Tag: JFK ASSASSINATION

  • When Sonia Sotomayor’s Honesty, Independence, and Integrity Were Tested


    A MEMORANDUM TO THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, UNITED STATES SENATE, UPON ITS HEARINGS WHETHER TO CONSENT TO THE APPOINTMENT OF THE HON. SONIA SOTOMAYOR TO BE AN ASSOCIATE JUSTICE OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

    Sonia Sotomayor’s Collaboration in a Judicial Deceit and Cover-Up While a Federal District Judge and a Member of the Second Circuit Court of Appeals Raises Troubling Questions

    WHEN THE FEDERAL JUDICIARY’S CULTURE OF COLLEGIALITY BECAME A CONSPIRACY OF SILENCE


    “The American legal system is an adversarial system of justice. What that generally is understood to mean is that parties are entitled to put their case before a judge and a jury in the way they want, have their evidence challenged and tested by their adversaries in the way their adversaries want, and the trier of fact or law then decides the issues as presented by the parties.”

    Sonia M. Sotomayor, “No Lawyer, Bad Lawyer – What’s a Judge to Do?,” Jon Newman Annual Lecture on Law and Justice, University of Hartford, October 20, 2008. pg 4.

    “Under Rules12(b)(6) and 12(c), where a motion for judgment on the pleadings or to dismiss for failure to state a claim requires the court to consider matters outside of the pleadings, the motion must be treated as a summary judgment motion, and “all parties shall be given reasonable opportunity to present all material made pertinent to such a motion by Rule 56.” Fed. R. Civ. P. 12(b)(6), (c). We have observed that . . . “[a] district court may not convert a motion under Fed. R. Civ. P. 12(b)(6) into a Rule 56 motion for summary judgment without sufficient notice to an opposing party and an opportunity for that party to respond,” Groden v. Random House, 61 F.3d 1045, 1052 (2d Cir. 1995).”

    Scaglione v. Mamaroneck Union Free School Dist., 144 Fed.Appx. 120, No. 04-1054-cv, 2005 WL 6818 (2d Cir. March 25, 2005)

    * * *

    Citations for the Cases Under Discussion

    Scaglione v. Mamaroneck Union Free School Dist., 144 Fed.Appx. 120, No. 04-1054-cv, 2005 WL 6818 (2d Cir. March 25, 2005)

    Groden v. Random House, Inc., et al., 1994 WL 45555, 1994 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 11794, 32 U.S.P.Q.2d 1266, 1994-2 Trade Cas. P70,702, 22 Media L. Rep. 2257 (S.D.N.Y. Aug. 23, 1994)(No. 94-Civ. 1974); Groden v. Random House, Inc., et al., 1994 WL 519871, 1994 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 13416 (S.D.N.Y., September 23, 1994) (No. 94 Civ. 1074 (JSM)); Groden v. Random House, Inc., et al., 1994 WL 681770, 1994 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 17296 (S.D.N.Y., December 5, 1994) (No. 94 Civ. 1074 (JSM)); aff’d 61 F.3d 1045 (2d Cir. 1995).

    * * *

    Introduction and Summary

    Probably the worst fear that any average citizen has in dealing with a local, state or federal government official is the fear of running up against a brick wall: not having a chance to tell his side of the story. When people are not allowed to present evidence on their own behalf, their basic citizenship is being denied. The authorities are saying, “Go away. We don’t want to interact with you.”

    Besides the opportunity to state our case – to present evidence – we also trust that the people who make decisions over our lives will be neutral; that, if they are not entirely free of bias, which is very difficult, they will at least be able to suppress their bias in an effort to be fair and objective. We also expect people in authority to be free of ties to the parties in dispute. Finally, we expect that, whatever the outcome of our problem, the rules – both the procedural rules and the rules that assign legal responsibility – will be applied consistently with the experience of others in the community.

    We justifiably expect these norms. When they are violated, what is important is the opportunity to appeal to other decision makers to correct any inaccuracy or unfairness. All of this assumes the integrity and the honest motives of those who exercise decision-making authority in our society.

    In the civil lawsuit that Robert J. Groden brought on February 17, 1994, against Random House, Inc., The New York Times, and Gerald Posner, each of these legitimate expectations was seriously compromised by multiple lies that were told by judges who were sworn to uphold the law and seek the truth.

    Lawyers are indoctrinated in the belief (“delusion” might be a more apt term) that judges are incapable of lying; they merely commit “error” or “abuse of discretion.”

