba as being OK’d for Dulles by Eisenhower. (ibid, p. 326) Which again shows how stupid the Times is. Because, incredibly, the Times article also blames the murder of Lumumba on the Kennedys! This is so wrong as to be Orwellian. (Or, even worse, Chomskyian, since Noam Chomsky blames this one on Kennedy also.) The truth is the opposite. As more than one author has insinuated, Allen Dulles speeded up the plot against Lumumba in the interim between Eisenhower’s departure and Kennedy’s inauguration because he knew that Kennedy would never approve it. (John M. Blum, Years of Discord, p. 23; Jonathan Kwitny, Endless Enemies, p. 69) Therefore, Lumumba died on January 17, 1961, three days before Kennedy took office. Dulles turned out to be right. Because right after entering office, but before learning of Lumumba’s death, Kennedy formulated a new policy for Lumumba’s Congo. One that pretty much was a reversal of Eisenhower’s. A part of this new policy was to free all political prisoners-including Lumumba. Lumumba was being held by an enemy tribe at the behest of the former mother country Belgium, which was in league with the CIA. If he had been freed, he would not have been killed. Dulles obviously knew Kennedy better than the New York Times does. Which, by the way, was opposed to Kennedy’s Congo policy at the time. For another part of his plan was to oppose the breaking away of the mineral rich Katanga province from Congo. The Times supported that breakaway. Which would have helped Belgium and American investors but hurt the Congo. (Kwitny, p. 55)

    The truth of this situation is this: Kennedy supported Lumumba and his struggle to make the Congo free of European influence. Dulles understood this. Which is why he made sure that Lumumba was killed before Kennedy took office. But after Lumumba’s death, Kennedy supported an independent, non-aligned Congo. He persisted in this even after Dag Hammarskjold died in a mysterious plane crash. And he did so not just against European economic interests. But since Congo was such a rich country, his policy also opposed against domestic ones. And he did so until his death. (See the fine chapter on this struggle in JFK: Ordeal in Africa by Richard Mahoney.)

    But the Times is still not through in exhibiting its disregard of the historical record. They also have Kennedy being responsible for the death of South Vietnamese leader Ngo Dinh Diem. Again, even JFK’s enemies knew this was false. That is why Howard Hunt tried to forge documents implicating Kennedy in Diem’s assassination. He had to since he learned from the horse’s mouth that President Kennedy was not so involved. Who is the horse’s mouth in this situation: CIA officer Lucien Conein. The Times might ask itself an obvious question: Why would Hunt have risked the forgery if it was unnecessary?

    The unfortunate death of Diem and his brother Nhu is a rather complex affair. And with the kind of scholarship exhibited by the Times here, they are simply not interested in consulting the record. The two best sources that I know of on the subject are John Newman’s JFK and Vietnam, and Jim Douglass’ JFK and the Unspeakable. What appears to have happened was a two-stage process. First, Kennedy’s anti-Diem advisers hatched a plot to send a cable to Saigon approving a coup attempt by dissident generals in the military. The deliberately did this while Kennedy and his Cabinet officers were away on the weekend. (See Newman pgs. 345-56) Then, Saigon CIA official Conein and the new ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge allied themselves with the generals to obstruct Kennedy’s policy toward Diem. Since Diem was unaware of the obstruction, he trusted Lodge and kept on calling him, even after the coup. He was unawares that Lodge and Conein were cooperating with the military to insure that Diem and his brother could not get out of Saigon before they were killed. (See Douglass, pgs. 207-10)

    When he learned of the brothers’ deaths, Kennedy was shocked and agonized. Arthur Schlesinger said he had not seen him so depressed since the Bay of Pigs disaster. (ibid, p. 211) In fact, as a result of this outcome he planned on doing two things. First, he was going to review the process by which the cable had been sent. (Gordon Goldstein, Lessons in Disaster, p. 90) Second, he was going to recall Lodge to Washington for the purpose of firing him. (Douglass, p. 375) His death interceded with those plans.

    Three strikes isn’t enough for the Times. They actually even try and blame the death of Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic on Kennedy. This happened just four months after Kennedy was inaugurated. The truth is that Trujillo was probably the most unpopular man in South America at the time. Why? Because he tried to kill Venezuelan leader Romulo Betancourt with a car bomb in 1960. As a result the OAS severed relations with him. He then had the three Mirabel sisters-Patria, Maria, and Minerva-who protested his dictatorship, murdered. Because Trujillo was such a bloodthirsty dictator, the CIA had plotted with dissidents in country to kill him as far back as 1958. (William Blum The CIA: A Forgotten History, p. 196) But as Blum notes, although the CIA did supply arms for an assassination attempt, there is no proof these were used in the murder. Which appears to have been a spur of the moment affair carried out by the local dissidents. (ibid) Blum does note that American cooperation with them cooled after Kennedy took office. (ibid, p. 197)

    In fact, in 1963, Kennedy told his friend George Smathers that he had to get control of the CIA. Precisely because he was appalled by the idea of political assassination. Smathers said: “I remember him saying that the CIA frequently did things he didn’t know about, and he was unhappy about it. He complained that the CIA was almost autonomous. He told me he believed the CIA had arranged to have Diem and Trujillo bumped off. He was pretty shocked about that. He thought it was a stupid thing to do, and he wanted to get control of what the CIA was doing.” (The Assassinations, p. 329) As many people who have studied the Kennedy assassination believe, the CIA understood this was Kennedy’s intent in a second term. And they decided to get Kennedy before he got them. You will never ever hear this sentiment voiced in the Times, since they have almost always pimped for the CIA. Including covering up their drug running aspects when the late Gary Webb exposed some of them.

    The article then gets even more ridiculous. Somehow the authors include the murder of General Rene Schneider as part of Kennedy’s watch. The problem is Kennedy had been dead for seven years when Schneider was assassinated by allies of the CIA. His death was part of the CIA program ordered by President Nixon and Henry Kissinger to stop Salvador Allende from stepping up to the presidency. (William Blum, p. 237)

    If you can believe it, the Times actually sources the Church Committee report in this article. Even though that report discovered no evidence that the Kennedys were involved in any of these deaths. In fact, in my essay I argued that it was this verdict that caused the CIA and its rightwing allies to begin to circulate disinformation to reverse what Sen. Frank Church had uncovered. That campaign has been unrelenting ever since. The Times, with former Nixon speechwriter William Safire in their employ, has been a prime part of it. (The Assassinations, p. 329)

    Towards the end, the article cites the most ancient CIA disinformation tale of all: Oswald killed Kennedy for Castro because Castro found out about the plots against himself. Which, as Castro has noted, is utterly ridiculous on two grounds. First, as Jim Douglass has described in detail, Kennedy and Castro were hard at work on dÈtente at the time. (pgs. 248-50) And secondly, as Jesse Ventura relates in his book American Conspiracies, Castro told him he would have never risked a full-scale invasion of Cuba over such a thing. The article also mentions the meeting in Paris in November of 1963 between a CIA representative and recruited Castro assassin Rolando Cubela. What they do not say is that CIA official Richard Helms had deliberately kept this from the Kennedys. Even though the CIA representative meeting with Cubela told him that RFK knew about it. (Douglass, p. 251)

    The article concludes with “One need not believe in conspiracy theories about JFK to be seriously concerned about the wisdom of JFK’s assassination policy. The laws of war and self defense may permit political assassination in certain cases, but prudence dictates thinking carefully before pulling that fateful trigger.”

