Tag: PHOTOGRAPHIC EVIDENCE

  • Alexandra Zapruder, Twenty-Six Seconds: A Personal History of the Zapruder Film (Part 1)

    Alexandra Zapruder, Twenty-Six Seconds: A Personal History of the Zapruder Film (Part 1)


    azapruder leader

    With a new book, Twenty-Six Seconds: A Personal History of the Zapruder Film, author Alexandra Zapruder offers her unique perspective to discuss issues surrounding and contained within the brief filmstrip which is the best visual record of the John Kennedy assassination. As the granddaughter of Abraham Zapruder, the man responsible for the film, the author can balance historic and technical details with a personal family story. Her status also allows for privileged access to archives and persons associated with the film, and reveals some new – albeit not earth-shattering – information. However, the book is imbued with a certain partisanship, not limited to family interests, which dulls the author’s critical thinking in some key areas. The shortcomings will seem acute to those in the critical research community, less so to those who come to the book as the personal memoir of unassuming folks who become accidentally fused with an historic event.

    A self-described “conventional thinker”, Zapruder is comfortable and reasonably adept dealing with conventional narrative themes in her extraordinary tale – public and personal tragedy combine; family legacy and memory; legal and ethical questions encountered and choices made – but her annoyance with the spoiler element in this story is perceptible each time she types “conspiracy theorist”, which she does a lot.1 Current respectable mainstream opinion, it appears, continues to resist the critical literature developed since the JFK Records Act. Such denial was exemplified by Joyce Carol Oates in a review of Twenty-Six Seconds at the Washington Post, in which she categorized criticism of the Warren Commission as a “farce” which undermined “trust in the U.S. government and in authority in general that continues to this day.”2


    The Zapruder Film and LIFE Magazine

    Print rights for the film were purchased for LIFE Magazine by the Time Inc. media conglomerate Saturday morning November 23, less than twenty-four hours after the event. Rights for the film as a motion sequence were purchased the following day, although these latter rights would never be utilized. In total, LIFE paid $150,000 for the film. The author is somewhat defensive about this transaction, although it could be reasonably contended that after the authorities decided not to seize the film, Abraham Zapruder was simply a good businessman who negotiated a price the interested party was willing to pay. He also expressed to his family a sensitivity over the graphic presentation and felt that LIFE could be trusted to restrain any urge to exploit the images.

    Zapruder appeared on WFAA-TV
    a few hours after the shooting

    In the LIFE archives, the author would years later find evidence of internal debates over how to handle the more graphic frames. Leading up to the special JFK memorial issue of LIFE, published two weeks after his death, art director Bernard Quint cautioned that “momentary opportunism displayed in the use of these details in colour will be to our everlasting discredit”, and promised to publicly resign if they were printed. Zapruder recites LIFE’s own understanding of this memorial issue: a responsible public service, sold at lower cover cost, with any profit donated to the Kennedy Library. Previously, Abe Zapruder had donated a portion of his proceeds to the family of slain police officer J.D. Tippitt. Many sides to these complexities find reflection, as author Zapruder has skills in retelling personal experiences and thought processes, and in clear description of various facets of controversies with the film. Just not all the facets.

    LIFE’s JFK Memorial issue, and also the December 6 regular edition, featured a one-page article attributed to associate editor Paul Mandel titled “End To Nagging Rumors: The Six Critical Seconds”. Acknowledging there were growing rumors and doubts pertaining to the official explanation of the assassination as the work of a single lone-nut shooter, the article purported to “answer some of the hard questions” and reassure the American people that Oswald was the guilty man based on the available evidence, including the Zapruder film. Briefly discussing Mandel’s article, author Zapruder concedes that “some of his facts are mistaken” but leaves it at that without further clarifying that one of these mistaken facts is directly related to a gross misreading of the film.

    Abraham Zapruder can be seen filming
    in this frame from the Nix film

    One of the featured “nagging rumors” concerned how the President could have a wound of entry in his throat, as reported to the public by Dallas Parkland Hospital doctors, when the alleged shooter was positioned directly behind during the shooting sequence. Mandel, referencing his employer’s exclusive possession, writes: “the 8mm film shows the President turning his body far around to the right as he waves to someone in the crowd. His throat is exposed – towards the sniper’s nest – just before he clutches it.” In fact, at no time during the entire filmed sequence was Kennedy ever facing back towards the alleged sniper’s nest. So how could Mandel have been so wrong? He possibly had not seen the film himself and repeated a description from another source, or there had been a conscious editorial decision to assist the government in shutting down rumors which challenged the lone-nut verdict regardless of the veracity of the published information.3 The full measure of this incident – a wholly incorrect description of what is seen in the film used to help deflect concerned inquiry as to what may have happened to JFK (and American democracy) – does not support confidence in LIFEs responsible handling of the Zapruder film.

    What could explain this? Shortly after news of the assassination broke, LIFE’s Los Angeles bureau chief Richard Stolley was assigned to Dallas where, shortly after establishing a base of operations, he received word that the assassination had been captured on 8mm film. Stolley’s persistence enabled access to Abe Zapruder that evening, and by Saturday morning a contract had been signed for the print rights to images from the film. This contract specifically excluded rights to the film as a motion sequence, although a one-week window was stipulated before Zapruder could shop those rights to others. The following day, word came from corporate headquarters, specifically from LIFE publisher C.D. Jackson, to proceed in purchasing these motion rights, which was done for an additional $100,000. That huge sum, doubling the print rights, was paid for rights not apparently as useful to Time-Life, which specialized in print-based media. In fact, Time-Life never exploited the film as a motion sequence during the whole time the film was in its possession. Nevertheless, as an internal LIFE memo cited by Zapruder states: “C.D. Jackson bought the copyright to Zapruder’s film to keep it from being shown in motion.” 4

    C. D. Jackson

    In 1977, Rolling Stone published a landmark story by renowned journalist Carl Bernstein titled “The CIA and the Media.” Using information uncovered by the Church Committee and interviews with CIA officials, Bernstein revealed to the general public a longstanding and friendly relationship whereby journalists and management from America’s established mainstream media secretly “carried out assignments for the Central Intelligence Agency.” Time Inc., parent company of LIFE, was named, along with CBS and the New York Times, as the “most valuable” organizations to the CIA. Henry Luce, the founder of Time and LIFE, was a longtime close friend to CIA Director Allen Dulles. Bernstein adds: “For many years, Luce’s personal emissary to the CIA was C.D. Jackson, a Time Inc., vice‐president who was publisher of Life magazine from 1960 until his death in 1964. While a Time executive, Jackson coauthored a CIA‐sponsored study recommending the reorganization of the American intelligence services in the early 1950s.”5

    A Princeton graduate, C.D. Jackson began working for Time Magazine in 1931, he would soon be described as founder Henry Luce’s right hand man. In 1940 Jackson organized an “anti- isolationist propaganda group” called the Council For Democracy, funded by Luce and designed to counter America First movements and promote intervention in Europe; the members included Allen Dulles, Joseph Alsop, and Dean Acheson.6 Jackson served in the OSS in 1943 with Frank Wisner, later organizer of the CIA’s Operation Mockingbird.7 In 1944, Jackson was appointed Deputy Chief of the Psychological Warfare Division at Allied Supreme Headquarters. After the war he became Manager-Director at Time-Life International, while a long association with the CIA began in 1948. Jackson served the executive branch during the Eisenhower administration, advising on psychological warfare tactics. Peter Dale Scott noted that Jackson guided LIFE’s involvement in other aspects of the Kennedy assassination: “In an arrangement covered up by Warren Commission testimony, Jackson and Life arranged, at the urging of Dulles, to have Marina’s story ghost-written for Life by Isaac Don Levine, a veteran CIA publicist.”8 Author Zapruder does not bring up Jackson’s fascinating background, and claims he was motivated to purchase the motion rights after he “was personally upset by the film” and felt “the public should not see the images” because of their graphic content.9

    life warren reportLIFE Magazine would also publish an Oswald backyard photo on its cover in February 1964, after an unauthorized leak from a contact within the Dallas Police Department, exposing millions at supermarkets and newsstands to a rather prejudicial image. This was accompanied by a long biographical article, which portrayed alleged assassin Oswald as a sociopathic loser, the position later adopted by the Warren Commission. In concert with the release of the Warren Report, LIFE’s October 2, 1964 issue featured Zapruder frames on its cover and an approving review of the Report, including an article penned by Warren Commission member Gerald Ford. Author Zapruder refers to the issue as an “examination” of the Warren Report, although the Report itself had not yet been released as the issue went to the printers.10 The issue in fact went to the printers several times, as captions below reproduced Zapruder frames were revised. In retrospect, LIFE’s coverage of the assassination, in the year immediately following, featured dodgy reporting and an eagerness to support the emerging official story, an eagerness which went beyond that of a supposedly objective “trusted” news source.

    By 1966, the critics – who had actually read the Warren Report – earned a great deal of public attention publicizing many serious flaws in the assembled evidence. LIFE, as with other mainstream outlets such as CBS, decided to keep pace with public opinion and called editorially for a re-examination of the evidence. They then assembled a team to do just that for LIFE itself.11 An assistant philosophy professor named Josiah Thompson, who had developed a serious interest in the assassination, was hired as a consultant. Thompson, who had seen a second generation copy of the Zapruder film at the National Archives, now had access to the original film (“… the colors were there, the clarity was there. It was really something, really, really something”). Author Zapruder does a good job describing how competing interests suddenly came to coalesce around the film: Warren Commission critic Thompson and CBS News, which wished to broadcast the film as part of a news special, advocated public release – while LIFE’s editors resisted, insisting that their ownership of the film rights gave them the final word.

    Thompson surreptitiously made his own copy of the film from LIFE’s own frame-by-frame transparencies. In 1967 he published Six Seconds In Dallas, a powerful critique of the Warren Commission’s methodologies. When LIFE refused to allow him to use frame reproductions from the Zapruder film for the book, Thompson had drawings made depicting selected frames and published those.12 LIFE sued over breach of copyright. In discussing this, author Zapruder sides with LIFE, describing Thompson’s unauthorized use of the film images as copyright infringement. Working from internal documentation, and accepting at face value the good faith of the LIFE management as they wrestled with what to do, she lays out the legal and moral supporting arguments for LIFE’s position, and asks: “so what made this circumstance different?”13

    As Thompson’s case headed to court, Walter Cronkite at CBS publicly scolded LIFE for holding the film back from the public.14 Thompson and his publisher would eventually beat back the LIFE lawsuit when the judge ruled that their presentation of portions of the film fit the doctrine of “fair use”. That the Zapruder film was important and salient to the controversies surrounding the assassination was now understood by growing numbers of an increasingly skeptical public (or “small army of committed conspiracy theorists” as author Zapruder puts it). It was also becoming understood that the film contained “confusing visual information” (also Zapruder’s term) as the President is hit by the fatal shot.


    Garrison Subpoenas the Zapruder Film for the Shaw Trial

    The “confusing visual information” led to New Orleans prosecutor Jim Garrison’s subpoena of the film, so it could be screened as part of the trial of Clay Shaw. As later described in the movie JFK, the “back and to the left” movement of the President’s body immediately after receiving a shot at Zapruder frame 312, was thought by Garrison to be compelling proof of a conspiracy. Author Zapruder is skeptical. She offers a then contemporary analysis by physicist Luis Alvarez, known as the “jet effect”, as an “an important example of how scientific analysis, and not political bluster, could be applied to the question” of the assassination.

    Discussing the Clay Shaw trial, Zapruder does her readers a great disservice by relying heavily on an obviously biased and subjective source, namely the 1970 book American Grotesque by James Kirkwood.15 Certainly, a fair-minded author would have noted the overt one-sided character of the book and at least seek out a second source for balance. Zapruder apparently did not. In fact, she allows Kirkwood’s at times harsh and demeaning descriptions to color her discussion of this event. Therefore, using Kirkwood’s take of the courtroom during the screening of the Zapruder film – “the anxious, ill-tempered and, if not bloodthirsty, most definitely morbid craning mob of voyeurs who were glued to the screen” – serves to deflect attention from the actual effect of the screening itself, and the centrality of the film to the prosecution’s analysis of the Dealey Plaza event. If unable to fit Shaw into the plot, the jurors were, in fact, convinced by the presentation that there was indeed some form of conspiracy involved in Dallas. The acknowledgment of this is muted, because the focus is instead drawn to Kirkwood’s descriptions of the courtroom viewing as representing a bloodthirsty mob: “a hungry look of salivating eagerness seemed to draw their faces to a point…”16

    The genie, however, was out of the bottle, as the Zapruder film became bootlegged from a variety of sources, and public screenings were arranged at college campuses and other venues.


    The Zapruder Film Goes Public

    1975 – Robert Groden & Dick Gregory screen
    a bootlegged copy of the Zapruder film
    on national television

    Author Zapruder dismisses “the familiar tropes of conspiracy arguments that came from viewing the film”, without really addressing such tropes. Instead, she laments the trampling of LIFE’s property rights and engages in metaphysical reflection on possible neurological deficiencies to explain the “conspiracists.” In fact, the effect of the film on audiences in the 1970s can be seen for oneself. For the public reaction to the first televised showing is readily available in a clip from the 1975 ABC program Good Night America. On that March 6th program, Geraldo Rivera hosted Robert Groden and Dick Gregory. They then presented the film to a studio and national television audience. The gasp of the audience as the President is hit in the head is audible, a response partly to the gruesome imagery, but also to the unmistakable impression the man had been shot from the front, even as established wisdom placed the assassin directly behind. Warren Commission staff lawyer David Belin conceded during the Rockefeller Commission – one of several official inquiries of the era into the assassinations of the 1960s and the activity of intelligence agencies – that “a major portion of the public controversy concerns the Zapruder film.”17 Author Zapruder complains that the bootleg screenings in the 1970s lacked a presence “to offer a dissenting interpretation of what the film showed.” She again refers to Alvarez and his “jet effect” theory as a plausible and scientific interpretation. She is apparently unaware that Alvarez’ methods (always controversial) explaining and reproducing this effect have recently come under a rather damaging analysis.18

    Much of the remainder of Twenty-Six Seconds follows the relinquishing of the original Zapruder film from Time Inc. back to the Zapruder family, its storage at the National Archives, and the legal wrangling over the film in the 1990s leading to a large payment to the family. Author Zapruder handles this aspect of the story solidly, again moving fluidly from the documentary record to personal experience as her father assumes responsibility for the family’s interests (Abraham Zapruder passed away in 1970). If not for the historic controversy which is embedded directly within the frames of this film, Alexandra Zapruder would be responsible for a decent non-fiction account of ordinary people accidentally conjoined with sudden historic events, which is certainly the story she wants to tell here. So what seems to have happened here is understandable, as the controversy is complex and multi-faceted but the author has presumably neither the time or patience to delve deeply into it, and her conventional thinking has her leery of those she identifies as “conspiracists.” The author acknowledges that she received guidance in the issues of controversy from certain advisors.

    A key advisor on the subject of the assassination controversies for this book appears to be author Max Holland, a longtime reliable defender of the Warren Commission, who has been writing on the topic for major newspapers and publications such as The Nation since the 1990s, as well as appearing in mainstream cable documentaries. Holland has written five books on national security topics and has been awarded numerous Fellowships, including a Studies In Intelligence Award from the CIA in 2001.19 Holland is best known recently for his fairly well publicized contention that the first shot in the JFK assassination sequence occurred much sooner than previously believed, and at a time not captured in the Zapruder film (author Zapruder finds this theory “compelling” and backed by “extensive additional evidence.”) Zapruder says the two met in 2015, late in the writing process for Twenty-Six Seconds, and in the book’s acknowledgements Holland is praised as “one of the most thorough, careful, and thoughtful thinkers I’ve ever met … He clarified my thinking on many important issues, gently challenging me on my assumptions …” (For a differing view of Holland, see “The Lost Bullet: Max Holland Gets Lost In Space“.)

    In December 2016, Zapruder provided an opinion piece to the New York Times titled “There Are No Child Sex Slaves At My Local Pizza Parlor”, which dissected a brief hysteria surrounding an armed man who thought to disrupt a purported kiddie ring fronted by a Washington D.C. area pizzeria. Although her points are well-taken as far as they go with the immediate story, she claims additional authority to speak of the phenomenon from encounters with “conspiracy theorists” who directed certain speculations at her grandfather.20 Fair enough, but Zapruder then analyzes: “If one outcome of Kennedy’s assassination was a loss of trust in government and the news media, we have now entered an era in which such suspicions have mushroomed into something far more dangerous — a rupture in the very idea of shared truth.” Which sounds alarming, and is alarming in the sense that a shared consensus reality is vital to bind our material lives within a peaceful society, but do the actions of one confused young man really portend the fracturing of reality?21 What is she talking about? In part she is talking about the Kennedy assassination and its aftermath, but in doing so Zapruder is unable to acknowledge that the loss of trust accorded the government and news media has been well earned. And that the mainstream “shared truth” of the Kennedy assassination is factually incorrect, despite what her advisors may have told her.

    It may well be that the ultimate readership for Twenty-Six Seconds has little interest in formulating an opinion on the JFK assassination controversy, and would have a mild curiosity at best regarding the state of the case. Still, since the book’s accumulation of questionable activity falls heavily on the side of the “conspiracy theorists”, while investigating authorities and representatives of the mainstream media are frequently portrayed as responsible and even-handed, a rather misleading notion is presented of what the Kennedy assassination has revealed about the “trusted” stewards of the nation. It also trips up an author’s attempts at finding a poetic, or metaphoric, truth in her grandfather’s film. Utilizing Holland’s 2014 Newsweek article “The Truth Behind JFK’s Assassination”, Zapruder repeats his contention that the “film displaced Oswald’s view from the sixth-floor window”, that its necessarily partial visual record now “had to stand in for seeing the assassination through Oswald’s eyes and hearing it described in his words.” Though one might be tempted to reach for a cappuccino and ponder varieties of historical irony, what is being advanced is a purely sophist construction, as the overwhelming weight of the evidence shows that Oswald was not on the sixth floor of the TSBD at the time of the shooting and did not fire a rifle that day.22 That the author does not seem to know this will harm the book’s reputation in the future, although its more valid, and better presented, insights will likely retain some interest.


    NOTES

    1 Critics of the official Warren Commission findings are, as a rule in this volume, referred to as “conspiracy theorists”. Late in the proceedings, reference is briefly made to “assassination researchers”.

    2 Joyce Carol Oates, “Twenty-Six Seconds of the Kennedy Assassination – and a Lifetime of Family Anguish.” Washington Post, November 17, 2016.

    3 Other information in the article, such as determining the film ran at 18fps or determining frame counts between presumed shots, likely was not generated by LIFE and came to it from government sources, as discussed in Part Two of this review. Although author Zapruder is fuzzy about it, the official FBI findings were still a week away from publication as the memorial issue and Dec 6 edition were put to press, suggesting an official source contributed to handling the “nagging rumors”, as an official source assisted LIFE’s later Warren Report coverage.

    4 The memo is quoted on page 194 of Twenty-Six Seconds.

    5 Carl Bernstein, “The CIA and the Media.” Rolling Stone Magazine, October 20, 1977. The article is also available on Bernstein’s website. Bernstein writes: “the Agency has cut back sharply on the use of reporters since 1973 primarily as a result of pressure from the media.” As the main source of information for the article was interviews with unnamed CIA officials, the cooperation may have served as a limited hang-out after Bernstein had uncovered the story from Church Committee sources. Certainly these CIA officials go out of their way at times to identify media outlets and journalists as CIA friendly despite firm denials from the outed parties. However, the historic information – including Luce and C.D. Jackson – has never been refuted, and since publication largely confirmed through document releases.

    6 In other words, Jackson was involved within an internationalist (“globalist”) Eastern Establishment milieu which lobbied for US participation in a European war, and then helped staff the OSS, create the CIA and construct the foundations of the Cold War National Security State. In the Eisenhower years, this milieu developed a foreign policy which relied on covert manipulation and regime change around the globe. John Kennedy’s nascent challenge to this world view has been focus of much recent scholarship. C.D. Jackson died in 1964.

    7 Operation Mockingbird was the CIA’s program to influence the American media, and was disclosed in the 1977 Bernstein article.

    8 The Marina Oswald story was not ultimately published, but she was well-paid for the rights. Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics, p 53. See also Warren Hinckle and William Turner, Deadly Secrets: The CIA-Mafia War Against Castro and the Assassination of JFK (1981).

    9 Twenty-Six Seconds, p. 97.

    10 LIFE joined the New York Times and CBS News in providing instantaneous reviews, or “examinations”, of the Warren Report, all three trusted news sources referring to it appreciatively as a thorough and complete explanation of the President’s assassination, even though there had not yet been the opportunity to actually read it.

    11 Both LIFE and CBS soon afterwards abandoned critical inquiry and dissolved their investigating teams. CBS would continue to create television documentaries supporting the Warren Commission, such as the 1967 multi-episode CBS News Inquiry: The Warren Report.  (For an analysis of the genesis of the 1967 special, see now James DiEugenio, “Why CBS Covered Up the JFK Assassination“.)

    12 Due care was taken to ensure the accuracy of the drawings, unlike certain exhibits created for the Warren Commission.

    13 What made it different is the overwhelming sense that justice had not been served in the aftermath of the assassination, that it was still an open case, and that an apparent establishment cover-up of the true reasons for Kennedy’s death presented serious challenges to the American democratic system and the understanding of contemporary events. However, if one believes, as author Zapruder appears to, that the Warren Commission essentially got it right and “conspiracy theorists” have been not just historically wrong but prone to psychological malady which influences their fuzzy thinking, then accepting LIFE’s decision to effectively sequester the film becomes a lot simpler.

    14LIFE’s decision means you cannot see the Zapruder film in its proper form, as motion picture film. We believe that the Zapruder film is an invaluable asset, not of Time Inc., but of the people of the United States.” CBS News Inquiry: The Warren Report, 1967. The program supported the basic conclusions of the Warren Commission. It is possible that CBS sought to acquire the film so that it could be “explained” to the public in a manner favorable to the official conclusions, while maintaining a plausible facade of the fearless Fourth Estate.

    15 American Grotesque is notable as the source for the oft-repeated claim that Garrison’s primary motivation for prosecuting Clay Shaw was rampant homophobia.The premise for the book had been first suggested by defendant Shaw himself ahead of the trial, pitching the concept to others before Kirkwood agreed to take it on. Kirkwood and Shaw had been friends for two years ahead of this. During the trial Kirkwood was close to the extremely compromised reporters James Phelan and Hugh Aynesworth, both engaged in sabotaging the trial to the extent possible.

    16 Zapruder lists the Kirkwood book, courtroom transcripts, and contemporaneous newspaper accounts as her source material for the Shaw trial, her discussion of which concludes: “The Garrison trial went down in history as a gross abuse of power … Garrison’s actions deeply discredited the conspiracy movement and drove it back underground for many years.” This opinion, not gleaned from the transcripts or newspaper accounts or Kirkwood’s book, and obviously not Zapruder’s own, is likely that of an advisor discussed below, and is challenged by more recent work from Joan Mellen and Jim DiEugenio.

    17 Memorandum, David Belin to James B. Weidner. April 21, 1975

    18 Alvarez claimed, in the American Journal of Physics, September 1976, that his shooting mock-up in 1969 “showed retrograde recoil in the first test … If we had used the ’Edison Test,’ and shot at a large collection of objects, and finally found one which gave retrograde recoil, then our firing experiments could reasonably be criticized.” But Josiah Thompson, who is also a figure in Zapruder’s book, gained access to Alvarez’ experimental resources and discovered that, contrary to Alvarez’ statement, a large collection of objects were fired upon until one was found which gave retrograde recoil. Thompson’s access to the materials was provided by Paul Hoch, who is listed as an advisor for this book specifically on the jet effect. Thompson presented this new information on Alvarez and his jet effect experiments at the Passing The Torch Conference in Pittsburgh, October 2013.

    19 Holland reviewed Peter Dale Scott’s Deep Politics in 1994, writing of the controversy: “The field already brims with books that conjure up fantastic conspiracies through innuendo, presumption, and pseudo-scholarship while ignoring provable but inconvenient facts …Yet there remains something truly remarkable and disturbing about Deep Politics, and it’s not that a tenured English professor wrote its opaque prose. Rather it’s that Deep Politics is a University of California Press book … this means an editorial committee consisting of 20 UC professors, including four senior historians, approved Deep Politics for publication. This peer approval by a major university press illustrates the boundless and utter disbelief in the Warren Report … and it also reveals the gross inattention given to the subject by serious historians.” One man’s “serious historian” is of course another’s “pseudo-scholar”, and Holland demonstrates through this review/article that there are few elements of the official story to which he does not subscribe, despite the obvious challenges to credulity the Warren Report invokes. Lamenting a lack of “serious historians” on this subject while casually accepting that Oswald attempted to assassinate General Walker or that Oswald’s FPCC activity in New Orleans should be taken at face value, necessarily leads to a position which praises generally poor books by Patricia Lambert or Jean Davison or Gerald Posner while positioning Scott as suffering from a “fevered imagination.” That is, Marina Oswald’s wild and ever-changing stories from 1964 regarding her husband’s alleged stalking of Walker, which is just about the only evidence that such a thing ever happened, is legitimate fact, while Scott’s carefully annotated scholarship is not. Apparently, developing pseudo-psychoanalytic theories regarding Oswald’s state of mind is a hallmark of “serious history”, while recognizing the official record can’t even place Oswald in the so-called sniper’s nest is the domain of fantasizing conspiracists. 

    20 Abraham Zapruder’s name has, over the years, suffered speculation of sinister relationships or agency in the assassination. As well, the Zapruder film has suffered numerous incorrect interpretations, often from viewing poor multi-generational copies. The most well-known incorrect assumption is that Secret Service driver Greer turned and shot JFK with a pistol. The fallacy of this interpretation should not disguise that Greer slowed the limousine to a crawl and turned twice to view the chaos in the seats behind him, including a direct view of the fatal shot before turning back and accelerating.

    21 After all, it wasn’t so long ago a cudgel of fake facts, many promoted by the New York Times, was used to bludgeon the body politic into supporting a US Air Force-led “shock and awe” campaign in Iraq, followed by an invasion and brutally careless occupation, ending or ruining the lives of several million people, and destabilizing an entire region. For that matter, even a cursory reading of Establishment reporting on the Kennedy assassination reveals an array of poor and misleading information. Or, consider C.D. Jackson’s work in psychological warfare during the Eisenhower administration, which would include portraying a vicious right wing coup against Guatemala’s democratic government as a populist uprising.

    22 We know this because at the exact time Oswald was said to have dashed down the Texas School Book Depository’s rear wooden staircase moments after the shooting, two witnesses were descending the same staircase and they saw and heard nothing at all. The bad faith by which the Warren Commission discredited the witnesses and created a wholly different timeline has been described by author Barry Ernest in his book The Girl On The Stairs. While researching this topic, Ernest discovered a Commission memo from June 1964 which confirmed the timing as stated by the witnesses, and which was subsequently buried as the Warren Commission proceeded to publish their false account. Not a single piece of hard evidence places Oswald on the sixth floor with a gun in his hand, as Dallas Police Chief Curry conceded in his own book written in 1969. Paraffin tests of Oswald’s cheek conducted by the Dallas Police on the night of the assassination did not show traces of nitrate as should be expected, and therefore show with a high degree of certainty that he did not fire a rifle.


    Continue with Part 2

  • The Magic Scalp

    The Magic Scalp


    Witnesses who saw JFK’s head up close after he was shot, describe damage that is quite different from what shows in certain autopsy photographs and x-rays. And the contrast between the two – the damage they describe, and the evidence on films is so radically different, many researchers suspect evidence tampering.

    There are people who defend the authenticity of the evidence by “explaining” the problem with theories that may sound reasonable – but some of these people promote their work in the following ways: (a) they omit significant information that challenges their ideas; (b) they pad their work with irrelevant information – thus obscuring the paucity of proof of their main thesis; (c) they try to shape ambiguous language to mean only what they want it to mean; (d) they make amateurishly omniscient assertions… “This is irrefutable proof… There’s no other explanation… This has to mean…”; (e) they list people who presumably agree with them without showing the reader what exactly they had agreed with, and some of the people are in rest homes, or in graves, or otherwise are hard to reach.


    JOHN CANAL’S THEORY

    John Canal, retired USAF Senior Master Sergeant, has a theory designed to explain away two major issues with JFK’s head wound: (1) how the alleged entrance wound, described by the pathologists as low in the head, was four inches higher, as interpreted by medical panels who later studied the photos and x-rays (not the body); (2) why the back of the head pictures show no wound at all, not the big obvious opening described by Parkland doctors and others, and not the smaller entrance wound.

    Canal has promoted his explanation in three different articles, one in 2013 in Max Holland’s Washington Decoded, and two more in something called “Student Operated Press,” The SOP 2014, and The SOP 2015.

    Canal’s theory has multiple parts: (a) he insists the main photo in question (see below) was taken after the morticians reconstructed the head; (b) reconstruction involved moving the scalp from the back to the front of the head, to cover any gaps that might be seen, should there be an open casket funeral; (c) the entrance wound, low in the back of the head, got dragged to the top of the head; (d) the back of the head looks undamaged because the photo was taken after bone was put back in and the scalp was sewn shut.

    In the SOP in 2015, he asserts:

    “Again, because the BOH [back of head] photographs show the entry wound in the scalp high in the cowlick, the fact that the skull entry was low (approximately two inches above the hairline) is incontrovertible evidence the BOH photographs were taken after the autopsy when reconstruction of the BOH by the morticians was completed.”

    This reconstruction is supposed to hide damage from viewers of an open coffin funeral? Then why did they leave that bone flap in front of the ear still flapping away? Surely this photo was not taken when reconstruction was completed. We can be generous and say it was taken during the reconstruction, but Canal presents no proof of that either.


    JOHN CANAL’S “PROOF”

    Before we go any further, let’s take a good look at the photo in question:

    photo

    (People say this photo shows no damage, other than the small white image near the hairline, said to be adherent brain tissue. Yet just above it is an odd, light-colored, angular formation – but that is a side issue not relevant to this essay.)

    What is presumed to be the wound is a flat-looking area of light, watery, reddish brown – one of many in the photo – with hairs growing out of it, apparently. If you blow it up, you will see an “X” crisscrossing through it. Possibly these are hairs.

     blowup

    “X” marks the spot. Hairs?

    If you have ever seen an entrance wound in scalp created by a jacketed bullet traveling at medium high velocity, you will know that it looks nothing like this. The skin is crushed between bullet and bone, and appears quite dark. Lift up the scalp, and the edges of the hole are still apparent. The X’ed image in the photo does not look like a hole at all.

    But this is how the wound is described on page 104 of HSCA Volume VII: “The inferior margin of this wound, from 3 to 10 o’clock, is surrounded by a crescent-shaped reddish-black area of denudation, again presenting the appearance of an abrasion collar, resulting from the rubbing of the skin by the bullet at the time of penetration. From 12 to 3 o’clock, there is a suggesting of undermining, that is, tunneling of the tissue between the skin surface and the skull…” They put this description under a drawing of the photograph.

