Tag: MLK ASSASSINATION

  • The Necessary Embrace of Conspiracy


    First published on Friday, August 31, 2007 by CommonDreams.org


    Several years ago I gave a talk on Martha’s Vineyard about many of the people whose portraits I’ve painted in the Americans Who Tell the Truth series. I spent some time talking about the legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr. When I talk about King, I like to focus on his last year — the period when, defying the advice of many of his advisors in the civil rights movement, he spoke against the Vietnam War, equating racism with imperialism. King felt bound to make the point that the forces of capitalism, materialism, and militarism that were driving segregation were also driving the war, and until we confronted the source of the problem, the abuses would continue. It was April 4, 1967, in Riverside Church in New York, that he made that declaration. A year to the day before his assassination.

    It has always confounded me every year when we celebrate Dr. King’s life that no mention is made of that Riverside Church speech in the major media. We are always treated to sound bites of the 1963 I Have a Dream speech. That speech’s oratory is as powerful as it is non-confrontational. Which is why it is re-played for modern audiences. Dr. King was about confrontation. Non-violence and confrontation, each ennobling and making the other effective. In 1967 he said, “… my country is the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today.” And he explained how our economic system thrived on exploitation and violence, or, as Emma Goldman put it, “The greatest bulwark of capitalism is militarism.” This was probably the most important speech King ever gave and not playing it when we ostensibly honor him, is tantamount to castrating him morally and intellectually. Just as there is a long history of White America castrating black men, there is an equal legacy of Elite America cutting the most important truths of our social prophets out of the history books. We pay homage to King’s icon, the cardboard cutout, but not to his strongest beliefs and his most cogent analysis of our problems — to what vision called forth his courage. And, if we think that he spoke the truth, to censor that truth is to promote a curious kind of segregation. He is segregated, not for the color of his skin, but for the accuracy of his perception, how close to the bone his words cut. We can’t bear to hear the sound of truth’s knife scraping on hypocrisy’s bone. Only people who actually want to change the system dance to that music or want it to be heard.

    Equally important, and part of the same neglect, is the intentional ignoring of the facts of his death. In my talk on Martha’s Vineyard I spoke about William Pepper’s book, An Act of State: The Execution of Martin Luther King, Jr. Pepper had been James Earl Ray’s lawyer. Ray was the man convicted of killing King. But both Pepper and the King family were convinced that Ray was innocent. The King family hired Pepper to represent them in a suit; they asked only $100.00 in damages to clear Ray’s name. Before the trial came to court in 1999, Ray had died in prison. The jury determined that King had been assassinated by a conspiracy involving the Memphis police, the Mafia, the FBI, and the Special Forces of the U.S. Army. Ray, the patsy, had left town before the shot was fired. The verdict was barely mentioned in the U.S. media then and is not mentioned every year on the anniversary of his death. Why?

    After my talk on Martha’s Vineyard a man came up to me and said, “I enjoyed your speech and was with you until you started that conspiracy stuff about MLK, Jr.” I said, “That’s not conspiracy. What I told you are facts.” End of conversation.

    I think we’re confronted with two conspiracies here: one to commit the crime, the other to ignore it even when the facts are known. ( Two sides of the same coin.) The man who accused me of slipping into the neurotic, aliens-are-among-us land of conspiracy nuts was unable to hear the evidence, perhaps because he was so utterly convinced by our government and media that conspiracies don’t exist, people who espouse them are dangerous fruitcakes, and if you begin to think like that, your whole house of cards wobbles then topples. Who wants that? Better a standing tower of marked cards, than having to admit the game is rigged and the ground is shaking.

    America is steeped in conspiracy, and even more steeped in propaganda that discredits those who try to expose the conspiracies. Whether we’re talking about MLK, Jr., JFK, RFK, Iran-Contra, 9/11, or, most importantly, the status quo, anyone who works to uncover the truth is branded a “conspiracy nut” and discredited before any evidence has a fair hearing. The government/corporate/media version is THE VERSION. Anything else is illusory.

    In fact, the cultural success of labeling investigative reporters and forensic historians, and, simply, anyone who tries to name reality, “conspiracy nuts” is perhaps the most successful conspiracy of our time. Well, not the most successful. That prize goes to the conspiracy to give corporations all the rights of individual persons under our Constitution. That conspiracy has codified and consolidated corporate power so that it controls our lives in almost every meaningful way. It controls the election funds of our candidates, and them once they are in office. It controls our major media including public broadcasting. It controls the content of our television programming. It controls how are tax dollars are spent making sure that the richest get the most welfare. It controls the laws, the courts, the prison system and the mind numbing propaganda that we are the greatest democracy on earth. It controls the values with which we raise our children. It controls our ability to dispense justice. It controls how we treat nature, how we deface our land with strip malls, and blow the tops off our mountains — a form of corporate free speech. It dictates our modes of transportation. It controls our inability to respond to true crises like climate change. It attempts to create a spiritual deficiency in every person that can be filled and healed only with stuff — and no stuff is ever enough.

    As Richard Grossman puts it, “Isn’t it an old story? People create what looks to be a nifty machine, a robot, called the corporation. Over time, the robots get together and overpower the people. … For a century, the robots propagandize and indoctrinate each generation of people so they grow up believing that robots are people too, gifts from God and Mother Nature; that they are inevitable and the source of all that is good. How odd that we have been so gullible, so docile, obedient.”

    It is obvious to say that we have been engineered into a culture that values competitive consumption and consumers instead of community cooperation and citizenship. Capitalism with its obsessive and necessary appetite for consumption, expanding markets, resource depletion, and increasing profits has consumed democracy. Have you ever watched a small snake swallow a large frog? The snake’s hinged jaw stretches wider and wider, squeezing the frog millimeter by millimeter into its gullet until finally the snake looks like the Holland Tunnel might if it had devoured the Titanic. Then the acids and enzymes do their corrosive work. The frog becomes the snake. And the snake claims it is the frog. Capitalism has gulped down democracy and claimed it is democracy. When, immediately after 9/11, President Bush advised Americans to demonstrate their love of freedom and their resistance to terrorism by courageously, selflessly, hurrying to the mall to buy something, he was speaking as the snake that identifies itself as a frog. He was asking us to play a little game with our brains’ synapses, replace the snake icon with the frog’s. Sadly, he may also have been speaking about democracy in the only way that he can understand or recognize it. And, for him, Christianity has been another tidy meal for the snake.

    Perhaps this switcheroo is nowhere more obvious than in the military /industrial complex. We are told that the vulnerable frog needs protecting. The threats are grave. So we fork over our money and children’s lives for war and weapons. We are told that we are building security and peace. More lives. More weapons. What we aren’t told is that the largest US export to the world is weapons. What we aren’t told is that enormous fortunes are being made from the arms trade. What we aren’t told is that the more precarious and unstable the world is, the better the business for the arms dealers — that the real promotion is not for security and peace but insecurity and war, that the lives of our children are the necessary collateral damage for this monster. What we aren’t told is that the only real security is in cooperation, conservation, and fairness, not imperialism. The frog, who is a snake, wrapped in a flag, pleads for patriotism and counts the cash. The snake’s forked tongue is a barbeque fork on which we’ve all been roasted.

    I’d call that conspiracy.

    The neocons have claimed, with some accuracy, that they can create reality faster than we can react: the deed is done, now deal with it. The troops have invaded, Halliburton, Blackwater, and Lockheed signed their contracts, the prisoners are tortured, your email is bugged, the resources for social programs are gone, the laws are changed, the Wal-Mart is built, the sludge dump has already polluted the aquifer, truth is hollowed out —- catch me if you can!

    How is that not conspiracy?

    The cooks & the crooks create a new status quo, legalize it, propagandize it, mythologize it, fundamentalize it, slather it with fear and patriotism, and force feed it to the complacent, sedated cow we call America.

    How is that not conspiracy?

    Of course, ever since the Constitution was signed and didn’t free the slaves or give the vote to women, poor folks, Native Americans and freed blacks so that people with power and money could continue to profit, America has been a conspiracy against itself. It’s been cowboy grilling his own heart over a smoke & mirrors campfire, a CEO with inherited wealth and three hundred years of patrician, affirmative action crooning “Only in America.”

    The reason we can’t talk about conspiracy is because it is the modus operandi. It isn’t the elephant in the room, it is the room itself. We all live there. We can impeach a few elephants, and we should, but the architecture is in place. And they control it.

    When I was in school, I was reminded – repeatedly — to avoid using an indefinite pronoun without identifying whom it refers to, as in, “They are coming to get us,” … or, “They control everything.” Who are They? It’s bad practice to think and write like that. Without reference it just sounds like paranoia. But the hell of it is that it’s damned hard to say who the They are that are in conspiracy to destroy democracy and, by exploitation, nature. Did They do it on purpose or merely discover by serendipity, like cavemen seeing copper ooze out of a rock by a fire, the wondrous possibility and power of what they had found. For instance, the invention of the TV was not a conspiracy. But once the realization of how TV could be used to submerge the public in a lobotomizing swamp of advertising, sound bites, inactivity, community destruction, titillation, false history, empty myth, consumption, and complicity in making fortunes for the sponsors, the program was clear. Conspiracy was the silent partner in the euphemism good business practice. And, once they saw the implications of giving corporations First Amendment rights, they were home free.

    Time to re-think conspiracy.

    We need to embrace conspiracy in two ways. One, admit that it’s real, its quotidian, it’s the fabric of our lives, the mercury in the air, the dioxin in the water, it’s filling the airwaves and the marketplace and the courts and the halls of Congress before we even get out of bed every morning. Two, counter it with a conspiracy of our own. On our side we have the fundamental fact that although the corporate They can alter many of our realities, they can’t alter Reality. They can’t change the behavior of Nature. They can sell off the rain forest, but they can’t leverage the effect of cutting it. They can keep the mileage of cars poor so we’ll buy more gas, but they can’t alter the amount of oil in the ground or the damage to the atmosphere. They can privatize every human interaction and every natural resource, but they can’t privatize the laws of nature. They have conspired to change reality. We must conspire to live in harmony with Reality.

    In the same way, they can conspire to kill Martin Luther King, Jr., but they can’t totally eradicate the truth of who did it and why.

    Con + spirare, from the Latin. To breathe together. Those are the roots of conspiracy. Breathing together doesn’t sound like an activity of the ideologically deracinated whispering seditiously in a dank cellar or a board room, foul breaths denting a weak flame flickering over a candle nub, gunpowder or greed blackened fingers setting a timer, the whites of creased eyes glinting like knives with treason, murder, power, and deceit.

    Con + spirare sounds like healthy men and women standing in the sun figuring out how in the hell they are going to take care of each other and their aging mother Earth and love life while doing it. Breathing together, sharing the same air, plotting to make sure that what’s mine is yours, conspiring to save their self-respect, their ideals, the future for their children.

    I want to be part of a conspiracy. Pervasive, populist, revolutionary, and totally transparent. Grassroots. Idealistic. Simplistic. Life-affirming. Community building

    A conspiracy to make the common good and the love of nature the common denominator of every economic transaction.

    And the simple truth is either we start breathing together, conspiring big time, right out in the open, nakedly, unashamedly, or we will have conspired in secret, by default, in our own demise.

    We have let them breathe for us, and they have stolen our breath, our air, our spirit.

    Secret con + spirare is death. Open con + spirare is life.

    Conspiracy is dead. Long live conspiracy!


    Robert Shetterly lives in Brooksville, Maine
    www.americanswhotellthetruth.org

  • Hampton Sides, Hellhound On His Trail: The Stalking of Martin Luther King, Jr. and the International Hunt for His Assassin


    Hellhound On His Trail: Hampton Sides Wishes with all his Might


    Imagine you are an author. You’ve written a few books with some journalistic or historical credibility behind them; at least, Newsweek and Reader’s Digest think so.

    One day you receive a phone call from your agent, who says he has a big offer from an established publisher. A big advance. Guaranteed publicity. A run on the talk shows. Larry King will approve. Just one catch: Your book has to disprove the theory of gravity.

    But, you remark, not unreasonably, gravity exists. Throw a rock and watch the parabola.

    Did you notice, replies your agent, the dollar amount?

    Yeah, you say, but how do I disprove the theory of gravity?

    Look, says the agent – just assume it doesn’t exist and everybody will play along. Promise.

    OK, you say…

    At some point, one assumes, the process has to be something like this, because otherwise it is impossible to justify the existence of something like Hellhound On His Trail:The Stalking of Martin Luther King, Jr. and the International Hunt for His Assassin. It isn’t a poorly written book; in the main, except for its utter lack of factual accuracy in relation to James Earl Ray, it is perfectly adequate. It flows like an airport novel and seems ripe for movie adaptation. However, it also perfectly exemplifies what Samuel Johnson meant when he remarked of a fellow’s work that “What is good in your work is not original, and what is original is not good.”


    JAMES EARL RAY, PSYCHO AT LARGE

    The structure of the book is to follow the last days of Dr. King’s life and contrast it with the movements of his assassin, a creepy racist named Eric Stavro Galt. Then, once King is killed, it focuses on the FBI’s manhunt for this dangerous international criminal. The reason Galt is an international criminal, by the way, is that he managed to go to England and Canada following the assassination, eluding everyone despite an I.Q. of 80.[i]

    Eric S. Galt is, of course, James Earl Ray, but one of the book’s conceits is that the author calls him Galt for the first three-fourths of the book. The reason for this is obscure, but one might uncharitably observe that it’s because his account of the man is so utterly fictional. William Pepper, who was Ray’s lawyer and thus interviewed him many times, has described him as a petty criminal who tended to knock over corner stores and was uncomfortable with guns. In Sides’s book, Ray is a psychopath; openly racist, using methamphetamine, he regularly carries a .38 with him and is shown threatening to kill a Mexican prostitute in Puerto Vallarta.[ii] He also, Sides mentions twice, was unable to master the Rumba.

    With this structure in place, everything plays out like a fictional scenario in a pulp thriller like The First Deadly Sin. We switch back and forth from the target, Dr. King, and the “hellhound” tracking him, who reveals himself to be a racist aligned with George Wallace. And as the author himself notes, the Eric Stavro Galt name is itself bundled from literary references – Ayn Rand’s Atlas Shrugged and its famous opening line, “Who is John Galt?” and Stavro the middle name of Ernst Blofeld, arch-nemesis of Ian Fleming’s creation James Bond.[iii]

    Not only does this structure help the author from a literary standpoint – he can theoretically engage the reader with cross-cutting – but it also helps him with the main thrust of the book, painting Ray as the killer. Since the book ends with the capture of Ray, and much of the real craziness surrounding this particular case took place after his arrest, Sides gets rid of a lot of contrary information in one fell swoop. He doesn’t have to deal with it at all.

    ACCIDENTAL SUPPORT

    That’s not to say that Sides doesn’t get anything interesting into the narrative. The facts are still the facts, and in a book-length treatment some of them are bound to squirrel their way into the story. He does point out that the FBI was a racist organization, led by J. Edgar Hoover, and does allow that under COINTELPRO the Bureau attempted to coerce Dr. King into committing suicide. Of course, these facts are so universally well known that Sides could hardly keep them out without flushing his credibility. And it wasn’t just the FBI; Abraham Bolden, for example, relates a story that Secret Service agents placed a crude caricature in his agent manual and commonly used racial slurs.[iv] Institutional racism was just as common then as it is today, but more openly expressed.

    Unfortunately, this reveals a basic problem with Sides’s narrative. On the one hand, he allows that the FBI was so afraid of MLK that they explicitly wanted him dead. On the other, all of his information relating to the investigation and Ray’s alleged racism and psychopathy comes from FBI reports. All of which has to be taken with a large grain of salt, because the FBI are the prime suspects in the case. Sides writes that when FBI agent James Rose heard of the assassination, he immediately exclaimed, “They got Zorro!”[v] (“Zorro” was the FBI’s code name for MLK.) He also notes they controlled the investigation at Hoover’s specific behest. Hoover tells Cartha DeLoach, “Don’t let [Ramsey] Clark turn this into a political circus. You make it clear this is the FBI’s case.”[vi]

    In his doublethink handling of the FBI, Sides follows Gerald Posner’s lead from Killing the Dream. However, in his handling of the actual shooting, he makes some truly inane statements.