    The only assassination theories discussed in this article are the half-baked ones about Kennedy’s mythological executive action programs. Which, as shown above, he actually opposed. In opposition to the authors, the fact that Kennedy was actually killed by a political conspiracy is not a theory. The revelations of the ARRB have shown it to be a fact. But you will never learn that in the New York Times. Which in its nonsensical agenda on the issue, makes a strange alliance with the likes of John McAdams and Noam Chomsky.

    This is one more farcical piece of gutter journalism by the Times on the subjects of President Kennedy’s policies and his murder. It’s a smelly trail that goes back to 1963. And it shows no sign of abating. So Alec, as much as I liked you in Glengarry Glen Ross and others, I think you are dead wrong on the hole the Times would leave behind. If it went under, I wouldn’t miss it at all. One reason being that a pile of lies like this would not have its imprimatur assigned to it.

    But its publication shows why that imprimatur isn’t worth very much anymore.

  • Robert Blair Kaiser, RFK Must Die (reissue)


    When I contemplated doing a retrospective of the last three books under discussion — The Last Investigation, Oswald and the CIA, and RFK Must Die! — I looked forward to it since I thought they would all be more or less the same works with only minor additions to them. This is true of the first two volumes. It is not true of Robert Blair Kaiser’s RFK Must Die!

    This book has been substantially rewritten and re-edited from its original release in 1970. And that is obvious upon first sight. The 1970 issue consists of 539 pages of text, plus eight appendices. The 2008 version consists of 380 pages of text and three appendices. Some books in the field benefit from being edited down to a shorter length from the original e.g. The Man Who Knew Too Much. That is not the case here. The new version is a significantly lesser work than the original. And for that reason, as I will explain below, I cannot recommend it.

    When Kaiser’s book came out in 1970, it was immediately recognized as a well-written and intricately detailed account of the assassination of Robert Kennedy, the apprehension of the accused assassin Sirhan Sirhan, and the legal trials and tribulations that followed that murder, ending in the conviction of Sirhan. The book contained so many details of both the assassination and the legal events that followed that it became a source book on the RFK case. Writers like the late Philip Melanson used the book profusely in his three works on the RFK case. Although Kaiser agreed with the official story that Sirhan fired all the shots in the Ambassador Hotel pantry on June 5, 1968, he duly noted the attempts by Dr. Bernard Diamond to hypnotize Sirhan into recalling the actual assassination scene, which he said he could not recall. His last memory before the shooting is of pouring coffee for the famous “Girl in the Polka Dot Dress” before following her into the pantry. His next memory is being strangled and manhandled by RFK’s entourage with a gun in his hand.

    The last chapter of Kaiser’s 1970 version posits the question of motive for Sirhan. And that last chapter became a touchstone in the literature on the RFK case. It was entitled: “The case is still open. I’m not rejecting the Manchurian Candidate aspect of it.” (The quote was not Kaiser’s, but Los Angeles FBI agent Roger LaJeunnesse’s.) In this conclusion he extrapolated from Diamond’s work with Sirhan and came to the conclusion that Sirhan was in a hypnoprogrammed state in the pantry. Although he left open the possibility that someone could have programmed Sirhan, he leaned to the probability that Sirhan had somehow done it himself.

    From reading this reissue of the book, I get the feeling that Kaiser now regrets writing that last chapter. Because the Robert Blair Kaiser who wrote RFK Must Die! in 1970, is not the same writer who substantially rewrote that book today. What I believed happened is threefold.

    First, other authors took the title of his last chapter and began to research the history of the CIA’s MK/Ultra program as posited in books like John Marks’ The Search for the Manchurian Candidate. They then fit Sirhan into the program and found a prime suspect for the man who actually programmed Sirhan. Second, they investigated aspects of the case that, as an assistant for the defense team, Kaiser missed. Therefore they came to a contrary conclusion about Sirhan’s culpability in the assassination. Third, they then took pieces out of the detailed 1970 version of his book and began to connect the dots and mold them into a conspiracy scenario.

    To give some specific examples of what I mean by this: a lot of material came out after 1970 which elucidated the history of the CIA’s involvement in the use of mind controlling drugs and hypnosis. The Marks books I mentioned above is the most well-known, but there are several others in the field. Writers like Melanson actually uncovered documents which outline programs to assassinate political leaders by using a subject similar to Sirhan’s profile. In 1978, the writing team of Bill Turner and Jonn Christian published a book of the RFK case which actually proffered an excellent candidate for the role of hypnotizing Sirhan to do what he did: William J. Bryan. Second, in that book, and also in Melanson’s, the authors used the work of ballistics expert William Harper and coroner Thomas Noguchi to produce evidence that seemed to contradict the trial verdict and point to a second gun in the pantry. Third, there were traces in Kaiser’s book that, rearranged and newly examined, could be used to piece together an alternative scenario as to what actually happened at the Ambassador Hotel. Therefore the original RFK Must Die! was used by these authors, and others, to reverse the official story in the public’s eye.

    And it seems that this movement does not sit well with Kaiser. A lot of the rewriting in the new version is aimed at attacking the authors who followed him and came up with a different conclusion: Turner, Christian, Melanson, Lisa Pease, Robert Joling, Phil Van Pragg etc. (He praises the work of Dan Moldea, since Moldea changed his mind and wrote a book saying Sirhan did it.) He even goes out of his way to try and discredit certain witnesses whose testimony points to a conspiracy. For instance: Scott Enyart, the high school photographer who followed RFK into the pantry and took pictures at the murder scene. Enyart’s photos were confiscated by the LAPD and never returned to him. He sued the police force and won. Kaiser writes that Enyart a.) was not in the pantry that night, and b.) won his lawsuit against LAPD for similar reasons that OJ Simpson was acquitted: a predominantly black jury with anti-authority impulses. Apparently, Kaiser was not at the trial. Probe was (see Vol. 4 Nos. 1 and 2). Enyart’s lawyers produced a photo of Enyart in the pantry. Second, the jury was not predominantly black. It resembled a cross section of the population of LA.

    There are other significant things I could point out about the differences between the original and the new version of the book. But I won’t. Because the more I think of it the sadder I get. So I will just say that for anyone interested in the RFK case, try and get the original version of this book. That version is still a valuable work, one worth having and reading.

  • RFK-Pruszynski Press Conference


    Two researchers have unveiled what they are calling a major breakthrough in the investigation of the assassination of Robert F. Kennedy.

    Philip Van Praag, an expert in the forensic analysis of magnetic audio tape, says his analysis of the only known tape recording of the June 1968 assassination shows there were thirteen gunshots fired in the space of about five seconds – five more than the weapon allegedly used by Sirhan Sirhan could hold.