    The above description is a conflation of the drawing and photograph. I see no “reddish-black area of denudation” in the photograph – but the drawing certainly has a black and white equivalent.

    Now please look at what is supposed to be an accurate drawing of this photo:

    dox

    As you can see, the “wound” is much darker, has more dimension, and rolled edges. It looks like a hole at least. Not one of these characteristics appears in the photograph.

    In his beautifully written essay on the medical evidence, Gary Aguilar, MD also compared the two, and said of the drawing, “the small spot visible just to the right of the top of the ruler is exaggerated in this diagram. It is significantly smaller in the original photograph.” (And there are probably other researchers who have described the contrast between the photo and the drawing.)

    It is the drawing, not the photo, that John Canal presents in his articles. To the uninitiated, the drawing may appear to display a wound.

    Hair Surrounding “Wound” Too Long for EOP Area

    Kennedy’s hair was quite short in the back, including the area where a bullet allegedly entered. And it was even shorter below that area as it approached the neck. As you can see from the photo, the hair all around the “wound” in the cowlick is much too long.


    WITNESSES DO NOT SUPPORT CANAL’S THEORY

    No witnesses said pictures were taken during or after the reconstruction of the skull. None said scalp from the EOP area was dragged to the top of the head.

     

    JOHN STRINGER

    Canal’s star witness – John Stringer – who Canal insists took photographs of the reconstructed skull after the autopsy, said in 1996:

    “We took no photos during or after the embalming.”   (ARRB 4/8/96, p.5)

    And from his longer deposition, it seems clear that Stringer only took photos during the autopsy – including the ones John Canal claims were taken after reconstruction of the skull. (ARRB 7/16/96)

    But in his Washington Decoded article, Canal gives prominence to what he seems to have gotten Stringer to say in 2011, when Stringer, who was born in 1918, said at the age of 93:

    “In one statement, Stringer wrote, ‘I may have taken some pictures after midnight, but I just can’t remember, it’s been too long.’ [April 30, 2011] In view of Stringer’s 1996 testimony that he did not arrive at his home (not far from the morgue) until about 4 AM, however, and that cosmetic reconstruction of the head began shortly after 11 PM, the inference that he took pictures later as well as earlier is reasonable. It is also consistent with a statement in his book MEDPHOTO that he took photos at various times throughout the procedure and whenever he was directed to do so. [21]

    Buried in Reference 21 is Stringer’s earlier statement to the ARRB:

    “[21] John Stringer, MEDPHOTO: Snapshots of Life in Peace & War with the US Navy (Mooresville, NC: Wishbone Creative Product Services, 2008), 37. In an ARRB interview, Stringer also said that, ‘We took no photos during or after the embalming.’ In contrast, before that statement, he stated photos were taken “throughout the autopsy.”

    Notice Canal’s last remark – as if taking pictures “throughout the autopsy” is supposed to suggest he took them after the autopsy. He pads his article with quotes from a number of people using those words, “throughout the autopsy”, as if that meant afterwards. He also conflates “late photography” to mean after the autopsy:

    “Other witnesses at the postmortem whose observations support late photography [emphasis added] included Captain John Stover, an officer at the Bethesda Naval Medical Center; John Van Hoesen, one of the morticians; Joseph Hagan, supervisor of the team of morticians; Floyd Riebe, the assistant autopsy photographer; Jan Rudnicki, who assisted the autopsy doctors; General Godfrey McHugh, who observed the autopsy; Jerrol Custer, an X-ray technician; and James Sibert, one of the two FBI agents who observed the autopsy.”

    Notice that he leaves out Tom Robinson, the mortician who said many things that challenged the official story.  

    TOM ROBINSON (mortician, not mentioned by Canal):

    “When asked, Mr. Robinson said he had no recollection of photography the night of the autopsy, one way or the other – no recollection whatsoever.” (ARRB 6/21/96, p.3)

    JOSEPH E. HAGAN (mortician):

    “He does not recall, one way or another, whether any photographs were taken during Gawler’s work on the President’s body.” (ARRB 6/11/96 p.4)

    Before the morticians worked on the body,

    “Hagan said that when he arrived… the autopsy was almost over; he only had to wait in the gallery about 20 minutes before the autopsy was concluded. The body of the president was being ‘cleaned up.’ Hagen said photos were being taken, but could remember no details…” (ARRB 6/11/96, p.3)

    JOHN VAN HOESEN (mortician):

    Canal presents this passage from David Lifton’s book that he (Canal) says suggests photos were taken after head reconstruction. But he seems to be describing nothing more than having to wait on the autopsy and the picture-taking before they could begin their own work. And his comments seem to echo Hagen’s (see above):

    “Van Hoesen: When we got up there, nothing had been started; then we had to wait for the autopsy; and then periodically, more pictures were being taken, “you know, different angles and so forth; where the entry was, and so forth; this angle, and that angle …  Lifton, Best Evidence, 666.”

    Canal does not report what Van Hoesen told the ARRB, and it does not help his theory any.

    “He could not remember, one way or another, whether photographs were taken during the embalming and reconstruction process.” (ARRB 9/26/96, p.3)


    LOGIC DOES NOT SUPPORT CANAL’S THEORY

    Scalp Borrowed From an Area Missing Scalp?

    It is well-established that witnesses, including a prominent brain surgeon at Parkland Hospital, said both bone and scalp were missing from an area in the back of the head that included the occiput. The lead pathologist who wrote the autopsy report, James Humes, was vague about a lot of things, including how much of the great defect involved occipital bone, but he did admit the wound was “somewhat” in that area. In any case, the back of head photograph presented earlier in this essay shows no such defect in bone or scalp.

    According to Canal, scalp was borrowed from that area – even though it was already missing scalp – to cover the top right of the head.

    But Canal ignores the testimony about the large hole in the scalp – which he describes as merely “torn.”

    “Specifically, the cosmetic repair involved first suturing the tear in his rear scalp until it was closed, and then, after undermining, stretching the scalp until it covered the large deficit in the top/right/front of Kennedy’s head where the bullet had exited, bone was blown out, and scalp missing or badly damaged.

    “The stretching of the scalp occurred after the autopsy was completed, sometime around 11 PM, and once the embalming and cosmetic restoration of the body commenced. The morticians had only the best of intentions when they took advantage of the fact that the rear scalp had only been torn, and was both repairable and useful for another purpose. They were simply trying to cover that large deficit in the head in anticipation of an open-casket funeral.” (Washington Decoded)

    “The BOH opening, in all likelihood, was created after the bullet’s explosive impact exposed the president’s brain through a tear in the rear scalp and an opening between two or more dislodged (but not blown-out or missing) pieces of loose rear skull. This observation is supported by the fact that the lateral X-ray shows no missing rear bone whatsoever. Dr. J. Thornton Boswell, one of the prosectors, did say in 1996 that he repositioned some bone pieces before the X-rays and photos were taken; it seems logical that he pushed some loose pieces of skull (dislodged but still adhering to the scalp) roughly back into place. (Washington Decoded)


    SUMMARY

    1. Not one witness mentioned by Canal says that photos were taken after the autopsy.
    2. In the photograph, there is no proof of a small entrance wound. But Canal does not show the photograph. He shows the drawing of it, even though the drawing, and the HSCA description of the wound, do not match the photo.
    3. What Canal says is the wound imported from just above the EOP is surrounded by hair that is much too long for that area.
    4. How Canal avoids the problem that scalp would not likely be borrowed from an area that has a sizable hole in it: he claims falsely that in the back of the head, the scalp was merely torn.

    Despite the absence of proof in any of his articles, he said “The evidence for these BOH photographs being taken after the autopsy is irrefutable and so extensive it would not be practical to list here.” The SOP 2015.

    What is “extensive” is the list of problems in Canal’s essays, but I focused only on those that seem to be the worst.

    I wrote this essay in response to an email I received from a student at a college in Texas. She was having trouble making sense of these articles and someone referred her to me.


    ADDENDUM

    I have no opinion as to whether photographs were taken of a reconstructed skull, or when. I only know that witnesses do not support such a claim. While their testimony may be inaccurate or even false, it should be presented. When an author publishes a theory, the author should be the first to let the reader know whatever challenges that theory.

    The testimony of Tom Robinson (excerpted below) contradicts John Canal’s assertions. Canal said the wound in the back of the head consisted only of “torn” scalp and, rather than an area of missing bone, that bone was merely displaced. He also said the bone was put back during the autopsy. But all the pathologists did was to replace loose bone that had fallen out during their probing. But they could not replace bone that was missing in the first place.

    When the body was turned over to the morticians, the skull was missing a large area of bone in the back. Its appearance was not the problem; it would not have been visible during an open casket viewing. But it had to be closed to prevent embalming fluid from leaking through it.

    Robinson did not describe working on the top and side of the head, so we have no details about what was done in these areas – the only parts that would show in an open casket. He just said the top appeared to be “all broken” but not open like the wound in the back.

    When shown the back of head photo, he said the wound was just above the white spot in the hairline. If he was right, this would mean the wound was rather low.

    This is how he described the reconstruction of the area of missing bone in the back:

    “Robinson said that Ed Stroble… had cut out a piece of rubber to cover the open wound in the back of the head… the piece of rubber was slightly larger than the hole… the rubber sheet was a circular patch about the size of a large orange… He said the cranium was packed with material during reconstruction… The rubber sheet was used outside of this material to close the wound in the area of missing bone. The scalp was sutured together, and also onto the rubber sheet to the maximum extent possible and the damage in the back of the head was obscured by the pillow in the casket…”


    Location of Hole in Back; Condition of Top of Head

    robinsonA


    Size of Area of Missing Bone, Reconstruction

    robinsonB

  • The Magic Scalp

    The Magic Scalp


    Witnesses who saw JFK’s head up close after he was shot, describe damage that is quite different from what shows in certain autopsy photographs and x-rays. And the contrast between the two – the damage they describe, and the evidence on films is so radically different, many researchers suspect evidence tampering.

    There are people who defend the authenticity of the evidence by “explaining” the problem with theories that may sound reasonable – but some of these people promote their work in the following ways: (a) they omit significant information that challenges their ideas; (b) they pad their work with irrelevant information – thus obscuring the paucity of proof of their main thesis; (c) they try to shape ambiguous language to mean only what they want it to mean; (d) they make amateurishly omniscient assertions… “This is irrefutable proof… There’s no other explanation… This has to mean…”; (e) they list people who presumably agree with them without showing the reader what exactly they had agreed with, and some of the people are in rest homes, or in graves, or otherwise are hard to reach.


    JOHN CANAL’S THEORY

    John Canal, retired USAF Senior Master Sergeant, has a theory designed to explain away two major issues with JFK’s head wound: (1) how the alleged entrance wound, described by the pathologists as low in the head, was four inches higher, as interpreted by medical panels who later studied the photos and x-rays (not the body); (2) why the back of the head pictures show no wound at all, not the big obvious opening described by Parkland doctors and others, and not the smaller entrance wound.

    Canal has promoted his explanation in three different articles, one in 2013 in Max Holland’s Washington Decoded, and two more in something called “Student Operated Press,” The SOP 2014, and The SOP 2015.

    Canal’s theory has multiple parts: (a) he insists the main photo in question (see below) was taken after the morticians reconstructed the head; (b) reconstruction involved moving the scalp from the back to the front of the head, to cover any gaps that might be seen, should there be an open casket funeral; (c) the entrance wound, low in the back of the head, got dragged to the top of the head; (d) the back of the head looks undamaged because the photo was taken after bone was put back in and the scalp was sewn shut.

    In the SOP in 2015, he asserts:

    “Again, because the BOH [back of head] photographs show the entry wound in the scalp high in the cowlick, the fact that the skull entry was low (approximately two inches above the hairline) is incontrovertible evidence the BOH photographs were taken after the autopsy when reconstruction of the BOH by the morticians was completed.”

    This reconstruction is supposed to hide damage from viewers of an open coffin funeral? Then why did they leave that bone flap in front of the ear still flapping away? Surely this photo was not taken when reconstruction was completed. We can be generous and say it was taken during the reconstruction, but Canal presents no proof of that either.


    JOHN CANAL’S “PROOF”

    Before we go any further, let’s take a good look at the photo in question:

    photo

    (People say this photo shows no damage, other than the small white image near the hairline, said to be adherent brain tissue. Yet just above it is an odd, light-colored, angular formation – but that is a side issue not relevant to this essay.)

    What is presumed to be the wound is a flat-looking area of light, watery, reddish brown – one of many in the photo – with hairs growing out of it, apparently. If you blow it up, you will see an “X” crisscrossing through it. Possibly these are hairs.

     blowup

    “X” marks the spot. Hairs?

    If you have ever seen an entrance wound in scalp created by a jacketed bullet traveling at medium high velocity, you will know that it looks nothing like this. The skin is crushed between bullet and bone, and appears quite dark. Lift up the scalp, and the edges of the hole are still apparent. The X’ed image in the photo does not look like a hole at all.

    But this is how the wound is described on page 104 of HSCA Volume VII: “The inferior margin of this wound, from 3 to 10 o’clock, is surrounded by a crescent-shaped reddish-black area of denudation, again presenting the appearance of an abrasion collar, resulting from the rubbing of the skin by the bullet at the time of penetration. From 12 to 3 o’clock, there is a suggesting of undermining, that is, tunneling of the tissue between the skin surface and the skull…” They put this description under a drawing of the photograph.

    The above description is a conflation of the drawing and photograph. I see no “reddish-black area of denudation” in the photograph – but the drawing certainly has a black and white equivalent.

    Now please look at what is supposed to be an accurate drawing of this photo:

    dox

    As you can see, the “wound” is much darker, has more dimension, and rolled edges. It looks like a hole at least. Not one of these characteristics appears in the photograph.

    In his beautifully written essay on the medical evidence, Gary Aguilar, MD also compared the two, and said of the drawing, “the small spot visible just to the right of the top of the ruler is exaggerated in this diagram. It is significantly smaller in the original photograph.” (And there are probably other researchers who have described the contrast between the photo and the drawing.)

    It is the drawing, not the photo, that John Canal presents in his articles. To the uninitiated, the drawing may appear to display a wound.

    Hair Surrounding “Wound” Too Long for EOP Area

    Kennedy’s hair was quite short in the back, including the area where a bullet allegedly entered. And it was even shorter below that area as it approached the neck. As you can see from the photo, the hair all around the “wound” in the cowlick is much too long.


    WITNESSES DO NOT SUPPORT CANAL’S THEORY

    No witnesses said pictures were taken during or after the reconstruction of the skull. None said scalp from the EOP area was dragged to the top of the head.

     

    JOHN STRINGER

    Canal’s star witness – John Stringer – who Canal insists took photographs of the reconstructed skull after the autopsy, said in 1996:

    “We took no photos during or after the embalming.”   (ARRB 4/8/96, p.5)

    And from his longer deposition, it seems clear that Stringer only took photos during the autopsy – including the ones John Canal claims were taken after reconstruction of the skull. (ARRB 7/16/96)

    But in his Washington Decoded article, Canal gives prominence to what he seems to have gotten Stringer to say in 2011, when Stringer, who was born in 1918, said at the age of 93:

    “In one statement, Stringer wrote, ‘I may have taken some pictures after midnight, but I just can’t remember, it’s been too long.’ [April 30, 2011] In view of Stringer’s 1996 testimony that he did not arrive at his home (not far from the morgue) until about 4 AM, however, and that cosmetic reconstruction of the head began shortly after 11 PM, the inference that he took pictures later as well as earlier is reasonable. It is also consistent with a statement in his book MEDPHOTO that he took photos at various times throughout the procedure and whenever he was directed to do so. [21]

    Buried in Reference 21 is Stringer’s earlier statement to the ARRB:

    “[21] John Stringer, MEDPHOTO: Snapshots of Life in Peace & War with the US Navy (Mooresville, NC: Wishbone Creative Product Services, 2008), 37. In an ARRB interview, Stringer also said that, ‘We took no photos during or after the embalming.’ In contrast, before that statement, he stated photos were taken “throughout the autopsy.”

    Notice Canal’s last remark – as if taking pictures “throughout the autopsy” is supposed to suggest he took them after the autopsy. He pads his article with quotes from a number of people using those words, “throughout the autopsy”, as if that meant afterwards. He also conflates “late photography” to mean after the autopsy:

    “Other witnesses at the postmortem whose observations support late photography [emphasis added] included Captain John Stover, an officer at the Bethesda Naval Medical Center; John Van Hoesen, one of the morticians; Joseph Hagan, supervisor of the team of morticians; Floyd Riebe, the assistant autopsy photographer; Jan Rudnicki, who assisted the autopsy doctors; General Godfrey McHugh, who observed the autopsy; Jerrol Custer, an X-ray technician; and James Sibert, one of the two FBI agents who observed the autopsy.”

    Notice that he leaves out Tom Robinson, the mortician who said many things that challenged the official story.  

    TOM ROBINSON (mortician, not mentioned by Canal):

    “When asked, Mr. Robinson said he had no recollection of photography the night of the autopsy, one way or the other – no recollection whatsoever.” (ARRB 6/21/96, p.3)

    JOSEPH E. HAGAN (mortician):

    “He does not recall, one way or another, whether any photographs were taken during Gawler’s work on the President’s body.” (ARRB 6/11/96 p.4)

    Before the morticians worked on the body,

    “Hagan said that when he arrived… the autopsy was almost over; he only had to wait in the gallery about 20 minutes before the autopsy was concluded. The body of the president was being ‘cleaned up.’ Hagen said photos were being taken, but could remember no details…” (ARRB 6/11/96, p.3)

    JOHN VAN HOESEN (mortician):

    Canal presents this passage from David Lifton’s book that he (Canal) says suggests photos were taken after head reconstruction. But he seems to be describing nothing more than having to wait on the autopsy and the picture-taking before they could begin their own work. And his comments seem to echo Hagen’s (see above):

    “Van Hoesen: When we got up there, nothing had been started; then we had to wait for the autopsy; and then periodically, more pictures were being taken, “you know, different angles and so forth; where the entry was, and so forth; this angle, and that angle …  Lifton, Best Evidence, 666.”

    Canal does not report what Van Hoesen told the ARRB, and it does not help his theory any.

    “He could not remember, one way or another, whether photographs were taken during the embalming and reconstruction process.” (ARRB 9/26/96, p.3)


    LOGIC DOES NOT SUPPORT CANAL’S THEORY

    Scalp Borrowed From an Area Missing Scalp?

    It is well-established that witnesses, including a prominent brain surgeon at Parkland Hospital, said both bone and scalp were missing from an area in the back of the head that included the occiput. The lead pathologist who wrote the autopsy report, James Humes, was vague about a lot of things, including how much of the great defect involved occipital bone, but he did admit the wound was “somewhat” in that area. In any case, the back of head photograph presented earlier in this essay shows no such defect in bone or scalp.

    According to Canal, scalp was borrowed from that area – even though it was already missing scalp – to cover the top right of the head.

    But Canal ignores the testimony about the large hole in the scalp – which he describes as merely “torn.”

    “Specifically, the cosmetic repair involved first suturing the tear in his rear scalp until it was closed, and then, after undermining, stretching the scalp until it covered the large deficit in the top/right/front of Kennedy’s head where the bullet had exited, bone was blown out, and scalp missing or badly damaged.

    “The stretching of the scalp occurred after the autopsy was completed, sometime around 11 PM, and once the embalming and cosmetic restoration of the body commenced. The morticians had only the best of intentions when they took advantage of the fact that the rear scalp had only been torn, and was both repairable and useful for another purpose. They were simply trying to cover that large deficit in the head in anticipation of an open-casket funeral.” (Washington Decoded)

    “The BOH opening, in all likelihood, was created after the bullet’s explosive impact exposed the president’s brain through a tear in the rear scalp and an opening between two or more dislodged (but not blown-out or missing) pieces of loose rear skull. This observation is supported by the fact that the lateral X-ray shows no missing rear bone whatsoever. Dr. J. Thornton Boswell, one of the prosectors, did say in 1996 that he repositioned some bone pieces before the X-rays and photos were taken; it seems logical that he pushed some loose pieces of skull (dislodged but still adhering to the scalp) roughly back into place. (Washington Decoded)


    SUMMARY

    1. Not one witness mentioned by Canal says that photos were taken after the autopsy.
    2. In the photograph, there is no proof of a small entrance wound. But Canal does not show the photograph. He shows the drawing of it, even though the drawing, and the HSCA description of the wound, do not match the photo.
    3. What Canal says is the wound imported from just above the EOP is surrounded by hair that is much too long for that area.
    4. How Canal avoids the problem that scalp would not likely be borrowed from an area that has a sizable hole in it: he claims falsely that in the back of the head, the scalp was merely torn.

    Despite the absence of proof in any of his articles, he said “The evidence for these BOH photographs being taken after the autopsy is irrefutable and so extensive it would not be practical to list here.” The SOP 2015.

    What is “extensive” is the list of problems in Canal’s essays, but I focused only on those that seem to be the worst.

    I wrote this essay in response to an email I received from a student at a college in Texas. She was having trouble making sense of these articles and someone referred her to me.


    ADDENDUM

    I have no opinion as to whether photographs were taken of a reconstructed skull, or when. I only know that witnesses do not support such a claim. While their testimony may be inaccurate or even false, it should be presented. When an author publishes a theory, the author should be the first to let the reader know whatever challenges that theory.

    The testimony of Tom Robinson (excerpted below) contradicts John Canal’s assertions. Canal said the wound in the back of the head consisted only of “torn” scalp and, rather than an area of missing bone, that bone was merely displaced. He also said the bone was put back during the autopsy. But all the pathologists did was to replace loose bone that had fallen out during their probing. But they could not replace bone that was missing in the first place.

    When the body was turned over to the morticians, the skull was missing a large area of bone in the back. Its appearance was not the problem; it would not have been visible during an open casket viewing. But it had to be closed to prevent embalming fluid from leaking through it.

    Robinson did not describe working on the top and side of the head, so we have no details about what was done in these areas – the only parts that would show in an open casket. He just said the top appeared to be “all broken” but not open like the wound in the back.

    When shown the back of head photo, he said the wound was just above the white spot in the hairline. If he was right, this would mean the wound was rather low.

    This is how he described the reconstruction of the area of missing bone in the back:

    “Robinson said that Ed Stroble… had cut out a piece of rubber to cover the open wound in the back of the head… the piece of rubber was slightly larger than the hole… the rubber sheet was a circular patch about the size of a large orange… He said the cranium was packed with material during reconstruction… The rubber sheet was used outside of this material to close the wound in the area of missing bone. The scalp was sutured together, and also onto the rubber sheet to the maximum extent possible and the damage in the back of the head was obscured by the pillow in the casket…”


    Location of Hole in Back; Condition of Top of Head

    robinsonA


    Size of Area of Missing Bone, Reconstruction

    robinsonB

  • The Backyard Photographs


    (Click here if your browser is having trouble loading the above.)


    The Evidence IS the Conspiracy, Table of Contents


  • A new look at the enigma of the Backyard Photographs, Part 5

    A new look at the enigma of the Backyard Photographs, Part 5


    Part 5:  Michael Paine and the Backyard Photos

    Ruth and Michael Paine responded exactly the same way when news broke that shots were believed to have originated from the Texas School Book Depository: they both immediately assumed that Oswald was involved. During a phone call placed at one pm November 22, 1963, Michael Paine calling from his office at Bell Helicopter to Ruth at home in Irving, this assumption receives a qualification: “the male voice was heard to comment that he felt sure LEE HARVEY OSWALD had killed the President, but did not feel OSWALD was responsible, and further stated, “We both know who is responsible.”1 Whoever it is Michael Paine believed “responsible” for the assassination it has remained closely held, as neither he or Ruth Paine have faced official scrutiny since 1968.

    Michael Paine intersects with the backyard photo story at least six ways, surprising since the official story portrays him as akin to a bystander, simply caught up in events. Michael Paine was one of a handful of known visitors to 214 West Neely Street. The Imperial Reflex camera said to have taken the backyard photos was apparently stored at his house in the autumn of 1963. He saw a backyard photo at the Dallas Police station the night of the assassination. The backyard photos known as 133-A and 133-B were discovered at his house the following day. He was involved in the delivery of a box of records, from which the de Mohrenschildt backyard photo would be later discovered. Michael Paine, with his wife Ruth, had dinner with the de Mohrenschildts soon after the photo was discovered in 1967. Years later, around the time of Oliver Stone’s JFK, Paine began claiming that Oswald actually showed him a backyard photo when he first visited the West Neely Street apartment in April 1963.

    April 1963: Michael Paine Visits 214 West Neely

    Mr LIEBELER: Did you ever make the acquaintance of Lee Harvey Oswald?

    Mr PAINE: Yes.

    Mr LIEBELER: Would you tell us briefly the circumstances under which that occurred?

    Mr PAINE: My wife invited Lee and his wife over to supper one evening.

    Michael Paine arrived by automobile at 214 West Neely Street around 6 PM in the late afternoon of April 2, 1963.2 He was there by arrangement, to pick up Lee and Marina Oswald and their young daughter, and transport them to the Paine’s home in Irving for a dinner engagement. At the time, Lee Oswald had begun his final week of employment at Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall, having previously received his notice. Allegedly, the backyard photos had been exposed two days before. Paine was brought upstairs to the Oswald’s modest second-floor apartment. According to him, “Marina took about half an hour to pack all the things for Junie. Meanwhile, I was talking to Lee at their house there.”3

    The subsequent thirty minute delay, or conversation, or briefing, is portrayed as a chance event allowed by the circumstance of Marina’s packing bags for the trip to Irving. The two men started up a conversation based on Oswald’s experiences in the Soviet Union. Michael Paine: “I asked him what he was doing, his job … I asked him about Russia … I wanted to know why he had gone to Russia and why he had then come back … I asked him how was it they so readily accepted (him) … he spoke more with disfavour of the Soviet Union … I wasn’t sure whether he was speaking derogatively in order to win my good graces or thinking he would win my friendship that way … I was asking him questions, taking his answers.” (WCH II, pp. 393-398)

    Michael Paine’s account of the conversation held during the half-hour delay at the Neely Street apartment fills ten transcript pages in the Commission Hearings (WCH II pp 393-402). As he concludes this detailed account, largely concerned with Oswald’s experiences in Russia, he tells the Commission: “What you have heard now occurred mostly in the first half hour when I was speaking directly to him when I met him … in all the subsequent conversations, you are going to get less information in what he said.” (WCH II, p. 398) Paine would maintain he and Oswald had a total of four conversations in the spring and autumn of 1963.

    General Walker ’s name came up later during the April 2 visit, apparently during or subsequent to the dinner at the Paine home in Irving.4 Paine: “I was still trying to find common ground with him, and I think we probably spoke critically of the far right. It seems to me we may have mentioned Walker … My memory is very foggy … a friend of ours … just achieved her citizenship papers … and General Walker had been invited to lead the singing [sic] … she was rather sorry that Walker should take it upon himself to define … what this country stands for. So I think I mentioned this episode to him … and I think (Oswald) smiled and nodded his assent … I don’t think he made any important remarks about Walker … that is the only time, probably the only time we mentioned Walker.” (WCH II, p. 402)5

    Michael Paine drove Lee, Marina and daughter June back to Neely Street to conclude the evening. He claimed he did not see Lee Oswald again until October. Paine would provide material support for Ruth Paine’s efforts in housing Marina Oswald, and transporting her to and from New Orleans, ostensibly as a means to brush up her Russian language skills. The Imperial Reflex camera which took the backyard photos was probably transported to New Orleans in May, in Ruth Paine’s station wagon, included with the Oswald belongings or on her own initiative.

    The New Orleans photo set, taken by that camera, features eleven photos, which could be said to represent a single twelve exposure roll of film. The eleven photos consist of similar versions of effectively four separate poses or views, suggesting the photographer was intent on shooting out the roll of film on this occasion. The Oswald and Paine families enjoyed a New Orleans tourist day on Sunday May 12, but no photos were taken on that occasion. If Ruth Paine was responsible for the New Orleans set, then the likeliest date was Monday May 13, when Oswald was at work. It is possible that Ruth Paine did not reveal to Lee that the hard-to-forget Imperial Reflex camera was in her possession, or else it was uncovered as the Oswald possessions were moved into the Magazine Street apartment. It is possible the roll of film was already in the camera. Ruth Paine may have returned to Irving with this camera, as there are no other personal photographs in the Oswald record dated after May 1963.6

      The eleven New Orleans photos feature four groups of similar views.  

    October 1963: Oswald, Michael Paine and the ACLU

    November 10, 1963, the Sunday of a long weekend, the last weekend he would in fact spend with his family, and Lee Oswald, according to Ruth Paine’s timeline, “spent the entire day … watching television.”7 Michael Paine remembered this occasion before the Warren Commission: “ I think that weekend I remember stepping over him as he sat in front of the TV … thinking to myself for a person who has a business to do he certainly can waste the time. By business I mean some kind of activity and keeping track of right-wing causes and left-wing causes or something. I supposed that he spent his time as I would be inclined to spend more of my time if I had it, trying to sense the pulse of various groups in the Dallas area.” (WCH II, p. 412)

    Oswald, September 1963

    The inquiries of Commission counsel Wesley Liebeler switched at this point to topics related to the informal driving lessons Lee was receiving from Ruth Paine, leaving aside the curious aspects to Michael Paine’s observation: Oswald had a “business to do”, he had “activity … keeping track of right wing causes and left-wing causes”, an inclination shared by Michael Paine, “trying to sense the pulse of various groups in the Dallas area.” Was this a hobby for both or either men? Was this activity more exactly described as a “business to do”? If it was a business, monitoring political activity, which Paine was inclined to do more of but had time constraints, might his annoyance with Oswald be generated from having sub-contracted, so to speak, some of this “keeping track” to Oswald? Paine was questioned by the FBI in June 1964 over a report he had talked about Cuba and Oswald with students of Southern Methodist University at Luby’s Cafeteria in April or May 1963. Paine said he was in the habit of eating lunch on Sundays at Luby’s, and would engage in “intellectual conversations or debates concerning world affairs with various SMU students … he did not specifically recall discussing (Oswald) with any of these SMU students … although he could very well have since at this time he was acquainted with OSWALD and OSWALD’s background. (CD 1245, p. 196)

    On October 2, 1963, Oswald had resurfaced in Dallas, after seeing off Marina, June and Ruth Paine in New Orleans on September 23.8 Oswald stayed at the YMCA for two nights, and then spent the weekend of October 4-6 at the Paine home in Irving. The following week, Oswald rented a room at Mary Bledsoe’s Oak Cliff rooming house, while he searched in Dallas for a new job. Bledsoe would later tell the FBI that Oswald told her at least twice “he was attempting to obtain work at Texas Instruments and Collins Radio.”9

    On Sunday night October 13, although Ruth Paine’s timeline says “OSWALD was at the PAINE home all during this day and night,” (CE 2124) Oswald, or someone identical to him, was seen sitting at the back of the room at a meeting sponsored by the Student Directorate of Cuba (DRE) (CD 205, p. 646). “This individual spoke to no one but merely listened and then left.” General Walker was also in attendance at this meeting. How Oswald knew of, or traveled to this meeting and then back to Irving, is not known.