    THE ASSASSINATION

    The hellhound arrives at Bessie’s Boarding House, which Sides correctly describes as “a half step up from homelessness.”[vii] Naturally, so as not to attract undue attention at this flophouse, he is dressed in a suit and tie. He also unnerves the woman at the front desk, Mrs. Brewer, who says that “[Ray] had a strange and silly smile that she found unsettling.”[viii] He refuses to take the best room in the place but instead chooses a different room so as to be across from the Lorraine Motel, where Dr. King is staying.

    However, the assassin has a problem. He does not have a clear shot from his room.

    “Galt [Ray] found a solution: first down the hall, the moldy communal bathroom afforded a more promising angle.

    There, all he’d have to do was crack the window, rest the rifle barrel on the sill, and take aim.”[ix]

    First things first: a communal bathroom? That’s right; Bessie’s was such a dump that there were no individual bathrooms. So Ray’s plan is to – what? To sit in the communal bathroom waiting for Dr. King to come out? And presumably the various drunks going in and out will have no problem relieving themselves in his presence? And what is he going to do, keep the gun with him in the bathroom? Or does he keep watch, ready to run back to his room and get it, hoping that no one sees him or needs to use the toilet in the interim? For his part, Sides writes that “…he could raise his rifle with little fear of detection and fire directly at, and slightly down upon, his target.”[x] The only way Ray could count on going undetected is if he suddenly learned to turn invisible.

    In any event, this is exactly what happens in the book. Ray sees King by a stroke of luck, runs back to his room, puts together his rifle, and returns to perform the deed. “Once inside [the bathroom], he slammed and locked the door.”[xi]

    Second problem: Sides says that Ray rested the gun on the windowsill, and in fact there was an indentation mark found on the sill. (In order to take this shot, Ray would also have had to climb onto the bathtub which was attached to the wall, but we’ll leave that aside.) However, Judge Joe Brown, who presided over Ray’s attempt to get a new trial with his attorney William Pepper, has advised this is impossible. Brown is a ballistics expert who has testified as such in open court. “There’s a peculiar thing about this weapon…if you’re attempting to use a rest when you shoot it – the weapon does not shoot where it is sighted in. Any hunter will tell you, that if you are attempting to use a rest to shoot game, you put your coat, your hat, your pack, something under the rifle barrel – and you do not allow the rifle barrel to touch hard wood, rock, or anything else because your weapon will not shoot where you have sighted it in to shoot.”[xii]

    Ray now has another problem. Having successfully shot MLK, he must escape. His plan involves bundling all of the incriminating items in his possession and carrying them out of the building to his getaway car. Unfortunately, this plan has the downside that everyone in the vicinity will see him. “[Ray] made an impulsive decision he would later rue: he would have to ditch the rifle.”[xiii] He therefore decides to drop the entire bundle of incriminating items in front of a store called Canipe’s. He does indeed live to rue that decision.

    There is one slight problem with this, however. Guy Canipe, the owner of the store, told James Earl Ray’s first lawyer that the bundle appeared 10 minutes prior to the shooting. Canipe had been prepared to testify on behalf of the defense.[xiv]

    SINS OF OMISSION

    Ray eluded the police for about two months, and in that time he traveled to England and to Canada. One of the peculiarities about his travels was where he got the money to fund his escape. Ray himself attributed this to ‘Raoul,’ a mysterious figure who bankrolled him and told him where to go and what to do over that period. The ‘Raoul’ aspect of the case is one of the most well-known with respect to the King assassination, but Sides has nothing to say about it in his book.

    Another peculiarity is the fact that when Ray reached Montreal, he was able to obtain four identities, all of whom lived near each other and who looked like him. Sides explains this by saying that Ray went to the library and searched through microfiche to find people of similar age.[xv]

    More omission is present in the characterization of Marrell McCullough. McCullough is not a well-known figure, although he is present in one of the most famous photographs in U.S. history; he is the man bent over a dying Dr. King at the final moment of his life. Sides declares that he was “an undercover policeman who was spying on the Invaders.”[xvi]

    McCullough was in fact an FBI informant as part of the Invaders, a gang that allegedly modeled itself after the Black Panthers. The Invaders had started a riot during King’s March 28, 1968 appearance at Memphis, an incident which embarrassed him into returning for what would be the site of his murder. McCullough later admitted to Sam Donaldson on the program Nightline that he worked for the CIA, although when Donaldson told him he was calling about the MLK assassination, McCullough hung up. It was then admitted McCullough had worked for the CIA since 1974. [xvii] For its part, the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) investigated McCullough, although they eventually cleared him and accepted his statements about not working for the CIA, later proven to be lies.[xviii]

    Sides is silent about all this.

    He also has nothing to say, since he does not deal with the aftermath of Ray’s arrest, with one of the most stunning moments in the civil trial against Lloyd Jowers. In 1997, Dexter King met with James Earl Ray and, when the latter said he did not kill his father, stated that he believed Ray. The King family then decided to assist Ray in getting a new trial.[xix] Unfortunately, Ray was stabbed in prison; although he survived the attack, he developed hepatitis. He petitioned to be relocated so that he could obtain a new kidney, but this was denied and he died in 1998. However, following this, the family and William Pepper pursued a civil case against Jowers, a man who had made public statements about his involvement in the assassination. During the civil trial, the Reverend Billy Kyles, who was with King at the moment of his death, made an astonishing revelation:

    Then, as he described how he and Dr. King stood together on the balcony at the railing, he seemed to get carried away as he said, ‘…only as I moved away so he could have a clear shot, the shot rang out…’ The jury and the judge looked stunned.

    Juliet played the tape three times, so it became very clear that that Kyles had, in fact, somehow admitted stepping aside so that a shooter could get a clear shot. When she asked him who he was thinking about getting a clear shot, he said he supposed it would have been James Earl Ray.[xx]

    The King family won their case. In the final ruling, Jowers was found 30% responsible by the judge with 70% belonging to other unknown parties.

    REVISIONIST HISTORY

    Sides says that Ray was a racist. Not even the HSCA concluded this; in fact, they explicitly denied it.[xxi]

    Sides says that Ray dropped the rifle outside Canipe’s. Canipe himself says the bundle was dropped 10 minutes before the shooting.

    Sides says that Marrell McCullough was an undercover policeman. McCullough admitted to working for the CIA on national television.

    Sides says the rifle made the indentation on the window. A ballistics expert, Joe Brown, says this is not possible, assuming the shooter wanted to hit the target.

    This is far from the only problem with the murder weapon; as Brown pointed out, the sight was haphazardly attached to the rifle when to be accurate it needed to be bore-sighted. The bore-sighting for this weapon requires a machine.[xxii]

    The facts are so clear that even Noam Chomsky has said, “That’s the one case where we can imagine pretty good reasons why somebody would want to kill him. I would not be in the least surprised if there was a real conspiracy behind that one, and probably a high-level one.”[xxiii]

    If we are to be serious about historical revisionism, we need to have explanations built on the best facts available. If we ignore basic facts and instead present the facts as we would prefer, we are creating a work of fiction – which, as noted, this book resembles to a great deal. The author can try to wish his hellhound into existence all he wants, but wishes, as Allan Bloom once said, do not give birth to horses. As a result, the book has nothing to recommend it; the parts about MLK can be found in other, better biographies, and the material about Ray is as trenchant as Peter Pan. The book is a product of exactly the machinations discussed at the beginning of this article – greed mixed with propaganda in equal measure. Hellhound On His Trail is slick, fast-paced, and false.


    ENDNOTES

    [i] Dick Russell, “A King Sized Conspiracy,” High Times (1999). http://dickrussell.org/articles/king.htm

    [ii] Hampton Sides, Hellhound On His Trail: The Stalking of Martin Luther King, Jr. and the International Hunt for His Assassin (Doubleday:New York 2010), 37-38.

    [iii] Sides, 317-318.

    [iv] Abraham Bolden, The Echo from Dealey Plaza (Harmony Books: New York 2008), 22-23.

    [v] Sides, 194.

    [vi] Ibid, 200.

    [vii] Ibid, 145.

    [viii] Ibid, 147.

    [ix] Ibid, 150.

    [x] Ibid, 150.

    [xi] Ibid, 160.

    [xii] Joe Brown, “Judge Brown Slams Memphis Over the King Case,” The Assassinations, ed. James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease (Feral House: Los Angeles 2003), 468.

    [xiii] Sides, 170.

    [xiv] William Pepper, An Act of State (Verso: London 2003), 120.

    [xv] Sides, 272.

    [xvi] Ibid, 171.

    [xvii] Lisa Pease, “James Earl Ray Did Not Kill MLK,” The Assassinations, 447-448.

    [xviii] Doug Valentine, “The DOJ’s Strange MLK Report,” The Assassinations, 518.

    [xx] Pepper, 142.

    [xxi] Ibid, 311.

    [xxii] Joe Brown, Statement at COPA Conference, 4 April 1998, The Assassinations, 473. Also, the rifle problems are well summarized in John Judge’s “The Alleged Murder Weapon in the Assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.,” http://www.ratical.org/ratville/JFK/JohnJudge/MLKrifle.html.

  • Roads to Memphis (PBS)


     

    A bit more than two years ago, the Public Broadcasting System’s series The American Experience helped bring us Robert Stone’s cover – up documentary on the assassination of President Kennedy entitled Oswald’s Ghost. This was a skillfully done program that slickly recycled the Warren Commission verdict on the JFK case. While at the same time, the director got out a not so subliminal message: those who publicly doubted that verdict were actually undermining America. In my review of that program (which you can read here), I wrote that one of the more disturbing things about Oswald’s Ghost was that there was no discussion of the new evidence that the Assassination Records Review Board had declassified ten years previous. In fact, Stone seemed to have an aversion to any discussion of either the House Select Committee on Assassination’s inquiry or the ARRB’s declassification process. Because he failed to mention either in his film. The other disturbing aspect of Oswald’s Ghost was that Stone gave much more screen time to the Warren Commission advocates than he did its critics. Consequently, there was no debate on the evidence. The film essentially recycled the Commission’s caricature of Lee Harvey Oswald through the likes of prominent talking heads like Priscilla Johnson, Edward Epstein, Hugh Aynesworth and the late Norman Mailer.

    PBS and The American Experience are at it again. In May of this year, they did a historical whitewash on another major assassination of the sixties. This time it was the Martin Luther King case. The pretext for this disservice is the publication of a book by Hampton Sides called Hellhound on his Trail. After watching this documentary, Roads to Memphis, culled from his book, there is no need for anyone to read that volume. From the film, Mr. Sides has essentially taken his cue from William Bradford Huie’s earlier disinformation volume He Slew the Dreamer, which was originally published in 1970. This, of course, was right after alleged assassin James Earl Ray had been railroaded by his second lawyer Percy Foreman – with the help of Huie. Foreman had essentially told Ray that he would sabotage his case, and he would probably die in the electric chair, unless he pleaded guilty. This is something that his first legal team advised him not to do. Since they did not think that the state had anywhere near a good case against him. In fact, based on the evidence Arthur Hanes and his son had developed, the state offered a plea bargain with which Ray would have been out in ten years. Hanes advised Ray to decline, since he thought he could do better at trial. (See the book, The 13th Juror, p. 208)

    Ray made a terrible error when he decided to dismiss the Hanes team for the celebrity attorney Percy Foreman. All one needs to know about Foreman’s defense of Ray is this: after telling Ray he would hire a Memphis lawyer to do the pre – trial work, Foreman then arranged with Judge Preston Battle to get Ray a public defender. (The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, p. 464) Then, even though Hanes offered Foreman the use of his case files, Foreman looked at them for all of ten minutes. And he never copied or used them. (ibid, p. 465) Although Foreman told Ray he would beat the rap, Foreman never planned on going to trial. (ibid, p. 464) Once he had the public defender in tow, he told him to begin negotiations with the DA’s office. (ibid,p. 464) The capper is this: Ray has stated that Foreman never even asked him “if he had fired the fatal shot at King or if he had been part of a conspiracy.” (ibid, p. 465)

    And this is where Huie comes in. Huie negotiated a deal with Foreman in which the attorney would share in all funds “accrued to Huie by sale of all rights to Ray’s story, including motion picture sales.” Foreman made about a hundred grand for his non – defense of Ray. (ibid) From his cooperation with the sabotaging Foreman, Huie then wrote his “Ray did it” tome. But that was not enough for the wealthy writer. For in 1977, during the initial phases of the HSCA, Huie got in contact with a representative of Ray named Jack Kershaw. They met at Thomas Nelson Publishing Company in Nashville. Huie relayed an offer to Ray through Kershaw. He said that if Ray would state in public that he had killed King, he would give him a check for $25, 0000. Kershaw then asked what good the money would do Ray if he was in prison. Huie replied he would also get him a pardon. Ray’s reply to Huie tells us a lot about both Huie and Ray’s case. When Kershaw informed him of the offer, Ray said he wanted no part of it. (The 13th Juror, p. 393)

    All one needs to know about Roads to Memphis is this: it deals with all the above events in three end titles at the finish of the program. They say that Ray pleaded guilty, that he then tried to change his plea, and that he died in jail in 1998. After covering up all I described above about what Huie and Foreman did – and more – the show essentially follows the paradigm that Huie established in his book: Ray was a piece of southern racist white trash. He had stalked King through the south, and then killed him by himself in Memphis on April 4, 1968. The guilty Ray then tried to escape through both Canada and England. But he was caught through an FBI manhunt using an alias at Heathrow Airport. It’s all cut and dried. What Huie did is similar to what the likes of Priscilla Johnson and others have done in the JFK field. Huie caricatured Ray, cut him off from any contacts except his brothers, supplied a motive which really was not there, and then concealed the actual circumstances of the crime. That is, he shoved all that rather interesting evidence under the rug. You know, the evidence that Arthur Hanes was set to go to trial on.

    And that is what Roads to Memphis does: it shoves the evidence under the rug. Except this program is even worse than Stone’s in its choice of talking heads. After beginning with a clip of Ray’s arrival in Memphis after being extradited from England, the first onscreen commentator is none other than Mr. CBS cover up himself, Dan Rather. Director Stephen Ives then tries to top himself. For the third talking head is the now disgraced plagiarist Gerald Posner. The fifth talking head is the Rev. Billy Kyles. Kyles was a Memphis pastor and a friend of King’s. At the 1999 civil trial of Loyd Jowers, Kyles was exposed to some rather strong cross examination and testimony as to some of his weird actions in Memphis on the eve of King’s assassination. (See these in section 2 of my 13th Juror review by clicking here.) So, with this source material, this attitude toward the evidence, and these commentators, the result was preordained: Huie is recycled. We get Ray the southern trash racist who stalked King.

    Let’s go over some of the things that Hampton Sides uses to try and incriminate Ray. For instance, he says that when Ray went through Atlanta in March of 1968 he happened to leave an Atlanta map behind. On the map, places like King’s office and home were marked. (He leaves out the fact that there were seven other maps found. Maps of places like California and Mexico. Only the Atlanta map was marked.) Of course, this story originated with William Bradford Huie. (Harold Weisberg, Martin Luther King: The Assassination, p. 279) Yet as Weisberg notes, this map was not found before, but after the fact. It was found by the FBI in the room Ray rented after King’s murder. (ibid) Even though the landlord, Billy Gardner, did find a note in the room at the time Ray left. (Weisberg, p. 190)

    Huie also wrote that Ray’s fingerprints were on the Atlanta map. Yet, as Weisberg notes, this is not accurate. Ray’s prints were found on a map of Mexico. (ibid) Further, if Ray had been to Atlanta to monitor these locations, why would he need to mark them on a map? Why didn’t he just write down their addresses and then dispose of the notepad?(ibid, p. 280)

    Mr. Sides also adds that, while in California, Ray asked two friends to register to vote for George Wallace in return for a ride to New Orleans. As Weisberg notes, this story – which originated with Charles Stein and his sister – surfaced after much contrary evidence, showing Ray was not a racist, appeared in the newspapers. Stein also tried to convey the impression that many people at Wallace headquarters knew Ray. (ibid, p. 360) But when Weisberg followed up on this he found out that Wallace’s California campaign coordinator stated that none of his staff knew Ray. And that a check of their files shows no one even associated with him. (ibid) In fact, Ray did not even take the brief moment required to apply his name, or any of his aliases, to any Wallace petition! (ibid) In truth, this anti – black motive was not even used by local DA Phil Canale at the mini – trial that Foreman agreed to. (ibid) And Stein was not called by the state as a witness. (ibid, p. 188) Further, there is really no serious indication to show that Ray was ever politically engaged, involved, or interested. Finally, no credible black witness who ever associated with Ray has ever stepped forward to say he was prejudiced.