    However, when judges falsify the procedural facts of their written opinions to conceal what actually occurred in pre-judgment proceedings – i.e., when they lie to the press, the public, the bar, and other courts about the facts of a case – the descriptive application of such lawyerly, dignified, felicitous, and neutralizing verbal formulae as “injudicious,” “unsound,” “abuse of discretion,” or “error of law” deforms language itself and camouflages something infinitely and egregiously more threatening, coercive, and destructive of the judicial process. Such linguistic anaesthetization deeply and subtly oppresses an attorney who seeks to represent his client and at the same time maintain proper decorum toward – and his future relationship with – the courts. It overlays the respective roles of supposedly neutral judges and the lawyer-advocate with a connivance, or a tacit collaborative agreement, to pretend that intentional falsehood and deception are something altogether different. It places him in conflict between his untrammeled loyalty to his client and his role as an officer of the courts.

    This Memorandum deals with what until now had been the hidden history of a legal matter that ranged between 1994 and 2000, and in which Sonia Sotomayor played a role, both as a United States District Court Judge and as a member of the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. I say “hidden history” because the matter played out just as the World Wide Web was in its infancy, and mostly in unpublished court decisions and administrative proceedings still not readily accessible to the general public or to journalists.

    While sitting as a federal district court judge, Sonia Sotomayor was also a member of an executive committee of the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York: the Committee on Grievances. In that capacity, she became intimately familiar with the facts of Robert J. Groden’s lawsuit against Random House, Inc., The New York Times, and Gerald Posner, in which I represented Bob Groden as his attorney, and she played a role in my disbarment following the Groden litigation upon the complaint of the district court judge who presided, John S. Martin, Jr. Later, as an appellate judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, Sotomayor cited the appellate Opinion written in the Groden case by her mentor, Judge Jon O. Newman, almost as if her citation was an inside joke among her colleagues, knowing that Newman had falsely portrayed the facts of that case, nevertheless promoting it (and not so coincidentally, protecting her mentor’s reputation) in a deeply dishonest manner.

    When Sotomayor wrote for the Second Circuit in the Scaglione case quoted above, she knew full well that Groden had been purposely, willfully, and deliberately denied that “reasonable opportunity to present all material made pertinent” to defeat his opponents’ motion to dismiss his case. The Second Circuit has repeatedly promoted its Opinion in Groden as valid precedent for this “reasonable opportunity” principle without ever admitting to the underlying procedural facts of the Groden court record, which reveal that he was deprived of the very opportunity to which they say he was entitled.

    Sotomayor superficially appears to be a rather sympathetic figure from an earthy background. Such people, however, do not always remain loyal to their roots when ushered through the Ivy Leagues and the halls of judicial power. When Sonia Sotomayor had the chance to “speak truth to power” – indeed, when she herself was the power – when she had the chance to expose the denial of a litigant’s due process right to be heard, Sotomayor did not merely remain silent; she protected her judicial colleagues and directly participated in sinking injustice into an embarrassed silence. At a crucial moment in the history of the controversy over President John F. Kennedy’s assassination, she helped to denigrate a true patriot in American history and destroy his life; helped to destroy his attorney’s career and his life; and failed to meet the test of honesty, independence, and integrity. As accomplished a legal technocrat as she may be, the spirit of the law and justice does not reside in this woman, Sonia Sotomayor, and it is doubtful she may be trusted to perform the role of a principled legal decision-maker in the nation’s court of last resort. Public confidence in that Court’s role and function in government requires that the Senate refuse to give this nomination its consent.

    True copies of five documents indispensable to an understanding of this matter are attached to this Memorandum as exhibits.


    The Groden v. Random House, Inc. Litigation in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York

    Nature of the Groden v. Random House, Inc. Lawsuit

    During two weeks in August 1993, Random House published an advertising campaign for the sale of its book, Case Closed, in The New York Times. It consisted of four separate advertisements. After twice promising readers to name “the guilty” in the assassination of President Kennedy, the last two ads named and depicted Robert J. Groden as one of six persons boldly accused of being “GUILTY OF MISLEADING THE AMERICAN PUBLIC” regarding the assassination. Each in the series of four advertisements ran in two separate editions of The Times that were disseminated nationwide. The last two advertisements attributed a quote to Groden – purported theory of responsibility for the assassination of the President. The source and origin of the quote were not otherwise specified. Beneath the photos appeared the legend in bold: “ONE MAN. ONE GUN. ONE INESCAPABLE CONCLUSION.” Readers were solicited to purchase Case Closed by Gerald Posner.