    Ruth Paine took Oswald into Dallas the following morning, and Oswald moved from Bledsoe’s to a rooming house at 1026 North Beckley. Two days later, Oswald began work at the Texas School Book Depository. Two days after that, Lee Oswald turned 24 years old. On Sunday night, October 20, Marina went into labour and daughter Rachel was born. This began a busy week for Oswald.

    On Wednesday October 23, Oswald attended a “United States Day” right-wing political rally featuring General Walker, a response to the Adlai Stevenson United Nations Day event scheduled for the following evening. That next night, as Stevenson spoke in Dallas, the event suffered a vigorous protest by right-wing demonstrators organized in part by Larrie Schmidt. Stevenson would be struck by a placard. Michael Paine would express to the Warren Commission his understanding that Oswald was in attendance at this protest. Paine, for his part, attended a John Birch Society meeting on this same night.10 He would explain: “I have been to a number of rightist meetings and seminars in Texas.” (WCH II, p 389) Michael Paine would say of Oswald: “ I gathered he was doing more or less the same thing … I didn’t inquire how he spent his free time but I supposed he was going around to right wing groups … familiarizing himself for whatever his purposes were as I was.” (WCH II, p. 403)

    Ruth Paine’s timeline features the following entry for October 25, 1963: “LEE OSWALD came out after work with WESLEY FRAZIER and saw his wife and baby for the first time after they had left the hospital.” Oswald soon left with Michael Paine, to attend a Dallas meeting of the American Civil Liberties Union. Paine: “I took him in my car, he and I alone, and on the way, which takes about 35 minutes, described the ACLU to him, and he didn’t know about it, and described its purpose.” (WCH II, p. 407)11 During the meeting, Oswald stood and challenged an opinion from the moderators regarding the religious tolerance of the right-wing. Paine: “Lee at this point got up, speaking loud and clear and coherently … reporting that he had been to this meeting of the right-wing group … two nights before and he refuted this statement, saying names and saying how that people on the platform speaking for the Birch Society had said anti-Semitic things and also anti-Catholic statements … ” (WCH II, p. 408) Oddly, Michael Paine uses a generality (Oswald “saying names”), instead of reporting that Oswald referred specifically to General Walker, as Paine’s co-worker Frank Krystinik, also invited to this meeting, observed.12

    As the meeting broke to informal discussion, Krystinik, who had been informed earlier that Oswald was a Marxist, engaged in a debate on economics with Oswald and another older man. Michael Paine: “in this … argument that he had with Frank and a third person, on the way home he asked me if I knew that third person and whether I thought he was a Communist, Lee thought the third person was a Communist, and he gave me some reason … a receptivity to some words spoken about Castro. And I thought that was such a feeble reason … he must be out of it if that is the way he has to find his fellow travellers.” (WCH IX, p. 456)

    Shortly thereafter, Oswald wrote to Communist Party USA newspaper The Worker, a letter postmarked November 1: “Through a friend, I have been introduced into the American Civil Liberties Union Local chapter, which holds monthly meeting on the campus of Southern Methodist University. The first meeting I attened (sic) was on October 25th, a film was shown and afterward a very critical discussion of the ultra-right in Dallas … Could you advise me as to the general view we have on the American Civil Liberties Union? And to what degree, if any, I should attempt to highten (sic) its progressive tendencies? … some of those present showed marked class-awareness and insight.” (Johnson Exhibit 7)

    On the same day, previous to mailing this letter, Oswald rented a new Dallas post office box and listed both the Fair Play For Cuba Committee and the American Civil Liberties Union on the postal form (Holmes Exhibit 1).13 Oswald mails a membership application to the ACLU that same day. He includes two dollars in cash for the membership fee and lists his occupation as “photographer”. He adds a handwritten letter which requests notification on how to contact “ACLU Groups in my area,” even as he already knows they hold monthly meetings at SMU. (CE 783) Michael Paine had been an ACLU member for some years, and Ruth Paine was the local treasurer.

    Following the assassination, the ACLU had to react defensively after Dallas Bar Association president H. Louis Nichols met with Oswald on Saturday afternoon November 23, then appeared on television to reveal Oswald was an ACLU member and requested an ACLU lawyer if John Abt was not available. By Wednesday November 27, a reporter from the Dallas Times Herald had been informed of the Oswald postal form listing the ACLU along with Fair Play for Cuba Committee as the assassin’s specified organizations. By that afternoon, the ACLU executive were anticipating “danger in the future, as a result of the tragedy of last Friday, that civil liberties will be under increased stress.” (CD 205, pp. 704-708)

    November 22, 1963: Michael Paine Is Shown A Backyard Photo By the Dallas Police

    According to Michael Paine, he was asked at the Dallas Police station Friday night November 22, 1963, if he could “identify the place where Lee was standing when he was holding this rifle … I identified the place by the fine clapboard structure of the house … the house has an unusually small clapboard.“ This, taken at face value, reveals an alert observational skill set and excellent memory retention as, according to Paine, he had only visited 214 West Neely Street once, almost eight months previous.14

    Paine’s excellent retention skills are particularly admirable given the “fine clapboard structure” of the Neely Street house, as seen in the backyard photos, is visible but hardly dominates the frame the way the staircase and its support beams do. The clapboard can be seen behind and below the staircase on the left side of the frame. If the photo viewed by Michael Paine on Friday night was 133-C, it is the individual backyard photo showing the least detail of the clapboard structure. If 133-C was possessed by the Dallas police in the format of a “drugstore print”, then still less detail would be visible as the photo would be cropped on its horizontal edges, as well as appearing in its small 3”x3” size.

    Considering that the backyard photos, according to the official story, would not be discovered until the following afternoon, it is interesting that it is Warren Commission counsel Wesley Liebeler who brings the subject up during Paine’s testimony. Liebeler, at that time, is seeking to establish some other point, related to the rifle, and does not seem to realize that Paine is describing being shown something which officially had not yet been found. (WCH IX, p. 444)

    Michael Paine and the de Mohrenschildt Backyard Photo

    Everett Glover was separated from his wife at the start of 1963, and had arranged to share his house with two fellow employees at Magnolia Oil, Richard Pierce and Volkmar Schmidt. Everett Glover was a friend of George de Mohrenschildt, and also with Michael and Ruth Paine. Michael Paine: “We met the Glovers at madrigal singing, we liked to sing madrigals and he was part of the group … he showed up once or twice at a single adult party dance of the Unitarian Church.” (WCH IX, pp. 451-452)

    Folk dancers and madrigal singers: a hotbed of intrigue?

    In February, Glover, along with Volkmar Schmidt and others, met Lee and Marina Oswald at George de Mohrenschildt’s home, and they were supposedly impressed enough to arrange their own social occasion and invite the Oswalds. Through their friendship with Glover, the Paines would be invited to this Magnolia Oil party held on February 22,1963, which was the President’s Day holiday. Everett Glover provided the transportation for the Oswalds. The party was said to feature George de Mohrenschildt’s Central American walking tour slideshow, but it really seemed about presenting the Oswalds to new people.15 Michael Paine: “Everett Glover invited us knowing that Ruth was studying Russian … they were presented to us as an American who had defected to Russia and decided he didn’t like it and came back and brought a Russian wife with him. Would we like to meet these people? Yes, that sounded interesting.” (WCH II, p. 404)

    Sometime after this party, a record player lent to Glover by the de Mohrenschildts was, at their request, in turn lent to Marina Oswald, and delivered to the Neely Street apartment by Glover and roommate Richard Pierce. Jeanne de Mohrenschildt had also lent Marina a few instructional English/Russian language LPs to go with this player. Some weeks later, after the Oswalds had moved to New Orleans, Everett Glover was contacted by one of the Paines regarding this record player:

    Mr. GLOVER. I got a call on the telephone, I am not sure whether it was Mr. or Mrs. Paine, in which they said the record player – I believe it was the same one I had given or taken over to (Marina) that belonged to the De Mohrenschildts, was there at their house … I think at this time I learned through them that Marina had gone to join (Lee) in New Orleans.

    Mr. JENNER. Was anything said about Mrs. Paine having taken Marina to New Orleans?

    Mr. GLOVER. Nothing was said about her taking her to New Orleans, but I do believe I knew at that time that Marina had stayed with her. I think I learned it through conversation with them. I don’t remember having heard from or seen the Paines since the time they were at my house until the time that I have learned Marina had gone to New Orleans and had previously stayed with Ruth. And until the time that Mike came over and delivered the record player. I think Mike was the one who brought the record player, and I don’t remember the circumstances on that …

    Months later, Glover is contacted again by the Paines:

    Mr. GLOVER … the only other connection I had with them was that later than that … I got a call from one of the Paines saying they had records that the De Mohrenschildts had given Marina. These were for Russian speaking people learning English, I believe, that they had, and what to do with them? And I said, bring them over here and I will store them … and I remember Michael Paine brought the records over to me and came in the house, and I talked with him a little bit. At this time Michael Paine told me the last information I had about (the Oswalds). He told me that, I am not sure whether he said they were back, Marina was coming back, or Marina had already come back to Dallas, that Lee had lost his job and that Lee was coming back, and that was in the time I believe.

    Mr. JENNER. Was coming back to live or was visiting?

    Mr. GLOVER. Well, was coming back. Presumably he lost his job and was coming back here.

    The backyard photo known as deMohrenschildt-A, a first generation print which shows information from the original negative cropped from the “drugstore print” 133-A, and which features handwritten inscriptions on its backside, was discovered within the sleeve of one of these language LPs when the deMohrenschildt’s returned to Dallas in 1967. Accepting Glover’s Warren Commission testimony, this photo was presumably inside the LP sleeve when the language albums were returned at about the beginning of October 1963. Presumably, these LPs had travelled with Marina Oswald to New Orleans and then back to Irving, even as they could not be played since the record player had possibly been returned months earlier, as established during Glover’s questioning by Commission counsel Albert Jenner (although when exactly Michael Paine dropped off the record player is not explicitly stated). Conceivably, the backyard photo known as deMohrenschildt-A could have been inserted into the LP sleeve by Oswald at any time between April and September. Or, inserted by the Paines, or someone associated with the Paines, just before the records were returned to Everett Glover. Or, since Everett Glover is uncertain of the circumstances, perhaps the record player was not returned in May but actually at about the beginning of October, and Glover was confused between the record player and the LPs. There is no indication any investigatory agency went to have a look at these LPs after Glover’s testimony, even as important evidence had been uncovered inside other items associated with the Oswalds.

    A month after Glover’s appearance, during testimony from George de Mohrenschildt, Commission counsel Jenner would suggest the LPs were actually found in the Paine’s home:

    Mr. De MOHRENSCHILDT. We gave (Marina) some records to study English – not mine, but my wife’s and her daughter’s records, of Shakespearian English, how to learn English, and they obviously still have those records.

    Mr. JENNER. Yes, they were found in Mrs. Paine’s home.

    Mr. De MOHRENSCHILDT. We even gave them a phonograph, I think, a cheap phonograph, to play the records.

    Stovall Exhibit A lists the property “taken from” the Paine house in Irving on November 22. The list includes “3 Brown metal boxes 12” x 4” containing phonograph records”. If the language LPs lent to Marina Oswald were among these “phonograph records,” then they would have been taken to Dallas Police HQ, and apparently later that night sent to the FBI lab in Washington. If Oswald had stashed the de Mohrenschildt backyard photo inside a record album later seized at the Paines, it would in all probability been discovered by the Dallas police or by the FBI. If these LPs were found at the Paine home after the assassination rather than delivered to Glover weeks earlier, then the backyard photo must have been inserted into the sleeve after being returned from the custody of the FBI sometime in 1964. Glover, who had assumed much of the de Mohrenschildt’s furniture on their departure for Haiti in April 1963, moved many of these items into a storage locker early in 1964, and it is in this locker the language LPs with the backyard photograph were found.

    Glover left Dallas before the de Mohrenschildt’s return, and there have been indications that Ruth Paine had access to the storage locker in the meantime. When the de Mohrenschildt’s discovered the backyard photo, they called the Paines, despite having only been introduced to Ruth once, years before. During an ensuing meeting between both couples, over dinner, the newly found backyard photo was a topic of conversation as well as discussion “generally, of events.”16 In his manuscript “I Am a Patsy”, George de Mohrenschildt described Ruth Paine as “a perfectly charming, charitable Quaker … (who) helped the Oswalds out of pure humanitarian impulses … She and her husband were simply admirable people.” (HSCA Volume XII, p. 260) Paragraphs earlier, de Mohrenschildt disparages Marina Oswald’s deportment following the assassination. He was under the incorrect impression that it was Marina who wrote “Hunter of fascists ha-ha-ha” on the back of the discovered photo.

    1993: Michael Paine Claims That Oswald Himself Showed Him A Backyard Photo

    “Almost the next thing he does is to pick up this eight-by-ten glossy photo of himself in black with a rifle and a couple of pamphlets … it was very different from what I had expected to find … I had been told he was a communist and I kind of expected a social idealist and couldn’t see the connection between this picture of a guy with his rifle there in black clothing. But he was obviously proud of that picture ….” (Michael Paine, quoted in Gus Russo, Live By The Sword, interview conducted 1993)

    “When I first met him … the first thing he showed me was a picture of himself holding a rifle and I could see he was proud of that picture. I had the strong impression that it was an icon of himself that he liked.” (Michael Paine, ABC News, “Beyond Conspiracy”, 2003)

    In 1993, Michael Paine began telling interviewers that Oswald had showed him a backyard photo when they first met in the Spring of 1963. If Michael Paine’s relatively recent claim is actually true, then his Warren Commission testimony is severely compromised, a fact which appears to have escaped many mainstream journalists and network research departments. If Oswald showed Michael Paine a backyard photo in the Spring of 1963 it must have been, according to Paine’s timeline, during the visit to the Neely Street address when Paine arrived to drive the Oswald’s to dinner in Irving. This event, if true, is entirely absent from Paine’s long and detailed description of his half hour with Oswald as told to the Warren Commission. If true, and Oswald was offering Michael Paine visual evidence of an apparent tendency to violent fanaticism, it is not at all clear why this troubling information was not passed to Ruth Paine as she continued to forge her friendship with Marina. Ruth Paine claimed to the Warren Commission that she did not know Lee owned a rifle and would not have accepted the presence of a rifle in the same home as her children.

    Most critically, if true, it calls into question Michael Paine’s extensive deliberations during his Warren Commission testimony on the supposed “camping equipment” inside a rolled blanket amongst Oswald’s possessions in his garage at the Paine residence in Irving. During Paine’s first appearance before Warren Commission attorneys Wesley Liebeler and Norman Redlich on March 17, 1964, a total of seven transcript pages describe his interaction with a rolled blanket, wrapped with string, lying on the floor of the garage. (WCH IX, pp. 437-443) The Warren Commission would determine that the murder weapon used in the assassination had been wrapped inside this blanket, which had been stored on the garage floor without the Paines’ knowledge of what was in it. Michael Paine’s efforts to explain why he did not make any effort to understand what may have been wrapped, (or allegedly wrapped), in this blanket are strained and tend to over-thinking:

    Paine: “ I picked up this package and the first time I picked it up I thought it was camping equipment and thought to myself they don’t make camping equipment of iron anymore … I supposed it was camping equipment because it was wrapped in this greenish rustic blanket and that was the reason I thought it was a rustic thing … there was also a certain wideness at one end and then I thought of a folding tool I had in the Army, a folding shovel and I was trying to think how a folding shovel fit with the rest of this because that wasn’t quite, the folding shovel was too symmetrical … I first thought it was tent poles and then I thought there are not enough poles here, enough to make a tent … I visualized a pipe or possibly two, and with something coming off, that must have come off kind of abruptly a few inches at 45° angle … I wasn’t thinking of a rifle. Definitely that thought never occurred to me … I would lift the package up, move it, put the package down and one time I was trying to puzzle how you could make camping equipment out of something – this is only one pipe in the package … if I had been the least bit curious I could have at least felt of this blanket but I was aware of personal privacy … ”

    Instead of a rifle, Michael Paine visualized tent poles and folding shovels.

    Neither Liebeler or Redlich asked Paine why, if he was not curious, did he expend so much intellectual energy visualizing tent poles and folding shovels in an effort to understand what might be inside this blanket. He was not asked if he was aware the Oswalds had ever been camping. He was not asked why he did not simply inquire of Oswald what was up with the blanket, which had been in Paine’s way as he worked in the garage (Oswald presumably could be found in front of the television set). Although neither Liebeler or Redlich could know this, if Michael Paine had indeed previously been shown a backyard photo, then all of his supposed puzzling over what was in the blanket is utter nonsense.

    It is possible that Michael Paine is simply completely mistaken, and since 1993 has been relating what amounts to a false memory. It is also possible that the story of being shown a backyard photo by Oswald in the spring of 1963, was deliberately concocted by Michael Paine to assist in buttressing the official portrayal of Oswald as a lone nut assassin – a portrayal which had at that time faced renewed public skepticism with the release of Oliver Stone’s JFK. The inclusion and positioning of Paine’s backyard photo claim, in books and network documentaries supportive of the Warren Commission’s findings, favors the latter view. If this is the case, then Michael Paine can be regarded as less the simple madrigal-singing Quaker unwittingly caught up in historic events, and more a conscious collaborator assisting the project of framing Oswald, at least in the public mind, as the lone nut assassin. At the very least, the eagerness by which mainstream publications and broadcasts have presented Michael Paine’s revisionist account, despite the obvious damage this claim does to his Warren Commission testimony and other tenets of the official story, is a demonstration of just how shoddy and agenda-driven these histories really are.

    Michael and Ruth Paine were interviewed at their home by Dallas television station WFAA on Sunday November 24, 1963. They both shared their impression that Oswald was the lone assassin of President Kennedy, motivated, Ruth Paine suggested, by a realization “that he had an opportunity to no longer be a little guy, but to be someone extraordinary.” Michael Paine would echo: “I think it was a lone wolf thing, the opportunity presented itself to him and he probably wanted to make a mark on society by – suddenly it occurred to him that he could.” The Warren Commission would later presume Oswald’s motivation using similar language.

    Fifty some years later, the informed benign version of what occurred in 1963 would concede the Paines’ involvement with the Oswalds had purposes other than officially stated, but which did not necessarily directly relate to an assassination plot directed against JFK, although the Paines did assist in the post-assassination framing of Oswald, in deference to the authorities and by intuiting what was really happening.17 This view is supported by the intercepted phone call from the afternoon of November 22, 1963, where Michael Paine speculates that Oswald may have been involved but was not “responsible.” If the Paines had been directly involved in an assassination plot, this phone call would not have happened.

    One pm November 22, 1963 – “We both know who is responsible”

    During his questioning of Michael Paine on March 18, 1964, Warren Commission counsel Wesley Liebeler addressed the issue of a particular phone call which was referred to in FBI records. Liebeler handled this issue in a notably lawyerly fashion:

    MR LIEBELER. Now, there has been a report that on November 23, 1963, there was a telephone call between a man and a woman, between the numbers of your residence and the number of your office, in which the man was reported to have said in words or substance, “We both know who is responsible for the assassination.” Have you been asked about this before?

    MR PAINE. I had heard that – I didn’t know it was associated with our numbers. I had heard a report that some telephone operator had listened in on a conversation somewhere, I don’t know where it was. I thought it was some other part of the country.

    MR LIEBELER. Did you talk to your wife on the telephone at any time during Saturday, November 23, on the telephone?

    MR PAINE. I was in the police station again, and I think I called her from there.

    MR LIEBELER. Did you make any remark to the effect that you knew who was responsible?

    MR PAINE. And I don’t know who the assassin is or was; no, so I did not.

    MR LIEBELER. You are positive in your recollection that you made no such remark?

    MR. PAINE. Yes.

    Liebeler makes reference to a “report”, within which the date of the phone call is established as November 23, 1963. Liebeler should have known that subsequent information, including phone records, corrected the report to which he refers, and established the actual date of the phone call as November 22. Inside a lengthy collection of FBI reports dated February 11,1964, a sub-section is titled ‘Investigation Regarding Alleged Telephone Call Between CR 5-5211, Arlington, Texas and BL 3-1628, Irving, Texas on November 23, 1963” (the telephone numbers identified are Michael Paine’s Bell helicopter office in Arlington, and the Paine household in Irving). Part of this investigation is a January 25, 1964 report by FBI Special Agent Robert Lish listing long distance phone calls charged to the Paine’s number in Irving, from late October to mid-December 1963. These records, made available from the Southwestern States Telephone Company, establish the phone call in question was made on November 22. (FBI 105-82555 Oswald HQ File, Section 83, p. 127) Both Michael and Ruth Paine told the Warren Commission, several times, that a phone call between themselves, from the same locations, occurred on November 22, 1963 at about one pm. Liebeler’s questions to Michael Paine have the dismissive effect of labelling a supposed November 23 phone call, discussing “who is responsible,” as something like an unestablished rumor.

    The initial report on this phone call was generated by Special Agent Lish on November 26, 1963. It summarizes an interview with Captain Paul Barger of the Irving Police Department, who had “received information that a male voice was overheard in a conversation,” during a telephone call held on “November 23”. Barger provided both the Arlington number from Michael Paine’s office, and the Paine’s residential number in Irving. “Captain BARGER advised that the male voice was heard to comment that he felt sure LEE HARVEY OSWALD had killed the President, but did not feel OSWALD was responsible, and further stated, “We both know who is responsible.” Barger does not identify the source of his information. (FBI 105-82555 Oswald HQ File, Section 67, p. 51)

    This information is repeated, essentially word-for-word, in the FBI Gemberling Report of January 7, 1964, but instead of naming Paul Barger, the source is identified as Confidential Informant Dallas T-4 (CD 206, p. 66). Why this designation when there was nothing confidential about Barger’s identity or original statement? Barger is interviewed again by the FBI’s James Hosty on January 17, 1964, where this question seems to come up, as Barger says he “had no objection to the use of his name in connection with information he furnished … ” (CD 329, p. 91) Barger claims “he made extensive inquiry in an effort to identify the name of the individual who furnished him with the information concerning a telephone conversation … He said he had an unusually large amount of work assignments during that period and these assignments kept him from recalling the time of day that this information was received.” Barger said he was assigned to “obtain a list of telephone tickets, or other helpful information” from the Southwestern States Telephone Company. “He felt sure the information he furnished SA LISH had come from some telephone company sources, but he was still unable to identify the individual who related it to him … ”

    Additionally, Barger claimed the information he passed to Lish in November was based on his “personal recollection”, as he did not have his handwritten notes at the time. In what he identified to Hosty as his original handwritten note, the overheard dialogue from the male caller is presented as: “Oswald wouldn’t have any reason to do it, but when you get right down to it, the only guilty person is that bastard himself.” That is significantly different from the information provided on November 26, such that even “an unusually large amount of work assignments” cannot account for the disparity. If Barger actually received the information as first reported, from a source at Southwestern States Telephone Company sometime during the assassination weekend, his response to such potentially explosive information is notably muted and casual.18

    The Gemberling report specifying Confidential Informant Dallas T-4 was classified and not shared with the Warren Commission. It was declassified in 1976, and Bernard Fensterwald of the Committee to Investigate Assassinations determined that “confidential informant T-4 is almost undoubtedly a wiretap recording. The nomenclature is widely used by the FBI to indicate to their own agents the wiretap source of a piece of information without having to reveal the source to outsiders.”19 Fensterwald’s allegations were repeated by Congressmen Thomas Downing and Henry Gonzalez, who publicized the Paine’s “we know who is responsible” conversation on the House floor. In a 1976 Dallas Times Herald article written to refute the allegations of a wiretap on the Paine’s residential line, Hugh Aynesworth interviewed Paul Barger, then working for the Irving Independent School District. Barger claimed the source of his original report was known to him after all, and was a telephone repairman who by chance, “due to some mechanical difficulties … he was checking out the line” and inadvertently listened in on the conversation. Barger, supposedly, did not identify the man back in 1963 over concerns of reprimand. Barger added he “did not believe the FBI had any wiretap on the Paine house, ‘If they did,’ he said, ’they wouldn’t have been asking me for what happened.’” (FBI 62-109060 JFK HQ File, Section A28, p. 71-72). The phone call itself, and its content, are not denied.

    Michael Paine denied the content of the call during an interview conducted December 23, 1963 by FBI Special Agent Bardwell Odum. “Mr. PAINE advised that on November 23, 1963, he did not make any statement to anyone that he felt sure LEE HARVEY OSWALD had killed the President but did not feel OSWALD was responsible … Mr. PAINE advised that what he did say, in fact, in a conversation with his wife, was that he was not sure that OSWALD had killed the President because at that time he had no facts at his command … Mr PAINE flatly denied at any time saying that he felt he knew who was responsible for the President’s death other than OSWALD.” (CD 206, p. 67)20 Paine’s Warren Commission testimony to Liebeler – that he did not know the “who is responsible” conversation was associated with his telephone numbers – is challenged by this report.21

    Paul Barger’s 1976 story of a telephone repairman, as well as his initial stories of being so busy on the assassination weekend that he could not recall either the source of the information or when it arrived to him, do not seem credible in the absence of cross-examination. The January 7 Gemberling identification of Confidential Informant Dallas T-4 is probably not referring to Barger, since Barger had been identified by name in an FBI report from weeks earlier, and there was no confidential necessity to that interview. Barger’s handwritten note presented on January 17 is unconvincing, and was not pursued. The Warren Commission was apparently unaware that telephone records established the phone conversation in question occurred on November 22 instead of the following day. These unsatisfactory efforts suggest that the Paine telephone conversation was indeed captured through a wiretap on the Paine’s residential phone, that Paul Barger assisted in covering up the source of the information by fudging his recollection and attributing an incorrect date to the phone call in question, and that Gemberling revealed the true source (Dallas T-4) for internal FBI use.

    Michael Paine has yet to be asked directly who he thought, at one pm on November 22, 1963, “was responsible” for the assassination.


    Notes

    1  FBI 105-82555 Oswald HQ File, Section 83, p. 75. John Armstrong discusses this phone call in Harvey and Lee, pp. 832-835.

    2  Oswald’s J-C-S timesheet shows him, on April 2, finishing his work day at 5PM (CE 1856). During his second session with Warren Commission, March 18, 1964, Paine would place the supper date as April 10, which would have provided Oswald an alibi against his alleged involvement with the Walker shooting. (WCH II, p. 393) But Paine is a bit vague, and he defers to Ruth Paine’s calendar which, for events beginning March 1963, becomes for the Warren Commission a sort of master-clock determining who went where when. Ruth Paine’s calendar says dinner on April 2 was at 7 PM.

    3  This pickup had been pre-arranged, so Marina Oswald’s lack of preparation sticks out, as does the total of about 30 minutes to gather and pack for an outing of just a few hours. Perhaps every contingency had to be accounted for, but Ruth Paine also had young children and would have had similar items waiting at her home. Marina’s story of the origin of the backyard photos also has her “really busy” with child-related chores. Seeing as the official narrative features numerous events which seem to be combinations or merging of separate stories and incidents, it is not far-fetched to ask if Michael Paine took the backyard photos during this half hour. This scenario would require the dinner get-together occur on a Sunday in March or after April 6, Oswald’s last day at J-C-S, when Paine could arrive closer to four pm than six (as the shadows in the backyard photos indicate they were exposed mid-to-late afternoon.

    4  At the time of this dinner, the Warren Commission held that Oswald had already spent several weeks surveilling Walker’s home as part of a meticulously planned assassination attempt, had ordered and received a rifle by which to carry out this plan, had been spending time practicing with the rifle, and had posed for the backyard photos.

    5  Marina Oswald would later tell the Commission that Lee had told her he and Paine had attended a meeting at which Walker was present. This information resulted in a further deposition for Michael Paine on July 23, 1964 (WCH XI). Paine could not explain Marina’s remark, but allowed that he had once attended an event where Walker spoke – a National Indignation Committee meeting December 13, 1961.

    6  If Ruth Paine took these pictures, she may not have had them developed when she returned to Irving. One roll of exposed 620 film is listed as having been found in a metal index card box found November 23, 1963, or so it appears on the typed list created November 26, 1963 by the FBI after these items had already been sent to the FBI lab in Washington and then returned to Dallas (CE 2003; WCH Vol. XXIV, p. 337). There are two typed lists from this date, on the other the description is “one roll 620 plus x film exposed (?)” (FBI JFK HQ files, Section 150, p. 125) In the original list of items taken from the Paine house (Stovall Exhibit A), rolls of film are listed but not always identified and not associated with the two file boxes on the list. These items were seized on November 22 not on the 23rd. The New Orleans photo set was not included with the initial batches of photos shown Marina Oswald.

    7  Oswald was said to enjoy football, and chances are that’s what he spent the day watching. The hometown Dallas Cowboys, then in their fourth NFL season, played in San Francisco against the lowly 49ers that afternoon. As a west coast start, the game would have started about 3-3:30 PM Dallas time, and lasted on toward the dinner hour, which would have contributed to the perception Oswald was in front of the television the “entire day.” Although ahead 21-7 in the second quarter, the Cowboys would be outscored 21-3 in the second half and lose the game. It was a memorable afternoon in Cowboy’s history, as quarterback Don Meredith would throw for 460 yards, a franchise record at the time.

    8  Oswald, supposedly, had been preparing to search for work in Houston and maybe Philadelphia, and therefore his return to the Dallas area could not be expected or anticipated. Everett Glover, however, would tell the Warren Commission that Michael Paine indicated to him Oswald would return to Dallas sometime early in October.

    9  FBI interview November 23, 1963, report dated November 24. see Oswald 201 file, Volume 3, Folder 9B, p. 92. A year earlier, George de Mohrenschildt had inquired for Oswald about possible employment at Collins Radio. Curiously, Robert Surrey, General Walker’s confidant, told the FBI that the vehicle seen parked in front of Walker’s home in photograph CE5, with the license plate cut out, “appears identical” to one owned by Charlie Klier, a frequent visitor to Walker’s home, and who was employed by Texas Instruments. (CD 1245, p. 104)

    10  “It was rather sparsely attended, most of them were down spitting at Stevenson.” (WCH II, p. 388)

    11  Oswald supposedly knew nothing of the ACLU, but did know the FPCC, SWP, CPUSA, Hall-Davis Defense Committee, et al, and was “familiarizing” himself with right-wing outfits “for whatever his purposes.” This is an example of how disjointed Michael Paine’s testimony can be. It is curious that a 30 minute conversation from April 1963 can produce pages of testimony, but this 35 minute drive to the ACLU meeting followed by a second 35 minute drive back to Irving produces just two recollections, including the spurious notion that Oswald needed to have the ACLU explained to him, which, according to Paine, happened on both ends of the journey.