    Van Praag’s findings were revealed at a news conference in Washington DC on February 21, 2008 during the 60th annual meeting of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences.

    Also present at the news conference was RFK shooting victim Paul Schrade, and Dr. Robert J. Joling, J.D., past AAFS president. After Schrade and Joling briefly described the assassination and some of the controversies stemming from it, they brought on Van Praag to, as Schrade put it, “talk about the new evidence that we have … new evidence (which) is scientific.” Said Schrade further: “We of course see this as a major breakthrough after nearly 40 years of studying this case.”

    Van Praag explained that key among the new evidence are three discoveries made from examinations of the tape recording of the assassination made by a Polish freelance newspaper reporter Stanislaw Pruszynski, which surfaced decades later when Pruszynski’s audio recording was discovered by an American journalist in 2004:

    1. The Pruszynski recording captured the sounds of at least 13 gunshots fired inside the Ambassador Hotel kitchen pantry at 12:16 am PDT on June 5, 1968. While 13 shots were captured in Pruszynski’s tape, physical evidence points to at least 14 bullets fired in the shooting (a 14th shot could have been obscured in the Pruszynski recording by the sound of screaming 5-to-6 seconds after the shooting started). More than eight shots means a second gunman was firing during the assassination, given that convicted gunman Sirhan Sirhan’s weapon only carried eight shots in its chamber.
    2. The Pruszynski recording also captured two sets of “double shots”. (One set of double shots consists of two shots fired too closely together to have been fired by the same gun). Sequentially, in Van Praag’s 13-shot finding, these two sets of double shots were Shots 3 & 4 as one set and Shots 7 3 & 8 as the second set. The capture of just one set of double shots (let alone two sets, as in this case) by itself supercedes the necessity to count the number of shots fired in the RFK shooting. Because the presence of only one set of double shots reveals a second gun was firing during the assassination. When you add to this the fact that Sirhan possessed only one gun in the pantry, obviously it’s abundantly clear that this second gun must have been fired by someone other than Sirhan.
    3. The Pruszynski recording also captured odd acoustic characteristics in five of the shots, which is evident when specific frequencies are analyzed separately. Sequentially, these were Shots 3, 5, 8, 10 and 12 in Van Praag’s 13-shot finding. These shots apparently came from a second gun that was pointing away from Pruszynski’s microphone at the north side of the Embassy Room ballroom as his microphone recorded the sounds that were coming from the kitchen pantry.
    4. The first two of these three discoveries were mentioned in last year’s Discovery Times documentary, “Conspiracy Test: The RFK Assassination”. However the third discovery was not made until after that documentary was produced and premiered on June 6, 2007.

    During the presentation, one reporter asked a question which was incorrectly worded (a question based entirely on a false premise). He asked the following: “ABC News did an extensive analysis of this recording a few years ago and it said it had conclusive proof that there were no more than eight gunshots fired. Would you say that their analysis was incorrect?”

    Following their conference, Van Praag, Joling and Schrade learned of the reporter’s mistake and that the reporter had even acknowledged his error-laden question. Essentially what the reporter had done was mix up the Pruszynski recording with three other recordings (the West, Brent and Smith/ABC recordings) that had been analyzed by Dr. Michael Hecker for ABC’s “20-20” program during the early 1980s. Hecker had examined the Andy West and Jeff Brent sound recordings as well as sound from ABC TV’s own videotape of the Embassy Room (during which anchorman Howard K. Smith’s voice is heard in a playback of the videotape) and had concluded the three recordings showed 10 shots had been fired in the RFK shooting. ABC eventually decided against doing the proposed 20-20 segment for reasons never clearly stated but Kennedy family pressure was rumored (in any case, no one ever suggested the network had concluded anything, one way or the other, from the three recordings). Decades later, it was determined that none of the three recordings had captured the RFK shots (that sounds in the three recordings which some had assumed were shots actually were caused by other things). For example, the West and Brent tape-recorders actually were not recording at the moment of the shooting. Both West and Brent had their recorders stopped — or paused — at that crucial moment and when both the West and Brent machines finally resumed recording, both already had missed capturing the shots. Recently, Dr. Joling, and even Hecker himself, confirmed that the Hecker conclusions about the West, Brent and Smith/ABC recordings were wrong. This is stated on pages 255-256 of the first printing of Joling’s and Van Praag’s book, An Open and Shut Case.

    So the reporter’s question at the 2/21/08 DC press conference was heavily laden with error. To re-cap: ABC (and this goes for CBS and NBC as well) has never done any kind of analysis of the Pruszynski recording at any time ever. Instead, ABC attempted to do an extensive analysis of the West, Brent and Smith/ABC recordings more than 25 years ago (as opposed to “a few years ago”) but then suddenly canceled the early 1980s project before the analysis could be completed… and ABC never concluded anything about any RFK recordings whatsoever. The presser panel was informed that before he left the presser, the reporter had acknowledged his error concerning ABC.

    “The one other thing that’s very interesting about Phil’s findings,” said Joling at the presser, “is that it substantiates to a ‘T’ the actual factual background (in the RFK shooting).” Although not pointed out at the presser itself, the panel is acutely aware that the pattern of the 13 shots captured by Pruszynski eerily follows the pattern most often cited by assassination witnesses. Witnesses differed in their accounts as to the number of shots they remembered hearing and as to the pattern of the shots. However, among the witnesses, the most frequently cited pattern for the shots was that first there were two shots fired in quick succession, then there was a brief pause in the firing (during which it is believed assistant hotel maitre d’ Karl Uecker grabbed Sirhan’s firing wrist while placing him in a headlock), and then there was a string of very rapidly firing shots. This, in fact, is the very pattern of shots captured by the Pruszynski recording.

    The AAFS will be publishing Van Praag’s paper on the Pruszynski recording when it next publishes its scientific papers. No date is set yet, but it could be by mid-year or the fall.

  • Shane O’Sullivan, RFK Must Die


    RFK Must Die is Shane O’Sullivan’s new documentary on the assassination of Robert Kennedy. The film, just released on DVD, takes its title from Robert Blair Kaiser’s 1970 book on the case. In almost every major aspect it is a one-man show: O’Sullivan wrote, produced, and directed it. He also narrates it, which is the first of some poor choices, since his voice carries a high-pitched Irish lilt.

    The film is divided into four sections: The Last Campaign, The Investigation, The Manchurian Candidate, and Did the CIA Kill RFK? Before getting to its negatives, let me list what I see as the film’s attributes. Some of the interview subjects, to my knowledge, appear for the first time. Sandra Serrano, the first witness to publicly discuss the famous Girl in the Polka Dot Dress, makes her first appearance on camera in decades. Sirhan’s brother Munir and controversial defense investigator Michael McGowan also appear. And O’Sullivan has unearthed some interesting Ambassador Hotel kitchen pantry photos, which appear to show that someone was digging bullets out of the walls. This would indicate that there were more than eight bullets-the limit of Sirhan’s revolver-fired the night of the assassination.