    Mr. Groden in the Fall of 1993 had a competing book of his own entering the marketplace, The Killing of a President. This had been publicized in the trade press, also some mass media, during the spring and summer of 1993. Besides this new book, Groden also produced and simultaneously released a video product for the home market, JFK: The Case for Conspiracy.

    Mr. Groden retained me in September 1993. On February 17, 1994, once his pecuniary damages appeared ascertainable, I filed a Complaint with a jury demand on his behalf in the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York against Random House, Inc., The New York Times, and Gerald Posner. Groden v. Random House, Inc. et al. was a trade regulation case in which Mr. Groden claimed violation of the New York Civil Rights Law ßß 50-51 (commercial misappropriation of name and likeness), and the federal Lanham Act ß43(a) [15 U.S.C. ß1125(a)] (false advertising).

    The Groden case did not begin as a politically-oriented case pursued for political purposes, but as a commercial case grounded in traditional commercial theories to recover commercial damages. Originally, the only issues we raised were the misappropriation of Mr. Groden’s name and photograph in the defendants’ print advertising, and the misattribution to him of a quotation that he never wrote or uttered – a quotation expressing a political conspiracy theory that Mr. Groden never espoused and does not hold.1

    In fact, both Mr. Groden and I disclaimed at the earliest opportunity any desire to make his case a platform for testing the Warren Report’s and Posner’s version of the Kennedy assassination. For example, my Memorandum of Law in Opposition to the defendants’ motion to dismiss the Complaint began:

    “The assassination of President Kennedy, which is rapidly passing from the sphere of current affairs into history, has been the subject of impassioned debate since it happened more than thirty years ago. This case is about neither the assassination nor the relative merits of that debate. Rather, it concerns the civilized norms of and proscriptions against certain forms of behavior in the commercial marketplace. That the assassination and collective memory of that event deeply touch the facts of this case, invites the constant danger that a fact pattern which, if it concerned any other subject, would be mundane, may obscure and overwhelm the very clear applicability of settled principles with unseen and unfortunate consequences.”

    Plaintiff’s Memorandum of Law in Opposition to Defendants’ Motion to Dismiss, dated May 20, 1994 (Document No. 12, Docket No. 94 CIV 01074 (JSM))

    To us, the fact that the subject of the assassination was involved was initially no more than coincidental to the fact pattern. In other words, this was a case of commercial exploitation of Groden’s personality and renown by a market competitor in an advertising campaign to sell a book that dealt only in passing with Groden himself.

    Other than to allege the falsity of the advertisement in general terms, Groden’s original Complaint did not specifically assume any burden of proving the falsity of the “One Man. One Gun. One Inescapable Conclusion” assertion in the ad as part of his Lanham Act claim. Furthermore, we did not claim that Case Closed was false, or that it falsely attacked Groden. Our position was that Posner had the right to his views, the problem involved here being one of unfair competition.

    Almost from the outset of the district court litigation, the defendants admitted that the sole purpose of their advertising campaign was to promote the sale of Case Closed. Their obvious intent was to promote the salability of the Random House book by attacking and discrediting a direct competitor (i.e., negative comparative advertising) in the marketplace for books on the subject of John F. Kennedy’s assassination.

    The thrust of the case, therefore, was to secure for Mr. Groden (and other critics of the government’s response to the assassination) the same limited protections for commercial marketing that are guaranteed to any other seller of a product or service, including communicative, without fear of having their personalities and good will with the the public exploited, and their books bulldozed, by wealthier and more powerful interests who, notwithstanding their own exercise of civil liberties, unmistakably seek also a commercial gain.

    Procedural Chronology of the Groden Case

    April 1, 1994, the defense firm notified me that they desired to make a Motion to Dismiss the Complaint under Rule 12(b)(6) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure, and enclosed a copy of their proposed Notice of Motion without supporting papers. A pre-motion conference with the presiding judge was set under his Individual Rules.2

    At the outset of that initial conference in chambers, the presiding judge expressed some concern whether we were “going to litigate the Kennedy assassination.” We did not regard litigating that subject as strictly required to secure Groden’s recovery under either of his pleaded causes of action. I asked, but was specifically directed by the presiding judge not to take any discovery of the defendants while their motion was pending.