    Yet, in the face of all the above, the program uses dramatizations showing Ray in a rented room watching Wallace rant on TV sets. It then juxtaposes these “broadcasts” with some of King’s speeches at the time. The unsubtle message being that Ray was admiring and agreeing with the former, and then angered and disturbed by the latter. And somehow, this drove him to murder. As Weisberg writes, this is all specious. But even if it were true, wouldn’t it describe literally hundreds of thousands of Americans at the time?

    The other technique used to ascribe a motive to Ray is the old Posnerian standby, which he also uses in the Kennedy case. Namely that Ray was such a loser with so little self – esteem that he killed King to add meaning to his existence. Presumably he would now go down in history as a “big man”. But then, after the shooting, Dan Rather tells us that Ray realized there was a slight miscalculation. He would not be hailed as a hero. Therefore he hightailed it out of Memphis. Dan the Man now comments that Ray must have breathed a sigh of relief that he was not caught. And he must have privately gloated that he had outwitted the SOB’s again. (Rather is some corner bar psychologist eh? This is what this goofball got paid seven million a year for?)

    But yet, the program is so desperate to establish a motive that it covers another base. Near the beginning of the show, when describing Ray’s stay in prison in the early sixties, Sides and Posner say that Ray probably heard of a bounty on King’s head by some Klan type groups in the south. And this may have inspired him to do what the did. But as several people have commented, if that were so, then why did Ray never even try to attempt to collect his cash reward, reportedly of about $50, 000? After all, Ray was free to do so for about two months after King’s death. King was shot on April 4th. Ray was not apprehended at Heathrow until June 8th. Further, there is no evidence that either of his two brothers, John or Jerry, attempted to collect it for him.

    Sides also adds that upon his return east from Los Angeles, Ray took out a General Delivery post office box in Atlanta. In this regard, it is appropriate to note that during the entire hour long show, there was not one mention of the name Raul. This is the man that Ray said maneuvered him from Canada into the USA from the second half of 1967 until the murder of King. This void is even more startling in light of the fact that TV producer Jack Saltman appears to have found out who Raul actually was. Further, that Ray had pointed out his picture back in 1977 and the HSCA appears to have known who he was. But further, even the Memphis Police seemed to have leads on him back in 1968! (See part 4 of my review of The 13th Juror.)

    Toward the end of the show, Sides very briefly comments on the whole conspiracy angle of the King murder. He gives it the back of his hand by saying that it is much too complicated. The implication being that such a conspiracy could not be kept straight by the perpetrators. To be fair to Sides, let us not argue that here. (See The 13th Juror for the actual details of how it worked.) But since the program unambiguously states that Ray did kill King, let us discuss that crucial point. Does the evidence actually make that case beyond a reasonable doubt? The viewer has no chance to judge for himself, since the evidence for the prosecution – let alone the defense – – is never presented. In light of that, let us present a small amount of it here.

    Is there a witness who places Ray in the bathroom at the time of the shooting? Well, sort of. His name is Charlie Stephens. Unfortunately for Sides, the man was dead drunk at the time. Though he still cooperated with the prosecution. Further, his common law wife, Grace Stephens – who would not cooperate – was sent to a mental institution for ten years. (DiEugenio and Pease pgs. 462, 466, 500 – 501)

    What about the rifle in question? What the show eliminates is that the Game Master 30.06 was not the first rifle Ray picked up. Ray picked up a different rifle first and then returned it a couple of days later. Why would one do such a thing if one was not following orders from above? Further, as Judge Joe Brown testified at the Jowers vs. King civil trial, the Game Master is a weapon that cannot be manually sited in to ensure the telescopic site is accurate. This rifle has to be machine calibrated. If not, the aim will very likely be off. (ibid, p. 469) The place where Ray bought the rifle did not have this machine.

    Third, if Ray shot King from that communal bathroom, he would have had to be standing in a bathtub. When Paris-Match tried to simulate this position, “they had to pose their model on the rim of the tub toward the back, and then contort him into a position to lift the rifle to the window.” (ibid, p. 462) I should add here, the state of Tennessee understands this problem. So today when you visit that exhibit at the Civil Rights Museum in Memphis, the tub has been moved further away from the window.

    Fourth, if Ray did the shooting, why could the FBI never positively match up the fatal bullet to the Game Master? And when Judge Brown wanted to proceed with conclusive tests which would prove this point once and for all, he was removed from the King case. (ibid, p. 453) I should add here, one of the local DA’s involved in removing Brown at the time – John Campbell – is one of the main talking heads on this show. For PBS, Sides, Rather and Posner were not imbalance enough.

    Finally, if one is to believe the official story, one has to believe that when Ray escaped the boarding house after shooting King, he did something unbelievably stupid. He dropped a bundle of his belongings on the ground outside Canipe’s Novelty store before jumping into his white Mustang. As Mark Lane has stated, if Ray did that he should be found not guilty by reason of insanity. (ibid, p. 462) But it’s actually worse than that. For at the civil trial it was revealed that the owner of Canipe’s, Guy Canipe, told Arthur Hanes that the bundle of articles was deposited in front of his store ten minutes before the shooting took place. (ibid, p. 500)

    So just with these few points, we have established that the case against Ray is a weak one. Consider the following:

    1. No credible witness places Ray in the bathroom at the time.

    2. The aim of the rifle in evidence was not properly calibrated and therefore was not accurate.

    3. Ray could not have positioned himself atop the bathtub in order to get an accurate shot fired.

    4. The fatal bullet was never matched to the rifle

    5. The rifle in evidence was dropped in front of Canipe’s store before the shot was fired.

    Not one word of any of the above is mentioned in this show. Even though all of it has been proven, and most of it was presented under oath, subject to cross – examination, at the civil trial. If it had been presented, then of course, there probably would have been no show. Since the program’s thesis would have been seriously undermined.

    And this is what is most troubling about this program. Like Robert Stone’s rigged film on Oswald, there is no real debate or dissent allowed. Thus there is no opportunity to challenge the nonsensical comments of buffoons like Dan Rather.

    Yet, recall, this is not CBS. This is PBS. Which is billed as alternative broadcasting. It is supposed to be something different than the mainstream. Dan Rather is not different than the mainstream. He is the mainstream. He epitomizes everything that was wrong with broadcast journalism for the past fifty years. While he did quite well shilling for his corporate sponsors, he is one of the reasons the rest of us are not so well off today. Yet here he is, on so – called alternative TV reciting the same script he did for CBS. Repeating the same lies he did back in the sixties and seventies on another outlet in the new millennium.

    What a disgrace. PBS should be ashamed of itself. The worst part of this sorry production though is this: they aren’t. That’s how compromised American Experience is on the assassinations of the sixties.

    Don’t ask me why.


    Addendum to Roads to Memphis

    I should have added three other points to the above review. They show just how intent on ignoring the 1999 King vs. Jowers civil trial director Stephen Ives was. For from the very title, the program tries to insinuate that James Earl Ray was following King through America in the last several months of his life. As I noted, the program completely eliminates the personage of Raul, the apparent CIA contact who manipulated Ray at his time. Therefore it cuts off the reason for Ray’s maneuverings. But it’s worse than that. As Ray’s lawyer William Pepper stated at trial, when King arrived in Los Angeles, Ray left the city. (The 13th Juror, p. 741) Further, there were several places that Ray was not in at all when King visited them in those months: Selma, New York, Chicago, and Florida.

    Secondly, the program’s use of the map found by the FBI in Atlanta is even worse than Harold Weisberg described. As Pepper told the jury in Memphis, “The Atlanta map is nowhere related to Dr. King’s residence. It is three oblong circles that covered general areas, one where he was living on Peachtree.” (ibid)

    Finally, I should have noted an extraordinary stroke that director Ives used in his “recreations”. During the speech that King gave the night before he was shot-the famous “Been to the Mountaintop” speech-Ives clearly insinuates that Ray is standing outside the door of the church. The problem with this “recreation” is that there is no evidence in the record for it. Even though there were 2,000 people in attendance, there is no witness who saw Ray at the Mason Temple Church. (Philip Melanson, The Martin Luther King Assassination, p. 2) Secondly, at the civil trial, in a video taped posthumous deposition, Ray gave a complete, hour by hour chronicling of his comings and goings in Memphis once he arrived at the New Rebel Motel on April 3rd. The opposing attorney never even asked Ray if he was at the Mason Temple Church. He knew he wasn’t. (The 13th Juror pgs. 658-673) Let us recall: this is a documentary into which Ives is inserting something for which he has no factual basis. We’re in John Hankey country.

    Any serious student of the King case should ignore both this program and the book by Hampton Sides. Instead, read The 13th Juror.

  • Jesse Ventura & Dick Russell, American Conspiracies: A Textbook for Alternative History

    Jesse Ventura & Dick Russell, American Conspiracies: A Textbook for Alternative History


    Jesse Ventura in Dealey Plaza
    (CTKA File Photo)

    In my recent review of Voodoo Histories by David Aaronovitch, I spent a lot of time explaining why the organization of the book destroyed its credibility. The topics it covered were dictated by media coverage rather than a serious study of history. Coming on its heels, just a month later, American Conspiracies by Jesse Ventura and Dick Russell, rushes right into the breach. Talk about good timing.

    The first three sentences of American Conspiracies set the tone of what will be good in this book that was not good in Aaronovitch: “First of all, let’s talk about what you won’t find in this book. It’s not about how extraterrestrials are abducting human beings, or the Apollo moon landing being a colossal hoax perpetrated by NASA, or that Barack Obama somehow is not a natural-born American citizen. I leave these speculations to others, not that I take them seriously.”

    And on that note we’re off.

    ORGANIZATION

    So how are Ventura and Russell going to explain conspiracies to us? They take 14 separate topics, in order: the Lincoln assassination; the attempt to overthrow FDR; the JFK, Malcolm X, MLK, and RFK assassinations; the Watergate scandal (however, not the Woodward version but the Jim Hougan version); Jonestown; the October surprise; the CIA drug connection; the stolen elections of 2000 and 2004; 9/11; Wall Street; and the “secret plans” to end American democracy. As I noted in my Aaronovitch review, these are much closer to the topics that make sense for a political researcher to investigate – note the absence of reference to Princess Diana.

    Each chapter begins with a little box explaining what the situation is, what the official word on it is, and Ventura’s take on the subject, and ends with a short paragraph on what he feels should be done about it. These add to the textbook feel of the work – the only thing missing are discussion questions. And, by and large, the book does a good job of synthesizing the main idea of each topic with solid information. One assumes that a great deal of the research came from Russell, and he gets this across well while keeping Ventura’s distinctive voice throughout.

    As noted, they begin with the Lincoln assassination, which is an acknowledged conspiracy, though seldom written about by political researchers. Their version is an interesting one, based largely on Blood on the Moon by Edward Steers, Jr., but leaves out some of the little details, such as the fact that Mary Todd Lincoln suspected Secretary of War Andrew Stanton’s involvement in the plot to her dying day. (The background for this is quite interesting but left to the reader to investigate. Stanton and Lincoln had prior very public disagreements, and Stanton, after Lincoln’s murder, had screamed at Mrs. Lincoln and ordered her removed from his sight because she was so upset.) Additionally, while there are conspiracists who assert that Jefferson Davis was involved or even the progenitor of the Lincoln assassination, it is not often noted that Davis had been the target of a Union assassination attempt just weeks before. (See James Hall’s article, “The Dahlgren Papers: A Yankee Plot to Kill President Davis,” Civil War History Illustrated No. 30 Nov. 1983). On the other hand, this is perhaps too academic a complaint. There is a real benefit to beginning the book with an established conspiracy to appeal to the general reader, and it might bog things down to get into too much detail too fast. In that mindset, it makes sense to take a more conservative approach.

    This is also true for the chapters on the various assassinations. In general, they rely on the best works (for example, Pepper and Melanson on MLK, Turner & Christian and O’Sullivan – the book, not the documentary – on RFK, and heavily on John Armstrong, Douglass, DiEugenio and Pease, and Russell himself on JFK) in each area. And in each case the chapters serve as solid introductions for their subjects. While some material should perhaps have been left behind (Barsten’s MK-ULTRA thesis in the MLK assassination is a little too out there to be explained in a few paragraphs, although the authors do a creditable job), the material is generally well-handled.

    With respect to new material, there is some new research in the book, mostly concerning Mike Connell and election fraud. Connell was an IT person who worked for Karl Rove. Not only had Connell built websites for George W. and Jeb Bush, but also for Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, famous for their poisonous and baseless attacks on John Kerry’s military record. (p. 137) Connell knew the dirty details behind both election-fixing and emails that would implicate Rove and Bush in multiple criminal dealings. In December 2008, three months after a subpoena was issued to Connell to testify about these matters, he died in a plane crash. (p. 140) Others have promoted this story – Mark Crispin Miller talked about it on television and raised the possibility of foul play – but Russell and Ventura did some legwork on this case and the conclusions are in book.

    BACKGROUND

    The best parts of American Conspiracies tend to rely on Ventura’s own background in politics and as a SEAL team member to enhance his credibility in drawing conclusions. This is especially true in the chapter on the CIA drug conspiracy, which draws together a lot of good information and makes some intelligent inferences about it. For example, he discusses the fact that in pure economic terms, drugs make more profit for the U.S. then they do for the countries actually growing and exporting them:

    But even though 90 percent of the world’s heroin is originating in Afghanistan, their share of the proceeds in dollar terms is only 10 percent of that. It’s estimated that more than 80 percent of the profits actually get reaped in the countries where the heroin is consumed, like the U.S. According to the U.N., ‘money made in illicit drug trade has been used to keep banks afloat in the global financial crisis.’ (p. 122)

    A simple but cogent observation. The book further illustrates:

    “Not including real estate transfers, there’s an estimated inflow of $250 billion a year coming into the country’s banks – which I suppose is welcomed by some as offsetting our $300 billion trade deficit.” (114) The authors also go into a timely history of the Mexican drug cartels and their relationship to the U.S. In 1947, when the CIA was created, the DFS was also created – the Mexican version of the CIA. Since that time, drug traffickers have been protected by the United States. This was clearly described by the late Gary Webb in his seminal book Dark Alliance, but also in several others. One example raised by the book involves the traffickers who murdered DEA agent Enrique Camarena, who were protected by their U.S. connections. (p. 124)

    As with all the chapters, there are certain omissions – to leave out Alfred McCoy from a bibliography in writing about drugs and covert operations is inexplicable.

    DISAGREEMENTS

    I have certain quibbles with the book – the information on the 9/11 attacks is a real mixed bag, including some things that I find to be disinformation. But 9/11 is always a contentious issue and Ventura and Russell do focus on several good points, including the all-important Norman Mineta testimony. However, Ventura talks about the Pentagon missile theories and actually urges people to see Loose Change. Like his television program on 9/11, he also relies heavily on the testimony of Willie Rodriguez, who has been a questionable figure in the movement. On the other hand, he does invoke the lack of military and FAA response, and unlike most critics does so having actually been in the military and seen traffic controllers at work. (p. 143) He also talks about a 2003 memo in which the idea to paint a U2 surveillance plane in U.N. colors to fly over Iraq is floated. If Saddam fired upon it, this could be played up as an attack on a U.N. plane and made the instigator of a war. As Ventura notes, this has certain echoes of the Operation Northwoods documents floated during the Kennedy presidency and turned down by JFK. (p. 185) He also notes, quite rightly, that 10 months prior to 9/11, Donald Rumsfeld had approved major “changes to the Army’s [Continuity of Government] plan.” He correctly identifies this as a “shadow government.” (p. 191) In the bibliography of the 9/11 chapter, one finds only Peter Dale Scott’s excellent book, The Road to 9/11, and the work of David Ray Griffin, which explains much of what is good and bad in his analysis.

    This does point out what is a flaw in the book and in Ventura himself: which is a certain excess of credulity at times. As anyone who has tried to navigate the minefield of political research in general, and 9/11 in particular, one encounters all sorts of bizarre claims and “witnesses” who may be telling no truth, some truth, or the whole truth at various times. It is a weakness of the book that, in having to jump quickly into a topic and then leave it behind for something else, the information tends to be muddled together, good, bad, and questionable, with a certain lack of prioritization. The bibliography shares this trait as well. In his chapter on the Jonestown case, the best work has actually been done in two articles, one by John Judge and the other by Jim Hougan. Hougan is greatly relied upon both in this chapter and the Watergate chapter, and one can find both authors’ work in the endnotes. However, there are only two books listed on Jonesstown, and one is John Marks’ The Search for a Manchurian Candidate, a fine work but with a limited connection to Jonestown.