    Vincent DiPierro, a part-time waiter at the Ambassador at the time of the assassination, is also interviewed. He reveals that there was a bullet hole in his sweater that night. Any one bullet found anywhere in the pantry would indicate more than eight bullets were fired, and in turn would mean a second gun was firing.

    O’Sullivan has arranged for that illustrious expert on hypnosis, Herbert Spiegel, to appear on camera. And Spiegel shows us a taped example of him hypnotizing someone, planting a post hypnotic suggestion in that person, waking him from the trance state, and then not having him recall anything he did while under hypnosis. Which is very likely what happened to Sirhan.

    But sad to say, for anyone familiar with the Robert Kennedy assassination, that is about it for the virtues of RFK Must Die. Aesthetically speaking, the film is very simple, straightforward, and, to be frank, kind of dull. I have much more sympathy for O’Sullivan’s views on the RFK case than I did for those of Robert Stone, director of the Warren Commission-apologist Oswald’s Ghost. But technique wise, Stone leaves O’Sullivan in the dust.

    We live in an age where the documentary form has risen to a truly imaginative level of aesthetic approach. This is exemplified by works like Brett Morgan’s and Nan Burstein’s The Kid Stays in the Picture, and Adam Curtis’ The Power of Nightmares. I would say that technically and aesthetically, O’Sullivan’s film is a notch or two above sixties pioneers like Emile de Antonio and the Maysles Brothers. This is saying something, of course, since computer graphics now can be done on line and then switched over to digital video, and at a reasonable price. It would seem to me that from my two viewings of the film, O’Sullivan availed himself of very little of these new technologies.

    Even this would not be so bad if O’Sullivan had any kind of pictorial eye or sensitivity to things like sound and montage to give the film any kind of distinction of form. But if you take a look at the compositions in the interview shots with, say, Robert Blair Kaiser or Vincent DiPierro, you will see the work of a not very gifted amateur. And the use of sound in those shots is equally revealing. O’Sullivan includes himself, either off screen or back to camera in the on-screen dialogue, usually an unwise practice. But this is made even worse since those scenes were not properly wired for sound. So his voice comes in decibels lower and he is harder to hear than the subject.

    I would have been willing to forgive most of the above if the content of the film had some real howitzers in it. For example, the Discovery Times special on the RFK case was not done at a much higher technical level than this was. But it had some pieces of information in it that were new, quite relevant, and which the film used with real force. That cannot be said about this current effort. What can one write about a full-length documentary on the RFK case which does not mention the name of infamous LAPD firearms expert, DeWayne Wolfer?

    If that’s not enough for you, the film fails to mention William Harper. Without Harper there may never have been any critical movement in the RFK case. (For those not familiar with the RFK case, this would be like doing a documentary on the JFK case and leaving out both Mark Lane and Arlen Specter.) There is no mention or interview of Scott Enyart, either. Enyart was the high school photographer who was at the Ambassador Hotel the night of the assassination. He took photos in the pantry while RFK was being shot. Years later he asked to get his pictures back. He never did. In 1996 he ended up suing the LAPD. (See Probe Vol. 4 #1 and #2) He actually won the case in court. Some extraordinary things happened at the trial. New testimony emerged about how the LAPD actually destroyed Scott’s film. About how the LAPD had falsely numbered pieces of evidence in the Sirhan trial exhibit log to hide exculpatory evidence. That even as late as 1995, bullet evidence was being tampered with at the Sacramento Archives. (For actual photo documentation of this tampering see Probe Vol. 5 #3, p. 27.)

    In 1998, Lisa Pease wrote a fine two-part essay on the case. (Probe Vol. 5 #3 and #4). This article is one of the three best long essays on the RFK case that I know. (The other two were by Ted Charach and the late Greg Stone.) In this work, Pease revealed even more mishandling of the evidence. Namely that bullet fragments left the property room of the LAPD and went to a special agent of the FBI for approximately eight days before being returned to Wolfer. And at the instance of their return, Wolfer had them cleaned and photographed for the first time. Why did they leave and what happened to them in FBI custody? Why were no shells from the gun in evidence recovered from the shooting range Sirhan was reported at on 6/4/68? Even though the LAPD recovered over 38, 000 shell casings from the range!

    In her article, Pease incorporated some key findings from Sirhan’s former investigator Lynn Mangan, such as the photographic fakery of Special Exhibit 10. This photo allegedly reveals a comparison of an RFK bullet with a test bullet form Sirhan’s gun. In fact, the comparison is actually with a bullet from another victim, Ira Goldstein, not RFK. Which leaves the question: Could the LAPD not get a positive comparison with Sirhan’s gun and an RFK bullet? Her article also showed a fascinating connection between the mysterious Iranian intelligence agent Khaiber Khan and the man who was probably the third gun in the pantry that night, Michael Wayne.

    Now all of the above is not meant to (solely) show how proficient Probe was in covering the RFK case. But it is to indicate just how much is lacking from this new documentary. And in addition to not interviewing Scott Enyart, there is no interview with Dr. Thomas Noguchi. In fact, I don’t even recall his photo being used. This is the man who, according to Allard Lowenstein, made the earth move under the RFK case when his autopsy results were finally made public.

    What does O’Sullivan offer us instead? Well, he gives us living room reconstructions of the assassination with DiPierro and Kennedy aide Kenny Burns. Yet with only one camera on hand, and shot from ground level, I did not find these very illuminating. To illustrate the illogic of Wolfer’s eight bullet scenario in the pantry, O’Sullivan pans his camera over the LAPD schematic of the bullet trajectories. In 1993, when Tim Tate did his excellent documentary on the RFK case for British television, he used a very clear and dynamic computer graphic for this demonstration. When O’Sullivan plays the tape of the infamous Serrano/Hank Hernandez polygraph interview, he puts it against a rather static background of still photos of the pair. When Tate did this, he showed us a tape recorder only, against a black backdrop with the words flashing on the screen. And the sound was well modulated to catch the incredible harshness, almost brutality of the session. And the excerpts he picked were better chosen to illustrate that brutality.

    O’Sullivan spends a lot of time on the Manchurian Candidate aspect of the case. Some of it is good, but I think he should have spent less time interviewing Spiegel, playing the Sirhan hypnosis tapes, and trying to simulate Sirhan’s walk from the coffee table to the pantry (which does not work very well anyway). What I think would have been better was to trace, with documents, how the CIA developed the program in the first place, how it was kept secret, who destroyed the documentary record, and how certain documents point to the exact circumstances which insinuate Sirhan in this crime. And the guy to interview for that would have been either Walter Bowart (Operation Mind Control) or John Marks (The Search for the Manchurian Candidate.)