    Defendants served their motion papers May 4, 1994. The final version was styled as a motion to dismiss pursuant to Rule 12(b)(6), or “in the alternative, granting summary judgment.”

    The attorneys for the parties exchanged papers on the motion, and oral argument was scheduled for June 24, 1994.

    Up to that point, the simple essence of the defendants’ arguments was that the first amendment should protect advertising for a book if it accurately reflected the book’s contents. 3 They did not claim anywhere in their briefing that the advertising campaign made a true statement about the Kennedy assassination. They did not argue anywhere that it was a statement of opinion about the Kennedy assassination. They did not so much as even suggest that one side of the assassination controversy was right or the other wrong.

    So long as they did not claim at any point in their papers that their book was true, or that what the book said about Groden was true, I was unconcerned. We were there about an ad campaign, not a book.

    Raising a New Argument and Interjecting the Milkovich Doctrine

    On June 24, 1994, during oral argument of the defendants’ motion to dismiss, their counsel, Victor A. Kovner, made a remarkable and bold new contention not contained in his briefs. The Kennedy assassination is such a controversial and seemingly irresolvable topic, he argued, that since no one has ascertained with any certainty what happened during the assassination, the ad must be taken as merely opinion. (They were apparently reluctant to expound this argument in plain written English on the public record while they were promoting Case Closed‘s strident, anti-conspiracy defense of the lone assassin thesis.) To my mixed pleasure and concern, I heard the judge say to Mr. Kovner, “You’re going to have more of a problem under the Lanham Act.” 4

    In a follow-up letter to the presiding judge dated July 5, Kovner advanced the completely new and novel suggestion that the standard laid down by the Supreme Court in Milkovich v. Lorain Journal Co., 497 U.S. 1 (1990) for distinguishing actionable statements of fact from protected opinion in common law libel cases should govern the same distinction in Lanham Act cases. Milkovich had never before been applied to a false advertising case. 5 (See Attachment No. 1.)

    In his letter to Judge Martin dated July 5, 1994, Kovner described how this came up:

    “At that argument, Your Honor addressed the issue of whether the advertisement’s headline “GUILTY OF MISLEADING THE AMERICAN PUBLIC” could be found to constitute a “false or misleading” statement actionable under ß 43 (a)(2) of the Lanham Act. Specifically, Your Honor questioned whether this statement misrepresented plaintiff’s “product” – whatever that may be – as opposed to misrepresenting defendants’ product, the book Case Closed. Since this issue was not the focus of plaintiff’s complaint or papers and thus was not discussed in detail in defendants’ moving or reply papers, the Court may find helpful supplemental briefs by the parties . . . on this limited issue.”

    Letter to The Honorable John S. Martin, Jr. from Victor A. Kovner, July 5, 1994. Joint Appendix at 206. Groden v. Random House, Inc., et al., 61 F.3d 1045 (2d Cir. 1995)(Docket No. 94-9100).

    This much we can derive from what Kovner wrote: At the oral argument, Judge Martin guided him in substance: “You’ve covered the point about the ad representing the theme of the book, but what about the ad’s attack against Groden?” This was a glaring “blind spot” in Kovner’s entire submission.

    Judge Martin’s question went to this principle of advertising construction in trade regulation jurisprudence: “Statements susceptible of both a misleading and a truthful interpretation will be construed against the advertiser.” 6 In other words, even if it were true that the ad accurately described the book, it might still be a false negative comparative advertisement as respects Groden.

    Here is the way Mr. Kovner summarized and finessed the new argument in his July 5 letter to Judge Martin:

    “Defendants’ supplemental brief would demonstrate that under both standard First Amendment analysis and false advertising cases applying ß 43(a), a verifiable false fact must be present for an action to proceed. See, Milkovich v. Lorain Journal Co., 497 U.S. 1, 110 S. Ct. 2695 (1990); . . . . Thus, finding a statement of fact in the observation that Groden’s conspiracy theory, as quoted in the advertisement, was “misleading” would require this Court to determine the truth or falsity of the conclusion of the Warren Commission.”

    Letter to The Honorable John S. Martin, Jr. from Victor A. Kovner dated July 5, 1994. Joint Appendix at 206. Groden v. Random House, Inc., et al., 61 F.3d 1045 (2d Cir. 1995) (Docket No. 94-9100).