    Having said all this, one can always find things to argue with in textbooks, and this one remains terrific as an introductory volume. For the dedicated researcher, there are tidbits of new material here and there, but the primary purpose of this book is to serve the uninitiated, and on that score Ventura and Russell park it. The book is readable, fast-paced, and short: well-tailored to today’s public. The hope is, of course, that some of those who read this book will move on to deeper and more complex books, but even if they don’t, American Conspiracies serves them well.

  • The 13th Juror


    I

    The complete title of this book is The 13th Juror: The Official Transcript of the Martin Luther King Assassination Conspiracy Trial. And unless you were around at the time the trial took place, and/or subscribed to Probe, there is a prologue to this 1999 civil trial. It is necessary to summarize that prologue to fully understand how and why the trial took place.

    In December of 1993, a man named Loyd Jowers went on national television to confess a role in the 1968 conspiracy to murder Martin Luther King. At the time of King’s killing, Jowers was the owner of a small restaurant called Jim’s Grill, which was in very close proximity to the Lorraine Motel, the site where King was killed. To this day, no one knows exactly why Jowers appeared on television to make his public pronouncement. The best guess is that he felt that a team of investigators preparing a special for British television had begun to get close to what had actually happened.

    British documentary and docudrama producer Jack Saltman had done a previous one-hour special on the King case in 1978. He had also constructed a courtroom trial that had actually not taken place. This was a program on the Kurt Waldheim affair. Around the time of the Jowers appearance, Saltman was preparing another courtroom reconstruction. This was on the King case. It was called Guilt or Innocence: The Trial of James Earl Ray. It actually took place in a Tennessee courtroom. It was broadcast in April of 1993. Ray testified from a Nashville jail. Out of over 70 hours of testimony, a three-hour HBO special aired in America, England, and 34 other countries throughout the world. It was much closer to a real trial than the earlier Vincent Bugliosi/Gerry Spence fiasco. And the jury ended up siding with defense attorney William Pepper in acquitting James Earl Ray. But the real impact of the Saltman production was that, unlike the Bugliosi/Spence farrago, Saltman actually did some real research. New and important witnesses had surfaced. Consequently, the mock trial brought the King case to life after years of dormancy. Some people on the scene, like Wallace Milam, ventured to say that Jowers might have felt pressured by the attention that Saltman and Pepper had brought to the case. It was through new witnesses that Saltman had uncovered Jowers. Jowers may have felt that the local and state authorities were about to look into the case again. He was wrong about that, but by going on TV he was to provide an opportunity for Pepper to try to formally reopen the King case.

    He did try. And the amazing thing is the he almost got James Earl Ray a new criminal trial. As chronicled in Probe, Pepper was lucky enough to get Judge Joe Brown for his evidentiary hearing to test the alleged rifle the authorities say was used to kill King. The first round of rifle tests came back inconclusive. Brown then ordered a second round of tests. This time with the rifle barrel cleaned out so there would be no ambiguity about how the markings on the fatal bullet originated. At this point, and predictably, the city of Memphis, the state of Tennessee, the national and local media, and Washington DC began a relentless campaign to 1.) Remove Brown from the case, 2.) Stop any further criminal court proceedings, and 3.) Tar and feather Pepper in the press. Why do I say it was predictable? Because anyone familiar with what had previously happened to Jim Garrison and Richard Sprague in the JFK case, understood what was in the cards if Pepper and Brown got too close to the truth. These combined forces, and the death of Ray in early 1998, successfully stopped Pepper’s criminal proceedings.

    But with the help of the King family, especially Dexter King, Pepper decided to pursue the case in civil court. He represented the King family in a wrongful death case against Jowers. The proceedings began in mid-November of 1999. They ended at 3:10 PM on the afternoon of December 8th. The jury found for the plaintiffs, meaning that Jowers was found liable for his role in the conspiracy. They also found that “others, including governmental agencies, were parties to this conspiracy as alleged by the defendant(s)”. (The 13th Juror, p. 752) In other words, Pepper had proved his case. Of course, the standard in a civil case is not the same as in a criminal case. But the fact that the jury deliberated for 150 minutes shows that Pepper would have had a shot at winning in criminal court.

    But that is only half the story of what happened at the civil trial. The other half is how the media treated this epochal event dealing with a national tragedy. For the only representative of the press who was in court for each day of the proceedings was Jim Douglass, reporting for Probe. Let me repeat that fact: The only journalist in court every day for the civil case concerning who killed King was Probe‘s Jim Douglass. No one from the New York Times, Newsweek, or even The Nation was with Douglass. Which, of course, tells you all you need to know about why the MSM has gone into eclipse. And also why very few people are lamenting that decline. But it’s worse than that.

    There appears to have been a deliberate gag order from both the national and local media not to divulge any of the important testimony at the trial. For instance, not even the local media was allowed to stay in court with Douglass. Marc Perrusquia had been the Memphis Commercial Appeal’s reporter on the King case in the years leading up to the civil trial. But he stood outside the courtroom during the proceedings and asked questions of Douglass when he emerged each day. Court TV had announced they were going to tape the trial and carry it on a daily basis. For some reason, they pulled out at the last minute.

    According to Douglass, the story of Wendell Stacy epitomizes the orders sent down from the editors about covering the King civil case. Stacy was a well-respected local TV reporter who was interested in the case and really wanted to cover the trial. But his station, owned by Clear Channel, would not allow him to stay in court to do a complete and thorough job. According to Douglass, Stacy was there for perhaps half the proceedings. And his reports on TV were only summary in nature, not the kind of in-depth coverage he wanted to do. Later on, he became a consultant to French and German television productions about the King trial. He now began to get death threats over the phone. His house was ransacked more than once. One day, as he was going to work, his car blew up as he opened the door. Clear Channel eventually fired him. He sued and won in court, but Clear Channel refused to pay him. He had to file a separate action to recover. He was in the act of recovering when he died a couple of years ago. (Jim Douglass interview, 3/15/10)

    According to Douglass, there was another reporter in court for about five days. But she was not American. She was from Portugal. She was there for two reasons. First, when Ray fled the USA after the shooting, Lisbon was one of the places where he spent some time. But more importantly, Ray’s mysterious handler named Raul was originally from Portugal. Pepper’s detectives thought they had tracked down who Raul actually was. Their evidence also led to Lisbon. They determined he was in the arms trade there until 1961. (The 13th Juror, pgs. 255-56) Pepper’s detectives managed to secure a picture of this man. Pepper tried to get the man to appear in court. But he managed to get a Rockefeller Center law firm to fight the subpoena. So when Pepper heard that this woman had done some work on the Raul angle, he forced her to testify against her will. Her name was Barbara Reis and she had been on the King case for about two years. (ibid, p. 296) She had done two articles on the man suspected of being Raul. She also interviewed members of the family in the USA as this was where Raul was now living. The family members told her that it was all a case of mistaken identity. But they also told her that agents of the US government had visited them on three occasions and mentioned that “they are protecting us”. Reis felt that this was a way of telling her to “go away. You won’t get anything from me and, plus, we are protected.” (ibid, p. 297) Reis continued by saying that she discovered that not only was the government looking over the family, but that the government was also tapping their phone calls.

    As mentioned earlier, the Commercial Appeal stayed outside during the actual trial. Yet oddly, they wanted to be in court for the voir dire jury selection process. (ibid, Douglass interview.) In fact, they actually sent an attorney to court to argue their motion on the issue. (The 13th Juror, p. 2) They were not allowed to stay. So they then wanted the transcript to the voir dire hearings. This was also denied. (ibid) Douglass feels that this strange dichotomy, wanting full knowledge of the jury selection process, but not caring about he actual trial proceedings, indicates the paper wanted to try and apply some kind of pressure on the jurors.

    When it was all over, and the jury found for the plaintiffs, the Washington Post sent in Gerald Posner to smear the proceedings. (ibid, Douglass interview) Posner then went on a TV media tour to do the same. Predictably, no one asked him how he could critique the trial if he was never there. Or how he could have read the complete transcript that fast.

    II

    During the actual proceedings, Lewis Garrison represented Jowers. And contrary to what Posner later said, Garrison did cross-examine many of the witnesses Pepper presented. Garrison’s defense included a long deposition of Ray from prison. During which he was clearly looking to challenge elements of Ray’s story. And in his summation, Garrison clearly insinuated that although there was a plot, Ray was the triggerman.

    The problem for Garrison – which Posner tried to ignore – was that his client had confessed to a role in the conspiracy not once, but twice. In addition to the previously mentioned appearance on TV, Dexter King and Andrew Young interviewed Jowers on tape. It was a long, revealing, and interesting interview that was played for the jury. (pgs. 174-204) So Garrison’s defense was at a severe disadvantage from the start – but it then got worse when this tape was played.

    Jowers’ essential story is this: He had been given a hundred thousand dollars by a local mobster named Frank Liberto to play a role in King’s murder. James Earl Ray’s handler Raul, was maneuvering Ray throughout Canada and the southeastern quadrant of America, and he had dropped off a rifle to Jowers. (p. 186) On the day of the murder, Jowers retrieved the rifle from the bushy area across from and below the Lorraine Motel. The man who did the shooting was Earl Clark, a policeman who was a crack shot. (ibid) Jowers wrapped the weapon up and placed it in the storeroom. Raul came by and picked the rifle up the next day. Since Raul had been with Ray that day, he knew where he was staying. And it was directly adjacent to Jim’s Grill. Knowing that he had directed Ray to purchase a rifle previously, it was very likely Raul who dropped the incriminating bundle of evidence, with fingerprints – including the rifle he asked Ray to purchase – in front of Canipe’s amusement store. This is a part of the case that no one has ever been able to figure out to any logical degree. If Ray had shot King, why would he have dropped the package right near the scene of the crime, knowing it would incriminate him?

    Well, one of the bombshells of the trial went directly to this point. It was what the owner of Canipe’s had told Ray’s original lawyers, Arthur Hanes and son. Namely that this incriminating package had been dropped in front of his store ten minutes before the shooting! The guy who dropped it then hightailed it down Main Street. (p. 210) Hanes Jr. revealed that, on the strength of this testimony, the state offered Ray a plea bargain. Ray would be out on parole in ten years. His lawyers advised against it. They thought they could do better. (p. 208) As most people know, Ray then made a huge mistake. He replaced the Hanes team with the nationally known Percy Foreman. It was a move he regretted forever after. (ibid)

    This is crucial testimony. It not only shows how Ray was set up by Raul – who has all the earmarks of a CIA agent involved in the guns and drug trade, in which Ray was used as a courier – but how Ray then panicked and fled the country. As Ray testified in his deposition, Raul arranged to meet Ray at Jim’s Grill the day of the murder. When he met him there, he asked Ray if he brought his white Mustang, which Ray had done. Raul also asked Ray if he brought some other paraphernalia, like binoculars. He then made sure he had rented a room upstairs of Jim’s Grill at Bessie’s Boarding House. (p. 663) Before the shooting, Ray had gone to a gas station to fix a leaking tire on his Mustang. Significantly, Pepper produced a report that said two people saw a white Mustang leave the scene at around 5:25. (pgs. 725-26) He also produced a witness who saw a white Mustang in front of Jim’s Grill with Arkansas plates. Ray’s Mustang had Alabama plates. (pgs. 58-60) This backs up Ray’s story of being gone from the scene at the time of the shooting.

    Ray failed to repair his bad tire at his first stop. He was looking for another place to fix it when the first report came on the radio that King had been shot. A few minutes later, another report came across saying that the authorities were chasing a white man with a rifle in a white Mustang. Ray, a longtime petty thief, put two and two together: Raul had set him up. (pgs. 675-685) All the way down to the white Mustang. For it was the second Mustang that pulled out after the shooting with a white man in it. (pgs. 60, 678)

    Generally speaking, what I have described above is what Pepper outlined to the court as elements of the “local conspiracy”. But I should add, Pepper actually began the trial in that aspect in another regard. As everyone knows, the main reason that King had gone to Memphis in April was because he had been there previously in March. And it had not turned out very well. There was a sanitation workers strike going on, and he had been there for a previous demonstration. The demonstration had turned ugly, and rioting and looting had taken place. Many observers had attributed the violence to a local Black Nationalist group called the Invaders, modeled on the Black Panthers. Pepper had two former members of the Invaders take the stand early in the trial, Cobey Smith and Charles Cabbage. Some interesting information was elicited from these two men. First, in March, King had stayed at the Rivermont Hotel. But in the interval between King’s two trips, the FBI had ridiculed King for staying at this white middle class hotel. So his lodgings were changed to the Lorraine. And further, King’s actual room at the Lorraine was later changed by an unidentified person. It was this change that allowed King to be out on a balcony on the third floor, therefore exposed to a sniper from below. Whoever made the change claimed they were from King’s camp. (pgs. 85-86)

    Both Invaders’ witnesses testified that informants and agent provocateurs infiltrated their group. Smith said that someone sent King’s agency, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), a letter with bullets enclosed. Whoever sent it, said it was form them. He also said that the disruption of the first march was not by the Invaders, but by the police and by disruption agents sent in from the outside. In fact, Cabbage did not even want King back in Memphis at the time. (pgs. 22-30) But most interestingly, both men said that on the day of the murder, they had members of their group at the Lorraine, talking to members of the SCLC. The members were asked to leave right about 5:50 PM. Just a few moments before the murder.

    Which now brings us to Merrell McCullough. McCullough was one of the informants masquerading as an Invader. Secretly, he was a police informant who was also connected to the FBI. It turns out that, before the murder, Merrell was introduced to Jowers as a policeman. (p. 184) Right before the assassination, McCullough had been in Jim’s Grill meeting with four other men. (p. 188) One of whom was another member of the police force named Lt. Zachery. (p. 204) One of the extraordinary disclosures made at the trial concerned Sam Donaldson, the reporter who originally broadcast Jowers revelations in 1993. As we will see later, there was a backup hit team in town from military intelligence. We also know from a famous photograph that McCullough immediately ran up to the balcony after King was hit. In that picture, while others are pointing to where they think the shot came from, McCullough appears to be calmly checking King for vital signs while looking across the way. According to what Donaldson told Young, McCullough was on the balcony to check King’s pulse and make sure he was dead and signal the military sniper team that no second shot was needed. (p. 192)

    What made this moment possible? On each previous visit to Memphis, King has his own personal security detail. Which was made up of black detectives. Security expert Jerry Williams headed it up. On April 3rd, Williams was told not to form this regular unit. He was told that a group of white officers would protect King this time around. Williams testified that he would never had let King stay at the Lorraine overnight. They felt it was too dangerous. (p. 105) One reason was because of the thicket of bushes below, which provided good cover for a sniper. At least four witnesses saw a man or smoke in those bushes either during or right after the shooting. (pgs. 109, 110, 288) Including New York Times reporter Earl Caldwell. At 7 AM on the morning after the murder, those bushes, which provided such excellent cover, were ordered cut down. (p. 144)

    The late Professor Philip Melanson testified to another part of this security collapse. Melanson had interviewed a policeman named Sam Evans. Evans was in charge of what was called the police Tactical Units, these were automobile units designed to be used as riot control agents. There were four of them stationed at the firehouse near the Lorraine. The morning of the murder, they were told to disperse. In one of the more troubling pieces of testimony presented at the trial, Evans told Melanson that it was Memphis Reverend Billy Kyles who told him they were not needed. (p. 113)

    Kyles was a friend of King’s who had been a pastor at the Monumental Baptist Church since 1959. He was part of the local contingent who persuaded King’s advisors to help the sanitation workers. Kyles helped arrange the venue for King’s great “Been to the Mountaintop” speech on the evening of April 3rd. The next day, Kyles had arranged for King and his closest advisers to dine on a home-cooked meal at his home. Kyles’ story has been that he was in the room with King and Ralph Abernathy from 5 PM. The three preachers just talked for an hour. Abernathy then went into the bathroom to shave, and then Kyles left the room for his car, telling everyone to hurry up. (Time, 3/31/08)

    Kyles had a rough time of it at the trial. Willie B. Richmond was part of a police surveillance team on King, which was not his actual security detail. He was stationed across the street from the Lorraine at a firehouse. When King’s entourage arrived at the airport, Richmond recalled someone – he thought it was Kyles – telling his partner that King did not want any security protection this time. As Pepper commented, what made this so odd is that Kyles had no real position in King’s hierarchy at that time. (p. 357) Although Richmond’s partner, Ed Redditt, was called back to headquarters on a phony pretense, Richmond stayed behind and kept notes on what he observed at the Lorraine. Pepper produced the notes in court and went over them with Richmond.