    And this would have been, I think, a better conclusion for the film than what O’Sullivan has decided to end it with. He largely repeats what he did for the BBC many months ago, namely, the alleged identification of three CIA officers at the Ambassador Hotel the night of the RFK murder: George Johannides, Gordon Campbell, and, of course Dave Morales. The accent on this Morales story first began in 1993 with Gaeton Fonzi’s book, The Last Investigation. There the clinching quote, through Morales’ attorney Robert Walton, was this: “Well, we took care of that son of a bitch, didn’t we?” (p. 390)

    Please note this quote does not necessarily imply that Morales was part of the plot to kill President Kennedy, or that he even had first hand knowledge of it. What it does imply is that Morales knew people who told him they were involved. But now, through David Talbot’s book Brothers and this documentary, the quote has been embellished and expanded in both specificity and quantity. In its current version Walton quotes Morales thusly: “I was in Dallas when we got that mother fucker, and I was in Los Angeles when we got the little bastard.” [Emphasis added.] Hmm. From Fonzi’s version in 1993 and hearing about one assassination, now Morales is actually in on both of them. With the way things grow in the JFK case — which is where Morales originated — what will be next? How about: “I was in Memphis when we got that Black Messiah King!”

    In addition to the enlargement of the quote, the photo identifications themselves are also weakened. Talbot discovered two photos of Morales, one from 1967, and one from 1969. They do not closely resemble the man alleged to be Morales in the films from the Ambassador. As for the ID’s of Campbell and Johannides, O’Sullivan reveals that the LAPD identified the two men as, respectively, Michael Roman and Frank Owens. They were both executives for Bulova watch company. Although both are dead today, Roman’s family concurred with the identification, and knew who Owens was. O’Sullivan tries to salvage something from this by saying that Bulova was a recipient of a large amount of Pentagon funding during the sixties. And further that its chairman, Omar Bradley, was a special adviser to Lyndon Johnson for the Vietnam War. He even reaches for the theory that Roman and Campbell may have somehow switched identities. As a fallback, salvage type operation I found this all pretty lame and unsubstantiated.

    So overall, the film is a sad and puzzling disappointment. It could and should have been much better. Considering the state of knowledge in the case, and the state of computer technology, it should have been compelling in form and convincing in content. Unfortunately, it is neither.

  • Romer’s Disgrace

    Romer’s Disgrace


    Before retiring, one of the last things Los Angeles School District Superintendent Roy Romer did was to push a plan through the school board to first purchase and then raze the site of the Ambassador Hotel. Romer had been quite an experienced politician. Before becoming the superintendent in LA he had been governor of Colorado for a number of years. Once he gained his new position, he made it his number one priority to build enough new schools to accommodate the district’s high growth rate. Romer backed putting a number of large bond issues on the ballot in order to purchase new land for construction and to renovate older schools.

    rom
    Roy Romer

    Clearly, one of Romer’s pet projects was the purchase of the Ambassador Hotel, the location where Robert Kennedy was murdered in June of 1968. The district had brought the site out of a bankruptcy sale since it had been a failed project of Donald Trump. Since the Ambassador Hotel had a long and storied history there was bound to be controversy around Romer’s plans to create a huge multi-grade complex on the grounds. A historical landmark society called The Conservancy wanted the district to preserve as much as possible of the legendary hotel i.e. things like tennis courts, and the Cocoanut Grove, the posh restaurant inside the hotel. Some even argued for preserving the integrity of the famous hotel rooms where artists and scientists like Scott Fitzgerald and Albert Einstein had stayed. The argument being that it would be inspiring for young people to study English in the same room Fitzgerald had lived and worked in; or science in the same confines that Einstein had inhabited. And what could have been more thrilling than to have a U.S. History class walk down the storied corridor and into the kitchen pantry where Robert Kennedy was killed. What a dramatic way to cap a chapter about that fateful year of 1968.

    For however extreme Romer’s plans and ambitions were, surely he would leave the RFK assassination site intact. After all, this has been done with dignity in both Dallas and Memphis, so the public could revisit and reeducate itself about the tragic murders of John Kennedy and Martin Luther King. The sites had been preserved pretty much as they were in order to commemorate the fact that turning points in history — the unsolved murders of two hugely important men — had taken place there. And in fact, in the three plans presented at public hearings, this seemed to be the case.

    Romer himself was present at these hearings in September and October of 2004. And although he clearly backed the most extreme plan, he tried to present a neutral and objective face over the whole enterprise. But if one was watching closely, one could see that the fix was in.

    First, Romer had his chief construction engineer testify that the actual hotel rooms could not be preserved. Why? Because they could not accommodate the ceiling height that engineering needed for central air units. The ceilings would have to be dropped below the standard ten feet. Well, what about room air conditioning then? Those would be too noisy the man replied. Romer’s idea of compromise with The Conservancy was a bit one sided. As one of their representatives testified, they were never consulted before any of the three plans was devised. So Romer had tilted the three options so far away from the idea of renovation and toward complete reconstruction that they had no interest in backing any of the three options. Finally, politician Romer had cleverly used Kennedy’s ties to Cesar Chavez and his own friendship with a Hispanic member of the board to inject the ethnic issue into the debate. Because of the overcrowding at a neighboring school and the ethnic make up of the area, most of the students attending would be Hispanic. Therefore if you opposed Romer’s concept, you were then seen as depriving disadvantaged minority students of a huge new school complex named after Chavez’ friend and colleague in their struggle. And predictably, Romer had a flock of young Hispanic youth file into the hearing on cue and speak their mind through their spokesperson.

    Lisa Pease, Larry Teeter (Sirhan’s late attorney), and myself attended one of the two public hearings on the issue. There were so many people who wanted to testify that witnesses were allowed only three minutes, a limit that was vigorously enforced. When Romer flashed the three general plans on the overhead, it seemed that in all of them the kitchen pantry would be preserved. I commented on that satisfying contingency to Lisa. She said, “Jim you’re not reading the fine print.” And she pointed out to me that in the third plan presented, the most extreme one and Romer’s clear preference, it appeared as if the pantry could be deconstructed — that is literally taken apart. And then a committee would decided which of those parts would be preserved and how. Needless to say, the board and the superintendent would appoint that committee.

    To make a long, sad story short, Romer convinced the school board to side with his radical plan. Larry Teeter decided to file a lawsuit to preserve the Cocoanut Grove and the pantry in deference to the possibility of a new trial for his client. Unfortunately, Teeter passed away in 2005 before he could actually record the complaint. The demolition balls then went to work. In a matter of months the Ambassador Hotel was being knocked to the ground. They saved the Grove and the pantry for last. But in September the pantry was razed. ( Los Angeles Times, 11/30/07) Certain artifacts were saved, e.g. an ice machine, and 3D imagery was taken of the room. The Conservancy finally sued over these two issues: the destruction of the Grove, and the preservation of the artifacts. But the fact is, with the pantry now demolished, Sirhan can never really have his true day in court. And Los Angeles now becomes the one site of the three great assassinations of the sixties where you cannot see or touch the place where a great leader was struck down. How a school superintendent and his board, supposedly dedicated to the education of youth, could have been involved in a decision like that is inexplicable. What a lesson for the students of Los Angeles. If they want to visit the place where RFK was murdered, well here is a 3D photo. Courtesy of Mr. Romer.