    12  Just minutes before this, during his testimony, Paine had been questioned closely about Oswald and Walker. Krystinik: “The first notice I made of Oswald is when he stood up and made a remark about General Walker in reference to him not only being anti-Catholic but anti-Semitic in regard to his comments about the Pope. Then he made further comments that a night or two nights before he had been at the General Walker meeting here in Dallas.” (WC testimony March 24, 1964)

    13  The home address listed on this form – “3610 N. Beckley” – was non-existent. Previously, when filling out such forms, Oswald used actual addresses. A change of address card dated October 11, 1963 listed the Paine’s Irving home as a forwarding address (Holmes Exhibit 3-A), although the card has a New Orleans postmark, and does not appear to be Oswald’s handwriting.

    14  This skill set is not always evident, as Paine’s Warren Commission testimony has its share of hazy memory moments. Paine was evidently fully engaged during the Neely Street introduction, retaining precise recollection of details of the house, along with apparently complete recall of the initial conversation.

    15  Everett Glover had met Lee and Marina, through George de Mohrenschildt, several times before this party. Stories about the party, particularly on the topic of Ruth Paine’s introduction to Marina Oswald, are fuzzy and contradictory. De Mohrenschildt, for example, would tell the Warren Commission that he could not observe Ruth Paine or the Oswalds because it was dark in the room to facilitate his slideshow. Everett Glover, on the other hand, would say that the de Mohrenschildt’s were only there for a few minutes, and he does not refer to a slideshow. Volkmar Schmidt would claim he arranged the event but could not attend, while others like de Mohrenschildt and Glover say he was there.

    16  See Ruth Paine Orleans Parish Grand Jury testimony April 18, 1968, pp. 7-8, and de Mohrenschildt manuscript, “I Am A Patsy”, HSCA Volume XII, pp. 253- 258.

    17  This is the “benign” version, which does not account for the Imperial Reflex camera’s use in New Orleans. Based solely on the official record, a far less benign version can also be constructed. Compare what happened with the Paines following the Warren Commission, to what happened to George de Mohrenschildt, who had made several statements, privately, to the effect that Oswald may have in fact been a patsy. The Paines walked away, while de Mohrenschildt complained, ahead of his alleged suicide, that he had been ruined.

    18  Paul Barger was also the Irving Police representative to whom Ruth Paine personally delivered the Russian book which she wanted sent to Marina, and in which the so-called Walker note was discovered. FBI 62-109060 JFK HQ File, Section 150, p. 97.

    19  Fensterwald’s analysis has been confirmed through release of more FBI documents and background over the years. Confidential Informants have been identified as both human and mechanical in the FBI documents. If a wiretap had been placed on the Paine residential phone line, it likely was the result of Marina Oswald’s presence, rather than specific interest in either of the Paines.

    20  At the time of this conversation, one pm on November 22, the President’s death was known only to a few people at Parklands Hospital.

    21  See also the James Hosty FBI report on Michael Paine December 30, 1963, CD 263, p. 7. This is the original filed report on the Paine interview of December 23, 1963. The interview is mostly concerned with Paine’s relationship with his father. The denial of stating others were responsible appears as a single sentence concluding the brief report.


    Series Bibliography

    • Warren Commission Hearings, Exhibits and Documents
    • House Select Committee Report and Appendixes
    • Sylvia Meagher, Accessories After The Fact
    • Dick Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much
    • Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death Of JFK
    • John Newman, Oswald and the CIA
    • John Armstrong, Harvey And Lee
    • Edward Epstein, Legend: The Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald
    • Gus Russo, Live By The Sword
  • A new look at the enigma of the Backyard Photographs, Part 4

    A new look at the enigma of the Backyard Photographs, Part 4


    Part 4:  Oswald in Oak Cliff

    The Warren Commission’s description of the origin of the backyard photos relies on a very unreliable narrator. Many critics believe the visual content of the photos is unreliable (i.e. it is a composite). When the Kennedy case was re-investigated by the HSCA, examination of the backyard photos was limited to the question of authenticity. Other pertinent questions, once examined, impeach the unreliable narration adopted by the Warren Commission.

    Follow-up questions: If the camera wasn’t Oswald’s, whose was it? If Marina didn’t take the photos, then who did? 1 The answers could lead directly to the plot to frame Oswald, and therefore to the plot to remove Kennedy.

    The Kuleshov Effect

    In the interest of realizing a scientific materialist understanding of cinema technique, young filmmakers in the new revolutionary Soviet Union conducted a series of visual experiments designed to quantify elements of montage (editing). One of the most famous was conducted by Lev Kuleshov, a twenty-three year old theorist and educator. A medium close-up of an impassive actor was variously juxtaposed with specific images – a plate of soup, a prison gate, a dead child – cutting back to the actor’s impassive face. Viewers of these simple cross cutting experiments invariably read the actor’s always identical blank visage as variously expressing hunger, loneliness, or mourning. The audience would invariably conjure an association, even absent a spatial relationship within the shots (through lighting or scenic consistencies). 2

        HE IS HUNGRY
        HE IS SAD

    The backyard photos, since the Life Magazine cover in 1964, have been presented to the public as a deliberate self-representation by JFK’s future lone-nut assassin Lee Oswald, who interrupted his wife’s household chores on a spring Sunday afternoon so she would snap two photographs, him dressed in black, brandishing firearms and socialist literature. The backyard photos are understood as the self-portrait of a political fanatic, a man preparing for violence, in the service of ideology and his twisted psyche. They are said to be Oswald’s idealized image of himself – the hunter of fascists, the man ready for anything. 3

        FANATIC LONE-NUT KILLER
        DESTROYER OF INNOCENCE

    Should it be understood that Marina Oswald did not snap these photos at her husband’s insistence, the context and interpretation of these photos must transform. Are the backyard photos instead the portrait of a political provocateur, posing as part an operation to discredit organizations of the left? Are the backyard photos some kind of in-joke, a trophy from a modestly successful false flag attempt? Hunter of fascists ha-ha-ha!

    A Backyard Photo Was In Possession Of Dallas Police On The Evening of November 22

    An internal FBI memo dated February 25, 1964, generated as part of the FBI’s multi-city investigation into the leak of backyard photo 133-A to the media, describes an interview with Jerry O’Leary, Jr., a reporter for the Washington Evening Star. O’Leary confirmed to agents he had arrived in Dallas on the evening of November 22, 1963 and “advises as follows: Deputy Sheriffs and Dallas Police Department detectives, he believes, arrived at the Payne home in Irving … O’Leary understands that the officers started searching, Mrs. Payne objected, whereupon they told her they would get a search warrant. O’Leary thinks these officers took photographs back to the police department or the Sheriff’s office which they obtained in the Payne residence from Marina Oswald. O’Leary says he believes the photograph carried by “Life” on its 2-21-64 issue was among those taken by the police. O’Leary says that either late the night of 11-22-63 or the morning of 11-23-63, he saw a copy of the photograph in the hands of a police officer” (FBI DeLoach to Mohr 2-25-64)

    O’Leary was not in attendance at the Paine home during the initial search, and his information of what happened there is not accurate. Ruth Paine, according to all in attendance, never objected to the police presence and allowed full access. The legal issue of a search warrant, as officially explained, rests on the distinction that officers could access visible objects as they moved through the residence, but a warrant was required to open sealed items such as the seabags and suitcases in the garage. O’Leary may have received or overheard incomplete and/or inaccurate background information, but his seeing “the photograph carried by Life” on the Friday night or early Saturday morning “in the hands of a police officer” is important and has corroboration.

    On March 17, 1964 Michael Paine provided testimony to Warren Commission attorneys Wesley Liebeler and Norman Redlich. The following exchange was recorded:

    Mr. LIEBELER – Did the FBI or any other investigatory agency of the Government ever show you a picture of the rifle that was supposed to have been used to assassinate the President?

    Mr. PAINE – They asked me at first, the first night of the assassination if I could locate, identify the place where Lee was standing when he was holding this rifle and some, the picture on the cover of Life.

    Mr. LIEBELER – Were you able to?

    Mr. PAINE – I identified the place by the fine clapboard structure of the house.

    Mr. LIEBELER – By the what?

    Mr. PAINE – By the small clapboard structure, the house has an unusually small clapboard.

    Mr. LIEBELER – What did you identify the place as being?

    Mr. PAINE – The Neely Street address.

    Michael Paine confirms the observation of Jerry O’Leary Jr., that Dallas Police had in their possession, on Friday night November 22, 1963, a copy of a backyard photo, many hours before these photos were officially discovered.

    There is a third confirmation. In a typed version of notes taken by Dallas Police Homicide Captain Will Fritz during his interrogations with prisoner Lee Oswald, the following information covers midday Saturday November 23: “Oswald was placed back in jail at 11:33 a.m. At 12:35 p.m. Oswald was brought to the office for another interview with Inspector Kelley and some of the other officers and myself. I talked to Oswald about the different places he had lived in Dallas in an effort to find where he was living when the picture was made of his holding a rifle which looked to be the rifle we had recovered. This picture showed to be taken near a stairway with many identifying things in the back yard … Mr Paine had told me about where Oswald lived on Neely Street. Oswald was very evasive about this location.” (CE2003)

    The Dallas police had at least one version of a backyard photo long before the photos were officially found mid-afternoon Saturday. In the Fritz typed notes he adds: “We found later that this was the place where the picture was made.” The Dallas police would go to 214 West Neely Street on November 29, 1963 to take photos of the property, including a replication of the Oswald pose identified as backyard photo 133-C, supposedly unknown, beyond certain Dallas police officers, for another dozen years. (CE712) This demonstrates the existence of 133-C was not some dark secret known only to a few. It is highly unlikely backyard photo 133-C could have been withheld from the FBI or the Secret Service. The Secret Service, in the person of Forrest Sorrels, supervised the November 29 photo recreations. 4 There is no acknowledgment of the existence of 133-C anywhere in the official record generated in 1963/1964, other than the recreated pose. The withholding of 133-C from the official record appears a deliberate decision, involving a tacit understanding between the Dallas Police, the FBI, and the Secret Service. Why would this happen?

    A speculation: 133-C was the backyard photo in possession of the Dallas police on the evening of Friday November 22, 1963. The reason for its withholding: the means by which it came into the hands of the police was problematic, by origin or method.

    Looking again at Jerry O’Leary’s information, the suggestion is made the lack of a search warrant might have compromised evidence gathered that first afternoon, though it is also said the photographs were “obtained” directly from Marina Oswald. The information regarding the search warrant is not correct, and if Marina directly passed photographs to the attending officers, the incident was not mentioned in any reports or recollections. Perhaps O’Leary was given or overheard something like a cover story. The photo may well have been “obtained” from a location or source other than the Paine household, and this source could not be rationalized within the emerging lone-nut paradigm. Once 133-A and 133-B came into the record on Saturday afternoon November 23, in convenient fashion, 133-C could be quietly shelved.

    The complete lack of curiosity concerning photograph 133-C on the part of the HSCA – the government panel which first became aware of this photo – supports a notion that there was something decidedly fishy about this photograph, and the fishiness is not a matter of content, which is effectively the same as the other two backyard photos in the record. The HSCA took forty pages of testimony from Dallas police officer R.L. Studebaker concerning the many copies made of all three backyard photos in the Dallas Police Department Photography Laboratory, but the provenance of 133-C was not clarified. 5

    A closer look at the context and circumstances of these photographs may help establish the range of possibility which could explain the backyard photographs.

    Oswald the “Marxist”

    In October 1962, the Dallas FBI closed its Oswald file started the previous June, when Oswald returned from the Soviet Union. Five months later, the file would be reopened, supposedly after learning Oswald had subscribed to the Communist Party USA newspaper The Worker. As John Newman describes in Oswald and the CIA, the FBI’s reasoning appears flawed. Oswald maintained contacts and subscriptions with numerous left and radical-left organizations continuously since his return, and the FBI had no reason not to be aware of this. Oswald began his subscription to The Worker on August 5, 1962 and he had contacted the Socialist Worker’s Party, a listed subversive organization and publisher of The Militant, a week later, not long before his FBI file was rendered “inactive”. A copy of both The Worker, and The Militant are featured in the backyard photos.

    Oswald communicated with left-wing organizations as early as fifteen years of age, and was known to espouse left-wing sentiments while with the Marines. When he attempted to renounce his American citizenship in Moscow, he claimed: “I am a Marxist” (CE910). Consul Richard Snyder recalled “strong impression he used simple Marxist stereotypes without sophistication or independent formulation” (CE909). The same impression was expressed by others acquainted with Oswald. 6 While in the Soviet Union, Oswald did not associate with Marxist or communist institutions, and there is little to indicate he engaged in Marxist analysis or discussions with his friends in MInsk. Oswald’s Marxist / leftist persona appears exclusively to an American audience, first in the Marines, then to American officials and reporters in Moscow, and then again on his return to Fort Worth in 1962.

    On August 26, 1962 Oswald ordered pamphlets on Trotsky from Pioneer Publishers, associated with the Socialist Worker’s Party. He applied for SWP membership at the end of October (Dobbs Exhibit 9). On December 6 he steps up his prospective involvement by offering his skills in “blow-ups, reversals and reproduction work” gained at his employer Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall to the SWP’s New York office (Dobbs Exhibit 12). He makes a similar offer to the Hall-Davis Defense Committee, linked to the CPUSA (Tormey Exhibit 1). On December 15 Oswald subscribes to the The Militant. 7

    If Oswald’s Marxist tendencies had been more informed, his subscription and party membership activity should have been limited to one or other of Communist Party USA or the Socialist Worker’s Party. Factional splits and philosophical differences had led to bitter divisions between the two organizations. Oswald’s correspondence through 1962 and 1963 with various left-wing outfits shows him apparently unaware or unconcerned with these splits. Oswald assumed a personal stance, articulated during social occasions at the time, that he disliked both the Soviet and American political systems and instead endorsed Marxist analysis and ideals. Yet in Texas and Louisiana, in 1962 and 1963, he worked and socialized with, for the most part, persons of the right. 8 Oswald’s Marxist identity should be considered a front, and his communications with left-wing organizations insincerely motivated.

    Oswald in Oak Cliff

    Near the beginning of October 1962, George de Mohrenschildt’s daughter Alexandra and her husband Gary Taylor were invited to a modest gathering held at Oswald’s Mercedes Street apartment in Fort Worth. For the Taylors, this was their first meeting with the Oswalds, and as they were not Russian speakers, the interaction with their hosts was limited. Even so, as the occasion concluded a few hours later, Marina Oswald gathered clothes and her infant daughter, and joined the Taylors for the drive back to their apartment in Dallas, where she would then stay for almost a week. One rationale for this holds that Marina complained of spousal abuse to the guests, so the removal to the Taylor home was a hastily conceived reaction. Alexandra Taylor, in contrast, told the FBI on November 30, 1963 that Marina’s stay had been arranged by her father some time before (CD60). Gary Taylor’s Warren Commission testimony also confirmed that it was a prearranged event orchestrated by George de Mohrenschildt. 9

    Lee and Marina would be separated throughout October 1962, commencing a year of absences and separations, when Lee Oswald’s movements and activities assume a murky or unknown character. On his own, Oswald stayed at the Mercedes apartment until October 8, when he vacated and quit his job at Leslie Welding the same day. Where he stayed the following week is unknown. He rents the (later infamous) Post Office Box 2915 on October 9, and has several appointments with the Texas Employment Commission. On Friday October 12, Oswald is hired by the typographic firm Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall. Oswald checks into the Dallas YMCA on October 15 and stays there until October 19, when he relocates to the Coz-I-Eight apartments on North Beckley Street in the Oak Cliff neighborhood of Dallas. For the rest of his days in Dallas, Oswald would reside at addresses closely clustered, within a ten block radius, in Oak Cliff. 10

    Jeanne de Mohrenschildt, referring to the Dallas-Fort Worth Russian community, would tell the Warren Commission: “Lee insisted for some particular reason to live very, very far from everybody, from all these people. They lived in Oak Cliff – God knows where from us … Why did he live so far? … Why wouldn’t they take a little place near us, it will be much easier for me to help her. He had some reasons to live far away. I don’t know if anybody else mentioned that to you. That was everybody’s impression. For some particular reason, he moved all the way out” (WC testimony April 24, 1964).

    On November 3, 1962 Gary Taylor would help rent a trailer for Oswald, then assist in the relocation of Marina and June, with belongings, from Fort Worth to a new home at Apartment 2 – 604 Elsbeth, which Lee had arranged the week before. 11 Three days later, Marina moved out, allegedly the result of a bad argument sparked by her conversation with the wife of the Elsbeth apartment’s building supervisor. Marina and June shuttled between three White Russian homes for two weeks before another reconciliation with Lee was achieved on November 18. On November 22 the Oswalds attended a Thanksgiving dinner hosted by his brother Robert in Fort Worth. Several snapshots of the Oswald family were taken at the Fort Worth bus depot’s Photo-mat booth, the only specific instance of “family-type snapshots” from the period that Marina could later recall.

    The Oswald’s domestic situation is notable for its instability throughout the autumn of 1962, coinciding with George de Mohrenschildt’s efforts as their benefactor. Marina Oswald would say in a letter to the Soviet Embassy on December 31,1962 “we change address often because my husband changes work and for other reasons” (emphasis added). She shares with the Embassy her new mailing address “Box 2915, Dallas, Texas” (CE986). 12

    The February Hand-Off

    Even though Lee Oswald’s unemployment in October 1962 lasted only four days, George de Mohrenschildt was known to lament “we‘ve got to find Lee a job.” The kind of job he was likely referring to was as free lance informant, investigator and possibly provocateur – activity associated with industrial security and/or private firms and organizations linked to federal intelligence or police agencies (such as Guy Banister’s outfit in New Orleans). 13 This is the milieu believed to have motivated otherwise inexplicable activity on the part of Oswald throughout the year 1963. Introductions or inquiries on Oswald’s behalf were made by de Mohrenschildt in the autumn of 1962 to persons such as Admiral Chester Bruton, of Collins Radio, and Max Clark, overseeing industrial security at General Dynamics.

    Oswald had extra money available to him in December 1962 / January 1963, not huge amounts but enough to pay the remainder of the State Department loan which assisted his return to America. A few months later, allegedly, Oswald was able to purchase the mail-order guns under the name Hidell, amounting to just over $50, representing a week’s salary. 14

    In 1963, not only did Oswald’s Fair Play For Cuba activity coincide with active programs by the FBI and CIA directed against the organization, he also (allegedly) ordered interstate mail-order firearms from Klein’s and Seaport Traders when both of these firms were also targeted by federal investigations. Peter Dale Scott notes: “in 1963 Seaport Traders and Klein’s Sporting Goods were being investigated, by the ATF unit of the U.S. Treasury’s Internal Revenue Service, as well as by Senator Dodd’s Juvenile Delinquency Subcommittee. Treasury and the Committee sought to demonstrate the need for more restrictive federal legislation to control the burgeoning mail-order traffic in firearms” (Deep Politics, Chapter 15).

    In early February 1963, George de Mohrenschildt introduced Oswald to Volkmar Schmidt, a German oil geologist employed in Dallas by Magnolia Oil. During a small dinner party held at de Mohrenschildt’s home, a political and philosophical conversation ensued between Schmidt and Oswald lasting two hours, during which Oswald exhibited traits similar to the Warren Commission’s lone nut psychological profile. 15 Schmidt claimed Oswald seemed to him a man “desperate, spiritually, totally desperate … His determination to leave an imprint in history was just incredible.” After redirecting Oswald’s spiritual desperation toward an antipathy to the far-right positions of General Edwin Walker, Schmidt came to believe this conversation triggered Oswald’s alleged obsession with Walker, which may have resulted in a failed assassination attempt two months later. 16

    From Oswald’s address book

    Schmidt decided to arrange his own get-together for Oswald, at the house he shared with other Magnolia Oil employees including Ruth and Michael Paine’s friend Everett Glover. Schmidt described the event as one which he hoped could assist getting Oswald “out of his shell”, though he would not personally attend. Invited guests included the de Mohrenschildts and the Paines. 17 The Magnolia Oil party occurred on Friday night, February 22, 1963. Ruth Paine met Marina Oswald at this event, beginning a rapid transition for the Oswalds – from dependence on the generosity of the de Mohrenschildts to dependence on the generosity of the Paines.

    A few days previously, on February 17, Marina Oswald had written the Soviet Embassy, apparently at her husband’s insistence, to request assistance in returning to the USSR. This letter differed markedly from Marina’s earlier genial communications with the Embassy, due to its specific pleading and urgency. 18 As their friendship took root, Ruth Paine would go into something of a panic as Marina spoke of Lee’s insistence she return to Russia. Her first offers for Marina to stay with her in Irving are made in response, a persistent theme through the year. Earlier, in November 1962, the Dallas area Russian community had been canvassed to find a place “where (Marina) could live with somebody for 2 or 3 months.” 19

    214 West Neely Street

    The Oswalds moved again soon after the Magnolia Oil party, on March 3, 1963 to 214 West Neely Street, a short distance away. After moving to this address, Oswald was said to have begun surveillance of General Edwin Walker’s residence and ordered the rifle from Klein’s Sporting Goods. At this address the backyard photos were said to have been taken, followed by Oswald’s supposed assassination attempt on General Walker. Notes taken by Dallas Police Homicide Captain Will Fritz during Oswald’s interrogations indicate Oswald was distinctly evasive about this location. During her testimony to the Warren Commission, Marina allowed that Oswald’s behavior had changed in this time:

    Mrs. OSWALD. … the later time he was more excited and more nervous but it was quite a contrast between the way he was in Russia.

    Mr. RANKIN. By the later time that you just referred to what do you mean? Can you give us some approximate date?

    Mrs. OSWALD. When we went to Neely Street. (WC, February 3, 1964)

    CE404. In a letter dated March 4, 1963, Marina Oswald drew Ruth Paine a map to 214 Neely Street

    Known visitors to this address included a few members of the White Russian community, the de Mohrenschildt’s once or twice, Michael Paine once and Ruth Paine several times, and also Gary Taylor, George de Mohrenschildt’s now estranged son-in-law. He came by the apartment one afternoon, when Lee Oswald was at work.

    Mr. JENNER. Why did you go there?

    Gary Taylor: “Some of the baby’s toys – a ball and something or other – were out there on this porch.”

    Mr. TAYLOR. Just for a friendly visit. Marina was at home. She – her English had improved enough for her to get across to me a few ideas … I did inform Marina of my impending divorce and – uh – in other words, telling her that Mrs. Taylor and I were no longer living together and we had separated.” (WC testimony March 25, 1964)

    Taylor was able to recall a specific image: “this apartment in question had a small balcony on the front of it and I remember the door was open and I thought what a nice place for the baby to play and some of the baby’s toys – a ball and something or other – were out there on this porch.”

    Early during Taylor’s testimony, Commission counsel Albert Jenner established:

    Mr. JENNER. During the time you had your interest, which you still may have, in – what did you say – photographing?

    Mr. TAYLOR. Yes …

    Mr. JENNER. Are you an amateur camera fan?

    Mr. TAYLOR. Just a little bit. I try to carry it on as best I can …

    His former wife Alexandra (Mrs Donald Gibson) confirmed “he was working on and off with a photographer … ” (WC testimony May 28, 1964). In light of Gary Taylor’s photography interest, the Commission’s interest in establishing this hobby, and his specific recollection of June Oswald on the Neely Street balcony – this may establish the origin of the Neely Street balcony photographs (and assist in emphasizing Lee Oswald did not take any “family-type snapshots” while in America 1962-63).

    Oswald and the Walker Shooting

    A Dallas Times Herald story titled Walker Target of Sniper’s Blast, dated Thursday April 11, 1963, describes the aftermath of the apparent assassination attempt directed at General Walker (CD1019 pp. 4-5). Walker is portrayed as upbeat and on-message:

     
    “The Kennedys say there’s no internal threat to our freedom,” the general said with a laugh, nodding to the gaping hole in the wall. Gen Walker said the shooting was not going to slow him up in any way from carrying out his fight against Communists at home and abroad. “The shooting here is going to speed me up. You know I said … that the front lines were right here at home – in Dallas,” he said.

    This assassination attempt, on the immediate heels of Walker’s cross-country tour with the Christian crusader Billy James Hargis, had an element of convenience in that it underscored Walker’s message of vigilance, despite the absence of suspects. Walker could be portrayed as patriotically filling out his tax forms, reacting bravely to the shot, then eschewing medical care so he could continue with his taxes. Viewed through a cynical lens, one might wonder if this was really an assassination attempt at all.

    If Oswald was involved in this supposed assassination attempt against General Walker, and there’s a chance he was, then the circumstances would certainly bear little to no relation to the stories told by Marina Oswald and adopted by the Warren Commission. Marina’s Walker stories portray Oswald as erratic, irrational, and prone to panic. This flies in the face of the common perception of Oswald as calm and collected whatever the circumstance. 20 The Warren Commission’s acceptance of Oswald as the lone would-be assassin of Walker in turn disavows sightings of multiple persons surveying Walker’s residence ahead of the shooting, and multiple persons fleeing the area immediately after the shot was fired.

    Whatever the true circumstances, Oswald is linked to the Walker incident at least by association, since one of the so-called surveillance photos of the Walker residence was identified as having been taken with the same Imperial Reflex camera responsible for the backyard photos. 21 The Walker surveillance photos would be discovered among Oswald’s possessions at Ruth Paine’s home.

    Researcher Dick Russell interviewed Walker for his book The Man Who Knew Too Much, and was told a private investigation revealed brothers Larrie and Bob Schmidt may have connected with Oswald and may have been responsible for the shooting at Walker’s home. 22 The Schmidt brothers were far-right political activists, part of a scene described by Peter Dale Scott as a “Minutemen-Cuban exile-General Walker milieu supported by H.L. Hunt.” Oswald the Marxist would have no business making friends with such persons. The paths of Oswald, Larrie Schmidt and General Walker would cross again in the autumn of 1963. Schmidt and Walker tie back to Munich, where a right-wing newspaper would print a story on November 29, 1963 claiming Oswald was responsible for the Walker assassination attempt. 23 Marina Oswald began relating her version of the alleged Walker attempt four days later on December 3, 1963.

    The Warren Commission corroborated Marina Oswald’s version with testimony from the de Mohrenschildts, focused on a supposed trip one night to Neely Street to present an Easter toy for infant June. In one version of this story, Marina Oswald takes Jeanne de Mohrenschildt on a tour of the Neely Street apartment and the rifle is observed, prompting George to joke that Oswald could have been Walker’s would-be assassin. In the other, de Mohrenschildt makes the Walker joke as they are greeted at the door. Jeanne de Mohrenschildt was nervous as she testified about this visit, and she implied her visit to 214 West Neely actually occurred on a different occasion.

    Mr. JENNER. Was it upstairs or downstairs?

    Mrs. De MOHRENSCHILDT. Upstairs. There was a little terrace, and a big tree growing right next to the terrace.

    Mr. JENNER. Had you been there before?

    Mrs. De MOHRENSCHILDT. No.

    Mr. JENNER. That is the first time you had ever been there?

    Mrs. De MOHRENSCHILDT. I don’t remember. Maybe I was. I don’t think so.

    Mr. JENNER. All right … Now, just relax –

    Mrs. De MOHRENSCHILDT. I am trying to think hard, because every little fact could be important.

    Mr. JENNER. But you are excited. Relax, and tell me everything that occurred, chronologically, as best you can on that occasion. You came to the door and either Marina or Oswald came to the door, and you and your husband went in the home?

    Mrs. De MOHRENSCHILDT. That is right.

    Mr. JENNER. Then, go on. Tell me about it.

    Mrs. De MOHRENSCHILDT. And I believe from what I remember George sat down on the sofa and started talking to Lee, and Marina was showing me the house that is why I said it looks like it was the first time, because why would she show me the house if I had been there before? (WC testimony April 24, 1964)

    When Jeanne de Mohrenschildt had been interviewed by a representative of the State Department in Haiti in early December 1963, she claimed to have seen a rifle in Oswald’s possession in the autumn of 1962 (State Department airtel December 8, 1963). Marina Oswald first described showing a rifle to Jeanne de Mohrenschildt at 214 West Neely Street during an FBI interview December 11, 1963, but this story does not mention it being nighttime or that Oswald and George de Mohrenschildt were also there (CE1403). Questioned later the same day, Marina told of an occasion when George de Mohrenschildt visited and made a joke about Oswald shooting Walker, but Jeanne’s presence and observation of the rifle is not mentioned. The Warren Commission, for its part, apparently did not notice that the rifle is allegedly seen inside a small room elsewhere described as Oswald’s secret sanctum, a room said to be completely off-limits to Marina.

    Jeanne de Mohrenschildt finished her Easter visit recollections to the Commission’s Albert Jenner with a concrete image: “And we left. She got me some roses. They had a big rose tree right by the staircase. And she got me a lot of roses, and we went home.” This implies the de Mohrenschildt’s exited down the back staircase, even though it was night. It suggests that, in the dark, Marina Oswald plucked “a lot of roses” from a nearby bush. It is very possible that Jeanne de Mohrenschildt instead visited 214 West Neely during the day sometime in March or April 1963.

    Could there be a reason for the de Mohrenschildt’s co-operation with the Warren Commission, supplying an important but untrue corroboration in the case against Lee Oswald? George de Mohrenschildt begins his Commission testimony with a matter of personal concern:

    Mr. De MOHRENSCHILDT. You know, this affair actually is hurting me quite a lot, particularly right now in Haiti, because President Duvalier – I have a contract with the Government … They got wind I am called by the Warren committee … and I am about to be expelled from the country. My contract may be broken … So I hope that this unpleasantness will be somehow repaired … if the committee could do something in that respect … (WC testimony April 22, 1964)

    Possible Circumstances of the Backyard Photos

    If the backyard photos were not actually photographed at 214 West Neely Street in March or April 1963, then persons unknown made a considerable effort to make them appear as such. The Warren Commission used the props displayed by the Oswald figure to set a likely creation date (Sunday March 31), and to solidify a link between Oswald and the murder weapons. In addition to accessing these weapons and the newspapers, forgers would also require knowing that Oswald resided at this address in the first place, as his stay was only about eight weeks. 24

    According to Marina Oswald, the backyard photos were created to be submitted to the Socialist Worker’s Party newspaper The Militant:

    Mrs. OSWALD. … it happened just before he went to shoot General Walker. Then, I asked him why he was taking this silly picture and he answered that he simply wanted to send it to the newspaper.

    Mr. LIEBELER. The Militant?

    Mrs. OSWALD. The Militant.