    The notes recorded that at 5:50 PM several members of the Invaders opened the door of their room, gathered their belongings, walked downstairs, and placed them in the trunk of their car. His notes then read as follows: “Immediately after the Invaders left, the Reverend Kyles came out of room 312 and went to the room where Martin Luther King was living. He knocked on the door and Martin Luther King came to the door. They said a few words between each other and Reverend Martin Luther King went back into his room closing the door behind him, and the Reverend Kyles remained on the porch.” (p. 357)

    This contradicts the story that Kyles has told for decades. According to these contemporaneous surveillance notes, Kyles was not in King’s room for a continuous hour prior to the shooting. He was in a different room, emerged, went to King’s door and knocked for him at 5:50 PM. He did this right after the Invaders left. And after King answered, Kyles did not saunter downstairs to his car. He waited for him to return. (ibid)

    Pepper then had Richmond read the next entry in the notes: “At this time, Reverend Martin Luther King returned from his room to the gallery and walked up to the handrail. The Reverend Kyles was standing off to his right. This was approximately 6 PM. At this time I heard a loud sound as if it was a shot and saw Doctor Martin Luther King fall back on the handrail and put his hand up to his head.” (p. 358)

    According to these surveillance notes, Kyles was not in the room from 5 to 6 PM; and he did not go downstairs after he notified King they were leaving. He was on the balcony for the full ten minutes up to the time of the shooting.

    It got worse for Kyles. He did appear at the trial, but he had to be subpoenaed – even though he was sought by the defense. (p. 513) On the stand, Kyles slightly revised his “hour in the room” story. He said that King and he went out onto the balcony at around 5:45 and greeted some people. Someone said it was going to be cold that night. So King turned around, went to the motel door and told Ralph Abernathy to get him a coat. King then returned to the balcony and continued greeting some people. Kyles then said, “Let’s go.” Kyles turned and got about five steps when he heard the crack of a rifle. (p. 518)

    Although Kyles has revised this version, it still differs from Richmond’s surveillance notes. It eliminates Kyles emerging from 312, and going to the door and knocking for King at 5:50. And in this Kyles version, although he has not started down the stairs when the shot rang out, he has turned and walked a few steps. This differs from the Richmond notes, which depict him standing right next to King.

    Pepper did not cross-examine Kyles. His assistant, Julia Hill-Akins did. She told him that the Richmond surveillance notes did not have him approaching the King room – which was number 306 – until 5:50. But they did reveal that he had been in the adjacent room, number 307, at around 2:30 that afternoon. Kyles said he didn’t recall any of that. (p. 523) He also denied Richmond’s notes, which depicted him as leaving room 312 at 5:50 and then knocking on King’s door. (p. 526) Pepper’s assistant then asked Kyles if he had been one of the planners of the mass celebration in Memphis about King’s life the year before. Kyles said he was. So a video was played of him speaking in advance to promote it. Kyles described King’s last hour in his revised version, which he had testified to already. That is, with King coming outside at about 5:45 and talking to people in the courtyard. Kyles then said this: “He stood there, and I stood there. Only as I moved away so he could have a clear shot, the shot rang out.” This was quite a peculiar thing to say or admit. Its almost as if Kyles knew what was going to happen. When asked whom he was referring to when he said “he”, Kyles said it was James Earl Ray. He was not asked how he could have known that on April 4th.

    Andrew Young had asked the local DA to give Jowers immunity for his testimony. The DA refused to do so. Young said that the intent was to shut everything down. (p. 177) Which is what they did with the Judge Joe Brown proceedings. From just this description of one part of the trial, the local conspiracy part, the reader can see why Jowers was not granted immunity. Consider the credible evidence that Pepper has advanced so far through multiple witnesses. It shows the following:

    1. King’s security was compromised once he got to Memphis
    2. His room was changed to expose him to a sniper
    3. Ray was manipulated to be the fall guy by Raul
    4. The Invaders were made to look like King’s enemies
    5. Jowers was paid off to assist the real gunman
    6. Someone planted evidence in advance to incriminate Ray
    7. Knowingly or not, Kyles maneuvered King into perfect position

    This reveals a well-planned plot. If I were a DA, I wouldn’t want to open up that can of worms about my city either. And if I were the New York Times and the like, I wouldn’t want the public to know about it. Especially since I had been part of the cover up for decades.

    III

    The extension of the local conspiracy into a larger one can first be illustrated by a fact that investigative reporter Doug Valentine found out: McCullough’s intelligence reports were forwarded to the FBI. Secondly, as Dexter King found out in the course of his investigation, there was the instance of the fake broadcast of a second white Mustang headed the wrong way out of Memphis. The broadcast said the Mustang was headed north, while Ray was headed south. This phony bulletin broke into a police broadcast frequency. On tape, King commented to Jowers that something like that almost had to be done by a military type of broadcast overriding a local police band. (p. 200)

    There is another utterly fascinating tale of how powerful the forces behind the King cover-up were. A cab driver named Paul Butler was outside the Lorraine Motel the night of the murder. He was unloading someone when he heard a shot and saw King dead. Butler then called his dispatcher, who told him he would call for an ambulance. Butler also told the dispatcher he had seen someone running from the scene as he looked around. (p. 410) So a colleague, Louis Ward, told him to meet him at the airport. Two police officers were there, and Butler told him his story. He said that as he looked around, he saw someone running from the shrubbery area below, scale a wall, jump into a police car and hightail it out of the area. After he told his story to the cops, squad cars went to the dispatcher headquarters and told him to report to the police the next morning for a formal statement. (p. 412) He never got there. The next morning, at about 10:30, they found Butler’s dead body across a bridge in the state of Arkansas. (p. 413) The coroner said he had been thrown out of a car. (p. 201)

    What makes this tale even more fascinating is this: Ward looked through every local newspaper for days for an obituary about his friend. He never found one. (p. 414) Pepper’s investigators searched for documentation on the death in Arkansas and Tennessee. He sent an assistant to both Memphis and Little Rock looking for a death certificate. There was none to be found. (p. 418) When Pepper’s investigators tried to find Butler’s employment record, or traces of it at the cab company, nothing was there. (p. 201) Yet Butler had been a regular driver for Yellow Cab for several years. (p. 409) Years later, when Ward tried to tell his story to he DA, the DA hung up on him.(p. 414) When you can eliminate any trace of a death record from the papers and the records of two states, its not just a local conspiracy.

    Doug Valentine was one of the very few writers who penned a story on the King trial. It was for Robert Parry’s online journal, The Consortium. Valentine was also a witness at the proceedings. He had uncovered some interesting and relevant information about the King case while writing his book on the infamous Phoenix Program of systematic assassination in Vietnam. Some of the men who were involved in Phoenix were later transferred home and served in military intelligence groups in the USA. According to Valentine, they now “began to conduct surveillance and Phoenix type operations against anti-war demonstrators and people in the civil rights movement.” (p. 360) As in Vietnam, they were given lists of people, not just to follow, but also to act as agents provocateur against in their movements. Some of the more famous ones were Jerry Rubin and Abbie Hoffman. (p. 361) In this function, they cooperated with police so that when the disruptive acts occurred, their police allies and informants would be there to arrest the targeted people.

    Valentine said the domestic military intelligence activities covered the entire continental USA. But the 111th group governed the sector of the southeast. A man who Valentine interviewed said he had heard that the 111th had 24-hour surveillance on King and that their agents had been in Memphis on April 4, 1968. Further, that they had actually photographed King’s murder. (ibid) Another interesting revelation by Valentine was that a member of a different military intelligence group was also in Memphis the day previous to King’s murder. And they were involved in the removal of officer Ed Redditt from the firehouse across the street form the Lorraine Motel. As noted earlier, Redditt was Willie Richmond’s partner. We know this is true because of the corroborating testimony of police intelligence officer Eli Arkin. Arkin testified that in early April, three or four military intelligence agents moved into the Memphis Police Department. He observed them taking copious notes. On the day of the murder, Arkin was the man who was sent to remove Redditt personally from the firehouse. This was over a bogus threat phoned in from Washington about an assassination plot on a black police officer. When Arkin got Redditt home, the bulletin came on the radio about King being shot.

    One of the most fascinating witnesses of the entire proceeding was former CIA contract agent Jack Terrell. Terrell was involved in the whole illegal arms for drugs trade as part of the Contra resupply effort under the Reagan-Bush regime. When the Boland Amendment outlawed any supplies going to the Contras in Nicaragua, the CIA began to get around that law by sending down arms and coming back with drugs as illegal payment. According to Terrell, Vice-President George Bush was fully cognizant of the illicit trade. Part of Terrell’s function was as an extension of Phoenix, except it was called Pegasus. And this included a program of systematic assassination against the ruling and democratically elected Sandinista party command structure in Nicaragua. (p. 398) In fact, Terrell said that Bush was up to his neck in this operation. One of Bush’s assistants supervised his operations. After Terrell testified to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee about what he knew, there were two attempts on his life. (p. 399) When those failed, the smear campaign began. He was branded as an intelligence officer of Fidel Castro. He was also indicted on phony charges that were eventually thrown out of court.

    But earlier in life, Terrell had run a successful business in Mississippi. One of the people who worked for him was a man named J. D. Hill, who was a reserve member of the 20th Special Forces group. They did covert operations, except in civilian clothes. One of their operations was being trained as part of an assassination team. They were taken via aircraft to West Memphis, Arkansas. They were placed on standby and told they were going to do a job in Memphis. But right before they were to be flown in, the operation was cancelled. (p. 402) When he got back to Mississippi, Hill picked up the paper and was shocked. The headline was that King had been killed in Memphis. Pepper managed to get a roster of the 20th from that time period. Hill’s name was on it. But Terrell also recognized several other people who Hill had told him about.

    Terrell had developed a reputation in news media for being quite credible. One reason was that he never failed a polygraph. He was interviewed by ABC when they did a special on the King case. The interview lasted for three hours. (p. 405) Forrest Sawyer, ABC’s cover up man on the King case, conducted the interview. Not one minute of Terrell ended up on Sawyer’s Turning Point special in June of 1997.

    Pepper called Carthel Wedeen to the stand to certify the testimony of Arkin, Valentine, and Terrell. Wedeen had been with the local Fire Department for 31 years. He started as a private and ended up as a District Chief. (p. 364) In 1968, Wedeen was Captain of Fire Station No. 2, down the street a bit and across from the Lorraine Motel.

    On the day of King’s murder, Wedeen was running the station. He was approached by two army officers who identified themselves with military credentials. They wanted a lookout vantage for the Lorraine. So he suggested the roof of his fire station for that function. (p. 365) He actually went up with them at first. He said they were carrying heavy briefcases. When he asked them what they were going to do, they replied they were going to take some pictures. Where he placed them provided an unobstructed view of the motel. Incredibly, no researcher for the House Select Committee on Assassinations – or any other official body – ever talked to Wedeen. But from his testimony, the pictures Valentine was told about likely do exist.

    IV

    Who would have thought that anyone would have ever tracked down the mysterious but central figure of Raul? I never did. But it seems to have happened. And one of the first cracks in the wall was made possible by Jack Saltman. When the first United Kingdom broadcast of the mock trial of Ray occurred, a man named Sydney Carthew was watching. Carthew had been a seaman in the British Merchant Navy from 1956-73. One of the most frequent routes he sailed was the North Atlantic, from Liverpool to Montreal. (p. 270) The ship would stay in Montreal for one week when it docked. After the ship landed, there were two bars which the men usually frequented: the Seaman’s Mission, and the Neptune Bar. The latter, of course, was the name of the tavern where Ray said he first met Raul in 1967. Well, Carthew was also in Montreal in 1967. And he testified that one night at the Neptune, he also met a man who introduced himself as Raul. (p. 271) Raul asked him about jumping on board a ship to leave Canada for England. On another evening, he met Raul again. This time he was talking about shipping four boxes of guns out of the country via ship. When Carthew saw the tape of the mock trial, he saw Ray and the prosecutor jousting over whether or not Raul was a real person. Carthew jumped up and said, yep he sure was since he had also met him, and at the same place Ray met him. When Carthew finally met Pepper, the lawyer showed him six photographs and asked him to identify the man he met as Raul. As we shall see, Carthew’s identification was the same one that all the other witnesses identified, including Ray. (p. 275)

    John Billings was a private investigator who came into the MLK case through a fellow investigator named Ken Herman. Herman was hired to do research by Saltman. (p. 251) He recommended the hiring of Billings, and Billings did a lot of work on tracking down Raul. Until the time of the trial, Billings had little on the man except Ray’s meetings with him at the Neptune Bar and the fact he was Latin in appearance. After the airing of the mock trial, two people got in contact with Billings. They were a married couple, Glenda and Roy Grabow. (p. 252) As youths, Glenda’s family had moved to Houston. There, she and her brother Royce met a man who introduced her to someone she called Dago and to his uncle named Amaro. Dago dealt with many odd pieces of contraband, including pornographic films and also arms, which they would pick up at the docks. Glenda and her brother Royce – who later identified a photo of Raul – did some messenger work for the two. (p. 253) But the rumor inside the circle was that somehow Dago was involved in the King assassination. One day Glenda was looking through a little rotating toy viewfinder at pictures of King, RFK and JFK. Dago came in and took it from her and looked through it himself. He commented that he had had King killed once already. He then dragged her in a room and sexually molested her.

    The thing that impressed Billings about her story was the details she included. And every time she told it, the details stayed consistent. Billings said that this is one way he tested witnesses: Could they keep a detailed story straight? Because it is difficult to tell a complex lie the same way every time.

    When Billings told Saltman about this story he was initially skeptical. But he decided to send Billings to Houston to do a field investigation on the matter. Billings had some contacts in New York and Miami in the judicial system. They helped him open doors in Houston to people like retired judges, and later, theater owners. The more people he interviewed the more he became convinced the Grabows were telling the truth. Because most of them recalled Glenda. One even produced a photograph of her. (p. 254) The witness trail eventually allowed them to track down a pension plan held by the now deceased Amaro, through his previous work on the docks. Then, interestingly enough, through a tip from the Memphis police, they got a fact sheet on Raul. (This is fascinating because it reveals that the local police had done work on this part of Ray’s story, found out there was something to it, but went ahead and convicted Ray anyway. See p. 255)

    The trail on Raul began in Lisbon in 1961, where he was in the arms manufacture and sales business. (p. 256) He then came to America. And Billings attained a naturalization/immigration picture of the man. It was this photo that Billings used to show to witnesses amidst a spread of five other photos. Billings did this with Ray. (p. 257) And Ray picked out Raul’s photo as him. But surprisingly, Ray added that he had seen this picture before. Someone had been passing it around the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) in 1978, and he had seen it at that time. Further, Ray recalled a newspaper article which noted that he had made this photo ID back then. And Billings produced the article in court. This, of course, tells us that the HSCA inquiry had a photo of Raul. And that their probe into the King case was about as good as its JFK inquiry.

    Billings eventually located Dago/Raul. He was living in New York. Billings and Herman called him posing as businessmen. They wanted to use him as a supplier, since he was in the liquor trade. They flew up to meet him with Glenda in tow, so that she could get a good look at him. But Billings said, once they got up north, someone had clearly tipped off Raul. He failed to meet with them as planned. So they set up surveillance on his house from morning until midnight. Not one person came in or went out. Then on a Sunday morning, when a local paper carried a story about their possible discovery of Raul, a moving truck pulled up to the house and spent three hours loading up. Billings later found out the housekeeper had read the article and decided to leave. (p. 260)

    The invaluable Jack Saltman also took the stand on this issue. Saltman had developed a genuine interest in the King case from the two shows he had put together. So after the second one aired, he spent some of his own time and money doing his own inquiry into the matter. (p. 303) Through contacts he had developed in law enforcement in Texas, he had found a lawyer who was involved in gun running cases in the sixties. And this man recalled that the name of Raul had come up in the investigations of several of those cases. He specifically recalled that Raul had been involved in the shipping of arms to the Somoza regime in Nicaragua. (p. 305) This corroborated what Gloria had told him about the activities of Raul and Amaro. Saltman also secured a photo of Amaro, and he discovered the two men shared the same last name. (p. 307)

    Saltman ended up inadvertently corroborating Ray’s testimony about seeing the photo of Raul in 1978 during the HSCA proceedings. One night, while in Memphis, he had a former lawyer for Ray at his hotel room. He had accidentally left several pictures on the table. One of them was the naturalization photo of Raul. The lawyer leaned over and picked it up. She stared at it and said she had seen the picture in 1978, during the time of the HSCA when she was representing Ray. One of the HSCA investigators had shown it to her. (p. 308)

    Saltman was now persuaded they had the right man. He tried to talk to Raul at his home. He said the front door was one in which you could not clearly see inside, you could only make out silhouettes. But those inside could see out. A lady started yelling at him in Portugese through the door. Then someone else started taking his picture through a window. He yelled through the glass that he wanted her to identify the enlarged picture he had of Raul. And he held it up. She said words to the effect that anyone could get naturalization photos, and if he got that, he could get further information too. Saltman thought this was a curious reply. Because it tended to reveal that she could see the photo and she recognized it from before. (p. 310)

    Glenda could not testify. She had been in a serious auto accident previously. (p. 423) But her longtime husband did testify. Roy identified the same photo the others had – Carthew, Ray, Royce, Ray’s lawyer – as Raul. She recalled the man his wife called Dago from their time in Houston. He also produced a photo of his daughter with Amaro. He then produced a photo of Amaro, his daughter, himself and Glenda. (p. 425) The photos were taken in Houston in the early seventies. They were taken at a restaurant that the Grabows and Amaro and Raul used to frequent.