    Click here to see how the site of the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. has been preserved.

  • William Turner & Jonn Christian, The Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy (reissue)

    Contrary to what the “coincidence crowd” says, people who believe in conspiracies are made and not born. Or to be more accurate: they are educated to believe so. Take me for example. Of the four great political assassinations of the sixties, I first believed that only the JFK case was sinister. That’s because I did not know the other cases nearly as well as I did that one. I had not read enough about them, and had not talked to any experts in the other fields. In the 1990’s when I asked an acquaintance if there was anything to the RFK case besides Sirhan, he said there sure was. He then added, “Just read the Turner/Christian book.”

    I did. And it completely changed my thinking on both the RFK case, and the relationships between the assassinations of the sixties. Luckily, The Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy, by William Turner and Jonn Christian, has been reissued by Carroll and Graf. Although it was originally published nearly thirty years ago, to this day it remains the best book ever written on that case. And the story behind the book and its fate is interesting in itself.

    The book was commissioned by legendary book editor Jason Epstein. If you don’t know, Epstein was one of the lions of the (now eclipsed) New York literary scene. A fine writer and intellect in his own right, he was probably the last of the literary tradition that goes back, in the United States at least, to Maxwell Perkins. For all intents and purposes, these types of editors do not exist today. When they commissioned a book, they helped conceptualize it, advised on its length and shape, and then went over each and every chapter of the work paragraph by paragraph. And in both phases of its editorial construction: the notation process, and the red-lining or “mark up” process. (The first is done after a rough or preliminary draft is submitted, the second is done after the first draft has been completed.) I can attest to this as fact since I have seen Epstein’s back and forth correspondence on the book under review. It is both a treasure of insightful, constructive criticism and a pleasure in itself to read.

    Epstein’s first choice to do a book about the Bobby Kennedy case was — are you sitting down? — Vincent Bugliosi. Yep, him. Bugliosi had already written his book on Charles Manson, and he figured in two court proceedings on the RFK case. These both figure importantly in the Turner/Christian volume. And yes, he was arguing for conspiracy in both proceedings. When Epstein approached Bugliosi about doing a book on the case, he deferred to Turner and Christian who had been investigating it since its inception, and whose work he had used in court.

    Epstein was rightfully proud of the book. Random House printed a 20, 000 copy initial hardcover run in 1978. Most of the reviews were favorable. Turner appeared on the Merv Griffin show to discuss the case. So things looked promising at the start. Very soon after, it all went downhill.

    Turner — who had actually written the book — never got a national multi-city tour. There was no paperback sale. And then something even worse happened. Random House started pulling the book out of circulation. You couldn’t get it even if you ordered it. You were told it was “out of stock”. Many years later, Jonn Christian called a warehouse in Maryland to find out what had happened to the book. Why couldn’t people order it? The manager told him that from the records he had, the warehouse had at one time, about 11, 000 copies of the book. But in 1985 something strange happened. That whole lot was incinerated.

    When a friend of the authors called Epstein about the book’s fate, he replied he did not want to speak about it. But what appears to have occurred is that when Random House was sold to Si Newhouse-Roy Cohn’s family friend-Bob Loomis’s star ascended, and Epstein’s began to fade. As readers of Probe know, Loomis was once married to the secretary for James Angleton. He has been a mentor and shepherd for the likes of Sy Hersh, James Phelan, and Gerald Posner. In other words, he is dedicated to upholding the official story no matter how porous it may be. When asked why the Turner/Christian book was burned, Loomis replied, as Daryl Gates did about the disposal of crime scene evidence, “To make space for others. They do that with books.”

    Not to apologize for Loomis, but if I was him, I would want to make this book disappear too. It is devastating to the official story. Because of an attorney named George Davis, Turner and Christian were on the case almost from the beginning. Davis was the San Francisco based lawyer for a man named Rev. Jerry Owen aka The Walking Bible. In 1968, Owen was like a low-rent Jerry Falwell, a traveling evangelist preacher. Owen had voluntarily gone to the Los Angeles Police Department with information about his meeting with Sirhan Sirhan just prior to the RFK assassination. That internal inquiry within the LAPD was called Special Unit Senator (SUS). The two men running it, Manny Pena, and Hank Hernandez, had no use for Owen even though his story seemed quite interesting and relevant. He said that he had encountered Sirhan the day before the California primary of June 4, 1968. Sirhan had been hitchhiking with a friend when Owen picked him up. The conversation turned to horses, and Owen told Sirhan he actually owned some. Since he was a former jockey, Sirhan told him he would be interested in buying one. A pair of Sirhan’s companions–a male and female–arranged with Owen to return the following evening to the back of the Ambassador Hotel. They gave him a hundred dollars down, and promised two hundred more upon delivery. Owen said he could not fulfill the offer since he had a preaching appointment in Oxnard on the night of June 4th. On June 5th, traveling back from Oxnard, Owen stopped at a dinette in a hotel. He looked up at the TV and saw a photo of Sirhan-who he had known as “Joe”. He then reported this information to the police. Some of the story seemed to make sense, e.g. Sirhan had four hundred dollar bills on him when apprehended, witness Sandra Serrano later reported that Sirhan had entered the Ambassador that night with a male and female companion. Owen said that after making his police report he began to get threatening calls. Deciding he better get out of LA, he stayed at a friend’s house in Napa Valley. That friend knew Davis. Davis heard the story, got it into the local papers, and called a news conference. Turner and Christian, both reporters at the time, arrived at his office to hear it. It never came off. SUS got wind of it and immediately flew up Pena and Hernandez to stop it. Davis complied, but he got Turner a private one-hour interview with Owen. Owen told him what happened, and Turner taped it. And like an old-fashioned adventure story, this is what sets the two protagonists out on “a tale full of sound and fury”. But unlike Shakespeare, it signifies a lot.

    The paradox with the Bobby Kennedy case is this: although on the surface it appears to be a simple open and shut case, once you peel away that surface, it is more clearly a conspiracy than the JFK case. And once you realize that not only did Sirhan not kill RFK, but he could not kill him, then you enter a world of threats, intimidation, shootings, and falsified evidence. One could say that it resembles the JFK case. But there are elements of it that are not like anything in the JFK case. And no matter how cheapjack writers like Dan Moldea and David Heymann try to cover them up, they will not go away. In the JFK case you have what is perhaps one of the worst autopsies ever performed in a high profile case. In the RFK case, Thomas Noguchi’s painstaking, thorough work is crucial to unraveling elements of the conspiracy. In the JFK case, the actual assassins were mostly out of sight, hundreds of feet away, and never identified. In the RFK case, they were in direct proximity to Kennedy, in plain sight of witnesses. Further, they were questioned and even apprehended. With Oswald, you have basically a simple frame-up, sometimes called a “throw down”; with Sirhan, the framing circumstances are much more complex and intriguing. This is where one gets into the utterly and endlessly fascinating aspects peculiar to this case: namely the Manchurian Candidate, and the Girl in the Polka Dot Dress.