    Mrs. OSWALD. I didn’t attach any significance to what he said at the time, but he added, “That maybe some day June will remember me.” He must have had something in his mind – some grandiose plans. (WC July 24, 1964)

    If Oswald’s primary concern was to ingratiate and associate himself with The Militant, then a backyard photo would surely had the opposite effect. The firearms plus the ideological contrast of the two papers would have signaled Oswald as unhinged and confused rather than a reliable warrior for the cause. The photo would have revealed Oswald as some sort of provocateur and potentially compromised his upcoming activity for the Fair Play For Cuba Committee. 25

    Oswald contacted the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in mid-April, claiming he had leafletted in Dallas with a pro-Castro placard around his neck, and requested more pamphlets. A notation on Oswald’s letter indicates that 50 of what Oswald described as “fine, basic pamphlets” were sent to P.O. Box 2915 on April 19 (Lee Exhibit 1).

    Oswald left for New Orleans on April 24. The Warren Commission, using the testimony of Marina Oswald and Ruth Paine, explained this as a response to desperate unemployment. Oswald had been out of work for less than three weeks, and it is not clear that the reasons for his leaving Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall were exactly that implied by his supervisors. 26

    Oswald contacted the Fair Play for Cuba Committee from New Orleans on May 26. He requested formal membership in the organization: “I have been thinking about renting a small office at my own expense for the purpose of forming a F.P.C.C. branch here in New Orleans.” He desires information on “buying pamphlets in large lots, as well as blank FPCC applications … a picture of Fidel, suitable for framing would be a welcome touch” (Lee Exhibit 2).

    In Dick Russell’s book, Richard Nagell emphasized Oswald was not trying to “penetrate” the FPCC: “His involvement with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in New Orleans was something entirely different. There was no chapter of the committee that he was associated with, not in reality. It was a ploy.” Former New Orleans CIA agent William Gaudet would tell Russell: “I don’t think (Oswald) knew exactly what he was distributing … (with) the Fair Play for Cuba deal, which was nothing but a front and was one of the dreams of – I think Guy Banister.” 27

    When Oswald arrived in New Orleans, the Fair Play for Cuba operation was already active, the first contact made in mid-April, suggesting his association with Banister had been arranged while Oswald was still in Dallas. The intrigue of March and April 1963 – which includes the fast friendship with the Paines, the ordering of the rifle from Klein’s Sporting Goods, the Walker attempt, the backyard photos, the start of the FPCC activity and the move to New Orleans – is not easily explained by the official record, which relies largely on Marina Oswald’s shifting testimony. Lee Oswald’s activity requires assistance, of which the Warren Report is silent.

    On the morning of November 23, 1963 the FBI were in contact with M. Waldo George, who was the owner of 214 West Neely Street. George did not reside at or nearby that address, and his contact with Oswald the previous spring had been limited to three brief occasions. The Warren Commission obtained an affidavit from George dated June 12, 1964.(WCH Vol. XI, p 155) In this affidavit, tenants of the ground floor apartment at 214 Neely Street were identified as Mr. and Mrs. George B Gray. The Grays would have conceivably served as crucial witnesses to this extremely important time period, witnesses who had maybe seen Oswald with his rifle, or witnessed the backyard photo session, seen visitors to the Oswald suite, and who perhaps could verify Oswald’s bizarre activities leading to the Walker attempt (as described by Marina). A Secret Service Report from December 1963 (CE2189), however, just as the later affidavit, states succinctly: “The Gray family has now moved and Mr. George does not know where they moved to.”

    It might be assumed the resources available to the Commission would succeed in locating these potentially crucial witnesses, the Gray family, but nothing appears in the published Report or Exhibits. However, buried inside Commission Document 6 – the FBI De Brueys Report of 8 Dec 1963 – is information from FBI SA Robert E. Wiatt, referring to a November 30, 1963 interview held in Corrigan, Texas with George B. Bray and his wife Clydie. Spelling aside, Mr Bray is clearly the downstairs tenant from 214 West Neely. Bray states: “The OSWALDS were moved into this apartment by a woman who was driving a white station wagon. This woman transported them and their personal belongings.” 28 While Bray claims there was little contact with the new neighbors, as he and his wife both worked full time, he does recall an astonishing detail: “OSWALD and his wife often quarreled loudly and on occasions these quarrels occurred in the presence of an unknown male visitor who utilized the back stairs to visit the OSWALDS. This man is described only as white male having a chunky build.” (CD6, p. 57)

    “An unknown male visitor who utilized the back stairs”

    A man with a “chunky build” does not square with the known visitors to the West Neely apartment. 29 This man “utilized” the back staircase, which suggests furtive behavior, and he did so more than once (“on occasions”). He is not a casual acquaintance, as he is present during Lee and Marina’s quarreling. These quarrels may have had something to do with this man. Despite this information, there is no record of any follow up with the Brays (Grays). Marina Oswald is never asked during her Warren Commission testimony if she could identify the “chunky” man who arrived up the back stairs and was present during quarrels with her husband. All that appears in the published record is an acknowledgment that there were downstairs tenants at 214 West Neely, who had since moved. This can be understood as a deliberate omission on the part of the Warren Commission, as the staff counsel were well versed in the contents of the Commission Documents.

    Within this atmosphere of intrigue and furtive acquaintance, it is possible to envision a backyard photo session, featuring Oswald and arranged by an as-yet unknown person or persons. With both neighbors working full-time, using the back staircase Oswald and persons unknown could have accessed the backyard, taken three or more photos, and returned to the second-floor apartment without attracting undo attention. This could have happened on a weekday, such as Thursday April 11, 1963, when Ruth Paine shuttled Marina and June Oswald to a visit at her home in Irving. Following this reasoning, the persons unknown could have brought black clothing, the weapons, and the camera with them. The purpose of the photos could have been related to the Walker incident, which would have occurred the previous evening, or for the upcoming provocation involving the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. The backyard photos are not random snapshots, as Oswald’s presentation featured deliberately selected clothing, weapons, and literature. The context of the backyard photos may relate to the intrigues of March/April 1963, and were later appropriated for the patsy operation.

    The Neely Street duplex sat empty for a few months later in 1963. This presents a possibility the backyard photos were created at a later date, with the intent of superimposing Oswald’s face atop someone else’s body. The argument against this, noted by the HSCA photography panel, due to the technical skill required to produce a composite which did not give itself away too obviously, purported forgers would have been content creating one single photo. It is difficult to understand why the Imperial Reflex camera would not also have been stashed within Oswald’s seabags, as the two forged photos must have been. Instead, the camera’s insertion into the record was awkward and required questionable and uncorroborated information from Irving policeman John McCabe.

    There is nothing uniquely incriminating within the backyard photos, and they were not absolutely necessary to the posthumous prosecution of Oswald. For the Warren Report, paper trails trace the mail order firearms to Oswald’s postal box, and paper trails to CPUSA and SWP establish Oswald’s Marxist bona fides. The backyard photos are invoked as secondary confirmation of Oswald’s guilt, but their true influence is marked by their power and value as a photographed image. 30 The backyard photos, whether forged or retrieved from another operation, were placed with Oswald’s belongings for the purpose of public dissemination.

    The introduction of a backyard photo to the Dallas police on Friday night November 22, 1963 was probably not planned and may have been a response to Oswald’s survival, also not planned. The Friday photo may have served the purpose of convincing key personnel of the Dallas police and other investigators that Oswald was the assassin, as Curry, Wade, and Fritz insisted he was during statements to the media when no evidence to support this claim otherwise existed and Oswald proclaimed his innocence.

    Accepting that the backyard photos were not taken by Marina Oswald, and that the Imperial Reflex camera was not owned by Oswald, and accepting that the photos are genuine, it follows that whoever was responsible for these photos was known to Oswald, was known to Ruth Paine, had something to do with the Walker “assassination attempt”, and had a hand in setting up Oswald as the patsy for the Kennedy assassination.


    Notes

    1  This is assuming the backyard photos are “genuine”. If the backyard photos are instead composites, then “who took the pictures” could be rephrased as “who faked the pictures.”

    2  This is how film can be understood as a sort of language, and why these early cinema experiments were influential to 20th century linguistics and similar disciplines. The advertising industry implicitly understands the Kuleshov Effect, and it can be witnessed in full effect many times everyday.

    3  The phrase “hunter of fascists” appears on the back of the de Mohrenschildt version of 133-A. Who wrote it and when is not known.

    4  Bobby Brown, the officer seen in the recreation pose, later told researchers that he was given instructions on how to pose by the Secret Service. See First Day Evidence (Gary Savage), or “Bobby Brown And Oswald’s Ghost(s)” (John Johnson, The Fourth Decade, Volume 5, Number 1).

    5  Testimony of Robert Lee Studebaker, 5 Oct 1978 (http://www.maryferrell.org/showDoc.html?docId=146602) Studebaker had no specific memory of creating prints of backyard photos, although he acknowledged he probably made his own prints of all three backyard poses, as well as the 8×10 enlargement of 133-A (CE134). He assumed that all backyard photo prints were made from their negatives, but never retained or knew what happened to these negatives. He allowed that numerous police officers had copies of these photographs. Studebaker was not asked if he knew how 133-C came into police possession. He did not know under whose instructions Officer Baker assumed the same pose as 133-C during the Nov 29 recreation at Neely Street, or why there was a white cut-out version of the same pose.

    6  For an example of Oswald’s dogmatic thought patterns, see Aline Mosby’s notes from her meeting with Oswald in Moscow November 1959 (CE1385).

    7  As noted by John Newman: “The mail to and from (Oswald’s) address during this period is so unusual for Texas that Oswald was probably watched closely … His mail was so radically left wing that he could have expected to be the subject of FBI scrutiny” (Oswald and the CIA, Chapter 15). The Socialist Workers Party was listed as a subversive organization. Oswald never appeared on any security index even as persons with far less radical contact did.

    8  Oswald professed dismay and disappointment with the Soviet Union, but his life in Minsk represented the high point of his short life. He received a good salary, he had friends and girlfriends, a nice apartment, and was not prone to the introverted secretive behavior seen on his return to America.

    9  Gary Taylor would serve as Oswald’s driver for about a month, shuttling him to several homes associated with the Dallas White Russian community, for visits with Marina. Oswald would also visit the Taylor apartment, where he and Gary Taylor would engage in political debates (CD60, pp. 3-6).

    10  Coz-I-Eight Apartments 1306 North Beckley; 604 Elsbeth; 214 West Neely; 621 North Marsalis (the Bledsoe rooming house); 1026 North Beckley. see The Cozy Eight Apartments (R.F. Gallagher, The Fourth Decade, Volume 5 Number 1). During a March 3, 1964 FBI-led tour through the neighborhood, Marina Oswald had the rooming house at 1026 North Beckley pointed out at her request. She stated “she had often seen this house because it was situated near a bus stop which she and her husband had used” (CE1838). Lake Cliff Park, mentioned in Marina’s testimony several times, also by Ruth Paine, is within walking distance of these addresses. Oswald’s denouement on 11/22/63, from the North Beckley rooming house to the Texas Theater, played out, for him, on very familiar turf.

    11  Apartment 2, 604 Elsbeth was the address provided to the Warren Commission by the landlord M.F. Tobias. Oswald himself would refer to 602 Elsbeth (CE427), or 602 Elsbeth, Apt 2. On file at the 112th Military Intelligence group in San Antonio, cross linked to file name AJ Hidell, “Harvey Lee Oswald” was listed as residing at 605 Elsbeth. “Harvey Lee Oswald” with address “605 Elsbeth” was the first name which appeared on DPD Lieutenant Jack Revill’s Texas School Book Depository employee list, drawn up early on the afternoon of November 22, 1963.

    12  P.O. Box 2915, the postal box which A Hidell allegedly used to receive the murder weapon of JFK, was therefore also the postal box for communications from the Oswalds to the Soviet Embassy in Washington from the beginning of 1963 through the 17th of May, when a change of address card was sent from New Orleans. All communications and subscriptions to and from socialist organizations were also received at this PO box. How a mail-order rifle, addressed to an A Hidell, could arrive at a PO Box which also hosted activity from the Soviet Embassy and communist/socialist newspapers, without any alert or notice generated, is inexplicable.

    13  See Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, Chapter 15, “Oswald as an Informant for the Government,” and Chapter 16, “Oswald as a Double Agent for Hoover.”

    14  Richard Nagell, also known to use the Hidell alias, and who may have been Oswald’s “control agent” for American intelligence or Soviet intelligence or both, was in Dallas in October 1962 as Oswald first dropped off the radar, and also in February and April 1963.

    15  See the Volkmar Schmidt interview with researcher Bill Kelly. Schmidt told Kelly this meeting came about because he “wanted to study Russian.” Ruth Paine would say essentially the same thing about her desire to meet Marina Oswald, and the same motivation was used to explain a mysterious visit to the Paine residence in Irving a few days ahead of the assassination by Col. J. D. Wilmeth.

    16  Schmidt’s account was not made contemporaneously; it was first aired in Edward Epstein’s 1978 book Legend: The Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald. Beginning in the early 1990s, at the time of the release of Oliver Stone’s JFK, Schmidt, along with Michael Paine, began making appearances on mainstream television documentaries espousing a lone-nut analysis of Oswald.

    17  Michael Paine would not attend this event due to a “cold”.

    18  Marina specifically says that she and her daughter would return to Leningrad while her husband would stay in the United States. Marina sends another letter dated March 17, with a questionnaire received from the Embassy filled out. On April 18 the Embassy responds cautiously, suggesting she travel to them for an interview. On May 15 the Embassy was sent a change-of-address card switching the Oswald’s address from Box 2915 Dallas to Magazine St in New Orleans. In the next letter, dated July 1st, Lee Oswald is now included as part of the request to return to the Soviet Union. Marina claims their lives are hard, and incorrectly states her husband is “often unemployed” (Oswald had been unemployed for four days the previous October, and for about three weeks in April). For his part, Oswald allows, in an included hand written letter, that the visas for his wife and himself could be considered “separately.” A response comes in August, then no activity until November 1, when a change of address card is sent to switch from New Orleans to a new Dallas P.O. box. The next day, a bizarre typewritten letter which describes a Mexico City meeting with “comrade Kostin”, is mailed to the Embassy. The letter is postmarked November 2, but dated November 9. Previous communications from both Lee and Marina were handwritten (CE986).

    19  Jeanne de Mohrenschildt, WC testimony, April 24, 1964.

    20  Oswald’s calm demeanor under pressure was observed during the street confrontation in New Orleans August 1963, and during his interrogations after the assassination. Richard Nagell: “Let me tell you, he was a cool customer.” Michael Paine: “I think Lee knows how to keep his temper, knows how to control himself.”

    21  The Walker surveillance photo in question was determined, by the presence of a building under construction in its background, to have been photographed somewhere between March 8-12, 1963. Oswald was working at Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall every one of those days from morning to late afternoon with the exception of March 10.

    22  The Schmidt brothers are not related to Volkmar Schmidt. A second-hand story told to Russell in The Man Who Knew Too Much has Oswald hanging with Larrie and Bob Schmidt, drinking heavily, calling out Walker as a “no good son of a bitch” and then, on Oswald’s suggestion, retrieving his rifle and driving to the general’s home to take a pot shot. It is difficult, at face value, to believe a committed ideologue such as Larrie Schmidt would put all his endeavors at risk committing a capital crime on a drunken whim.

    23  Deutsche National-Zeitung und Soldaten-Zeitung, November 29, 1963. A reporter in the hallway of the Dallas Police Department asked Jesse Curry on Saturday November 23 about the possibility that Oswald may be connected to the Walker attempt the previous spring. Curry said he had no information. The context by which the reporter formulated the question is not known. The Munich newspaper’s story of communist Oswald revealing his true nature and loyalties ahead of the JFK assassination, has similar intentions to published stories generated by members of the DRE in Florida and New Orleans.

    24  Oswald had been using Dallas post office box 2915 for his mail, but there does exist a change of address form dated March 6, 1963, switching from Elsbeth to West Neely. The envelope containing Marina’s first letter to Ruth Paine (with the map of the new address), did had a return address: 214 Neely St., postmarked March 8 (CE404-A). The FBI’s Hosty obtained the Neely address on March 11 from a source at the Dallas Post Office. Gary Taylor said his source was the Elsbeth Street landlords. Oswald’s change-of-address form sent from New Orleans on May 12, 1963 lists his old address as P.O. Box 2915 (CE794).

    25  Gus Russo would claim in his book Live By The Sword that interviews he conducted in 1993 with former employees from The Militant confirmed that a backyard photo was sent to the paper and caused consternation. “After the assassination, Farrell Dobbs directed that the photograph, together with ‘every scrap of paper’ mentioning Oswald, including his subscription plate, be swept from the files and given to William Kunstler … ” (Live By The Sword, endnotes p. 537). In fact, Dobbs, the National Secretary of the Socialist Worker’s Party, publisher of The Militant, brought all existing communications to and from Lee Oswald with him to his Warren Commission testimony, whereby they became Commission Exhibits. Dobbs approached his Commission testimony carefully, appearing with legal counsel. It is hard to imagine a backyard photo, or any other artifact from Oswald, being deliberately withheld from the Commission as the potential repercussions would be great, and there would be reason to suspect an informant might already have reported the receipt of such a photo. No legal counsel for Dobbs would have advised anything but full disclosure. An informant had reported details of a “closed membership meeting” of the SWP held November 27, 1963 during which responses to Oswald’s connections to The Militant and the SWP were discussed with concern, and no photo was mentioned (CE2213).

    26  Oswald wrote to his brother in mid-March, describing success developing his photography skills at J-C-S, and claiming he was in line for a raise. Testimony to the Warren Commission by Oswald’s immediate supervisor John Graef and by the firm’s owner Richard Stovall suggest that Oswald was let go because he had no aptitude for the job. Noting that Oswald frequently volunteered for Saturday overtime shifts, Graef stated: “his work didn’t come up to the quality that we needed so it was very, very seldom that we ever brought him in unless we … had an urgent work that absolutely had to go … ” But Oswald worked every Saturday in the month of March, and also Saturday April 6, his final day at the firm after being let go, supposedly, for his poor work. The Warren Commission published, as Exhibits, the J-C-S timecards which show these six-day weeks (CE 1855/1856).

    27  Dick Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much, Chapters 15 & 17.

    28  This description cannot help but bring to mind Ruth Paine. If it was, then for an unknown reason this activity was never mentioned in her testimony, or in the testimony of Marina Oswald. Marina holds that she and Oswald moved themselves on foot. If this was Ruth Paine, then the card Marina sent her five days later with a map to the new address becomes odd (CE404-A). It may have been a member of the White Russian community. In a discussion of this on the Education Forum list, researcher Greg Parker notes the descriptive similarity between the white station wagon seen by Gray, and the “white Nash Rambler station wagon” seen by Roger Craig outside the Texas School Book Depository in the immediate aftermath of the assassination. Craig’s observation was supposedly met by a response from Oswald: “That’s Mrs Paine’s car, you leave her out of it.”

    29  Speculatively, this person could range from Richard Nagell to the FBI’s James Hosty to Jack Ruby, or someone unknown. Nagell was in Dallas in April 1963, in part to monitor Marina Oswald. Nagell said of Marina: “I’ve seen her but never met her. There is the possibility she has seen me with other people.” On January 18, 1964, Marina Oswald was interviewed for two hours by Secret Service SA Jamison “re Richard Case Nagell” (CD 379, p. 6).

    30  If the backyard photos were faked, it means that all items within the photo were deliberately chosen by the forgers. The odd inclusion on the Oswald figure is then the pistol. It invokes the Tippit slaying, but how could the Tippit slaying be anticipated months ahead? Perhaps a shootout with the pistol-carrying assassin was the anticipated event.

  • A new look at the enigma of the Backyard Photographs, Parts 1-3

    A new look at the enigma of the Backyard Photographs, Parts 1-3


    Part 1:  What are the Backyard Photos?

    The backyard photos are among the most contentious items in the record of the JFK case. These portraits of the accused assassin Lee Oswald are strikingly odd, as his clothing, posture, demeanor, and accessories combine to strange effect. There is something undefinably askew in the photographs, and it’s not just that the socialist papers are so at odds, or the firearms are out of context in the domestic yard setting, or that the Oswald figure seems bent at an unnatural angle. There’s a certain patness to the incriminating content, with the future accused man apparently posing with the future murder weapons and signaling a radical political bent which could present motive for his murderous action. This patness encourages a view that the photos are “too good to be true” and the elements of incrimination too obvious, such that the photos may be forgeries, as the accused assassin himself had stated. The oddness of the photos, immediately apparent, supports this view.

    Most discussion of the backyard photos falls within partisan divides: supporters of the government’s version of events tend to accept both the authenticity of the photographs and the narrative of their creation, while critics point to inconsistencies and details within the photos which suggest they are forged composites. This divide has tended to polarize discussion of the backyard photos – they are authentic! they are fake! – such that many salient issues which could assist an understanding of these strange images get overlooked. A review of the backyard photos and their context as developed in the official record can assist in bringing such issues to the foreground.

    Backyard Photos Discovered Amongst Oswald’s Possessions

    At 4:30 PM (CST) November 23, 1963, the Dallas Police Identification Bureau received two negatives matching photographic prints showing “Lee Harvey Oswald holding rifle with scope.” Earlier in the afternoon, Dallas Police detectives had undertaken a second search at Ruth Paine’s home in Irving, Texas, concentrating on the small one-car garage where seabags, suitcases and boxes belonging to Lee Oswald were stored. The Investigation Report (CE Stovall D) states ”found by Dets. Rose was two snapshots and negatives showing Oswald holding the rifle (murder weapon) and wearing a pistol in a holster on his right hip (Tippitt murder weapon).”

    The Identification Bureau would create copies from the negatives, including an 8×10 enlargement of the backyard photo later identified as 133A (CE134). An hour later, at approximately 6 PM, Lee Oswald underwent another round of questioning and was confronted with the enlargement. Oswald rejects it as a fake, claiming “somebody has superimposed my face on that picture” (Rose WC testimony). Oswald is subsequently shown the found print of the second photograph, 133-B, which he dismisses as simply a smaller version of the larger doctored print. He accuses the Dallas police of being responsible for the creation of a fake photograph and states he will not discuss this photograph further without the advice of an attorney. Oswald assures his interrogators that he was familiar with photographic processes and would, in the fullness of time, demonstrate the technique used to create this composite.

    At this same time, the content of the photos was being leaked to reporters. The Dallas Police had been under pressure all day to explain their certainty the suspect was indeed the president’s assassin. At a press scrum, Police Chief Jesse Curry’s announcement of the other big discovery of the day, the Klein’s order letter for the mail order rifle, was upstaged by inquiries regarding these photos:

    Q. These are the photographs of the revolver and the rifle?

    A. There is a photograph of him with a revolver on his hip and holding a rifle in his hand.

    Q. Does it look like the one you have, that you think is the murder weapon?

    A. It does.

    Q. Does it have a telescopic sight?

    A. It does.

    Q. Is he aware of this?

    A. I don’t believe he knows all this as yet. I think the captain is talking to him about this at the present time …

    Q. Did he have in his hand a copy of the communist publication The Worker? With a headline “Be Militant”?

    A. It seems there’s two papers there. On one you can see the words Be Militant. On the other you see The Worker …

    Q. Do you consider the case shut tight now, Chief?

    A. We will continue to work on it and get every shred of evidence that’s possible.

    The link of the alleged murder weapons with the suspect, although more tenuous than initially portrayed, was publicized as a major breakthrough and helped harden opinion that Oswald was the assassin ahead of his own murder. The presence of radical left wing literature in the photos also helped solidify a portrait of Oswald as a dangerous communist. Curry’s misreading of a newspaper banner – Be Militant instead of The Militant – is indicative of a particular frame of reference, and explains a note jotted by reporter Seth Kantor: “Ask Fritz … 501 Elm is place that processed photo. What are details of photo (showing gun & Daily Worker head: “Be Militant.” (CE Kantor 3)1

    Backyard Photo Leaked To the Media

    In early 1964, the backyard photo identified as 133-A was sold and/or released to several newspapers and magazines, resulting in wide public dissemination, most notably on the cover of Life Magazine’s February 21 issue. The release of the photo was considered a serious breach of the Warren Commission’s confidentiality, and the FBI was tasked with investigating “how the press got hold of the photo.” The FBI responded energetically, focusing resources in numerous cities.

    Officially, an FBI summary (CE1788) would report that Dallas Police officials Will Fritz, George Doughty, George Lumpkin and Carl Day, acknowledge multiple copies of both backyard photos were made for investigation purposes immediately after the assassination, but they knew nothing concerning the dissemination to the media. Captain Fritz would refer to information published in the March 2 edition of Newsweek, claiming that Life Magazine and the others bought their copy of the photo from representatives of Marina Oswald.

    An internal FBI memorandum dated March 25, 1964 is far less circumspect, stating: “Based on our investigation it would appear all of the photographs emanated from the Dallas Police Department.” The Dallas Police, as the HSCA would later confirm, “made numerous copies and did not control the dissemination.” Life Magazine negotiated a price of $5000 with Marina Oswald’s business agents for the publication rights to the photo, but the photo itself came from “an enterprising young man in the Dallas Police Department.” Life had an “original copy negative” of the photo, made in Dallas. (Shaneyfelt Exhibit 10)2

    Retouching photographs ahead of publication, for reasons of aesthetics or for technical quality, was routine practice in the print media. Eventually, inconsistencies from this work between various published versions of the photo became publicized by critics, and the Warren Commission was compelled to apply additional resources addressing this issue. Getting to the bottom of the controversy allowed the Commission to appear resolute in debunking yet another dark rumor. In all, the unauthorized February leak of the photo worked well for the Commission and the generation of the official story. The cover of the February 21 issue of Life single-handedly stamped the image of Oswald brandishing a rifle and militant socialist literature into the consciousness of millions of persons (several Warren Commission witnesses refer to “the picture published In Life” when discussing a backyard photo). In Life’s accompanying nine page “clinical study” of Lee Oswald’s biography, lone nut behavior patterns are emphasized and left-wing connections identified.

    The Warren Commission and the Backyard Photos

    Using the witness testimony of Marina Oswald bolstered by technical reports from the FBI’s photographic specialist Lyndal Shaneyfelt, the Warren Commission would assert that the backyard photos were taken by Marina at her husband’s request, using an Imperial Reflex camera which was owned by Oswald, and that this probably occurred on March 31, 1963. Further, the Warren Report determined that the rifle seen in the photographs was the same rifle found on the sixth floor of the School Book Depository and believed to have been used to kill the President.3

    The FBI’s Shaneyfelt used a comparative negative technique to determine that the Imperial Reflex camera in evidence had taken the backyard photographs. Snapping a new picture using this camera allowed for a comparison of this new negative with the backyard photo negative 133-B. Unique marks and scratches created by the camera on the edge of the image could be identified, and then checked against other negatives to find similarities which could link them to this same camera. Shaneyfelt also identified a photo taken near General Edwin Walker’s home, found among Oswald’s possessions, with this camera.

    Following the publication of the Warren Report, the backyard photos came under sustained criticism. Mark Lane discussed issues related to the February photo leak in Rush To Judgement, while Sylvia Meagher offered a substantive critique of the logic of the backyard photos, and the shortcomings with the evidence, in Accessories After The Fact. Researchers versed in photography challenged the authenticity of the photographs themselves, proposing that some form of superimposition was utilized to create a fraudulent Oswald snapshot, a view which gained momentum as it was discovered that this had been Oswald’s position while in custody. In the mid-1970s, as interest in the case was building ahead of the HSCA, news documentaries produced by the BBC in Britain and CBC in Canada featured photographic experts who concurred that fakery was evident.

    New Backyard Photos introduced to the Record

    The House Select Committee on Assassinations asked a specially convened photographic panel to examine controversies associated with the backyard photos, particularly (if not solely) the question of their authenticity. The panel would examine the photos from a primarily technical basis, using forensic techniques to determine “evidence of fakery”, reproducing to some extent work done by the FBI’s Shaneyfelt in 1964, but with more sophisticated techniques. The panel would also identify and describe the various prints in the record, as new versions of the photos appeared through sources connected with the Dallas Police, including, incredibly, a previously unknown third backyard photo (designated 133-C).

    133-A de Mohrenschildt The de Mohrenschildt backyard photo was apparently discovered in February 1967 by Jeanne de Mohrenschildt, inside the sleeve of a record album found at a Dallas storage unit the de Mohrenschildts had secured ahead of their move to Haiti in April 1963. The record album, an instructional Russian/English language LP, had been lent by Jeanne to Marina Oswald, and was found with similar albums inside a box which had been placed in the storage locker sometime after the de Mohrenschildt’s departure, perhaps through Everett Glover and Michael Paine.

    The photo was deemed a first generation print of 133-A (although some researchers believe the Oswald figure’s arms are held higher), with markedly higher detail and resolution compared to the originally discovered prints. On the back side of the photo are two inscriptions. One says “To my friend George from Lee Oswald 5/IV/63.” The other, written in darker ink, is Russian cyrillic translated as “hunter of fascists ha-ha-ha!!!” This second inscription appears to have been written over the top of other writing which had been erased. The HSCA commissioned a handwriting expert who determined that the first inscription matched Lee Oswald’s known handwriting. The second inscription was thought to have been written by Marina Oswald. The subject was broached during an interview, with the now Mrs Porter, on September 13, 1978:

    Mr. McDONALD … do you recognize the handwriting?

    Mrs. PORTER. No, I don’t … you have certain way of writing, habit of writing certain letters, so I know for sure that I could not, I do not write certain letter that way. So at first I thought it was maybe my handwriting, but after I examine it, I know it is not … this is something like maybe foreigner would try to write it, you know, to copy Russian language.4

    In his manuscript “I Am A Patsy”, George de Mohrenschildt described how he viewed the photo as a “gift from the grave” from Lee Oswald. If it was a “gift”, an assumption since the print’s origin and presence inside the record album remain mysterious, then, presuming the April 5 1963 inscription date correct, Oswald passed on an opportunity to present it directly when the de Mohrenschildts apparently paid a social visit the following weekend, what would turn out to be their last meeting.

    Ruth Paine testified to the Garrison Grand Jury convened in New Orleans on April 18, 1968 that she had met the de Mohrenschildt’s only twice, once at the Everett Glover party in February 1963 where she was first introduced to the Oswalds, and a second time in 1967 precipitated by the discovery of the photo. “They called and asked Michael and me to come have dinner with them … he said he found in his luggage the same picture that appeared in Life Magazine of Oswald holding the rifle and the gun on his hip, and it gave him such a turn, it was afterward, after the assassination, and we just talked generally of the events.” Considering the centrality of both the de Mohrenschildts and the Paines to the Oswald’s lives in 1962-63, talking “generally of the events” appears as an understatement.

    Jeanne deMohrenschildt passed the print on to the HSCA in 1977, shortly after her husband’s apparent suicide (which remains controversial).