    The Grabows moved out of Houston per the advice of lawyer Percy Foreman. The Grabows had visited Foreman about a case concerning Roy’s brother. Foreman told him that Raul had later called him and said he would kill the Grabows since they had consulted with him. Evidently, Raul had associated the visit to Foreman with the King case since Foreman had once represented Ray. (p. 427)

    Roy testified to two other interesting things. First, in 1995, Glenda had called up Raul in New York and spoken to him for six minutes. (p. 428) Second, the Tennessee authorities investigating the King case had interviewed Glenda also. When they showed the couple the transcript, they had to do many corrections since her words had been altered. (p. 429)

    It looks like Billings found Raul in 1993. But, disturbingly, it appears that Robert Blakey and the HSCA knew who he was 15 years earlier in 1978. Even more disturbingly, the Memphis police probably knew who he was back in 1968. But neither body would admit it. Since it would tend to bolster Ray’s story of being set up.

    V

    If one is new to the King case, the question you may ask is: In the face of all this, why did Ray cop a plea the first time around? There are really two reasons for that. The first one, as alluded to above, is that Ray made a bad mistake by switching lawyers. As many authors have written, Percy Foreman essentially sold Ray down the river. What made it worse is that Foreman appears to have cooperated in this sell-out with author William Bradford Huie. (The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, p. 465) It was a pincers movement to get Ray to plead so that Huie could write his book, He Slew the Dreamer, a straight “Ray did it” story. Foreman shared in the profits garnered by the rights, which he sold to Huie. It is estimated that Foreman eventually made about a hundred thousand dollars from this deal. (ibid) He then literally offered no defense for Ray.

    And make no mistake, Huie wanted to guarantee that Ray never got to tell his story in court and/or get a new trial. For in 1977, during the initial stages of the HSCA, a lawyer named Jack Kershaw represented Ray. On the stand, he told an interesting story about Huie. Huie had originally written a series of articles in Look which outlined a conspiracy featuring the then shadowy Raul. But in the last installment, Huie reversed field and made Ray the lone assassin. (The 13th Juror, p. 393) Huie contacted Kershaw and Kershaw agreed to meet with him at Thomas Nelson Publishing Company in Nashville. There, Huie offered Ray 25,000 dollars to say in public that he alone killed King and there was no conspiracy. When Kershaw told Huie that the money would do Ray no good since he was in prison, Huie said he would also get Ray a pardon. (ibid) Kershaw took the offer to Ray. He testified that his client “didn’t want any part of it.”

    Since Foreman offered no defense, Ray listened to a recital of the case against him and challenged nothing in it. But make no mistake, the official case against Ray was full of holes. Which is why the authorities offered the Hanes team a ten year deal. First there was the testimony of Charlie Stephens. He was the only person who said he saw Ray leaving the bathroom at Bessie’s Boarding House, the alleged site from where the shot was fired. By all accounts Stephens was dead drunk at the time. (ibid, p. 90) And Pepper got this from a credible eyewitness. James McGraw was the cab driver who was there to pick up Stephens from the boarding house that day. He was there shortly before 6:00 PM, right before the shooting. When he got there he found Stephens passed out on the bed. So he left him there. But the driver also said that he saw the bathroom door open at the time, with no one inside. In other words, no Ray.

    But the prosecution needed Charlie to put Ray in that communal bathroom at that time. Why? Because Stephens’ common law wife Grace, who was there at the time, would not identify Ray. She later ended up getting locked up in a mental institution for ten years. (See Mike Vinson’s article “Grace Stephens: A Sacrificial Lamb?” in Probe Vol. 6 No. 2)

    But besides having no credible witness to place him where Ray had to be, the other major problem with the case against Ray was in the ballistics evidence itself. For instance, Ray’s prints were found on the rifle which, as we saw, was deposited before the shooting in front of Canipe’s. Yet there was no clip in the rifle and Ray’s prints were not found on the shell casing, which housed the fatal bullet. (op cit, The Assassinations, p. 462) Further, if “Ray had shot King from the rooming house bathroom he would have had to be standing in a bathtub. When Paris-Match tried to simulate Ray’s position, they had to pose their model on the rim of the tub toward the back, and then contort him into a position to lift the rifle to the window. ” (ibid) Which would be almost comical to depict in court.

    Pepper produced two witnesses to show that the state had offered phony evidence in their railroading of Ray. At Ray’s hearing, the prosecutor had said that there were markings on the windowsill that matched Ray’s rifle. Yet when Ray’s appeals attorney, Jim Lesar, tried to get the FBI to vouch for this, they would not do so formally in writing. (p. 164) And Lesar’s expert witness said he did not think such a thing was possible. When Lesar finally got the FBI documents on this issue, they revealed there were no powder residues on the sill to do any kind of matching from. (ibid)

    But the most important witness on the ballistics evidence was Judge Joe Brown. Brown was in a unique position to do this since he was privy to all the evidence on the rifle from his evidentiary hearings on the case in 1997. But further, Brown was a lifetime hunter and outdoorsman who was very familiar with rifles. (p. 225) One of the reasons that Gerald Posner criticized the trial was that Brown was the ballistics expert for the defense. Let me offer this up: I have read many pages of so-called “expert” testimony on ballistics from the likes of LAPD official DeWayne Wolfer in the RFK case, and FBI agent Robert Frazier in the JFK case. Brown’s testimony, in its fine detail, acuteness, and knowledge of the history of rifle and bullet manufacture in America, was superior to them both.

    One of the most fascinating details Brown discovered was in the FBI documents he saw on the testing of the rifle and the ammunition. He said that the Bureau had discovered that metallurgically, the unfired cartridge cases and the fired case matched up. Also, the bullets in the bundle discarded in front of Canipe’s matched. But the bullet recovered from King’s body did not match the other bullets. (p. 227) And this suggested to him that the fatal bullet was not fired from the cartridge case in evidence.

    Another problem for Brown was the fact that the weapon in evidence, a Remington Game Master 30.06, was pump action rifle. So why would you hold it on a windowsill to aim it? (p. 237) But further, since the 30.06 was such a common caliber, the bullet could be fired from another weapon. (p. 228) And recall, there was never any match made between the fatal bullet and the Game Master. Further, he found out that someone had actually cut up the bullet into thirds after it was withdrawn form King. Brown could not understand how and why this had been done. (p. 231)

    Another very serious problem for the official story is that the Game Master is not manually sited in for accuracy. It has to be done by machine. The place where Ray bought that rifle for Raul did not have that machine. And Ray was nowhere near the marksman to come close to even trying to site the rifle in manually. (p. 234) This meant that, at the time of the shooting, the scope on the rifle was not aligned with the barrel. So when the rifle got to the FBI, it shot off to one side and low. (ibid) At the distance the bathroom was from King, Brown said that, without the rifle’s scope being properly calibrated, it would not have hit the target.

    One of the most effective parts of Pepper’s presentation came at the very end. The second half of his summation consisted of a minute-by-minute time line of the last hour of King’s life at the Lorraine Motel. A sort of countdown to assassination if you will. Pepper put all the elements he had shown occurred at trial – Jowers giving the rifle to Clark, the military intelligence team atop the firehouse, the dumping of the incriminating briefcase in front of Canipe’s, Ray’s Mustang pulling away from the scene, Paul Butler arriving at the motel in his cab etc etc. It was very compelling and it all smelled to high heaven of a complex, intricate plot that could only have been pulled off and planned at a high level. (pgs. 731-32)

    I have only two reservations about the book. I wish that there had been more introductory material about what had happened in Memphis prior to the civil trial. Which is what necessitated that trial. Second, a book like this should have an index.

    But this is a valuable book to have. Between its covers it proves by a preponderance of the evidence – and maybe more than that – how Ray was set up, and then how King was actually killed. It also shows why the media avoided the trial, and why Ray was not allowed to have his criminal case reopened. Because if that had happened, in all likelihood, Ray would have walked out of the courtroom a free man.

  • Why the New York Times Deserves to Die


    On April 8, 2009, Alec Baldwin at Huffington Post, wrote a column decrying the financial problems the New York Times and saying that it would be a real loss if somehow the Times would have to curtail publication to an online edition. On Len Osanic’s Black Op Radio, I took issue with this and said the opposite: When the Times, Washington Post, and LA Times all finally fell, listeners should visit the empty buildings and spit on them. My reasoning being that on the serious issues of the day, the scandals, the murders, and wars that make up modern American history – the JFK assassination, Vietnam, the King murder, the killing of Robert Kennedy, the CIA and drugs, Iran-Contra, Watergate, the phony Clinton scandals (e.g. Whitewater), the elections heists of 2000 and 2004, and the phony run-up to the Iraq War – those papers have not just been wrong, but they have been misleading. And in many cases they have been deliberately so. And it is those issues that have helped form the current reality of American life. Which, in comparative terms, if you were around in the sixties, is pretty bad.

    This leaves the obvious question to Mr. Baldwin: Why then Alec, should we lament their current problems and their possible diminution and cessation? How have the served the American public well since 1963? I would argue the opposite. Since they have served us so poorly, we should actually look forward to the day we are free of them. The only problem being that, as I wrote about elsewhere, what is waiting in the wings isn’t a heck of a lot better. And this includes the outlet where Baldwin’s piece appeared. (Click here for why its not.)

    But that does not mean that we cannot try and build something better in the future. Especially since it is proven that these three newspapers are incorrigible in this regard. That is, no matter how often they are proved wrong, no matter how vociferously they are criticized, they never ever change. For instance, Jerry Policoff wrote his first essay critiquing the NY Times on the JFK case back in 1971. (James DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, p. 379) At the time, it had no effect. And in the following nearly four decades, the increasing barrage of criticism also went unheeded. And the worst aspect of this controversy is this: Those organizations do not seem to understand how their obstinacy led to 1.) The increasing public cynicism about both politics and the media, and 2.) The rise of alternative forms of media, especially on the Internet. That’s arrogance for you.

    The Times’ latest outburst of arrogance forms the basis for this column. On April 14th, the New York Times published an essay, properly labeled an opinion piece, co-authored by Mark Medish and Joel McLeary. The title of the essay was “Assassination Season is Open”. The authors begin the piece by saying that “state-sponsored assassinations are back in season”. They then marked this trend by referring to “targeted snuff jobs” from “Dubai to Dagestan, from Yemen to Wazirstan”. As if somehow this had been dominating the news and American consciousness lately. Well no one has approached me lately and said, “Jim, what did you think about that political hit in Dagestan last month?” If they did, my reply would have been, “Where is Dagestan?”

    The authors used this pretext to segue into the questions of whether or not the elimination of a foreign leader by assassination is morally justified, and whether it carries with it the law of unintended consequences: “Elimination of an enemy’s leadership may seem like a simple solution, but one must ask what will come in its place.”

    Then comes the real reason for the essay. It’s in the following sentence: “The last era of unrestrained use of assassination by the United States was during the Kennedy administration.” If one knows the history of the Times on the twin issues of the Kennedys and domestic assassinations, one could have predicted this was coming. I thoroughly discussed the issue in my essay, “The Posthumous Assassination of John F. Kennedy”. (The Assassinations, p. 324) In that long essay, I located where this whole debate about the uses of so-called executive action began, and the mad desire of the MSM to somehow place responsibility for it on the Kennedys. When, in fact, the historical record would simply not support that deduction.

    As I wrote in Part 8 of my review of Reclaiming History, the concept of “regime change” and the consequent murders that accompany it originated with the changes brought to the CIA by Allen Dulles. Which was seven years before John Kennedy even ran for president. But since the MSM had always been close with the CIA, and since Allen Dulles had actually started Operation Mockingbird-the attempt by the CIA to control the media-they were not going to readily admit this. Even if it was true. So during the 1974-75 investigations by the Church and Pike committees – when the crimes of the CIA and FBI were first given heavy exposure – these CIA murder plots were heavily publicized. And the CIA took a public flogging over it. Especially since, in their own Inspector General report, they admitted that they had no presidential approval for the plots to kill Fidel Castro, and that they deliberately kept them from the Kennedys. (The Assassinations, pgs 327-28) So when the NY Times says that Kennedy’s ‘executive action” policy targeted Fidel Castro in Cuba, this is ass backwards. And the CIA admitted it in their own report. And it is a primary document in this discussion. A primary document, which somehow, these two reporters failed to consult.

    In fact, the Church Committee clearly demarcated the beginnings of these assassination plots against foreign leaders as beginning with Allen Dulles and President Eisenhower. And they blamed the eventual plot that took the life of Patrice Lumumba as being OK’d for Dulles by Eisenhower. (ibid, p. 326) Which again shows how stupid the Times is. Because, incredibly, the Times article also blames the murder of Lumumba on the Kennedys! This is so wrong as to be Orwellian. (Or, even worse, Chomskyian, since Noam Chomsky blames this one on Kennedy also.) The truth is the opposite. As more than one author has insinuated, Allen Dulles speeded up the plot against Lumumba in the interim between Eisenhower’s departure and Kennedy’s inauguration because he knew that Kennedy would never approve it. (John M. Blum, Years of Discord, p. 23; Jonathan Kwitny, Endless Enemies, p. 69) Therefore, Lumumba died on January 17, 1961, three days before Kennedy took office. Dulles turned out to be right. Because right after entering office, but before learning of Lumumba’s death, Kennedy formulated a new policy for Lumumba’s Congo. One that pretty much was a reversal of Eisenhower’s. A part of this new policy was to free all political prisoners-including Lumumba. Lumumba was being held by an enemy tribe at the behest of the former mother country Belgium, which was in league with the CIA. If he had been freed, he would not have been killed. Dulles obviously knew Kennedy better than the New York Times does. Which, by the way, was opposed to Kennedy’s Congo policy at the time. For another part of his plan was to oppose the breaking away of the mineral rich Katanga province from Congo. The Times supported that breakaway. Which would have helped Belgium and American investors but hurt the Congo. (Kwitny, p. 55)

    The truth of this situation is this: Kennedy supported Lumumba and his struggle to make the Congo free of European influence. Dulles understood this. Which is why he made sure that Lumumba was killed before Kennedy took office. But after Lumumba’s death, Kennedy supported an independent, non-aligned Congo. He persisted in this even after Dag Hammarskjold died in a mysterious plane crash. And he did so not just against European economic interests. But since Congo was such a rich country, his policy also opposed against domestic ones. And he did so until his death. (See the fine chapter on this struggle in JFK: Ordeal in Africa by Richard Mahoney.)

    But the Times is still not through in exhibiting its disregard of the historical record. They also have Kennedy being responsible for the death of South Vietnamese leader Ngo Dinh Diem. Again, even JFK’s enemies knew this was false. That is why Howard Hunt tried to forge documents implicating Kennedy in Diem’s assassination. He had to since he learned from the horse’s mouth that President Kennedy was not so involved. Who is the horse’s mouth in this situation: CIA officer Lucien Conein. The Times might ask itself an obvious question: Why would Hunt have risked the forgery if it was unnecessary?