    The great achievement of this book is not that it makes all of the above credible. But it makes it convincing. One of the reasons for this is that Turner is a skillful writer. In an inherently dramatic but true story, he takes time to fashion, not just a narrative, but to draw “scenes”, which makes the strange tale both realistic and easier to visualize. (A form of art that is sorely lacking in the field. See the recent work of Lamar Waldron and Joan Mellen.) This approach is especially useful in understanding the difficult concept of hypnoprogramming. Which Turner did a lot of homework on. He interviewed two of the eminent experts in the field: Herbert Spiegel and Edward Simson-Kallas. He also read one of the most important texts in the discipline: the chronicle by Paul Rieter of the famous Nielsen/Hardrup case which took place in Denmark in the early fifties. That study shows, beyond any doubt, that you can hypnotize someone into doing something they would never do in a waking state. That you can install post-hypnotic suggestion. And that it is possible to then deprogram the hypnotized victim who has commited the crime-not of his own free will–but for his controller. It was all done in the Danish precedent. And in that case, the court decided that Hardrup was innocent of the crime and convicted his programmer Nielsen.

    One of the great ironies of the RFK case, is that the Danish case was first mentioned in what–up until that time–was the standard book on the Bobby Kennedy case: Robert Blair Kaiser’s RFK Must Die (1970). In his last chapter, Kaiser mentions the hypnosis sessions that Sirhan had with his court appointed psychiatrist Dr. Diamond. Diamond was struck by how quickly and deeply he could induce Sirhan into a trance. He became convinced that Sirhan was in a trance that night in the pantry of the Ambassador Hotel. But since Sirhan’s incompetent, and probably compromised, legal team had agreed to the prosecutor’s evidence, their defense had to be tapered in this aspect. They argued that Sirhan did it, but in a trance that was self-induced. In that famous last chapter, Kaiser mentions things like previous sightings of Sirhan with the Girl in the Polka Dot Dress, of murder suspect and Sirhan look-alike Michael Wayne, and a man named Van Antwerp who disappeared the day RFK was shot, not to reappear until two weeks later. At that time he told the FBI he never knew Sirhan, even though he had roomed with him for five months. Though he mentions these tantalizing leads and angles, Kaiser’s book ends up being a Sirhan-did-it tract. He asks, “Who would have wanted to use Sirhan? I didn’t know.” (p. 537) A page later he writes that it would have taken him another year to explore all these fascinating trails. That would have been another book and he had to get this one published.

    What the Turner/Christian book does is go down some of those trails. For instance, it fits into a rough mosaic the role of the Girl in the Polka Dot Dress with the man who probably “used Sirhan” by hypnoprogramming him. That man’s name is Dr. William J. Bryan. His name was first mentioned in book form here. And the way it tumbles forward, out of — of all things — the Boston Strangler case, is almost worth the price of the book. The book does this repeatedly. The roles and backgrounds of Pena and Hernandez are delineated. And the latter’s task of beating down witnesses, especially Sandra Serrano-who first exposed the Girl in the Polka Dot Dress-is clearly defined. The book outlines in character and performance the two ballistics experts who would face off in this case: DeWayne Wolfer and William Harper. (If there is a hero in the RFK case, it is Harper. The authors dedicated the book to him.) Some of the chapter titles describe what are today, hallmarks of the RFK case: “Tinting Sirhan Red”, “The Quiet Trial of Sirhan Sirhan”, and “Too Many Guns-Too Many Bullets”.

    I should also note that because it describes the last of the four great political assassinations of the decade, the book is elegiac. To slightly alter Clausewitz: assassination is an extension of politics by other means. The assassination of Robert Kennedy, for all intents and purposes, lowered the curtain on one era and raised it on another. By the summer of ’68, RFK was the last great hope of the sixties. His assassination brought to power the era’s anti-Christ: Richard M. Nixon. In the actual histiography on that case, the Turner/Christian book is a milestone for what came afterwards. For the first time in book form, both the conspiracy and cover up in the Bobby Kennedy case were now out in the open: lying there naked in the glaring sunlight. That exposure inspired the subsequent fine work of people like Phil Melanson, Greg Stone, and Lisa Pease. With that kind of impact and influence, one can see why Loomis panicked. But it was too late.

    That was bad for him. It was good for us. Buy this book. It’s that good.

  • Time Magazine on the JFK Conspiracy and Presidency


    David Talbot’s book Brothers is clearly the inspiration for the July 2, 2007 issue of Time featuring President Kennedy on the cover. In a long center section from pages 44-67, the magazine features seven essays on Kennedy, including one by Caroline Kennedy. The first one is by Talbot and is a general overview of Kennedy’s foreign policy. This is a kind of magazine type summary of his book, which treats Kennedy fairly, judiciously, and insightfully. The last essay is a point/counterpoint conspiracy/no conspiracy argument on the assassination itself between Talbot and Vincent Bugliosi. In between there are essays on Kennedy’s civil rights policies (by Robert Dallek), how he confronted the Roman Catholic faith issue in the 1960 election, and two essays on Kennedy’s style as president.

    This issue is remarkable for two reasons. First, as Talbot notes in his book, the Luce press (i.e. Time and Life) were strong critics of Kennedy while in office. They then did much to cover up the true facts of his death after the assassination. In fact, the last cover Time devoted to Kennedy was when Seymour Hersh published his absolutely horrendous hatchet job of a book on him, The Dark Side of Camelot back in 1997. This, of course was in keeping with the magazine’s tradition. So this issue offers a clean break with that tradition. Second, Talbot’s book, and his essay in the magazine focus on Robert Kennedy as the first to suspect a conspiracy in the JFK case. For instance, Talbot writes in Time: “…Bobby immediately suspected the CIA’s secret war on Fidel Castro as the source of the plot.” (p. 66) He then traces RFK ‘s secret search for the truth about his brother’s death through to 1968. He concludes with, “Kennedy told confidants that he himself would reopen the investigation into the assassination if he won the presidency, believing it would take the full powers of the office to do so … Bobby never got a chance to prove his case.” (ibid)

    This is extraordinary. I can’t recall a previous time when Time actually printed a genuine pro-conspiracy essay on the Kennedy case in its pages. Let alone describing Robert Kennedy as a conspiracy investigator who was going to “Let the Heavens Fall” when he became president. The even more remarkable thing about this is that if the reader was unawares of RFK’s inquiry before, he could come to the subliminal conclusion that, “Hey, RFK was killed before he got to so this. Maybe that was the reason.” In other words, Time may have opened the door for some on the RFK case also.

    David Talbot’s book, which rose as high as number thirteen on the New York Times non-fiction bestseller list, is having a salutary effect.

  • BBC RFK Update


    June 2007

    In David Talbot’s new book Brothers he reveals that both he and Jefferson Morley of the Washington Post Online did a follow up inquiry on the Shane O’Sullivan report with the BBC. The investigation was commissioned by The New Yorker. According to Talbot’s book, the pair traveled widely, “interviewing dozens of relatives, friends and former colleagues” of their principal subjects (p. 397). They discovered that Gordon Campbell “died in 1962, making it impossible for him to have been filmed in 1968 at the Ambassador Hotel” (Ibid). In an interview with Rex Bradford Talbot revealed that they had also attained good photos of both Morales and Joannides taken around the 1968 time period. When they were compared to the BBC Ambassador Hotel footage, it was evident that they did not match. Or as Talbot told Bradford, “…it’s simply not the man caught on camera at the Ambassador.”