    133-C Dees In late December 1976, a print of what was termed an “additional view” of the backyard pose was passed to the House Select Committee by Mrs Geneva Dees. According to a staff summary of an interview with Mrs Dees, the print “had been acquired by her former husband, Roscoe White, now deceased, while employed with the Dallas Police at the time of the assassination.” Roscoe White has assumed some notoriety for numerous reasons, including that his tenure with the DPD began only a few weeks before the assassination, assigned to the Identification Bureau where the backyard negatives would be delivered. White, according to his family members, had experience with “trick photography”. Previously he had been in proximity with Oswald in the late 1950s, as they were occasionally in the same places while serving with the Marines.

    133-C Dees was deemed by the panel as a first-generation print, which would indicate the corresponding negative was also in possession of the Dallas Police. This negative is not in the record. The existence of this third pose, as a print or negative, is not accounted for anywhere in the official recounting of the investigation or the generated paperwork. However, when the Dallas Police and Secret Service photographed a recreation of the backyard photos on location a week after the assassination, the pose struck by the photographed officer was that seen in 133-C. Astonishingly, the House Select Committee expressed muted, at best, curiosity regarding this photo and the missing negatives.

    133-A Stovall / 133-C Stovall These prints were delivered to the HSCA in April 1978 through Richard Stovall, who had been one of the Dallas Police detectives involved with the search of the Paine household in November 1963. These were also deemed first-generation prints, created from negatives which are not in the record.

    According to the HSCA photographic panel’s analysis, the backyard photo prints in the record were created using at least four different processes, representing at least five unique printing events.

    The two prints originally found among Oswald’s possessions were described by the panel as “drugstore or photofinisher prints because they appeared to have been produced on the type of commercial photo printing machine used by photofinishers for camera stores, drugstores and mass-produced prints.” The prints are small (3”x3”), with a white border and markings consistent with an automated commercial machine. The de Mohrenschildt print is larger (5”x5”) and described as “probably made in a high quality enlarger with a high quality lens” due to its increased resolution. The panel notes that “the entire negative area is printed” (showing more picture than the cropped “drugstore” print), and that the print had yellowed, “indicating that it was not adequately fixed or washed during the development process”. Another print of 133-A (Stovall), was larger (5”x8”) and cropped on the sides. The two prints of 133-C (Stovall / Dees) were 8”x10”, the same size as the blow-up print shown to Oswald a few hours after discovery (CE134).

    Although the HSCA panel does not directly speculate, their review indicates that the original roll of film which exposed the backyard photos was processed at a common commercial photofinisher, the de Mohrenschildt version possibly created by Oswald at his Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall workplace, and the other prints were created at various times at Dallas Police headquarters.5

    The HSCA Panel Determines The Backyard Photos are Authentic

    The House Select photography panel’s real work, as evidenced by their report’s exhaustive detail, was to determine the authenticity of the backyard photos. Questions concerning the photos which were non-technical in nature were therefore not addressed. The panel implicitly accepts two crucial assumptions: 1) the Imperial Reflex Duo-Lens camera identified as having produced the photographs was “Oswald’s camera”; 2) Marina Oswald operated that camera to produce the photos.

    Stressing that the panel conducted their forensic analysis of the backyard photos utilizing the best available materials – the one negative and the seven known first generation prints – the Photograph Authentication section of the HSCA Report details results of digital image processing examining consistency in the film grain, stereoscopic techniques to determine if superimposition had been applied, and photogrammetry to establish measurements of objects and shadows. These are all accepted and proven techniques for forensic examination of photographs. The panel also undertook numerous controlled experiments to examine specific points advanced by critics: identical heads from photo to photo, inconsistent body proportions, unnatural and inconsistent shadows, and unnatural lines in the vicinity of the subject’s chin. The result of this analysis: “Careful examination of the photographs with respect to lighting, perspective, sharpness, distortion, grain pattern, density, and contrast revealed no evidence of fakery.”

    Malcolm Thomson, the British photographic expert who determined for the BBC that the photos had been faked, and also the unnamed Canadian analyst who did the same for CBC, were then contacted. Both men were presented with the panel’s findings and asked to respond. Thomson, noting the thoroughness by which the panel had investigated the issue, “deferred to the panel’s conclusions”, and added that he had been working from generational copies rather than first generation prints. The Canadian analyst also replied that he had been examining “very poor copies”.

    Thomson, however, did maintain that the subject’s chin in the backyard photographs was “suspiciously different” and that a well-done fake would be difficult to detect, digital image processing or not. Indeed, both the FBI’s Shaneyfelt in 1964 and the HSCA panel in 1978 concede that a determined skillful forger with access to high quality equipment and then also to the Imperial Reflex camera in evidence, could have faked the backyard photos. Therefore, a categorical assertion of “authenticity” is not possible, and that someone may have superimposed Oswald’s face onto another man’s body cannot be ruled out.

    A counterfeiter creating such forgeries would require: access to the Neely Street backyard; assistance from at least one other person; access to a Mannlicher-Carcano rifle and a pistol; access to the specific issues of The Worker and The Militant; access to the Imperial-Reflex camera; and access to a photo featuring Oswald’s face (or two or three similar photos of Oswald ) for superimposition. Dallas Police recreations staged at the location on November 29,1963 show mature flowered plants behind the subject and therefore date the backyard photos themselves, or at least a photo of the backyard used for a later composite, as generated some months ahead of the assassination. The counterfeiter would likely possess knowledge of a plot involving Oswald. Alternatively, it cannot be ruled out that photos were taken in the Neely St backyard featuring an unknown male subject for a reason unrelated to the future assassination, possibly with Oswald’s assistance, and then later appropriated for another purpose by superimposing Oswald’s face.

    In light of the panel’s extensive forensic work, using the existing negative and first generation prints, the weight of probability does support these photos as “real”, absent a technical challenge to this analysis or specific information regarding a forgery operation. However, regardless of the thoroughness by which the House Select Committee’s panel approached its subject, by limiting its investigation solely to the authenticity of the photos themselves, the panel bypassed two equally compelling questions which bear weight especially if the photos are considered “authentic”: was the camera which was identified as having taken the photos actually “Oswald’s camera”, and did Marina Oswald actually take the photos?


    Part 2:  Was the Imperial Reflex Actually Oswald’s Camera?

    The official investigations accept without question the attribution of the Imperial Reflex camera as owned by Lee Oswald. The Warren Commission refers exclusively to the “Oswald camera”. The HSCA Report references “Oswald’s camera”, as does the House Select testimony of Cecil Kirk from the photography panel.

    The camera itself was described in the Warren Report as “a relatively inexpensive, fixed-focus, one-shutter speed, box-type camera, made in the United States”. (WR p593) That description, while accurate, sells the camera a little high, as it could also be described as a cheap all-plastic body wrapping a minimal array of flimsy elements. The lower lens sent light to the film plane, while the upper lens sent an inverted image to the viewer, which was accessible by popping open the top plate. The small red lever at the front opened the shutter, and the larger red knob at the back advanced the film.

    This Imperial Reflex camera does not appear in the inventories of Oswald’s possessions seized by the Dallas Police at the Paine address in Irving and the North Beckley room in the Dallas neighbourhood of Oak Cliff. Investigations determined that Oswald owned a “Russian camera” and an “American camera”. A Russian-made Cuera-2 camera appeared in the inventories, as did an American-made camera called a Stereo Realist. The Imperial Reflex camera only came to light, in the possession of Robert Oswald, about three months after the assassination and presumably after it had been determined that the Stereo Realist camera could not be linked with the backyard photos.

    Russian Cuera-2 camera “American” Stereo Realist camera

     

    A timeline of events as the ownership of the cameras was developed is illuminating:

    11/28/63 “(Marina) was asked whether she or Lee had any cameras and she replied that Lee bought one camera in Russia and a second one in the United States … She added that she was not proficient with operating any cameras as she never had an opportunity to do so.” (CE1792)
    12/2/63 “(Marina) said that they had two cameras, one Russian and one American, but she does not recall with which camera she took the (backyard) photograph.” (CE1401)
    1/29/64 “The other camera owned by the OSWALDS was a United States made camera which LEE HARVEY OSWALD had owned prior to his entry into the U.S. Marine Corps and this was the camera which he had taken pictures with when he was in the Marine Corps … (Marina) said the ‘Cuera-2’ camera appears to be the Russian camera and the ‘Realist’ appears to be the American made camera.” (CE1155)
    2/16/64 “ROBERT LEE OSWALD … viewed photos of a Stereo Realist camera and and a Cuera-2 camera and advised that he did not recognize either of the cameras as having been the property of LEE HARVEY OSWALD, but also stated he was not familiar enough with the cameras … to either state that the cameras in question did or did not belong to LEE HARVEY OSWALD.” (CE2557)
    2/17/64 “(Marina) was also shown the photograph of the Stereo Realist … She stated it was not the property of OSWALD as far as she knew. She advised to her knowledge she had never seen this camera … ” (CE1156)
    2/18/64 “(Marina) advised that she believed she took the photograph with the American camera which OSWALD owned … She said the American camera had a greyish color, somewhat like aluminum. It was a box-type camera … She can recall that she sighted the camera by looking down into the viewer at the top of the camera … ” (CE1404)
    2/19/64 “RUTH PAINE … advised that approximately three weeks after the assassination … ROBERT OSWALD … came to her residence and requested that they take all the remaining property belonging to LEE HARVEY OSWALD … she pointed out to them the boxes and other materials in her garage belonging to the OSWALDS and they removed this property.” (CE2557)
    2/24/64 “ROBERT LEE OSWALD made available a Duo-Lens Imperial Reflex camera made in the United States of America. It is aluminum colored … ROBERT OSWALD advised that in about 1957, LEE HARVEY OSWALD purchased a camera at about the time he first went into the U.S. Marine Corps … About 1959 … he left this camera with ROBERT at Fort Worth, Texas. In about August 1962 … LEE HARVEY OSWALD regained possession of this camera from ROBERT.” (CE2557)
    2/25/64 “Imperial Reflex camera obtained from ROBERT LEE OSWALD … was exhibited to MARINA OSWALD at which time she identified it as the camera belonging to LEE HARVEY OSWALD with which she had taken the picture of OSWALD holding the rifle and newspaper and wearing the pistol.” (CE2557)

    Robert Oswald would claim he “had never made this camera available to authorities before February 24, 1964, because he had never been asked for it previously and he could see no evidentiary value … of this cheap camera … He stated that it had never occurred to him that anyone would be interested in the camera.” (CE2557) This is after he had been specifically interviewed about and shown photos of cameras (February 16). It would also turn out to be the second instance in which a subjective judgment apparently kept this camera away from the sweep of the investigation. Marina Oswald temporarily stayed with Robert Oswald in February 1964, coinciding with the FBI’s determined efforts. She was thereby in the same house as the Imperial Reflex and, a week later, she suddenly recalled the camera was “aluminum” colored and that it was sighted “by looking down into the viewer”.6

    The FBI Closes The Circle

    The discovery of the Imperial Reflex would create something of a loose end in the developing official narrative since it was unclear how the camera could have been overlooked during the thorough Friday and Saturday searches of the Paine residence the previous November. On February 19, 1964, the same day Ruth Paine advised that a box of miscellaneous items was passed to Robert Oswald (five days before the camera was “found”), the FBI interviewed Irving Police detective John McCabe, who had attended both searches of the Paine household. According to the FBI, McCabe is “certain that he saw a light gray box camera in a box in Mrs PAINE’s garage. MCCABE stated that this camera was in a box which contained books and photographs belonging to LEE HARVEY OSWALD. MCCABE stated that he searched this box and did not take the camera since he did not consider it to be of evidentiary value.” (CE2557)

    On March 14, Dallas Police Detectives John Adamcik, Richard Stovall, Gus Rose and Henry Moore – who conducted the searches of the Paine residence – are interviewed by the FBI. They are shown a photograph of the Imperial Reflex camera. “None of these officers could recall ever seeing this camera and did not recall seeing it during a search of the garage at the PAINE residence. They all stated that if it had been discovered during the search, they would have brought it in.” (CE2557)

    The Paine’s garage

    McCabe is interviewed again by the FBI on March 23. He tells of “going through a box containing some books, some pictures, and a camera. He took the camera out of the box, put it on a dresser and searched the box in detail, and then put the camera back in the box.” He is shown a photograph of the Imperial Reflex camera received from Robert Oswald a month earlier and “he stated the camera in this photograph appeared identical with the one he described … in his opinion the Dallas Police Officers, who were also participating in the search, did not see this camera and did not search this particular box. He stated he had already searched the box and told them so. He did not point out the camera to them.” (CE2557)

    On March 23/24,1964, the four Dallas officers are also interviewed once more. They “all advised that during the search of the PAINE residence they recalled that there were several boxes in the garage at the PAINE residence and that all boxes were searched by one of the officers participating in the search … all stated that they definitely did not see the Imperial Reflex camera … or any other camera in the PAINE garage.” (CE2557)

    McCabe was at the Paine household as a representative of the Irving Police Department since the Paine home was so located, but the Dallas detectives were responsible for the search. How could a camera be found inside a box which also contained photographs “belonging” to the suspect, and yet be considered of no evidentiary value? In McCabe’s March 23 interview he says the camera “appeared in such poor condition that he believed it was not capable of taking pictures.” The box handed to Robert Oswald by Ruth Paine, in which the camera was said to be found, was presumably the same box searched by McCabe. This box was itemized by the FBI. It contained thirteen books, including six Russian books and a book on Marxism, some random items such as dice and a pencil sharpener, but no photos or pictures are listed. The original inventory list from November 23, 1963 (CE Stovall D) notes a “grey metal box containing miscellaneous Russian literature and some slide negatives”, but no camera.

    McCabe was not called before the Warren Commission nor does he personally appear in the record again. He does feature in the one anomaly in the testimony of the Dallas Police officers regarding the discovery of the backyard photos. Gus Rose (but no one else) gives McCabe some agency in the search: “I found two negatives first that showed Lee Oswald holding a rifle in his hand, wearing a pistol at his hip, and right with those negatives I found a developed picture … and Detective McCabe was standing there and he found the other picture – of Oswald holding the rifle.”

    Adamcik’s initials on the left side

    In June 1964, Special Agent Bookhout of the FBI met with Gus Rose to apparently re-establish where the backyard photos were discovered. “Rose identified same as being two photographs in a packet of forty-seven photographs found by him in a box during a search of the garage at the residence of Mrs Ruth Paine … ” A few days later, Bookhout met with Detective Adamcik who “stated these are two photographs from a packet of forty-seven photographs found in the search … Adamcik stated since he was present at the search he had numbered each photograph on the back and placed his initials thereon.” Adamcik’s initials appear on the back of the drugstore prints of both 133-A and 133-B, as do the numbers 46 and 47.

    It is hard to reconcile Rose’s account of McCabe finding one of the prints with the alternate story that the prints were found inside a packet. It is possible that Rose had become aware that McCabe had supposedly found something in the garage, and so stated McCabe found one of the prints in a bid to be helpful (if ultimately confused).7

    Oswald’s Photographs

    The House Select Committee’s photographic panel sought to buttress the identification of the Imperial Reflex as “Oswald’s camera” by applying the unique signature test – the markings on the edges of the negatives exposed in that camera – to other photographs found amongst Oswald’s possessions. Panel leader Cecil Kirk authored the following paragraph:

    “In regard to the allegation that this camera had been used only to take the incriminating backyard pictures of Lee Harvey Oswald, the panel examined all of the photographic material in the National Archives that was listed as having been taken from the effects of Lee and Marina Oswald … Most of these were family-type snapshots, including scenes of an older child and baby in a crib, Marina Oswald playing with a child, and Lee Oswald holding an infant. The frame edge markings appearing on the negatives to these photographs and the camera scratch marks appearing directly on the pictures were studied and found to be entirely consistent with both the original test materials and the Oswald backyard pictures which were exposed in the Oswald Imperial Reflex camera.” (HSCA Report p. 161)

    Edge markings negative 133-B Edge markings JFK Exhibit 189
    “Lee Oswald holding child”

    Serving as an example of a photo “entirely consistent” with the Imperial Reflex is a photograph taken in New Orleans, JFK Exhibit F-189, in which Oswald’s young daughter June is pictured posing before the screened porch in the courtyard of the Magazine Street apartment. Numbered pointers show identified scratches or markings which appear to match the scratches and markings found on the backyard photos. This photograph is one of a New Orleans set, “family-type snapshots” which include photos that could be described as “Marina Oswald playing with a child” (and a set to which negatives were recovered). Of the other photographs specifically mentioned in the Kirk’s description of the Oswald photographs, the known snapshots of “Lee Oswald holding an infant” originate from Russia, while the “scenes of an older child and a baby in a crib” seem to refer to separate photos of either an older child or a baby in a crib which originate from Russia and later a few from Dallas and New Orleans. According to Robert Oswald, the Imperial Reflex (or whatever “American camera” Lee Oswald owned) stayed with him until Lee’s return to Fort Worth in 1962 and so could not have been used in Russia.

    Cecil Kirk’s paragraph appears to have been carefully worded, such as a lawyer might do, to imply something without actually saying it. Here, the description of “family-type snapshots” is followed by an analysis of frame edge markings, implying that all of the specific snapshots referred to were “studied” and found to have the same markings as the Imperial Reflex. But Kirk is referring to the frame edge markings “on the negatives to these pictures”, and the New Orleans set represent the only “family-type snapshots” identified as having negatives at the Archives, where only about two dozen negatives were on file in the first place. In describing a “match”, Kirk is referring to one photograph/negative – JFK Exhibit F-189. “It is our opinion that the same camera produced the baby picture.”

    Mr GOLDSMITH: What were the panel’s overall conclusions regarding the frame edge marks and camera scratch marks that it evaluated?

    Sergeant KIRK: That it is a reliable source of identification and it is our opinion that the camera did indeed produce these photographs.

    Mr GOLDSMITH: When you say these photographs, you are referring to the backyard pictures?

    Sergeant KIRK: The backyard pictures and the baby picture. (HSCA Vol II p. 371)

    The assertion in the HSCA report that “many” photos and negatives were linked to the Imperial Reflex camera is technically true, but appears to refer only to four photos and one photo group: the three backyard photos, one photo of General Walker’s house, and the multiple photos included in the New Orleans set.8

    Shaneyfelt Exhibit 23: “Walker” photo

    What of the photographs “listed as having been taken from the effects of Lee and Marina Oswald”? To say that “most” of these photos consisted of “family-type snapshots” is something of a stretch. Some of the family photos, for example, are scenes of Oswald’s mother or his brother Robert’s family, which had been forwarded to him while overseas. Others are of friends in Russia, or friends in the Marine Corps. Altogether, family-type snapshots – understood as photos of Lee Oswald and his immediate family (Marina and his children) – are relatively few and most of them date from the Soviet Union.

    On December 3, 1963 FBI agents visited Marina Oswald with a group of forty-seven photographs for her identification. These pictures had been delivered to the FBI from Captain Fritz of the Dallas Police Department, and were described as “among the effects of LEE HARVEY OSWALD.” The two backyard photos are listed in this group as photos 46 and 47. (CE1401) This collection of photographs appear to be the contents of the “packet” in which the backyard photos were discovered, referred to by Rose and Adamcik in June 1964. The forty-seven photograph group is also mentioned in a report generated investigating the leak of 133-A in February 1964 (CE1788). The December 3 report lists photographs by number, accompanied by Marina Oswald’s description of their content. The majority of these photographs are from Russia. Three photos predate the Russian trip – one labeled Oswald in 1952; one of Oswald and John Pic, and one from Japan. The two backyard photos alone postdate the Russian trip.

    June Oswald at Elsbeth St

    On January 31,1964 FBI agents visited Marina Oswald with a collection of over 350 images for her identification, mostly photographs but also some postcards (CD443). The photographs are numbered within groups, with some photos duplicated from the packet shown to Marina in December, but the backyard photos not among them. Only two photographs, both from Elsbeth Street, were of immediate Oswald family and dwelling in Dallas (Item 11 P4, Item 33 P6).

    June Oswald Neely St balcony

    On March 19, 1964 FBI agents again visited Marina Oswald to exhibit for her identification another group of photographs, 448 in total – of which about 300 were determined to belong to the Paines. A different filing system again is used to list and describe the photographs (CIA Oswald 201 file Volume 32). Of this group – approximately one hundred and fifty Oswald photos, with many duplications from the previous presentations – only six are linked to the first four months of 1963: one photo from Elsbeth Street (65-7), three of June Oswald at the Neely address (B3-13, B3-17, B3-29),and the two backyard photos (D33-16, D33-17).9

    From the record, excluding the backyard photos, there appear to be only six Oswald family-type snapshots from the first months of 1963 and, from the record, very few others from Oswald’s entire stay in Dallas in 1962-63. Oswald was known to complain that he couldn’t find the proper film for his Russian camera, but he seems to have been adverse to using his “American camera” despite having a young child, the subject of most of the few photos which do exist.

    None of the photos in the record from this time period, including the photos of the Walker house attributed to Oswald, have the dimensions or borders of the backyard photos known as 133-A and 133-B. The “drugstore” finishing is unique to these photos.10 The automated machines of the era maneuvered an exposed roll of film to fix the negatives and then create the prints, so it is likely the backyard photos were originally processed using this method. Given the absence of any other photos from the period with a “drugstore” finish, did Oswald orchestrate the backyard photo shoot and then process a roll of film which contained only three exposures? Assuming the official narrative is correct and the photos were taken on the last day of March 1963, why wouldn’t Oswald develop the three negatives at Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall? Perhaps he felt the content of the photos might prove awkward, as he had earlier been told not to bring Russian literature to work after he was seen reading one of his subscription periodicals.11 This is assuming that Oswald was the person responsible for the processing of these photos. The two originally discovered backyard photos, as “drugstore” prints, are an anomaly amidst the Oswald photographs.

    Did Lee Oswald Have A Working “American Camera” In Dallas?

    Marina Oswald was asked about her late husband’s photographic habits during a Deposition for the HSCA:

    Q. Did he like photography?

    A. I don’t think so. That is a very expensive hobby.

    Q. To your knowledge … did he own a camera?

    A. I really don’t remember.

    Q. Did he own any kind of –

    A. I remember in Russia, he took pictures. It was our camera or somebody’s camera but I know he was taking pictures. I do believe it was our camera because he was carrying it with him.

    Q. When you lived in Texas did he own a camera?

    A. I don’t recall but, according to some pictures we had he might have because he had some pictures that were taken recently, I mean during our living there. I do believe he probably had. (HSCA September 20, 1977)

    This theme was picked up again some eleven months later:

    Q. Did Lee photograph pictures of you and your daughters at any time?

    A. In this country?

    Q. Yes.

    A. Yes; in Dallas once, on a balcony, he took a picture of my daughter.

    Q. Any other times?

    A. Possibly.

    Q. Do you recall now any other times?

    A. Well, we took a picture once at the bus station through this thing called the photomat where you put a quarter or a dime or whatever price in it and maybe Lee took pictures of me during our life together; yes.

    Q. Do you have any memory of these specific pictures being taken?

    A. No. (HSCA August 9, 1978)

    Marina Oswald is not saying she witnessed Lee operating a camera while in Dallas, but offering an assumption, since she had seen photos of her daughter June filmed on the balcony at 214 Neely Street in March or April 1963, then Lee must have been responsible.12

    Ruth Paine also was not sure a camera was available to Oswald in Dallas.

    Mr. JENNER – Was there any picture taking during the period, during the fall of 1963, either in New Orleans or in Irving or in Dallas?

    Mrs. PAINE – Not by either Lee or Marina that I heard of.

    Mr. JENNER – And did you hear any conversation between them in your presence or with you with respect to his or they having a snapshot camera or other type of camera to take pictures?

    Mrs. PAINE – No; the only reference to a camera was made by Lee when he held up and showed me a camera he had bought in the Soviet Union and said he couldn’t buy film for it in this country. it was a different size.

    Mr. JENNER – Did they ever exhibit any snapshots to you?

    Mrs. PAINE – Yes; a few snapshots taken in Minsk.

    Mr. JENNER – But no snapshots of any scenes in America that they had taken?

    Mrs. PAINE – No.

    Mr. JENNER – Or people?

    Mrs. PAINE – No. (WC March 21, 1964)

    The New Orleans Photo Set

    In contrast to the sparse number of Oswald family-type snapshot originating from Dallas in early 1963, at 4905 Magazine Street in New Orleans a set of eleven photos are taken in the courtyard, probably within a relatively few minutes. Negatives from these photos were said to be found amongst Oswald’s possessions, and later used by the HSCA photography panel to identify a match to the Imperial Reflex camera.

    There are a few occasions in the Oswald photographic collection when multiple pictures cover an event – Lee Oswald ironing baby clothes on a suitcase during the last days in Minsk, or the Oswalds at the train to begin the journey back to America13 – but eleven photos at a single location represents a burst of photographic enthusiasm not seen elsewhere.

    The New Orleans photo set is a domestic scene: toddler June Oswald poses before the Magazine Street apartment for two wider photos, then the photographer comes in closer near the gate and fence with a distinct driveway behind, then June joins Marina, who is barefoot and comfortable in black shirt and shorts.14 The lawn is wet with spray from a garden hose, which June picks up and aims about her. The mood is casual and happy. The photos are undated, but Marina’s visible pregnancy is consistent with early second trimester dating these photos to the first month in New Orleans, May-June 1963. This was a time, according to the available testimonies, of tension and disagreement for the Oswalds:

    Mr. PREYER … .just before he went to New Orleans, what was his treatment of you?

    Mrs. PORTER. Well, he was quite brittle, sometime toward me.

    Mr. PREYER. That was family quarreling?

    Mrs. PORTER. Quite constantly. (HSCA September 13, 1978)

    This state of affairs was evident to others. Ruth Paine: “when I took her to New Orleans in May, he was very discourteous to her, and they argued most of that weekend.” (WC March 18, 1964). Mrs Jesse Garner, the landlady at Magazine Street also witnessed tensions:

    Mr. LIEBELER – Did you ever try to talk to Marina Oswald?

    Mrs. GARNER – Yes; I did when she would be outside hanging clothes. I tried to talk to her and to the baby, I talked to both, and she would put her hands over her eyes and start crying. I asked her how she felt, and she would just do like this with her shoulders.

    Mr. LIEBELER – She shrugged her shoulders?

    Mrs. GARNER – Yes … And another thing, she would nod, try to tell you hello when he wasn’t there, but if he was there like they was sitting on the steps or something, or they would go through the drive and he was there, she wouldn’t even look at you.

    Mr. LIEBELER – She was more friendly and outgoing when Oswald wasn’t there?

    Mrs. GARNER – Yes; when he was there, she wouldn’t have nothing to say.

    If Lee Oswald did not suddenly find peace with his wife and take this unusual set of photos, who could have? There were very few known visitors at this address, and the casual nature of the photos strongly suggests the photographer was known and familiar to the subjects (Marina and June). The photo set was shown to Marina Oswald during an HSCA Deposition on August 9, 1978:

    Q. I now would like to show you, Mrs. Porter, six photographs and see if you can identify these for us.

    A. This is a picture of me and my daughter June when she was a child. I do not know where they were taken though …

    Q. Do you recall when this was taken?

    A. No.

    Q. Do you know if people took pictures of you apart from Lee?

    A. Well, I don’t recall the picture taking incident, period. I don’t know who took the picture.

    Q. Did Lee take pictures of you?

    A. I don’t know. I don’t remember.

    Q. You don’t remember?

    A. No; it could have been in New Orleans because I was expecting a baby then …

    Q. Mrs. Porter, do you remember the incident when these pictures were taken?

    A. No.

    There is one person who had been present at the Magazine Street apartment and was friendly with Marina, familiar to June, and who could be linked with the Imperial Reflex camera. That is Ruth Paine, who arrived in New Orleans with Marina Oswald on Saturday May 11, 1963, and stayed through Tuesday morning May 14. On Sunday, the Oswald and Paine families (Ruth Paine had her own two children along) toured the French Quarter. On Monday, Lee Oswald would have gone to his job at the Reilly Coffee Company, leaving Marina and Ruth Paine together at the Magazine Street apartment.

    Ruth Paine would visit this apartment again for several days in September 1963. For the Warren Commission she could draw a sketch of the interior and exterior layout of 4905 Magazine Street (CE403). She referred to the courtyard area where the photos were taken several times in her testimony:

    Mrs. PAINE – … Lee showed her, of course, all the virtues of the apartment that he had rented. He was pleased that there was room enough, it was large enough that he could invite me to stay, and the children, to spend the night there. And he pointed out this little courtyard with grass, and fresh strawberries ready to pick, where June could play … Marina was definitely not as pleased as he had hoped. I think he felt – he wanted to please her. This showed in him.

    Mr. JENNER – Tell us what she said. What led you to that conclusion?

    Mrs. PAINE – She said it is dark, and it is not very clean. She thought the courtyard was nice, a grass spot where June could play, fenced in.

    Mrs. Garner, the landlady, remembered Ruth Paine’s visits from observing her station wagon parked out front. She did not see Paine personally, but told the Warren Commission that her husband did.

    Ruth Paine sketched the Magazine St layout for the Warren Commission

    Mr. LIEBELER – Did your husband see that person?

    Mrs. GARNER – Yes; my husband.

    Mr. LIEBELER – At this time.

    Mrs. GARNER – Yes; my husband saw her and spoke to her. I never did see her.

    Mr. LIEBELER – You say your husband had talked to her. Did he tell you what she had said?

    Mrs. GARNER – No; I never asked him and he never said nothing. (WC April 6, 1964)

    At the close of her testimony, Mrs Garner is addressed by Liebeler: “I do want to thank you for the patience that you and your husband have shown to me and for the cooperation you have given us in coming down here and testifying. On behalf of the Commission I want to thank you both very much.” If Mr Garner had testified and perhaps been asked the circumstance of his conversation with Ruth Paine it is not in the record. Despite his apparent presence during his wife’s appearance before Liebeler, there is no transcript of any interview with Jesse Garner from April 6, even as it would have been as relevant, if not more so, than what his wife could offer. Instead, a brief affidavit focused specifically and exclusively on his contacts with Lee Oswald is executed on May 3, 1964.

    The New Orleans photo set is not listed among the group of photographs shown Marina Oswald on January 31, 1964. The photo set is listed and identified as among the group of photographs shown to Marina on March 20, a group which included many photographs belonging to the Paines.

    If the Imperial Reflex camera was not Oswald’s – and the evidence assembled by the Warren Commission and the HSCA does little to install confidence in this assertion – its provenance can be located in circles close to Oswald, as seen with the backyard photos and the New Orleans set,15 and can be linked, directly or indirectly, with Ruth Paine.


    Part 3:  Did Marina take the Backyard Photos?