    The unfortunate death of Diem and his brother Nhu is a rather complex affair. And with the kind of scholarship exhibited by the Times here, they are simply not interested in consulting the record. The two best sources that I know of on the subject are John Newman’s JFK and Vietnam, and Jim Douglass’ JFK and the Unspeakable. What appears to have happened was a two-stage process. First, Kennedy’s anti-Diem advisers hatched a plot to send a cable to Saigon approving a coup attempt by dissident generals in the military. The deliberately did this while Kennedy and his Cabinet officers were away on the weekend. (See Newman pgs. 345-56) Then, Saigon CIA official Conein and the new ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge allied themselves with the generals to obstruct Kennedy’s policy toward Diem. Since Diem was unaware of the obstruction, he trusted Lodge and kept on calling him, even after the coup. He was unawares that Lodge and Conein were cooperating with the military to insure that Diem and his brother could not get out of Saigon before they were killed. (See Douglass, pgs. 207-10)

    When he learned of the brothers’ deaths, Kennedy was shocked and agonized. Arthur Schlesinger said he had not seen him so depressed since the Bay of Pigs disaster. (ibid, p. 211) In fact, as a result of this outcome he planned on doing two things. First, he was going to review the process by which the cable had been sent. (Gordon Goldstein, Lessons in Disaster, p. 90) Second, he was going to recall Lodge to Washington for the purpose of firing him. (Douglass, p. 375) His death interceded with those plans.

    Three strikes isn’t enough for the Times. They actually even try and blame the death of Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic on Kennedy. This happened just four months after Kennedy was inaugurated. The truth is that Trujillo was probably the most unpopular man in South America at the time. Why? Because he tried to kill Venezuelan leader Romulo Betancourt with a car bomb in 1960. As a result the OAS severed relations with him. He then had the three Mirabel sisters-Patria, Maria, and Minerva-who protested his dictatorship, murdered. Because Trujillo was such a bloodthirsty dictator, the CIA had plotted with dissidents in country to kill him as far back as 1958. (William Blum The CIA: A Forgotten History, p. 196) But as Blum notes, although the CIA did supply arms for an assassination attempt, there is no proof these were used in the murder. Which appears to have been a spur of the moment affair carried out by the local dissidents. (ibid) Blum does note that American cooperation with them cooled after Kennedy took office. (ibid, p. 197)

    In fact, in 1963, Kennedy told his friend George Smathers that he had to get control of the CIA. Precisely because he was appalled by the idea of political assassination. Smathers said: “I remember him saying that the CIA frequently did things he didn’t know about, and he was unhappy about it. He complained that the CIA was almost autonomous. He told me he believed the CIA had arranged to have Diem and Trujillo bumped off. He was pretty shocked about that. He thought it was a stupid thing to do, and he wanted to get control of what the CIA was doing.” (The Assassinations, p. 329) As many people who have studied the Kennedy assassination believe, the CIA understood this was Kennedy’s intent in a second term. And they decided to get Kennedy before he got them. You will never ever hear this sentiment voiced in the Times, since they have almost always pimped for the CIA. Including covering up their drug running aspects when the late Gary Webb exposed some of them.

    The article then gets even more ridiculous. Somehow the authors include the murder of General Rene Schneider as part of Kennedy’s watch. The problem is Kennedy had been dead for seven years when Schneider was assassinated by allies of the CIA. His death was part of the CIA program ordered by President Nixon and Henry Kissinger to stop Salvador Allende from stepping up to the presidency. (William Blum, p. 237)

    If you can believe it, the Times actually sources the Church Committee report in this article. Even though that report discovered no evidence that the Kennedys were involved in any of these deaths. In fact, in my essay I argued that it was this verdict that caused the CIA and its rightwing allies to begin to circulate disinformation to reverse what Sen. Frank Church had uncovered. That campaign has been unrelenting ever since. The Times, with former Nixon speechwriter William Safire in their employ, has been a prime part of it. (The Assassinations, p. 329)

    Towards the end, the article cites the most ancient CIA disinformation tale of all: Oswald killed Kennedy for Castro because Castro found out about the plots against himself. Which, as Castro has noted, is utterly ridiculous on two grounds. First, as Jim Douglass has described in detail, Kennedy and Castro were hard at work on dÈtente at the time. (pgs. 248-50) And secondly, as Jesse Ventura relates in his book American Conspiracies, Castro told him he would have never risked a full-scale invasion of Cuba over such a thing. The article also mentions the meeting in Paris in November of 1963 between a CIA representative and recruited Castro assassin Rolando Cubela. What they do not say is that CIA official Richard Helms had deliberately kept this from the Kennedys. Even though the CIA representative meeting with Cubela told him that RFK knew about it. (Douglass, p. 251)

    The article concludes with “One need not believe in conspiracy theories about JFK to be seriously concerned about the wisdom of JFK’s assassination policy. The laws of war and self defense may permit political assassination in certain cases, but prudence dictates thinking carefully before pulling that fateful trigger.”

    The only assassination theories discussed in this article are the half-baked ones about Kennedy’s mythological executive action programs. Which, as shown above, he actually opposed. In opposition to the authors, the fact that Kennedy was actually killed by a political conspiracy is not a theory. The revelations of the ARRB have shown it to be a fact. But you will never learn that in the New York Times. Which in its nonsensical agenda on the issue, makes a strange alliance with the likes of John McAdams and Noam Chomsky.

    This is one more farcical piece of gutter journalism by the Times on the subjects of President Kennedy’s policies and his murder. It’s a smelly trail that goes back to 1963. And it shows no sign of abating. So Alec, as much as I liked you in Glengarry Glen Ross and others, I think you are dead wrong on the hole the Times would leave behind. If it went under, I wouldn’t miss it at all. One reason being that a pile of lies like this would not have its imprimatur assigned to it.

    But its publication shows why that imprimatur isn’t worth very much anymore.

  • Eyewitness to Murder: The King Assassination

    Eyewitness to Murder: The King Assassination


    On April 3rd, 2008, the evening before the 40th anniversary of the death of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., CNN broadcast a two-hour documentary entitled Eyewitness to Murder-The King Assassination. The chief correspondent and host was CNN reporter Soledad O’Brien. Although I cannot call the production a clear and single-minded lone assassin screed, it was pretty close to that. And if you watched O’Brien question some of her interview subjects, she clearly had a four part agenda: 1.) to hammer home the case against James Earl Ray; 2.) to register as many doubts as possible about Ray’s credibility; 3.) to trumpet the testimony of the law enforcement officials involved with the case; and 4.) to conclude with that hoary chestnut about the popularity of conspiracy theories: the American public just cannot accept the fact that a great and charismatic leader could be gunned down by a small-time hoodlum like Ray.

    When I say that it was not a straight Ray-did-it production, that is a purely relative statement. The show did examine J. Edgar Hoover’s racially tinged and neurotic campaign against King. It even produced some of the famous FBI COINTELPRO memos and talked about some of the surveillance activities used by Hoover against King. O’Brien interviewed people who believed in and have written about Ray’s innocence. And she let them speak about it on camera, e.g. Jerry Ray and William Pepper. She talked about two problems in the case against Ray. She specifically stated that the bullet that killed King has never been matched to the rifle in evidence. And the fact that no person ever identified Ray either in the bathroom of the flophouse where he was supposed to have fired that rifle, or fleeing the scene.

    But remember, I said “relatively”. Because even in those instances, CNN was rather compromised. For example, they never depicted the worst of the COINTELPRO memos. And they never discussed the actual extreme practices that the Bureau initiated to achieve their goals. In that regard, one could have brought up the deadly and massive campaign against the Black Panthers. This featured the framing of innocent men like Geronimo Pratt, and the assassination of leaders like Fred Hampton and Mark Clark. One could have tied that in with the presence of Marrell McCullough in Memphis plus the fact that there were actual cheers in the Atlanta FBI office when the news of King’s murder was announced. (We will return to the McCullough issue later.)

    Concerning the interviews of Ray and Pepper, although she lets them speak, she then spends a good deal of time afterwards trying to discredit what they say. For example, she repeatedly questions the existence of Raoul. This is the mysterious figure that Ray met in Canada, and who escorted him through a series of gunrunning operations in late 1967, all the way up to the assassination. Ray concluded that Raoul had set him up to take the fall for the King murder. Yet in discounting Ray on this, she ignores the fact that a man named Sid Carthew actually met Raoul in 1967. And he met him at the same bar in Montreal that Ray said he met him at. Finally, Carthew discussed the same thing–the sale of guns–that Ray and Raoul were involved in at the time. (Pepper, Orders to Kill pgs 343-344) She also ignores the strong testimony of former FBI agent Don Wilson. Wilson was one of the agents who recovered a white Mustang in Atlanta, allegedly one that Ray had abandoned there after King was killed. In an envelope in the car were two pieces of paper. They both had Raoul’s name on them. One of them contained a list of names and entities followed by dollar amounts. The word Canada is also on the document, and the phrase “Before 4/15” is at the end. (The Assassinations, Eds. James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, p. 486) This is strong corroboration for Ray’s specific story about Raoul. To say the least, it was no fairy tale.

    In discussing the non-matching bullet evidence, she both understates it and covers things up. For instance, she says that the bullet that hit King fragmented upon impact, making it difficult to test afterwards. There are many witnesses who state that this is not what actually happened. Or could have happened. (Probe Vol. 6 No. 1 p. 25) They say that what actually occurred was that the bullet removed from King was intact. It was then sent to the FBI for analysis. It was returned in pieces. Further, when Judge Joe Brown began a rehearing on the case in 1996, he found that the photo of the originally intact bullet was missing from the case file. (Probe Vol. 5 No. 5 p. 29).

    The rest of the special was even more questionably slanted than the above. For instance, O’Brien says that, after escaping from prison in 1967, Ray was involved in a bank robbery in his hometown of Alton, Illinois. And the money that was secured from this crime helped fund his numerous activities, purchases and travels in both Canada and the United States in 1967-68.

    This, I think, is part of her aim to discredit Ray’s reliance on Raoul as a source of funds. But as Pepper found out, there is nothing of any substance to make this bank robbery charge against Ray stick. In 1978, Pepper called one of the police officers in charge in Alton. He offered to return his then client, Jerry Ray, to Alton to stand trial for the crime. The officer replied that neither Jerry Ray nor any of his brothers were suspects. Further, they had never been suspects in that crime. The Department of Justice came to the same conclusion. The FBI analyzed the fingerprint impressions at the scene and said that the prints of James Earl Ray did not match any of the prints in the Alton bank robbery file. (Pepper, pgs 107-109)

    O’Brien ignores all of this, and assumes no one knows anything about the issue. She then proceeds as if it was a given. Because she wants to use the twenty dollar denomination of stolen funds to somehow explain how Ray moved all around two countries for a year. For instance, when she mentions that Ray bought a car with cash, she adds that he paid for it in twenties. As if Raoul could not have been paying him in twenty-dollar bills. As if it was not a common denomination for large cash purchases at the time. Or today.

    She also uses this “evidence” when she mentions the purchase of the 30.06 Remington Gamemaster rifle. Ray bought this weapon at the Aeromarine Supply Company in Birmingham, Alabama on March 30, 1968. Ray made this purchase under the name of Harvey Lowmeyer. And he said it was done at the request of Raoul. But O’Brien leaves out an interesting fact about the incident. On March 29th, Ray had purchased a .243 Winchester at the same store. The next day, he returned the Winchester and purchased the Remington. Why he did this or why Raoul would ask him to do so has never been explained. But it did give the attendant, who refused to appear on camera for CNN, an opportunity to clearly recall the incident, and remember Ray’s face.

    Speaking of this rifle, O’Brien makes one of the most irresponsible, laughable statements on the show. Looking at the glass-enclosed weapon with a museum attendant next to her, she describes the 200-foot shot as so easy that either of them could have made it. This statement was completely vitiated during Judge Joe Brown’s ballistics hearings in Memphis in the late nineties. Brown, a very experienced marksman, determined that this particular rifle cannot be properly sited in manually. With this rifle, that process can only be done by a machine. A machine which Aeromarine Supply Company did not have at the time. Brown estimated that a non-practicing rifleman, which Ray was in 1968, would miss the target by twenty feet without that adjustment. (Probe Vol. 5 No. 5 p. 28) Brown also made another startling discovery about the ballistics evidence in this case. The bullet taken from King’s body is not from the same lot as the other bullets purchased, and does not match the cartridges either. (Ibid. p. 29) Our indefatigable reporter never addressed these two issues. But they do help explain why Brown was never allowed to complete his ballistics investigation.

    To further her rather superficial examination of the ballistics evidence, O’Brien interviews the Memphis Medical Examiner at the time, Jerry Francisco. He tells her that the shot could only have come from the rooming house window to end up hitting King on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel. It could not have come from the bushy area outside both the rooming house and Jim’s Grill. The latter is where more than one witness placed the sniper. But another study done by the Memphis City Engineers seems to contradict Francisco. They could not come to a definite conclusion on this issue. One reason for that was, shades of the JFK case, Francisco had not traced the path of the bullet through King’s body. When asked about this point, “Francisco took the curious position that he was loathe to cause further mutilation for no good reason.” (Pepper, p. 129) Another problem in solving this issue is that there is no photo that reveals King’s exact posture at the time he was hit. But while she had Francisco on, O’Brien could have asked him about the condition of the slug when he removed it from King’s body. There is a photo in the HSCA volumes apparently taken when he removed the bullet and it looks intact. (Pepper p. 221, 255) O’Brien could have asked him how it ended up in pieces, and why. She also could have asked Francisco if he tried to pilfer the King fragments from Brown’s court while the judge was testing the rifle. Which is what Brown seemed to accuse him of later. (Probe Vol. 5 No. 5 p. 29) This kind of behavior, and the bizarre evidentiary record, caused Brown to say that, “What you’ve got here in terms of the physical evidence relating to ballistics … is frightening.” (Ibid) (For a thorough critique of Francisco’s work on this case, which explains why his analysis raises so many questions, see Harold Weisberg’s Martin Luther King: The Assassination pgs. 133-138)

    Another area CNN skimps is the whole issue of Marrell McCollough. McCollough was the undercover cop who had infiltrated the radical black youth group the Invaders, prior to King’s arrival in Memphis. And it was the Invaders who had provoked a show of violence during King’s first visit to Memphis in March. They did this by disrupting a demonstration by the Sanitation Workers, who were on strike at the time. This incident actually resulted in the shooting death of a young man named Larry Payne. In turn, this caused King to make his return visit in April. McCollough’s assignment was the result of a secret program inside the Memphis Police Department. But it had been ordered by Hoover, and assisted by the CIA. (Probe Vol. 7 No. 6 p. 4) Before joining the Memphis Police Department, McCullough had been in the army as an MP. His first assignment with the police was this one. As an agent provocateur with the Invaders, his reports were forwarded to the FBI. Besides helping provoke the King riot, he also helped set up a drug bust in which many of the Invaders top leadership were entrapped. A local reporter in Memphis once wrote that McCullough was working for the FBI before the Memphis police recruited him. (Ibid. p. 5) This strongly indicates that he was part of the COINTELPRO operation against both Black Nationalist groups, and perhaps, King. He stayed within the police department until he later joined the CIA in 1974. Three years later, he testified before the House Select Committee on Assassinations. When asked his occupation, he said he was a Memphis policeman. Which, at the time, he was not. Further, he denied any connection to any intelligence agencies in 1968. In other words, he lied. As Doug Valentine notes, he appears to have done this because the HSCA had evidence that it was McCullough who provoked the riot that caused the death of Larry Payne. And made necessary King’s return, which resulted in his assassination. (Ibid.) All O’Brien has to say about the compelling and perhaps crucial figure of McCullough is this: he was a policeman who worked undercover against a Black Nationalist group. He ended up on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel after King was shot. Six years later he joined the CIA. That’s about it. I’m not kidding.