    Interestingly, the New Yorker decided against publishing an article based on this work. Talbot, as of yet, has not revealed the reasons behind this curious decision.


    The BBC RFK Report

    February 2007

    On November 20, 2006, the British Broadcasting Corporation showed a 15-minute report about the Robert Kennedy assassination. Put together by Shane O’Sullivan, it is supposed to be part of a longer documentary work-in-progress.

    The BBC report began with the late Larry Teeter, former attorney for Sirhan Sirhan, going over the autopsy evidence in the Robert Kennedy case. As most people know, this evidence strongly indicates a conspiracy. The report then used some photographs and films to present the case that there were three CIA officers at the Ambassador Hotel the night RFK was killed. They were identified as David Morales, Gordon Campbell, and George Joannides. All three men are known to have worked out of the infamous Miami CIA station codenamed JM/WAVE in the sixties.

    The basis for the photo identifications were four men who had interacted with the trio in the sixties and seventies. Wayne Smith, a former State Department employee, worked with Morales when Smith was stationed in Cuba in the late fifties and sixties. Ed Lopez, a former investigator for the House Select Committee on Assassinations, interacted with Joannides in the seventies when the latter was the CIA liaison to the Committee. Brad Ayers, who worked out of JM/WAVE in the early sixites, identified Campbell and Morales. And another CIA operative, David Rabern, also identified Morales since he knew him at that same time. Rabern says he was actually at the Ambassador that night and added that he recalled Morales talking to Campbell, even though he did not know who Campbell was at the time.

    The BBC special is designed to give the impression that O’Sullivan discovered these photos and put together this evidence. But if you take a look at the entry for Brad Ayers on the JFK Research Forum on the Spartacus school.net site, you will learn that Ayers told Jeremy Gunn of the Assassination Records Review Board back in 1995 that he had a “credible witness who can put David Morales inside the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles on the night of June 5, 1968.” It seems that Ayers is clearly referring to Rabern here. O’Sullivan does not make it clear that he knew this in advance. He seems to indicate that Ayers led him to Rabern. But if that is the case then Ayers already knew that Rabern would make the ID. Further, Ayers was predisposed to making the Morales ID himself since he found Rabern credible at the much earlier date. The Campbell identification is totally reliant on Ayers, since Rabern did not seem to know who he was in 1968.

    The BBC report also included a short interview with Robert Walton. Walton first appeared in Gaeton Fonzi’s memoir about his HSCA experience entitled The Last Investigation. And for all intents and purposes that book, published in 1993, is where Morales first figured in any significant way in the JFK case. Fonzi mentions Ayers there and talks about some investigatory work Ayers did on his former colleague Morales. Fonzi concluded his section on Morales by introducing Walton. Walton, who did some legal work for Morales, related a story in which he was drinking with Morales one night. President Kennedy’s name came up and Morales exploded in anger at what Kennedy had done to the Cuban exiles at the Bay of Pigs. The tirade concluded with the following line: “Well, we took care of that son of a bitch, didn’t we?” (Fonzi, p. 390)

    The source given by Fonzi for this quote is Walton. But in the BBC special this quote is now expanded in both length and reference points. Walton now states that Morales said he was in Dallas when “we got that mother fucker and in LA when we got that little fucker.” This is a serious revision of the original comment since it now means that Morales was actually on the scene in not just one place for one assassination but in both. It is hard to believe that Fonzi would not have recorded and printed the much more specific quote back in 1993. But the altered quote does jibe with what the BBC report is now saying.

    Ever since Fonzi’s book came out, the Morales angle has had a strong influence on the literature. For example, Noel Twyman in Bloody Treason spent a lot of time examining what Morales did with the CIA. And Morales is also mentioned a lot in that bloated piece of pap, Ultimate Sacrifice. But this is the first time in a printed or broadcast report that a named witness connected him to the RFK case.

    Ayers has been obsessed with Morales for a long time. As Lisa Pease notes on her Real History blog, he once tried to convince her and myself that Morales was involved in the MLK case. But he did not tell us at the time about Morales and the RFK case and he never mentioned David Rabern. If one believes Ayers, then Morales was somehow involved with the murders of JFK, MLK, and RFK. He told us that he thought Morales actually ran the street operation in Dealey Plaza. But, strangely, it was not for the CIA. Back then he thought it was for Barry Goldwater and he linked this to the notorious 1976 murder of Arizona reporter Don Bolles. It was somehow a way for Goldwater to get elected in 1964.

    An interesting question is why was Rabern at the Ambassador that night? If he was a covert operator, was he from the liberal wing of the CIA who supported RFK? And how does he remember Campbell so clearly talking to Morales if he did not know who Campbell was back in 1968? If one takes this report at face value, there were four CIA operatives at the Ambassador that night. All out in the open in the midst of cameras, film equipment, and tape recorders. And if Rabern recognized Morales, didn’t Morales recognize Rabern? If so, what did he say to him?

    Now, the BBC report has stirred at least two reactions. Mel Ayton, a British anti-conspiracy author, wrote up a reply about a week later, and updated it a week after that. The first part of his response is worthless since it uses the shameful work of Dan Moldea to respond to the points made by Teeter. But he does bring up some notable disagreement with the photo identifications. For instance, Dan Hardway who worked with Lopez at the HSCA did not identify Joannides in the pictures. He said his encounter with him was too long ago for him to venture an opinion on the matter. Ayton says he talked to Grayston Lynch, who also worked out of JM/WAVE and knew Campbell. Ayton writes, “According to Lynch the man in the LAPD film footage is not Campbell.” Ayton also quotes a man named Col. Manuel Chavez who worked with Morales for a period of time in 1964. Chavez says the man depicted in the special “does not look like Dave Morales.”

    Now the above does not mean that the BBC special is wrong, but it does point up the problems with using photo identification as a tool to solve a crime. Tony Summers chimed in on this point by saying, “Photographs and photographic recognition are infamously unreliable, especially coming from witnesses so long after an event.” I should point out that in the JFK case, the photo identifications of the three tramps in Dealey Plaza have been a continual source of error and embarrassment. As has the alleged identification of Joseph Milteer along the motorcade route.

    In speaking with author David Talbot, he and Jefferson Morley were commissioned by The New Yorker to do a follow up story on the BBC report. Talbot has been working for years on a book about Robert Kennedy. The New Yorker got hold of a galley proof of his long-awaited book and they were impressed. They are going to excerpt the book and also do a supplementary report on this alleged identification. This report is scheduled to run in May. Hopefully Morley and Talbot will be able to do more ground work on the matter. Like, for example, finding the three CIA officers next of kin and asking if they were with them on that rather memorable night.