    This issue raised by Kovner was not only outside the scope of Mr. Groden’s original Complaint, but was of a very different order of magnitude than the issues that either side had argued in their previous written submissions on defendants’ motion to dismiss. Kovner was now challenging us, in effect, with the assertion that proving the Warren Commission’s Report false was a logical requirement for Groden to prove his case, but that he could not do so because no one else had yet been able to prove it false. That assertion arguably rose to the level of injecting an issue of fact into the dispute at bar. The questions were now on the floor whether the court should/would apply the Milkovich standard to Groden’s lawsuit, and whether the advertisement stated or implied provable facts about Groden’s work that were capable of being objectively characterized as either true or false.7

    The Concept of Summary Judgment

    The key to understanding the significance of Kovner’s letter to the judge, and of what happened next in the Groden case, lies in the legal concept of “summary judgment.” Summary judgment is a method for expediting the resolution of a lawsuit without the expense and length of a trial when there are no material issues of fact outstanding between the parties. When such issues exist, they must be resolved by a trial. (When Robert Groden filed a Complaint in his lawsuit, he demanded a trial by jury. Sometimes, people ask for a trial by a judge alone.) The party seeking summary judgment bears the burden of demonstrating that there are no material issues of fact that would affect the outcome of the case, and that applying rules of law would require a judgment in his favor. The party opposing summary judgment must demonstrate either that there are factual issues for trial, or that, if there is agreement upon the facts, the law favors him instead.

    Because summary judgment has the potential of depriving a litigant of his day in court, a number of procedural rules and formal requirements have grown around it. However, exactly how much it takes to persuade a court that there either are or are not sufficient factual issues to warrant a trial was left in some doubt by a series of Supreme Court decisions in 1986, known as the Celotex, Anderson, and Matsushita “trilogy”.

    If, prior to Judge Martin’s dismissal of the case, there was any argument made by the defendants that hair-triggered summary judgment, this was it, because it challenged us to come forward with proofs. But the parties had already submitted their papers and their memoranda, and the motion had been orally argued.

    Meeting the Defendants’ New Issue

    I replied to Mr. Kovner’s letter with a letter of my own, addressed to Judge Martin and dated July 8, 1994. (See Attachment No. 2.)

    First, I noted that the defendants’ motion had been fully argued and submitted, and I objected to expanding the scope of the motion, While expressing plaintiff’s willingness to litigate further “if it will assist the Court in rendering a decision.”

    Turning to the new issue proposed by the defendants, I wrote:

    “The twin statements “Guilty of Misleading, etc.” and “One Man. One Gun. One Inescapable Conclusion” are false statements. They state facts that are objectively verifiable, and are made in connection with products and services in interstate commerce, both the plaintiff’s and the defendants’.”

    I concluded the letter with the following:

    “In oral argument, counsel raised the suggestion that, since the Kennedy assassination is such a controversial and seemingly irresolvable topic, the ad must be construed as stating an opinion. The Kennedy assassination happened over thirty years ago. Over half the population has no personal recollection of that weekend. The controversy is not a real controversy in the sense that, were the Government to reveal tomorrow that there was a conspiracy to kill the president, our lives or our society would change one iota. Also, as a private citizen, Mr. Groden is not in any position to affect the ultimate outcome of that controversy.

    “On the other hand, President Kennedy was either killed by one man or more than one man. This is, however, a matter that is capable of resolution. . . .

    “We offer to prove, through what the Government has represented to be the original autopsy X-rays of President Kennedy now reposited in the National Archives, the Zapruder film, and other demonstrative evidence, that there is a reasonable medical and scientific basis for concluding that President Kennedy was assassinated by more than one gunman, so that a jury may decide who is guilty of misleading whom. Groden cannot try the case of Oswald’s guilt or innocence in a civil action in the Southern District of New York, nevertheless, we can make a showing that there are substantial reasons to believe that Kennedy was shot by more than one gunman. Moreover, we will show that plaintiff’s belief that there was a conspiracy in the assassination is long-held, sincere, and well-founded in objective evidence. These showings would unquestionably render the advertisement false.”

    Letter to The Honorable John S. Martin from Roger Bruce Feinman, Esq. dated July 8, 1994. Joint Appendix at 209-11. Groden v. Random House, Inc., 61 F.3d 1045 (2d Cir. 1995) (Docket No. 94-9100).

    Judge Martin did not respond to my letter dated July 8, 1994. I called his chambers and asked his law secretary whether the judge would take any further submissions. I was told by his law secretary that no further submissions would be taken.