    The narrative establishing the origin of the backyard photos is based largely on Marina Oswald’s recollection, but official investigators have often been skeptical of her stories. Her memory lapses tend to recur or intensify unpredictably, spiked by sudden detailed recollections of incidents which are often incredible or absurd (i.e. Lee Oswald’s attempt to assassinate Nixon or wandering busy Oak Cliff for target practice with the rifle jammed in a raincoat). There are moments in her testimonies and interviews where she appears dumb and largely unaware, other times when she is fairly lucid. If there is a pattern, at least in the months following the assassination, it’s the memory lapses and absurd stories occur most frequently over incidents which critics over the years have suspected never actually happened.16

    The problem accepting Marina’s fuzzy account of the creation of the backyard photos is partly a psychological one: how is it possible for her to be so vague about details when the event itself was so highly unusual and possibly indicative of a dark turn in her husband’s life? It was purportedly the first and only time she had ever operated a camera, but later she could barely recall the procedure. Supposedly her husband appeared before her wearing strange wardrobe and brandishing firearms which she had not been previously aware.17 Yet Marina tells the Warren Commission: “I didn’t attach any significance to it at the time.” (WC February 3, 1964) The backyard photo session was apparently never mentioned to Ruth Paine, even as tension in the Oswald’s marriage was a frequent topic of conversation during their burgeoning friendship. Marina’s handwritten narrative about her life with Lee, filled with anecdotal episodes from their marriage, does not mention the backyard photo-taking at all (CE993/994).18

    The Warren Commission – through Commission lawyers Rankin and Liebeler – never questioned Marina Oswald with the intent of extracting details on the creation of the backyard photos, content to have her briefly recount her story of being interrupted by her husband while hanging diapers. The interviewers for the HSCA did a better job trying to tease specific information to help clarify the veracity of the story. These interviews occurred some fourteen to fifteen years after the fact so her already vague recollections are all the more challenged.

    A. I do believe it was a weekend and he asked me to take a picture of him and I refused because I don’t know how to take pictures. That is the only pictures I ever took in my whole life. So we argued over it and I thought the pose, or whatever he was wearing was just horrible, but he insisted that I just click, just push the button and I believe I did it twice and that was it …

    Q. And you recall testifying about these same two photographs when you testified to the Warren Commission?

    A. Yes; I remember them asking if I ever took the pictures and I had completely forgotten because it was only once in my life and I didn’t know who to take pictures. Yes, when they showed me that, yes, I did take the pictures …

    Q. What did he tell you to do with the camera as far as taking the pictures?

    A. He just told me which button to push and I did.

    Q. Did you hold it up to your eye and look through the viewer to take the picture?

    A. Yes. … (HSCA Deposition September 20, 1977)

    The interviewer is well aware the Imperial Reflex camera said to have taken the pictures featured a viewer at the top of the camera that one looks down into, and that the camera is held mid-body rather than raised to the eye. He is also aware that the shutter is opened by pushing down on a small lever, a different mechanical activity than simply pushing a button. Marina Oswald’s recollections cast doubt on her story, as the operation of the Imperial Reflex is so different than most consumer cameras that it should not be easily forgotten.

    Marina Oswald did, once, describe accurately the camera’s mechanics, as accounted in an FBI summary from February 18, 1964, when agents were keenly focused on locating the backyard camera and a week after Marina temporarily stayed with Robert Oswald in the house where the camera would be later be “found”. The summary ascribed to her, compared with her other statements on the topic, is absurdly detailed and contains information never repeated: “She said the American camera had a greyish color, somewhat like aluminum. It was a box-type camera … She can recall that she sighted the camera by looking down into the viewer at the top of the camera … ” (CE 1404)

    Q. When you took the first picture you held it up to your eye?

    A. Yes; that is what I recall.

    Q. What did you do next?

    A. I believe he did something with it and told me to push it again.

    Q. The first time you pushed it down to take the picture?

    A. Yes.

    Q. And the first time, what happened before you took the second picture?

    A. He changed his pose.

    Q. What I am getting at is, did you give the camera to him so he would move the film forward or did you do that?

    A. He did that.

    Q. So you took the picture and handed the camera to him?

    A. Yes.

    Q. What did he do?

    A. He said, “Once again,” and I did it again.

    Q. So he gave you back the camera?

    A. For the second time; yes.

    Q. Did he put the rifle down?

    A. You see, that is the way I remember it.

    Q. Did he put the rifle down on the ground between ––

    A. I don’t remember. (HSCA Deposition September 20, 1977)

    Marina Oswald is being asked whether her husband freed his hands by placing the rifle to ground, to support a developing hypothesis of the photo shoot. The HSCA photographic panel would surmise that the three photos were taken in a particular order, and that Lee’s need to move the film forward in the camera and otherwise instruct his wife resulted in the rifle and literature appearing in one set of hands, then the other, and then again as the first. Observing the photos in this presumed order (133-C followed by B followed by A) allowed the panel to state the “photographic technique improved appreciably during the sequence”, implying that the learning curve of the novice Marina Oswald was this way visible.19

    The Peter Gregory Interview

    Peter Gregory was a member of the Dallas area White Russian community and one of the first persons to meet with Lee Oswald on his return from the Soviet Union in June 1962. Gregory, a consultant in the oil industry, taught Russian part-time in Fort Worth. Oswald sought a reference for his language skills. Gregory’s son Paul befriended both Lee and Marina, and the Oswalds were gradually introduced to a wider community of Russian speaking persons over the course of social visits into the autumn of 1962. In the aftermath of the assassination, Gregory was enlisted to provide translation services as Marina Oswald appeared before investigators.20

    Peter Dale Scott, in his book Deep Politics And the Death of JFK, discusses the Russian language interpreters recruited for initial interviews with Marina Oswald. The first, Ilya Mamantov, was recruited by Army Intelligence officer Jack Crichton five hours after the assassination. Peter Gregory was brought in the following day.21 Scott notes that both men, as interpreters, had occasion to add words, or otherwise misrepresent what Marina was actually saying, as deliberately adding adjectives “dark” and “scopeless” to her vague descriptions of a rifle. (WCD 344 p22-23)

    On November 27, 1963 Secret Service agent Leon Gopadze, Russian speaking and newly assigned to the Dallas investigation from Washington, joined the FBI’s Hosty and Brown to interview a tired and uncooperative Marina Oswald at the Six Flags Inn. During the interview, Marina was informed, through Gopadze, “the Government needs her cooperation and this might help her” remain in the United States. She was “asked how she intended to make a living … She was then told that her cooperation with the Government could also be of assistance.” (CE1791)

    The following day, Gopadze solicited assistance from Peter Gregory, whose presence he felt would be “beneficial” to enabling a more cooperative attitude from Marina Oswald. Gopadze had reviewed Gregory’s interpretive work recorded during interviews with her on November 23 (WCD 344). Gopadze’s review noted that Gregory had added words and rephrased certain statements, but his interpretive work was characterized as flawless in a later report (CE1792). Gopadze and Gregory met at the Six Flags Inn, discussed “mutual personal background,” and then Gregory described his introduction to Lee Oswald and subsequent interaction with the Oswalds. Gregory was characterized by Gopadze as “very patriotic, and loyal to this country.”

    Immediately following this briefing, Gregory conducted what was described as a private interview with Marina Oswald. According to the summary, this interview was largely concerned with reviewing biographical information already on the record. Gopadze determines that Marina “was very sincere in her statements and that she was furnishing the information voluntarily without trying to hold anything back.”22 Gopadze then joins Gregory and Marina Oswald as the interview continues, possibly on Gopadze’s initiative, covering Lee Oswald’s frugality, his membership in a hunter’s club in Russia, and then a perhaps pointed question about an “Inter Club” in Leningrad.23 She is asked about Lee’s purported trips to Washington and Mexico (answering in the negative) and then was asked “whether she or Lee had any cameras.” Marina replies there was a Russian camera and an American camera: “one was a small camera and the other was a box camera”. This is one of two occasions, with the absurd February 18, 1964 summary from the FBI, that the descriptive term “box camera” was used by Marina Oswald.

    According to the summary of this November 28 meeting, after a few more questions Marina became “very much concerned that Mr Gregory and I had any doubts as to her sincerity and truthfulness … ’I hope you believe me, as I swear by God, this is the truth’.” Moments later, a measure of Marina Oswald’s willingness to be cooperative and truthful was revealed:

    “Before showing Marina Oswald photographs of Lee Oswald holding the rifle, she was forewarned to tell me the truth about the photographs. She replied she would. At this time two photographs of Lee holding the rifle, a newspaper, and a revolver strapped at his side were shown to her and by seeing them it seemed somewhat of a shock to her. She started crying, but after composing herself, she said that the pictures were taken while they were living in the duplex on Neely Street at Dallas, Texas, as she recognized the background of the picture. She was then asked who took the picture. Marina hesitatingly said she didn’t think she knew but immediately stated that there was no use telling a lie, and added that it was taken by her upon Lee’s request, even though she did not know how to operate the camera. The operation of the camera was explained to her by Lee who also measured the distance where she should stand when taking the photographs. After Marina Oswald examined the pictures it was pointed out to her Lee was holding a rifle containing the scope and she said honestly that she does not remember noticing the scope but that it was Lee’s rifle and the same one she had previously seen in their apartment in New Orleans. The fact that Lee had a revolver in a holster on his right side was pointed out to her but she said she did not notice the revolver while taking the picture as Lee was dressed in black and it would be hard to see. She said the reason Lee asked her to take the photographs was for the purpose of sending photographs to the Militant magazine to show that he was ready for anything … ” (CE1792)

    This is the first recitation of the backyard photo story and Marina Oswald is strangely detached from the images, recognizing “the background of the picture” rather than her supposed personal involvement in the photo’s creation, and having to examine the pictures while things she didn’t know are pointed out to her. She claims to recognize the rifle, but as one “previously seen in their apartment in New Orleans.” Marina was consistent during her post-assassination interviews that she had first seen a rifle associated with her husband in New Orleans, and here maintains that position even as she is viewing a picture featuring a rifle taken previous to traveling there.24

    This begins the phenomenon of Marina Oswald’s recovered memories, later to illuminate the Walker shooting, Lee and the rifle, the trip to Mexico City and so on. They begin shortly after the private interview with Peter Gregory, and one day after the subtle threat to “cooperate” with the government and its representatives. The appearance of the descriptive term “box camera” shortly before the first telling of the backyard story suggests the private Gregory interview may have been less concerned with retelling already known biographical detail, and more concerned with laying out terms of cooperation. If “box camera” was introduced to Marina from an outside source, how this descriptive information was known many weeks ahead of the camera’s later discovery raises serious questions.25

    The Destroyed Photo of Oswald with a Rifle

    Two days later, on November 30, 1963, Marina Oswald tells Secret Service Special Agent Gopadze “when she was shown, by the reporting agent, pictures of Lee Oswald holding a rifle she did not advise at that time that she had the same pictures but in smaller sizes pasted in her family album but that upon the suggestion of Mrs. Marguerite Oswald she destroyed them upon learning that her husband was a prime suspect in the shooting of the President.” (CE1787) This seems to confirm that a photo of Oswald holding a rifle was in Marina’s possession on the evening of the assassination and was destroyed either that night or the following day.26 It also seems to confirm that Marina began to identify or confuse, correctly or incorrectly, the destroyed photo with the backyard photos.

    In testimony before the Warren Commission, Marina displays her confusion:

    Mrs. OSWALD. … I had even forgotten that I had taken two photographs. I thought there was only one. I thought that there were two identical pictures, but they turned out to be two different poses. (WC, February 3, 1964)

    What is she referring to? The source of her confusion may be knowledge she handled one photograph of her husband, with a rifle, on the evening of the assassination, and later was advised she took two backyard photos (actually it would have been three, the fact of which demonstrates that the “two photograph” event was a construct created by her interviewers).

    The most often told destroyed photo story features one photograph. Marina Oswald secured the photo from her personal effects after she had returned, along with mother-in-law Marguerite Oswald, to Ruth Paine’s house from Dallas Police headquarters the evening of the assassination. In the photo, Oswald is seen holding a rifle. Apparently there was an inscription, on the front or back, which said in English: “To my daughter, June”.27 Marina, fearful that the photograph be considered incriminating, showed it to Marguerite, who recommended she destroy it. The photo was apparently destroyed at either Ruth Paine’s home that evening, or at the Executive Inn the following day. It was burned in an ashtray, or ripped into pieces and flushed down the commode, or a combination of the two.

    Marguerite Oswald told the Warren Commission that in the photo Oswald was holding the rifle above his head with both hands. If this was a backyard photo then it would represent a unique pose and therefore be a fourth photo, with Oswald posing this time without the literature.

    Mrs. OSWALD … And she came out with a picture a picture of Lee, with a gun. It said, “To my daughter June”-written in English … I say to my daughter … anybody can own a rifle, to go hunting. You yourself probably have a rifle … I think my son is all agent all the time no one is going to be foolish enough if they mean to assassinate the President, or even murder someone to take a picture of themselves with that rifle, and leave that there for evidence. (Marguerite Oswald, WC testimony, February 10, 1964)

    Sylvia Meagher speculated back in 1967 that the destroyed photo could have originated from Oswald’s time in Minsk, associated with his membership in a hunting club. Marguerite Oswald’s Warren Commission testimony could support this as she is shown the two backyard photos (Commission Exhibits 133-A , 133-B, and the blowup 134):

    Mr. RANKIN … I will show you some photographs. Maybe you can tell me whether they are the ones that you are referring to. Here is Commission’s Exhibit 134.

    Mrs. OSWALD. No, sir, that is not the picture.

    Mr. RANKIN. And 133, consists of two different pictures.

    Mrs. OSWALD. No, sir, that is not the picture. He was holding the rifle and it said, “To my daughter, June, with love.” He was holding the rifle up.

    Mr. RANKIN. By holding it up, you mean ––

    Mrs. OSWALD. Like this.

    Mr. RANKIN. Crosswise, with both hands on the rifle?

    Mrs. OSWALD. With both hands on the rifle.

    Mr. RANKIN. Above his head?

    Mrs. OSWALD. That is right.

    Mr. RANKIN. Did you ever see these pictures, Exhibits 133 and 134?

    Mrs. OSWALD. No, sir, I have never seen those pictures.

    This appearance before the Commission occurred before the Life Magazine cover flooded the newsstands or her answer should have been more precise, such as a picture like or unlike the one on the cover of Life (as other witnesses referred to specifically). The backyard photos are distinct for Oswald’s clothing and the location, so Marguerite Oswald’s reply “I have never seen those pictures” implies that whatever the destroyed picture was, it was not a backyard photo.

    Marguerite’s observation “anybody can own a rifle, to go hunting” may also be indicative of another origin for the destroyed photo. There is one known photograph of Lee Oswald with a rifle, apparently taken during leave from the Marines in 1958, which was in the possession of his brother Robert. Some of Robert’s photographs had been forwarded to Lee while he was in the Soviet Union. Did Marina have a copy of this photo misremembered by Marguerite, or an alternate of this photo in which the rifle was held above his head?

    Regardless, Marina Oswald’s initial response to the backyard photos does not indicate she was responsible or even that she had seen them previously.


    Notes

    1  501 Elm Street is the Dal-Tex Building. Since the two photos and their corresponding negatives were said to be found inside a “packet”, perhaps that packet had an identifier listing this address. Did the Dal-Tex building have a tenant in 1963 which could process photos in the fashion associated with the originally discovered backyard photos?

    2  The original negative of 133-A went missing while in the possession of the Dallas Police department. It would later be claimed (i.e. First Day Evidence) that only one negative was found at the Paine residence, and that the copies disseminated by the Dallas Police were generated from the two prints, not the negative(s). However, it is hard to get around the clear ID of two negatives made by the officers who found these photos, and the Identification Bureau paperwork from 4:30 PM which unambiguously records two negatives.

    3  Shaneyfelt, the FBI man charged with investigating the photographs, did not actually make a positive identification between the rifle seen in the photographs and the rifle in evidence. He said it had “the same general configuration” and that “all appearances were the same”, and he noted that a notch or groove in the stock which “appears very faintly in the photograph” perhaps matched a similar notch found on the rifle in evidence, but it was not enough to make a “positive identification to the exclusion of all other rifles of the same general configuration.” The Warren Commission was responsible for claiming the positive identification, using deductive reasoning based on the timing of the receipt of the mail order firearms and the receipt of the two newspapers seen in the photographs.

    4  Marina used the phrase “ha! ha!” in a handwritten narrative included in the Warren Commission’s exhibits (CE993) The handwriting and punctuation does not appear similar to that of the inscription on the back of the photo:

     

    Did Marina have a habit of using the exclamatory phrase “Ha! ha!”? She maintained of the inscription: “it would sound like me.” Who would have known that? For the Warren Commission, Ruth Paine would describe her Russian language skills: “My writing would be with fewer mistakes, because I can think about it more in putting it down, but still very many mistakes occur in it.” (WC March 18, 1964) Author Gus Russo, in his book Live By The Sword, speculated that the phrase was actually written by Jeanne de Mohrenschildt, but this photo was not known to her until its discovery in 1967.

    5  Dennis Orfstein worked with Oswald at J-C-S and told the Warren Commission that Oswald had enquired about creating enlargements from his personal negatives and he showed Oswald the steps involved. Orfstein said that employees would use the J-C-S equipment for small personal jobs from time to time. According to Orfstein, Oswald initially created an enlargement of a landscape photograph from Minsk. There has long been speculation that Oswald used the J-C-S facilities to create not just the de Mohrenschildt print, but several identification cards and perhaps more backyard prints. This may be so, but Orfstein described the photography work space at J-C-S as a common area, so any work Oswald may have done would have been either in the presence of other workers or risking interruption by other workers.

    6  This process, where little or zero knowledge or remembrance of an event on the part of Marina Oswald, gradually expands to extensive and detailed knowledge, often buttressed by newly discovered evidence, recurs during the investigation over topics such as the rifle, Oswald’s alleged attempt on Walker, and Oswald’s alleged visit to Mexico City.

    7  If this should seem an outlandish proposition, then it is best to point out that both Rose and Stovall described finding a photo of General Walker’s house (CE5), amongst Oswald’s possessions, with the license plate already removed or blacked out from the parked car. Rose “stated he definitely recalls that this photograph, marked as Commission Exhibit 5, was one of the photographs recovered from the PAINE residence and that it had been mutilated at the time they had recovered the box containing the photographs.“ (CE1351) This cannot be true, as an evidence photo published in Jesse Curry’s memoir showed the Walker photo with the licence plate still intact. Gus Rose would later appear in an unfavourable light in Errol Morris’ film “The Thin Blue Line”.

    8  The HSCA panel did not examine the photographs of the Walker residence found amongst Oswald’s effects, but previously, for the Warren Commission, the FBI’s Shaneyfelt had identified markings on one of these photographs as matching the Imperial Reflex. (WR p. 596) There has been a tendency to claim all the Walker photos were linked to the Imperial Reflex, but it was only the one, which had been printed with the image edge of the negative visible. Since the story of Oswald’s ‘American camera” was that he had it in Japan, left it with brother Robert while in Russia, and then retrieved it, the HSCA should have examined the photos from the Marines/Japan looking for these same consistencies, but there is no indication they did.

    9  The Neely Street balcony photos of June Oswald appear to have been taken on two separate occasions, as her garment is long-sleeved for two photos and short sleeved in the other. According to Marina, the blanket laid out on the balcony floor on which June sits would later serve as the blanket which allegedly wrapped the rifle as it sat in the Paine’s garage.

    10  There should be a “drugstore” print of 133-C as well, which has never come to light.

    11  The automated commercial printers would produce the prints with no one needing to closely handle or see them.

    12  During her testimony before the Warren Commission on February 4, 1964 Marina is asked to describe Lee’s performance as a father. She replies: “He would walk with June, play with her, feed her, change diapers, take photographs everything that fathers generally do.” Four days previous she had been shown a photo collection by the FBI which included the Neely Street balcony photos.

    13  Neither of these photo groups were actually photographed by Lee Oswald, as he often appears in the photos. Many of the Russian photos in Oswald’s collection feature him as a subject, so these photos were either passed on to him or were taken by someone else using his camera.

    14  Marina may be wearing a pair of “maternity shorts” as mentioned by Ruth Paine: “When she was with me in the spring, late April to the 9th of May, she had some money from Lee for her own expenses, and she used a portion of this, I would think a rather large portion, buying a pair of maternity shorts … I know they cost nearly $5, and this was quite a large expenditure and quite a thrill. These were bought in Irving.” (WC March 21, 1964) Soon after her return to Irving from New Orleans, Marina wrote to Ruth and referred to her domestic situation with “The love is gone!”

    15  This holds even if the backyard photos are conclusively determined to be forgeries, since the signature of the Imperial Reflex camera establishes it as part of the counterfeiting.

    16  Marina’s memory problems are not consistent. For context, consider her response during Warren Commission testimony dated July 24, 1964 as she is shown the photograph of the Walker house (CE5) in which the licence plate of a vehicle had been removed: “I think when the Commission showed me this picture the number was there … I would have remembered this black spot if it were there at the time the Commission showed me this.. When the FBI first showed me this photograph I remember that the license plate, the number of the license plate was on this car, was on the photograph … It had the white and black numbers. There was no black spot that I see on it now … I would have remembered it if there were a black spot on the back of the car where the license plate would be…I remember very distinctly that there was a license plate on this car. When this business about General Walker came up I would have remembered this black spot … This black spot is so striking I would have remembered it … There was no hole in the original when they showed it to me I’m positive of it.”

    17  The set of black clothes was not found amongst Oswald’s possessions, and Marina was never questioned about this wardrobe.

    18  Ending with a plea she be allowed to stay in the United States, Marina’s narrative is a saccharine version of events which often reads like the work of a ghost writer. Lee Oswald is portrayed as a classical music lover, sweet and gentle except when he’s not. Like when he’s shooting at General Walker.

    19  This proposed order is supported, according to the panel, by minute but visible changes in shadow location. The panel determined that “the camera was aimed about 70º east of north. The shadows in the photographs indicate that the Sun was behind and to the right of the camera. Since this would place the Sun in the southwestern sky, it was afternoon, and the Sun was going down.” This would time the photo shoot as mid-to-late afternoon. A learning curve operating this camera, with the inverted viewer, would be likely true for anyone.

    20  In November 1963, before the assassination, Marguerite Oswald apparently attended one of Gregory’s Russian classes, and then phoned him early on the morning of November 24 seeking assistance in relocating herself, Marina, and the two children. Gregory was travelling in a vehicle with them when word broke that Lee had been shot. Later, he told the Warren Commission, Ruth Paine contacted him seeking assistance writing “Russian letters”.

    21  “Chapter 17 – Army Intelligence And The Dallas Police.” Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics And the Death of JFK. According to Scott, Ilya Mamantov and Peter Gregory had known each other for years and “had worked together to set up a CIA-subsidized anti-communist ‘church’ in Dallas.”

    22  CE1792. How Gopadze could determine Marina’s sincerity is not clear, as this interview was supposedly conducted by Gregory alone.

    23  John Armstrong has speculated that, in the Soviet Union, Marina Oswald was part of various “honey trap” scenarios directed at foreign officials, and complications related to this activity in Leningrad in 1959 resulted in her relocation to Minsk, where she would later meet Oswald. Armstrong notes during this time, a number of foreigners would marry Soviet women, bring them back to their home country, and then promptly face divorce proceedings. Marina began separating herself from Oswald, and sharing stories of physical abuse, within four months of their arrival in the United States.

    24  The only confirmation of the “Oswald rifle” at the Neely house was from Jeanne de Mohrenshildt, who allegedly saw it during their final visit just before Easter 1963. But in her first statement on the subject, to representatives of the State Department in Haiti December 1963, de Mohrenschildt said the rifle sighting associated with Oswald happened in the Fall of 1962.

    25  If this is what indeed happened, the fact “box camera” could have been known to Gregory, or shared with Gregory by Gopadze during their briefing ahead of the session with Marina. If Marina’s “recovered memories” were the result of coaching, it would not necessarily be in the form of specific lies to parrot. Presenting purported evidence or sharing “established” information with the suggestion that her “cooperation” would help to clarify, could set out a blueprint of what to say, while making it appear less a lie and more a reaction or embellishment to information she has been assured was true. Marina’s testimony is full of asides which seem to refer to such a practice.

    26  There are several differing stories told by both Marina Oswald and Marguerite Oswald. John Armstrong’s Harvey and Lee, pp. 497-498 reviews these stories.

    27  Much later, when the inscription on the back of the de Mohrenschildt backyard photo came to light, a presumption was made that Lee Oswald made habit of inscribing certain prints of backyard photos because, allegedly, he was proud of the image. But an inscription addressed to his young daughter on a backyard photo is difficult to believe, as it is so perverse.

  • Harrison E. Livingstone, Panjandrum: Secrets of the JFK X-rays


    The implied claim on these pages that both bone and brain are missing is fallacious, or that the brain is proven gone by so much darkness and the bone is still there is a non sequetor [sic] and quite wrong.
    ~Harrison E. Livingstone [henceforth, HEL], Panjandrum (p. 138)

    So she went into the garden to cut a cabbage-leaf to make an apple-pie; and at the same time a great she-bear, coming up the street, pops its head into the shop. “What! No soap?” So he died, and she very imprudently married the barber; and there were present the Picninnies, and the Joblillies, and the Garyulies, and the grand Panjandrum himself, with the little round button at top, and they all fell to playing the game of catch-as-catch-can till the gunpowder ran out at the heels of their boots.
    ~Samuel Foote

    This [DM: i.e., the above gibberish by Foote – not the initial babble from Livingstone] introduced the nonsense term “The Grand Panjandrum” into the English language and the name was adopted for the Panjandrum or Great Panjandrum, an experimental World War II-era explosive device.
    ~Wikipedia on Samuel Foote


    NOTE: Quotations from Panjandrum in this review are in italics; page references are to Panjandrum.


    The Main Issue

    In essence, Panjandrum is merely about two questions, both related to the anterior portion of JFK’s skull X-rays:

    1. Where was brain missing?
    2. Where was bone missing?

    The answers (my answers) are also simple:

    1. Frontal brain was absent in a fist-sized area, best seen on the lateral X-ray (p. 89-of Panjandrum). I have previously labeled this as the “Dark Area”-see slide 5 at http://jamesfetzer.blogspot.com/2010/04/david-w-mantik-md-phd-on-jfk-skull-x.html (the Dark Area is circled in white) or The Assassinations (2003), edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, p. 265, Figure 5A. The latter is the Mantik/Cyril Wecht essay cited by HEL.
    2. Bone was missing over the skull vertex, including anterior to the coronal suture, particularly on the right side; see my sketch in Panjandrum (p. 10). It was also missing from the right forehead/temple area.

    Although HEL seems to hint otherwise, I would emphasize that neither of my two answers is due to (or in any way related to) altered X-rays. HEL claims (p. 50) that I “jump around,” and also states (p. 36) that I have changed my mind. He even cites the “corrupt turn-about” of Mantik and Wecht (p. 46) and goes on to claim (pp. 134-135) that I have “walked away from [my] densitometer findings…” Of course, none of this is true – my opinions on these issues have not changed.

    Neither of my two above answers, however, directly addresses a slightly different issue: What was the condition of JFK’s right “face”? Livingstone struggles valiantly to state his question clearly, but the following is as clear as he ever gets (although not until p. 139): “It seems to me quite clear that both brain and bone are missing on the front right of the at least partly false [sic] double-imaged [sic] skull X-rays.” So after many pages, we finally learn that, by “face,” he does not mean the periorbital area or the maxillary bone, which most laymen would consider to be the face. Although his syntax fails to make his distinction clearly, his image of JFK’s lateral X-ray (p. 93) decisively clarifies this issue: his white arrow points to the forehead/temple, not to the maxillary area. (The latter includes the area around the nose and above the jaw.)

    The issue of missing “facial bone” totally possesses HEL. But here is what is most curious: my image of the forehead/temple area (p. 10) and JFK autopsy pathologist Thornton Boswell’s sketch (p. 11) are in remarkable agreement with each other-i.e., this area is indeed absent. That should have satisfied HEL, since that is his point! Although Livingstone rants endlessly about this, stating that the right temple/forehead is absent (assuming that his syntax can be deciphered), he does not seem to recognize that my image shows precisely that bone to be absent. In other words, since we agree about this, he did not need to write this book. Even Boswell’s sketch agrees with me (and HEL) that the right temple/forehead was absent. If, on the other hand, HEL’s clamor is about the sphenoid bone (which is near the front of the skull behind the eyes) then we (Boswell and I) may actually disagree with HEL: Boswell and I agree that the sphenoid bone is present. Curiously enough, though, HEL never actually discusses the sphenoid bone, nor does he ever use that word. This means that his entire book is a tempest in a teapot. There is literally nothing more to say about his repeated and frenzied fears about Mantik and Wecht (pp. 1, 3, 7, 27, 32, 33, 34, 36, 46, 50, 51, 55, 75, etc.).