    The last part of the program was particularly offensive. O’Brien brought on attorney John Campbell. Campbell was the local DA in Memphis who did everything he could-and more–to obstruct Judge Brown. To the point where he eventually was removed from the case. (DiEugenio and Pease, pgs. 453-459) She allows him to critique two points: whether or not Raoul ever existed, and the testimony of Loyd Jowers. Concerning the first, he says Ray’s description of Raoul changed over time. This is false. What Campbell is comparing is Ray’s description of Raoul with a man who Pepper suspected was Raoul. It turned out not to be him. (Generally, Orders to Kill is a decent book that sometimes gets too ambitious. In those sections, Pepper’s reach exceeded his grasp.) Loyd Jowers was the owner of Jim’s Grill at the time of the assassination. In 1993, when Pepper won a mock trial on HBO acquitting Ray, Jowers went on ABC television with Sam Donaldson and confessed to a part in the murder. He said he supplied the actual sniper’s rifle to a man in the bushes outside his establishment. A man who was not Ray. The weapon was later picked up by Raoul. Campbell properly states that Jowers later altered certain elements of his story. And he then completely clammed up at the civil trial when the King family sued him in civil court — and won. (DiEugenio and Pease, pgs 492-509) But O’Brien leaves out an important reason why Jowers never got to testify in court under oath: He asked for full immunity from prosecution. He never got it from either the local DA (i.e. Campbell), or the Justice Department. (Probe, Vol. 7 No. 6 p. 3)

    At the end, O’Brien tries to explain the rather strange conduct of the accused assassin after King’s assassination. The official story says that he ran down the stairs of the flophouse and drove off in his white Mustang. But not before he left a bundle of his belongings next door, in front of Canipe’s novelty store. This included things like a pair of binoculars, a can of beer, and the 30.06 rifle. Now this is a really odd thing for an assassin to do: leave an incriminating pile of your belongings next to the building where you just shot from. And critics of the official story have pointed at this incident as being quite unbelievable. So O’Brien trots out an old defense for it. She says Ray panicked when he saw a policeman down the sidewalk. This story has taken different forms throughout the years. It used to be that he saw a police car coming down the street. One of the problems with that particular version is that there was a field of rather high brush next to Canipe’s. It would probably have blocked Ray’s view of anyone either down the street or the sidewalk. But a piece of rather bracing evidence emerged on this point at the1999 King/Jowers civil trial. One of the witnesses was Arthur Hanes Jr. He and his late father composed Ray’s first defense team. At the trial he testified that, in 1968, he interviewed Guy Canipe who was the owner of the store. Canipe told him that the bundle had been dropped about ten minutes before the assassination. (DiEugenio and Pease, p. 500) Needless to say, Hanes Jr. was on the show. Needless to say, O’Brien never asked him about this startling testimony.

    All in all, a seriously disappointing effort. Not quite as bad as the network JFK specials by Dan Rather and Peter Jennings. But still, it’s pretty shabby. In light of the recent Discovery Channel’s documentary on the RFK case, I had hoped for more from a cable network. Next time, at least from CNN, I won’t.

  • John Larry Ray & Lyndon Barsten, Truth at Last


    Rarely has a book in the field been less aptly titled than this one. John Ray has been talking about writing some kind of book on the King case ever since his brother James died back in 1998. (See Probe, Vol. 6 No. 1 p. 4) Lyndon Barsten has been researching the King case for about that long. In the small world of King researchers, it was inevitable that they would meet. They did. I can’t say that the meeting was beneficial for those interested in the real facts behind King’s assassination.

    In almost every way, this is an anecdotal, impressionistic type of book. It’s achievements in that regard are few. You can get a glimpse of James Earl Ray’s childhood, where he seems like a nice enough boy. And John Ray does a nice job of countering the idea – promulgated by authors like Gerald Posner – that James Earl Ray was a racist. On the contrary, among other things, he had black friends and frequented an African American dance club in Los Angeles. (See pgs.42-47, 83, 99-100, 103, 167) And you are alerted to the fact that the Memphis coroner who covered up the killing of King, also concealed the true circumstances of the death of Elvis Presley. (p. 135) In counting the virtues, that’s about it.

    It doesn’t take much to enumerate the book’s documentation: it is miniscule. The volume has a bibliography, but there are no footnotes to sources. And as far as I could see, there are sources in that bibliography that are not used. Two examples: a lecture by Judge Joe Brown on the ballistics in the MLK case, and the evidentiary brief presented by Jim Lesar and Bud Fensterwald in 1974. The authors mention this evidentiary hearing but spend all of about one paragraph on the specifics of that pleading. And they get a crucial detail wrong about the outcome. They imply that the judge ruling on the hearing was found dead in his chambers a month before he was prepared to rule. When I called Jim Lesar on this he said that was not the case. The original judge had already ruled against him. One of the judges on the three-man panel for the appeal died during the appeal. But it would not have impacted the outcome since the other two judges ruled against the appeal anyway. (Interview with Jim Lesar, 5/18/08) Much of the bibliography appears to be padding: things that Barsten read in his years of research on the case. And he included it whether it was relevant or not.

    In a book like this, a lot of the credibility must come from the reader’s trust in the author (s). Unfortunately, that is not forthcoming here. Ray and Barsten make too many outlandish claims that they do not really back up. What is worse, some of those claims are contradicted in other places. For instance, very early on (p. 17), the book claims that James Earl Ray worked at a company called International Shoe for two years in his youth. That is true. The authors go on to claim that he saved $7, 000 in that time period. But if you go to Ray’s own (much better book), you will see that he actually worked there for less than two years. It was more like twenty months. And he says he made sixty cents an hour. At that rate, even if he worked overtime, and saved every dime he made, he could not have saved that sum. (See Who Killed Martin Luther King? p. 22)

    After he was laid off from this job, Ray writes that he enlisted in the Army for a three-year term. In his book he writes that he went through basic training, served as a trucker, worked in the military police for a year, and then got shifted to a combat unit. One night he missed a guard shift due to illness and was confined to quarters. He jumped the confinement, was caught, and was court martialed for it. (Ibid, pages 22-23)

    To say that Ray and Barsten expand and revise this part of the alleged assassin’s life is an understatement of monumental proportions. Somehow, James Earl either forgot something, or was holding back on everyone. According to the authors of the present book, after he left the military police, Ray actually was recruited by the newly formed Central Intelligence Agency. Now, the CIA was created in July of 1947, mainly through the lobbying efforts of men like William Donovan and Allen Dulles. Why they would have someone like James Earl Ray on their short list of recruits is never explained.

    But, in the book’s own terms, there is a reason for this. It has to do with a black soldier named Washington. Barsten met John Ray after he saw a video of John talking about this black soldier that he says his brother shot. The man’s name was Washington. And that is about all that is known of him. Neither Barsten nor John Ray has ever been able to track him down. But John says that James told him about this shooting and the subsequent trial that followed. Trouble is, there are no existing records. (p. 22), and James Earl never wrote about it or mentioned it elsewhere.

    On the next page, we see why this issue has been surfaced. Barsten has a keen interest in MK/ULTRA, so he attempts to now make the case that Ray was a mind control victim and the alleged Washington shooting was done while Ray was under the influence of drugs and hypnosis. One of the many problems with this is that if one reads some of the better books on MK/ULTRA, the program was not nearly developed enough at that stage to do these kinds of things. It was still in the exploratory stages. Second, no other author in any book on the MLK case has ever even insinuated this charge about Ray. But, for John Ray, it happened. In fact, his brother told him and no one else: “When you join the OSS, it’s like joining the Mafia: you never leave.” (p. 20)

    Clearly Barsten – who calls himself a lay historian – has been doing a lot of background reading about the assassinations of the sixties. And he understands that one of the bombshell revelations of the Church Committee was the public exposure of the CIA/Mafia plots to kill Fidel Castro. So if you create out of whole cloth this CIA aspect of Ray’s life, then all you have to do is add some kind of Mafia association, and presto: the King assassination is a CIA/Mob hit. How? According to the authors, Ray is tricked into going to Memphis by the Mob. It is then his CIA associated paymaster Raul who kills King and sets up Ray as the patsy.

    What is the long term Mafia connection to Ray? Well, the authors say it was all over the place. Grandpa James Ray, his Aunt Mabel, an inmate pal of Ray’s named Walter Rife, another named John Spica etc etc. All of this paraphernalia reminded me of Robert Blakey at his worst. If, with very little evidence, you insinuate that someone is associated with the Mob, and then you put that person in some kind of proximity to the alleged assassin, then somehow the Mob had a role in the assassination. Barsten works this technique into overdrive. Yet, for me, it all came to naught.

    The book says John Ray was also in Memphis in April of 1968. He met his brother and James told him he was there because he “was going to do a job.” (p. 109) The job was being done to repay $25, 000 he owed the Mob. There are several problems with the scenario as presented. First, Ray has never said anywhere that his brother John was in Memphis at the time. If you read his book, he mentions John coming to see him in March of 1969 right before he agreed to plead guilty under attorney Percy Foreman’s coercion. This is almost a year after the assassination. According to his brother Jerry, prior to the assassination, the last time John met James was in 1967 at the Fairview Hotel in Chicago. (Probe, op. cit.) Further, when John heard the news that the FBI was hunting down a man named Eric Starvo Galt, according to Jerry, John didn’t even know Galt was the alias at the time for Ray. Jerry did. (Probe, op. cit. p. 36) How could John not know this if he was in phone contact and then met Ray in Memphis on the eve of the assassination?

    Another problem with this scenario is the repayment aspect. There has always been a serious question as to where Ray got his funds after his Missouri prison escape in early 1967. The present authors say that this transfer of funds occurred in East St. Louis through something called the Buster Wortman outfit. This was a gang that was prominent in south Illinois and St. Louis in the fifties and sixties. The problem is that Wortman’s influence was in serious decline by 1967 and he died in August of 1968. And again, James Ray has never made this claim anywhere. Further, no other author has ever brought it up. But yet Barsten then expands on this unfounded tale and says that Wortman got the money “from the Chicago Mob, who got it from a select group of clandestine operators within the Central Intelligence Agency.” (p. 87) What is the evidence for this money trail through the Mafia and to the CIA? Zilch.

    But the claim is similar in gravity to other extraordinary presumptions made in the book. Ray’s 1967 escape was allegedly “orchestrated by Richard Helms and the CIA and their agents”. (p. 73) How did Percy Foreman convince Ray to plead guilty to killing King? According to the authors, it was because the shooting of Washington would be exposed if he did not. That shooting for which no records exist. But it gets better. Originally, the deal was that Ray was supposed to pin the death of King on the Bronfman family of Montreal. And with that, Barsten tries to connect the King assassination to Mortimer Bloomfield and the infamous Permindex cabal, which surfaced during the Jim Garrison investigation. (Except Barsten has a new member of Permindex I never saw before: H. L. Hunt.) Barsten even weaves Edward Grady Partin into his pastiche. Yep. Partin is somehow associated with Ray and since he lived in New Orleans this brings Carols Marcello into the King plot. Again, what is the evidence presented that Ray knew Partin? None.

    To top it all off, when John Ray is later arrested for taking part in a 1970 bank robbery the reason for his arrest traces back to the King murder. He writes that he was framed “because of my knowledge of James’s CIA connections and the connection to the Washington shooting.” (p. 149) A shooting that Ray never spoke about, no other writer ever wrote about, no records exist of, and a “Washington” who was never found. Yet this is what John Ray was framed over. What can one say about such evidence and reasoning? Except: enough!

    When Tennessee free-lancer Mike Vinson was writing for Probe he interviewed Jerry Ray about his brother John. Mike had heard that John had let the word out that “for a monetary exchange, [he] was willing to give up information detailing his brother’s involvement in the King assassination.” (Probe, op. cit, p. 4) In the published interview that followed, Vinson asked Jerry what this information could be. Jerry replied that it was all a pile of malarkey. And at James Earl Ray’s memorial service John had told Jerry that “he would go whichever way would make him the most money: James guilty or not guilty in King’s death. John never liked James, anyway…” (Ibid)

    From the experience of reading this almost satirical book, it looks like Jerry Ray was right. The question remains though: What was Lyndon Barsten’s excuse for taking part in this wretched exercise?

  • Elegy for Philip Melanson

    Elegy for Philip Melanson


    The first time I ever encountered Philip Melanson’s name was in the library of California State University at San Bernardino, where I was researching my first book, Destiny Betrayed. I had driven about 65 miles to San Bernardino to borrow copies of American Grotesque and The Second Oswald. While I was perusing the shelves in the Kennedy assassination section, I noticed an oddly titled volume called Spy Saga by Philip Melanson. I had never heard of this book, or its author. But looking it over, I thought it had an interesting and unique premise: an examination of Oswald’s connections to the American intelligence community. So I went home and started reading it–before I read the other two books.

    melanson 2

    Spy Saga, I came to believe, was a crucial contribution to the JFK field, and for two reasons. First, it developed one of the keystones of the case against the Warren Commission. One of the most puzzling aspects of the Commission was its characterization of Lee Harvey Oswald as a communist who knew no other communists. Far from it. Here was an alleged communist who chose to go and live in two of the most rightwing enclaves of the USA , namely the anti-Castro Cuban exiles in New Orleans, and the White Russian community in Dallas. In fact, these two groups would seem an anathema to a real communist, since they actually wanted to overthrow the communist regimes in Cuba and the Soviet Union. Further, Oswald did strange things while in their midst, like distributing provocative literature in broad daylight on major public streets. It was almost like he wanted to provoke them–which he did.

    Although the Commission tried to paint him as a loner, Oswald did have friends. But they were all quite conservative, and some had ties to the CIA, like George DeMohrenschildt, David Ferrie, Kerry Thornley, and Clay Shaw. Spy Saga explained this paradox by showing that it really was not a paradox. Melanson convincingly argued that Oswald was doing his job as an undercover agent for the American government.

    Second, Spy Saga was a milestone in the field. At the time of its publication, there were over 700 books written on the Kennedy assassination, but few of them had Lee Harvey Oswald as their sole focus. The ones that did were clearly clinging to the Warren Commission characterization, like Marina and Lee and Legend. Melanson’s work was the first full scale study of Oswald as an agent provocateur. In that sense it basically cleared the field and superseded the Priscilla Johnson/Edward Epstein myopia. Once you digested Melanson’s careful and well-documented work, it was hard to regress back to the Warren Commissoin’s view.

    If you read my Destiny Betrayed, you can easily see the influence of Spy Saga, in both the footnotes and in my characterization of Oswald. Phil’s book was both elucidating and a pleasure. It was a pleasure because it was well written, well documented, and relatively brief. Melanson was a scholar who could actually write clear and serviceable prose. Although he had not done a lot of original research, he had integrated a lot of previous work into a cohesive, tight, and convincing framework. After reading it, I considered it one of the ten most important books on the JFK case. While others have gone past Melanson’s work today in detail and depth, they are still working in the general framework he established. Which is another way of saying that the book has stood the test of time. For me, it is one of the few classics in the field.

    The amazing thing about Philip Melanson is that not only did he pen a seminal work on the JFK case, he wrote about the King case and the RFK case as well. In fact, to this day, no other critic has published as many books on all three cases as he did. The Murkin Conspiracy is a creditable work on the King case in which Melanson did some original field research. He published two hardcover books on the Robert Kennedy case, The Robert F. Kennedy Assassination and Shadow Play (co-authored with Bill Klaber). While the latter has some interesting information on the trial of Sirhan Sirhan, the former is the better and more comprehensive book.

    The last two books point up what became Phil’s primary focus later in his professional career: the RFK case. At his college, the University of Massachusetts Dartmouth, he developed an RFK archives. This was a valuable academic contribution since it constituted by far the best collection of RFK assassination research materials on the east coast. Phil tried hard to bring more attention to the RFK case, which he felt was pitifully ignored by the public, the media, and the research community.

    In 1992, Phil tried to do something almost unheard of: get the RFK case reopened. He did this through his petitioning of the grand jury in Los Angeles. He put together a very impressive volume of testimony and exhibits he hoped the grand jury would use, as it began hearing witnesses in the case. He got several illustrious names to endorse the idea, including Arthur Schlesinger, Norman Mailer, and Cesar Chavez. He got a long feature story in the Metro section of the LA Times on the petition, an amazing achievement. Since grand jury proceedings are secret, no one really knows what happened behind closed doors. Rumor has it that three consecutive grand juries saw the petition and then passed it on. Since grand juries are controlled by the local DA’s office, this was not surprising, especially since Phil’s work hit hard at the complicity of the local authorities in the cover-up. But Phil never went overboard in that regard. He never wrote things he could not back up. This made him a good commentator for the critical community on both radio and television, which he did many times with distinction.

    Looking at the totality of Philip Melanson’s work (and I am leaving out some of it), there are very few people who contributed as much or as at the high level that he did. And now he is dead at the premature age of 61. Of course, one feels sad for his family and close friends. But the research community will miss one of the very few who represented the highest standard of what a critic was and could be.

    In 1998, Dr. Melanson spoke on the grassy knoll in Dallas at a rememberance ceremony for JFK. “It’s never too late to find the truth, if citizens demand it,” he said. “Until that happens, the original tragedy will be compounded like a bad political debt into the next millenium, and our faith in our system will continue to erode.”

    Goodbye, professor. You will truly be missed.