    More Eccentricities from HEL

    On p. 2. HEL quotes Boswell, who stated that one of the late arriving fragments formed part of the EOP entry hole. But Boswell is the only pathologist to state this-none of the others ever endorsed that interpretation. In fact, the OD data for these fragments renders such a conclusion quite unlikely. The average OD of the large triangular fragment (likely frontal bone) is 0.92. But both of the other two fragments have average densities consistent with thinner bones: 1.24 and 1.31. Occipital bone, however, should be thicker (i.e., have a lower OD) than frontal bone. Most likely therefore, Boswell was wrong about this, i.e., neither of these two smaller fragments likely formed part of the entrance hole. p. 6. HEL states that Humes and Boswell recalled removing the brain before taking X-rays. In fact, taking X-rays after the brain was gone would serve little purpose; the point was to visualize metallic particles within the brain. HEL also recalls that I estimated the amount of brain present via OD data-which is mostly what the Mantik/Wecht (M/W) essay is about. Later (p. 52) HEL strongly implies that no brain was present in the skull X-rays. And this statement is made despite all of the OD data presented (to the opposite conclusion) in the M/W essay, i.e., that essay estimated the fraction of residual brain at multiple measured sites. HEL repeats his claim that the skull X-rays contain no brain (pp. 81 and 140), but he does not even hint at why the OD data might be incorrect (in showing the presence of some brain); in fact he totally ignores the OD data. p. 8. “…but he [Mantik] failed to tell us that the two images [i.e., the lateral and AP skull X-rays] were in conflict.” This is absurd, inasmuch as this was precisely the point of my presentation in NYC (pp. 106-107, 133) at HEL’s own press conference (Assassination Science, 1998, edited by James Fetzer, pp. 153-160). This same issue recurs later (p. 29). Paradoxically, after that (p. 39), HEL recalls that I told him that the two X-rays were “incompatible.” He has thereby stated two directly opposite opinions about this matter.

    pp. 8-9. HEL claims that I describe the back of the head as intact, but then on the very next page, he quotes me as saying that the Harper fragment derived from the back of the head. He cannot have it both ways-only one of these statements can be true. For more detail see my upcoming essay, “The Harper Fragment Revisited,” at the CTKA website. There can now be little doubt that the Harper fragment was occipital.

    pp. 19-20. HEL claims that “David Lifton never subscribed to the idea that the X-rays and photographs of the body were forged…” But on the next page (p. 20), we read “Yet a few investigators bought into Lifton’s whole ball of wax: Horne and Mantik among them.” HEL here is not even consistent. After all, Horne and I do have an opposite opinion (from HEL’s depiction of Lifton)-we believe that some critical X-rays and photographs indeed have been altered.

    pp. 20-21. “The large head wound did not change at all before the autopsy, contrary to the claims of David Lifton. Dr. Mantik agrees with my findings that the wound did not change before Bethesda.” But the head wound did change (purely as a side effect) of the illicit efforts of James Humes at Bethesda to remove bullet fragments from the brain before the official autopsy began. In retrospect, this was the most important deception in the entire medical cover-up. Absent this step, a conspiracy would have been obvious to all.

    p. 21. “This led to Lifton’s biggest lie of all: that the body had been stolen and altered, which was bought hook, line, and sinker by …Horne and Mantik…” Also note this (p. 54): “Mantik buys into Lifton’s body theft and alteration theories lock, stock, and barrel, and shows you that Horne accepts most of it.” This is, of course, nonsense; neither Horne nor I believe in body alteration as described by Lifton. More to the point, Horne and I strongly suspect that Humes illicitly removed the brain before the official autopsy began. This was done, not to alter the appearance of the body, but solely in order to remove bullet fragments from the brain (to eliminate evidence for multiple head shots).

    p. 22. HEL believes that the Parkland MDs cut the cerebellum loose and that they also probed the throat wound. This is pure drivel; there is absolutely no evidence for either of these statements-and HEL cites none.

    p. 24. HEL quotes from his own book Killing the Truth (where he had stated his personal opinion): “The lateral X-rays show no significant loss of bone whatsoever on the rear of the head…” Of course, if HEL truly believes that the occiput was intact, then he disagrees with virtually all of the Parkland and Bethesda witnesses, who saw a large hole there.

    p. 30. “So the term that needed to be better defined was ‘frontal.’ I was correct in saying that the frontal area down to the floor of the right orbit seemed to be missing in at least the AP X-ray.” HEL astonishingly claims (p. 138) that I once said the right orbit was missing. Even worse, he claims that “all other doctors” believed that the right orbit was missing (p. 141)! This is more rubbish-the AP X-ray clearly shows the entire right orbit. After all of this, it is only appropriate that we read HEL’s final comment on the right orbit (p. 139): “…because we know that it was impossible that any of the frontal or even forehead and orbital area bone or the vertex of the head was in fact lost, which it was not.” [DM: I did not make this up.]

    p. 33. HEL wonders if the X-rays have been enhanced too much [DM: for the original X-rays this would be an oxymoron], or possibly whether there was too much light [DM: another oxymoron-light is not used to expose original X-ray films] or whether the exposure of the X-ray beam was wrong. Regarding the latter, see a detailed analysis in my critique of Pat Speer, who raised the same question. (See item 10: “Were JFK’s X-rays overexposed?” at JFK Autopsy X-rays: David Mantik vs. Pat Speer.) In fact, the X-rays were properly exposed. None of this makes any sense.

    p. 45. HEL believes that the 6.5 mm fragment represents the base of a bullet. This is more than astonishing. Based on my extensive OD data (Assassination Science, pp. 120-137), HEL once seemed convinced that this 6.5 mm object was merely an artifact. This was, after all, the chief result of my OD data. But now HEL seems to have forgotten his prior agreement with me. In any case, the official story is that the nose and base of this bullet were found inside the limousine-so how can the base be visible on the X-ray? Larry Sturdivan, the HSCA ballistics expert has also stated that the 6.5 mm object must be an artifact. HEL disagrees with both of us.

    p. 49. “No right lateral X-ray survives-just two left ones…” This is more drivel -one of each side exists in the Archives. If they were both from the same side I would have been able to visualize a 3D image (of metallic particles) via my stereo viewer, which I did try to see. That did not happen. Furthermore, radiology assistant Jerrol Custer unavoidably omitted the back of one of the laterals because of space constraints in the morgue; that alone demonstrates asymmetry between the two lateral X-rays. But numerous radiologists have likewise attested to both a left and right lateral. I agree with them.

    p. 54. “A primary reason for altering the skull X-rays was that the large defect or hole in the back of the head created by an exiting bullet (seen by nearly all witnesses) had to be obliterated…” He repeats this again (page 75). The need for such a cover-up is totally false, as I discuss in detail in upcoming Harper fragment essay at the CTKA website; the defect caused by the Harper fragment lies at the very rear of the skull. Missing bone due to the Harper fragment is not (and never was) obvious on the X-rays, so it did not need to be covered up. I have never held (or stated) any other position, although others have misinterpreted my position on this matter.

    p. 59. HEL implies that the M/W essay was suppressed, which is why he (HEL) could not obtain a copy. Our editor, Jim DiEugenio, however reports that this is false. Rather, the book is out of print and can only be purchased via e-book format.

    p. 74. HEL asks how JFK’s brain got out of the skull. For this, he should read Horne’s discussion (Volume IV, e.g., p. 1005). Although HEL later (pp. 152-153) takes severe umbrage at my generally favorable review of Horne’s Volume IV (http://assassinationscience.com/HorneReview.pdf), HEL missed the fundamental point: Humes had to remove the brain (illicitly, before the official autopsy began) in order to extract bullet fragments-or a conspiracy would have been obvious.

    pp. 75-154. The discussion over these many pages is often repetitious; rather little new is introduced. However, some of these pages have already been cited above.

    p. 155. HEL states that the Boyajian casket entry is a fantasy that ends with a bronze casket. He recalls Dallas doctor Kemp Clark’s description (in the Warren Report) of a “bronze colored plastic casket.” Horne has discussed these issues in great detail (Volume IV, pp. 988-1013). HEL does not wish to address this evidence.

    p. 159. HEL accepts some witnesses for a tangential shot from the (right) front. See my Fiester review and my Harper fragment essay (previously cited) for more about the (almost certain) tangential headshot from the right front, which is consistent with Kemp Clark’s description (and much other evidence).

    p. 160. “…it was not necessarily Kennedy’s head, but someone else’s who they killed to manufacture this evidence.” [DM: I did not make this up-also see p. 165.] HEL does not tell us here that the HSCA experts confirmed that the skull X-rays were, in fact, JFK’s (p. 117). I, too, confirmed this, which HEL also fails to say. In addition, he does not tell us who “they” were, nor does he offer any details about when or who was substituted for JFK. And if it really was someone else, what are the odds that the substitute body also had no adrenal glands-and also had myelogram contrast dye in the lumbar area? And where did JFK’s actual body (or head) go? Although HEL accuses me of ignoring “many complexities” (p. 159), perhaps HEL is merely describing himself.

    p. 163. “The X-rays are what is called ‘subtraction,’ which is a composite made from several different pictures.” HEL once seemed to understand (from me) that they were actually prepared via a double exposure (i.e., addition-not subtraction) in the dark room, but his memory has now faded.

    p. 166. “All I know is, we do not need optical densitometry to prove any issue…” If HEL is correct about this, then all of the following conclusions go into the trash can: (1) the artifactual character of the 6.5 mm object, (2) the White Patch, (3) the near total absence of frontal brain, (4) the surprising amount of missing brain on both left and right sides of the skull, (5) the optical densities of the background air (which prove that the X-ray exposures were indeed reasonable), (6) the absence of a bullet entry or exit on the back of the skull, (7) the absence of soft tissue (brain, in particular) lying on the outside the skull, and (8) objective evidence for the location of the Harper fragment. HEL seems blissfully ignorant of how full his trash can would become.

    Conclusions

    HEL was once a heroic pioneer in the medical evidence. His books (and Lifton’s contributions, too) were invaluable introductions for me. For that I am still grateful to both. Unfortunately, I see little of value in this book, but rather lots of pointless confusion. The book should not have been written-and it should not be read.

  • Robert Groden, Absolute Proof


    Robert Groden occupies a rather illustrious position in the research critical of the Warren Commission. First, he is undoubtedly one of the very foremost experts on the photographs and films in the JFK case. From the past, only people like the late Richard Sprague were in his league. Today, only say a Robin Unger, or Richard Trask can navigate in his territory. (See Unger’s collection.)

    Secondly, Groden was the man who began showing first class copies of the Zapruder film in the early seventies. This culminated in his appearance with Dick Gregory on national television in 1975. On an ABC program hosted by Geraldo Rivera, Groden first revealed to all of America what was on the Zapruder film. Images that Time-Life, Henry Luce, Clare Booth Luce and C. D. Jackson wanted to conceal from the public. Namely that President Kennedy’s entire body rockets backward at Z frame 313, simultaneous with him getting struck in the head from what appears to be a projectile from the front. That signal event, which Gregory and Groden deserve much credit for, was largely responsible for creating a firestorm of controversy throughout the nation. That firestorm quickly led to the creation of the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA). Groden served as chief photo consultant for the HSCA for its duration.

    Groden was later a consultant for Oliver Stone on his film JFK. And then he served as a chief talking head on the TV series The Men Who Killed Kennedy. In 1993, at Abby Rockefeller’s Harvard Conference, he showed the complete Zapruder film, i.e. with no frames missing. That convinced this reviewer that Kennedy was undoubtedly hit before he went behind the freeway sign. Which meant the shot could not have been fired by Oswald, since his vision was obstructed by the branches of an oak tree at that time.

    Groden then moved to Dallas to set up shop to sell his wares in Dealey Plaza. He was a counterweight to the propaganda put out by Gary Mack and The Sixth Floor. Since then the Power Elite in Dallas has harassed him legally by ticketing him over 80 times and actually arresting him. They have not been able to make the charges stick. And Groden has a lawsuit pending against the city at this time. Groden is clearly a heroic figure in the cause of demonstrating the truth about the JFK murder to the public.

    All of which makes me really wish I could like his new book, Absolute Proof, more. Undoubtedly, there are many good things in the oversized, profusely illustrated, coffee table type of book. And I will mention some of those good things in this review. But there are also some very questionable things in the book. Ultimately, the volume comes out as a very mixed bag.

    I

    Groden leads off his book with what is by now the hotly debated McCone-Rowley document. He does here what he did at the Cyril Wecht Conference in Pittsburgh in October. He states that he thinks it is a genuine document. Others, to put it mildly, disagree. For example, Gary Buell has done much good work on it. (See his blog.)

    Besides the document itself, in that link, please note the fax from the National Archives to attorney Jim Lesar. It says that they the archivist checked and there is no such document listed in their index with that date or title on it. Secondly, a document with this kind of information in it, namely that Oswald was trained for espionage work by the CIA and the Navy, would not be classified as just Confidential. Which this is. Because that is the lowest security clearance. Something like the McCone-Rowley document would be classified with the highest security clearance. Which, to my knowledge, is Above Top Secret, For Yours Eyes Only. Third, as Oswald expert John Armstrong has pointed out to this reviewer, in paragraph five, where McCone tells Rowley that Oswald was at Camp Peary in September and October of 1958, Armstrong’s files reveal this not to be the case. Oswald was in the Far East at that time. (E mail from Armstrong, February of 2014.)

    In paragraph six, McCone seems to admit that certain agents of the CIA were involved in what he calls the “Dallas Action.” This is incredible. First, why would McCone ever admit to this in writing? Second, as most observers of the CIA know, McCone was not an insider, or part of the Old Boys Network. He was Kennedy’s personal appointee. The idea that those involved would either 1.) Tell him they were part of the plot, or 2.) Leave a trail that he could attribute it to them, that is, for this reviewer, kind of preposterous.

    In paragraph 8, a real red flag leaps out. The document reads, “It is possible that Oswald, given his instability, might have been involved in some operation concerning Hoffa…” First, as an undercover agent, Oswald displayed little “instability”. From what chroniclers of his intelligence career note, he basically did what he was told. Also, what on earth could be the operation against Hoffa? Why would the FBI or Justice Department need someone like Oswald to use against Jimmy Hoffa? This is so nonsensical that, in and of itself, it should lend a pall of suspicion across the document. Finally, there is the common problem with these suspect documents: there is really nothing in the document information wise which one can verify as being new. Which would have to be the case if McCone really had unearthed the genuine secret files on Oswald.

    In his text, Groden states that this document first surfaced during the Church Committee investigation of the CIA and FBI in 1975. But if the reader clicks through to the discussion of the document on the Randi forum, one will see that it seems to have first appeared in that year also. Originating with a tabloid reporter named James L. Moore. In his book, Groden proffers a document from the Church Committee requesting information from the Secret Service. (p. 8) But there is no proof he produces to show that they sent back this particular document upon the Church Committee’s request. In fact, that the Secret Service would do so seems quite far-fetched. Especially when one realizes the furor that the Church Committee created at the time e.g. with its exposure of the CIA-Mafia plots to kill Castro, and Frank Church calling the CIA an “out of control rogue elephant.”

    In light of all the countervailing evidence suggesting the document is ersatz, the author gets a bit strained when, on page 13, he relies on the McCone-Rowley document to knock down specific “lies and denials’ about Oswald’s ties to intelligence. It gets worse when he then relies for corroboration upon the famous story leaked by the Commission about Oswald having an FBI payroll number of 179. (p. 15) Since many people also suspect that story to be suspect.

    But if the McCone-Rowley document is dubious, it also appears another piece of evidence Groden features near the beginning of the book is also suspect.

    II

    For at least the last 3-4 years Groden has trumpeted a new witness who he says gives Oswald an absolutely airtight alibi. This reviewer actually heard the author talk about this person at the COPA Conference in Dallas three years ago. He again discusses this witness in Chapter 2 of Absolute Proof. Here, he calls this witness Geraldine Reid.

    He begins his discussion by saying that Mrs. Robert Reid, who the Warren Commission interviewed, was named Delores Reid. He then says there was a second Mrs. Reid who also worked on the second floor of the Texas School Book Depository and her name was Geraldine Reid. (Groden, p. 20) It is important to detail from his book the importance that Groden gives Geraldine Reid. He writes that the Commission “avoided mentioning this Mrs. Reid like the plague.” Why? Because she was flown to Washington and interrogated by the Commission but her testimony “was so devastating to their preconceived conclusions of Oswald’s guilt that they buried all references to her.” (ibid) Referring to an interview he did with her, Groden writes, “I was threatened to keep my mouth shut, or else.” He then says that the Commission tried to keep Geraldine a secret and concealed the fact there were actually two Mrs. Reids. He then quotes more fully from his interview with the second Mrs. Reid which took place before she passed away relatively recently.

    There were some unusual circumstances to the interview Groden did with this woman. For instance, no tapes were permitted, and Groden was not allowed to refer to her testimony before she passed away. Reid told Groden that about one minute before the shots rang out, Oswald walked into the office on the second floor across from the snack room. He needed some change for the soda machine. He went to Geraldine and gave her a dollar and asked her for change. At that moment they both heard the sound of gunshots. But, oddly, neither of them said anything about the sounds. She continued giving him change and he walked toward the snack room. She concluded her story with, “That’s the last time I saw him until he passed by me a few minutes later as he was leaving the building.” (Groden, p. 21) By this time she had learned what happened and told him that Kennedy had been shot.

    Groden then says he was introduced to Geraldine Reid and her story by a man names David Thiess, a former investigator for the Office of Naval Intelligence. Thiess told him he knew she had been interviewed by the Commission and they had suppressed her story and wiped her out of the record. But further, he had seen the concealed documents about her. Both Reid and Theiss died, Theiss as Absolute Proof was going to press. (ibid)

    After the book was published, Richard Gilbride talked about the Geraldine Reid story at Greg Parker’s fine forum, Reopen Kennedy Case. As the reader can see by reading this fascinating review of the facts, it appears that, to begin with, Groden got some of the details wrong. There was no Delores Reid working in the Depository Building. The Mrs. Robert Reid Groden refers to was first named Geraldean (at times spelled Jeraldean). And she passed away in 1973. So it turns out that there was no Geraldine Reid also, at least with his exact spelling.

    What appears to have happened is that in an FBI report made on November 24th, a Mrs. Sanders talked about Geraldean Reid but the FBI agent incorrectly spelled it as “Geraldine”. But the giveaway is that Sanders gave the agents the phone number of Mrs. Geraldine/Jeraldean Reid, a key point Groden apparently missed. So they were talking about the same person. Obviously, if this was the only Geraldean/Geraldine Reid at the Depository, and she died in 1973, then this could not be the person that Groden talked to several years ago, and who died relatively recently.

    What appears to have happened here is that Mr. Theiss, who conveniently died right before the book came out, somehow concocted a hoax to play on the research community. This is a problem that has plagued the community since 1964. And Groden did not do the proper follow-up to prevent himself from falling for the phony “Geraldine Reid” playlet. We owe thanks to Greg Parker and the frequenters of his forum for correcting the record on this issue.

    III

    Groden also apparently believes in the phenomenon called Badgeman. (See p. 302. I had not really investigated this issue until the 50th anniversary. About a month after that MSM pig out, Oliver Stone got in contact with me and gave me a short list of items he wanted clarified in the wake of that singular and monumental orgy of denial. One of the items on his list was Badgeman. Therefore, I actually began to investigate Badge Man in earnest for the first time.

    For the record, Badge Man first came to the limelight in a big way on Nigel Turner’s original series The Men Who Killed Kennedy. The first go round for the now discredited Turner was broadcast in America in 1991. On that show, the soon to be turncoat Gary Mack, and the late Jack White greatly enlarged, enhanced and colorized an aspect of the famous Mary Moorman photograph which depicts the grassy knoll at the time of the fusillade in Dealey Plaza. After spending several days researching this image I wrote Mr. Stone a memo of about 1.5 pages. I will now excerpt from that memo since Groden accepts Badgeman as an image of a Dallas cop (or someone wearing the uniform)atop the knoll.

    “The last matter you wanted me to look at was Badgeman. I am glad I did since I did not understand all of the problems with this image…it is not an easy matter to decipher.

    First, there is a debate about where the Badgeman figure actually is. At first glance, it appears not to be behind the stockade fence, but behind the shorter retaining wall on the knoll, but not atop it.

    If that is the case, then the problem is simple: How did no one see this guy if he is supposed to be doing what he is doing: shooting at Kennedy? Clearly, someone should have seen a policeman with a rifle there on the grass. The other problem is that when one sees the image here, the top part, head and shoulders, appear too small to be a normal sized person.

    Because of these significant problems at this location – and it sure does seem to me to me to be the correct location – some have said that Badgeman is not really there. He is really behind the stockade fence. In other words, one must add depth perspective. But again, this creates problems. First of all, if one postulates this new position, its not where most observers, including me, think the actual shooting location was. I for one think the actual location was further down the fence, near the triple underpass. Where the fence juts out creating a kind of crease over a sewer grate. To me, that is the best position for an assassin on the stockade fence. This adjusted location for Badgeman is much more further down the knoll, toward the Depository, allowing for a more oblique angle. So much so that I am not sure if the “back and to the left” reaction, which was a keystone of your film, would apply.

    Second, if one postulates this other position, then the problem of having him too small in the foreground now becomes reversed: for now the exposed portions appear much too large to be showing a above the fence line. Therefore, some defenders have provided explanations, like the man is standing on a car bumper further behind the fence.

    Although Lee Bowers did not see what he testified to at this location, but the one further down, if someone had been on a car bumper, it would have been almost right in front of him here. Hard to believe Bowers did not see that.

    It is a really complicated puzzle. Because of all the work done on Badgeman photographically by Jack White and Gary Mack, I agree the photo is suggestive. But I simply do not see how it can be viable with all these inherent problems attached to it.”

    Groden does not even begin to mention these problems with the image. He simply vouches for it as being genuine.

    All of this seems to me to bring up another problem with the book, a lack of sources. Which would be acceptable if the prose was just descriptive of the pictures, and did not relate to any other information besides the photos. But such is not the case. For example, the author places the infamous Dan Rather/Walter Cronkite CBS special in 1966. It aired in 1967. (p. 84) In discussing the treatment of Kennedy at Parkland Hospital, the author says some people turned over the body and saw the back wound. (p. 142) Something like that needed to be profusely annotated. Its not. Apparently under the influence of Philip Nelson, Groden writes that it was Lyndon Johnson who ordered Kennedy’s body to be removed from Parkland Hospital before an autopsy could be performed. (p. 145) Again, this needed to be annotated. Because much of the evidence says this was actually done by the Secret Service, on orders of the Kennedy entourage, e. g. Ken O’Donnell.

    Groden also writes that the Harper Fragment, which many suspect was from the rear of Kennedy’s skull, was found 54 feet to the left rear of the point of impact. (p. 159) Yet in the first FBI reports about the discovery of the fragment, the description attributed to the man who discovered it was that he found it 25 feet to the south of the limousine. Which puts the location to the front of the car. (See this map for the fragment location and the Badgeman height problem.)

    In his discussion of the autopsy, Groden proclaims that Robert Knudsen actually took a second series of photographs of Kennedy’s body. In my opinion, as I discussed in my review of Doug Horne’s book Inside the ARRB, this simply overstates the evidence for forgery. Knudsen may have done this, but it is far from a proven case. (Groden p. 162) Groden also says that Lt. Commander Bruce Pitzer filmed the entire autopsy on 16 mm black and white film. He was working on an edit when he was murdered in his office on October 29, 1966. He then adds that “the murderer stole the film and it hasn’t been seen since.” (ibid, p. 301) It took Pitzer three years to edit an autopsy film? But beyond that, the men Groden relies upon for this version of the Pitzer story, Dan Marvin and Dennis David, have some credibility problems. No one has done more work on the Pitzer case than the estimable Allan Eaglesham. And his final essay on the subject reveals the problems with the testimony of these two men.

    Then there are the problems with Groden’s macro view of the conspiracy. He writes that Carlos Marcello was part of the CIA/Mafia plots to kill Castro. (p. 199) Not according to the Church Committee. This was actually added on later by Dan Moldea, a source I would avoid at almost all costs. Groden then writes like Bob Blakey and says that Oswald and Guy Banister were being supervised by Marcello in the summer of 1963. He offers no proof of this, and this reviewer, who has done much work on New Orleans, believe its balderdash.

    After this, the author now turns to Dallas. Groden buys into the whole Murchison ranch assassination party scenario. (pgs. 201-02) And he buys into the most extreme versions, that is as rendered by LBJ did it zealots like Harrison Livingstone and Barr McClellan. That is he puts J. Edgar Hoover, Richard Nixon, H. L. Hunt and John McCloy in the midst of the festivities. Along, of course, with LBJ’s oh so late arrival. This is all recycled by these authors through none other than Madeleine Brown. And Groden adds that Brown’s son, Steven, was LBJ’s offspring. Yet, he does not reveal that mother and son waited until after LBJ was dead for 14 years to sue Lady Bird Johnson. (Dallas Morning News, June 19, 1987) That case was dismissed when Steven failed to show in court.

    But years before that, Madeleine and Steven sued another man, lawyer Jerome Ragsdale, on the same charge: that Ragsdale was Steven’s father. Question: What is the worth of a witness like this? Who when the first lawsuit failed, which it did, then sues a “second” father and now begins to talk about the second father’s role in the Kennedy murder. I would say, it’s not worth very much at all. And we should not be dealing with such tales today.

    IV

    As I said, there are good things in the book. Groden was the first to demonstrate–with photos of witnesses indicating the rear of the skull–where they saw a blasted out hole in the back of Kennedy’s head. That is in this book also. Except the author actually extends the number of medical witnesses who say they saw this phenomenon. One which would be impossible if the Warren Commission was correct. These photos of witnesses pointing to the rear of the skull extend from page 149 of the book to page 155. Groden snapped pictures of over 20 of them who saw this damage to the back of Kennedy’s skull. He then uses testimony of some witnesses he could not actually photograph, like Nurse Diana Bowron. Instead he uses a sketch by Bowron of the back of Kennedy’s head. She then wrote that she saw a large wound in the lower right quadrant. She said it was so large she could almost put her fist through it. (p. 152) Another example of testimony used by the author are the words of Petty Officer Chester Moyers at Bethesda Hospital. He said, to the HSCA, that he saw a massive wound of the dimensions of 3 inches by 3 inches in the rear of the head. (p. 156) All in all, the author has collected the testimony of close to 80 witnesses in this regard. Undoubtedly, some skeptics will question some of these people e.g. Jim Tague. But the overwhelming majority of these witnesses seem to me to be credible. When one combines this work with that of Dr. Gary Aguilar on the declassified HSCA depositions on the matter, then the evidence for this gaping rear hole in the rear skull seems to me to be simply overwhelming. This might be the strongest part of the book and the most relevant to the case.

    Groden is a traditionalist in his method of deconstructing the Single Bullet Theory. That is, instead of arguing the provenance of CE 399, he relies on the absurdities of the trajectory analysis. Here he adds in a piece of evidence that is very often absent from the debate: the clothing of Governor John Connally. The entrance hole in the back is way to the right of the jacket, it actually seems beyond the shoulder seam. While the exit is well below the lapel in the front. But further, the author couples these with the Arlen Specter/FBI reconstruction of the motorcade. Clearly, someone told the lawyer about the true location of the back wound, since it was marked well below the president’s jacket collar. (p. 146) And the wound to the extreme right of Connally’s jacket is also marked accurately. Therefore, the question becomes: How did a bullet traveling from right to left hit Kennedy near the middle of the back, slightly to the right of the midline, and then emerge going rightward all the way over to the outside of Connally’s right shoulder? Connally’s comments to Groden about this is quotable. He told the author that the SBT was “absolutely ridiculous”. (p. 147)

    Today’s excuse for this bizarre flight path is the Bugliosi/Dale Myers concoction of Connally sitting inward of Kennedy by six inches. That was pretty much vitiated by Pat Speer when he got the limousine schematic diagram which explicitly showed that the jump seat in front of Kennedy was only 2.5 inches inward from the door. But Groden here goes beyond that. Through a series of photos taken throughout the motorcade, some by Dave Powers who was traveling just behind Kennedy, he shows that Kennedy and Connally were pretty much lined up in tandem to each other. And any discrepancy between the two was pretty minimal. Certainly not enough to account for the bizarre flight path outlined above. (See the photos and discussion on pages 38, 47-48, p. 249 and on pgs. 255-56. This last series of photos seem to me to be quite convincing.)

    Continuing with the medical and ballistics evidence, Groden shows the document which states that there was an FBI receipt for a missile recovered from JFK at the autopsy. (p. 86) He also displays a newspaper article I had never seen before. Here, Dr. George Burkley, the White House doctor, said Kennedy died of a bullet wound in the right temple. (ibid) This was from the Chicago Daily News of November 22, 1963.

    Concerning the SBT, Groden also notes that Dr. Jim Humes wrote notes from messages he got from Parkland Hospital about the diameter of the throat wound as seen by Dr. Malcolm Perry in Dallas. Those notes say the wound was 3-5 mm. (p. 86) Which, if the Warren Commission was right, make the exit wound smaller than the entrance wound in the back. If so, this was pretty much unheard of prior to the Kennedy assassination.

    In more than one place throughout the book, the author shows blown up photos of Kennedy’s back wound. (See pgs. 91, 97-99, p. 144) He makes an interesting argument that 1.) The actual pictures appear to show two wounds, and 2.) The HSCA doctored the original photos in their artistic renditions to show only one wound. Groden argues that the hole on top is an exit wound from the shot to the throat. The hole below it, by about 1.5 inches, is the entrance wound in the back. Groden adds that Humes took the projectile out of this wound and it’s the “missile receipt” mentioned above. I must say, Groden’s photos are so large and clear that this argument, which I had never really encountered before, has some cogency to it.

    The author has always maintained that certain photos and frames from the Zapruder film do show a hole in the back of Kennedy’s skull. He does that here again with an extreme blow up of the Mary Moorman photograph. And it does seem to show some kind of cavity in the back of Kennedy ‘s head during the shooting sequence. (p. 179)

    Groden has always been a believer in the acoustics evidence. This was a dictabelt motorcycle tape recording made in Dealey Plaza, supposedly of the shots ringing out. Professor Don Thomas gave the acoustics evidence some ballast when he published a peer reviewed paper supporting that evidence. Since then Thomas has jousted with critics of his work several times. By any objective means, he has defended himself adequately. Groden brings up the argument that if one buys the acoustics evidence, the shots are arranged too close together to be fired by Oswald. The time interim separating two of the shots is 1.7 seconds. Yet, when the FBI tested the rifle, it took them 2.3 seconds to recycle the weapon. (p. 82)

    In relation to this point, Groden prints an FBI document from the day of the murder. It was from the agent in charge in Dallas, Gordon Shanklin. This document clearly implies that Shanklin is referring to two separate bullets which struck Kennedy and Connally. It was written before the cover story about the SBT had been enacted. (p. 253)

    Furthering this quandary about the ballistics evidence, Groden chimes in on the debate begun by Noel Twyman concerning just how many shells and live rounds were found by the Dallas Police on the sixth floor of the Texas School Bok Depository. Through the work of Allan Eaglesham and his interviews with photographer Tom Alyea, we know that the crime scene as depicted in the Warren Commission photos was made up after the fact. It does not show what was really there in the early minutes after the shooting. (Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition, by James DiEugenio, p. 343) Groden devotes three pages to this issue. (Groden, pgs. 273-75) He features five photos and five documents. He makes a rather interesting case that there were two spent rounds and one live round found on the sixth floor, not three shells. For this author, this point has become an issue of real and vital contention in the evidentiary record.

    Another good point Groden makes is about he configuration of witnesses in Dealey Plaza, and which way they ran once the shots were heard. Propagandists like John McAdams and Dave Reitzes try to say that there really was not much of a difference between the number of witnesses who heard shots from the grassy knoll, and those who heard them from behind the president. But the problem with this is that the FBI never made a systematic attempt to track down each and every witness in Dealey Plaza and elicit their best recollection about the direction and number of the shots. Clearly, what J. Edgar Hoover and the Warren Commission did was to cherry pick the witnesses who testified before the Commission in order to cover up what the real ear witness testimony would have been. Because, as Groden shows in his book, and as he did in Black Op Radio’s 50 Reasons for 50 Years segment, is that the vast majority of witnesses ran to the grassy knoll area once they heard the shots ring out. And it does not seem to even be really close in number to those who ran to points behind the limousine. (See the photos from pgs. 68-75)

    There are also good things in the book about the media. Groden touches on the relationship between Bill Paley of CBS and the CIA. And he especially hones in on the recent wave of dubious documentaries (which should actually be called mockumentaries) on cable television, e.g. the Discovery Channel .

    As I said, Bob Groden has been a true champion of the case for the public. He has devoted much of his adult life trying to show that the Warren Commission was nothing but a sham meant to conceal the true facts of Kennedy’s death. His current book is a decidedly mixed bag of virtues and liabilities. But taken as a trilogy, his last three books – this one, The Killing of a President, and The Search for Lee Harvey Oswald – form what is the best photo library available in book form on this case. Although this volume, as demonstrated above, is not up to the standard of the previous two, the series as a whole is very much worth having.