    After writing my letter to Judge Martin, I amended Mr. Groden’s Complaint as of right, served the defendants, and filed the Amended Complaint with the Clerk of the Court. The Amended Complaint added a new defendant, and furthermore contained the following additional language at paragraph 83:

    “83. The claim in the advertisement that there was only ‘one man, one gun, and one inescapable conclusion’ about the Kennedy assassination was a materially false and misleading representation of fact, either in whole or in part. There is serious and substantial cause for a reasonable doubt that one man, acting alone, shot and killed President Kennedy, and to otherwise believe that more than ‘one man, one-gun’ was involved. In the alternative, President Kennedy was in fact assassinated by at least two gunmen.”

    The Grant of Summary Judgment

    Judge Martin issued his Memorandum Opinion and Order granting summary judgment to the defendants and dismissing Mr. Groden’s case with prejudice. The defendants’ new “Milkovich argument” was central to his Opinion dealing with the Lanham Act branch of the lawsuit:

    “The issue is therefore whether or not the statement in the Advertisement, “GUILTY OF MISLEADING THE AMERICAN PUBLIC,” could be reasonably interpreted as stating or implying provable facts about plaintiff’s work. Cf. Milkovich v. Lorain Journal Co., 497 U.S. 1, 110 S. Ct. 2695 (1990)(in context of state defamation laws, distinguishing between statements,of opinion which imply false assertions of fact and statements of opinion – which merely articulate subjective assertions).”

    “The proliferation of theories about the Kennedy assassination is proof that there is no universally accepted factual answer to the question, “Who killed President Kennedy?” The statements “GUILTY OF MISLEADING THE AMERICAN PUBLIC” and “ONE MAN. ONE GUN. ONE INESCAPABLE CONCLUSION” could not reasonably be interpreted as stating anything other than a subjective belief. Therefore, the challenged statements are inherently different than the type of factual representations covered by the Lanham Act.”

    “The Court rejects plaintiff’s assertion that each statement in the Advertisement is capable of objective verification. While this may be true hypothetically, the known evidence concerning the Kennedy assassination and the extensive debate over the Warren Commission’s findings demonstrate that the actual facts will never be verifiable to everybody’s satisfaction.”

    Rule 12(b)(6) of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure stated in pertinent part:

    “[I]f the motion shall be treated as one for summary judgment . . . all parties shall be given reasonable opportunity to present all material made pertinent to such a motion by Rule 56.”

    In his decision, Martin included the following statements:

    “Plaintiff has failed to establish any factual dispute on the threshold element of a false advertising claim: falsity.”

    And,

    “Plaintiff has failed to establish any genuine issue for trial on his false advertising claim.”

    In truth, Martin had refused to permit us the opportunity to meet the defendants’ argument with evidence, the nature and substance of which we had apprised him we were prepared to submit.

    Martin made no direct reference to, neither did he evaluate, my offer to submit those proofs that we were prepared to submit in opposition to summary judgment had we been given the opportunity. Quite the opposite, it would be fair and natural to infer from Martin’s decision that he had given Mr. Groden the opportunity to submit evidence on the Milkovich question, but that Mr. Groden was unable to meet his burden of proof, and that “the known evidence” does not admit to ascertaining the truth. This clear implication was nonetheless false.

    The Judgment, dated August 25, 1994, read:

    “[T]he Court on its own initiative having treated the motion as a motion for summary judgment … the complaint is hereby dismissed for the reasons stated in the Court’s Memorandum Opinion and Order, dated August 23, 1994.”

    (emphasis supplied). Doc. No. 15, Groden v. Random House, Inc., et al., 1994 WL 45555, 1994 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 11794, 32 U.S.P.Q.2d 1266, 1994-2 Trade Cas. P70,702, 22 Media L. Rep. 2257 (S.D.N.Y. Aug. 23, 1994)(No. 94-Civ. 01074). (See Attachment No. 3.)

    When he issued his Opinion on August 23, with its false account of the procedures leading to his award of summary judgment, Judge Martin made sure that it went to the district court’s press office, and it was immediately publicized over the wire services and other media (I first learned about it through a phone call from an Associated Press reporter). There could not have been a better way to intimidate the lawyer who had taken this case into abandoning it as hopeless as soon as he read the decision, instead of vigorously pursuing corrective remedies, nor to confront a lawyer with the implicit threat that challenging this instantly and highly publicized decision would entail challenging the honesty and veracity of the judge, with all of the dire consequences such a challenge might portend. Martin was not going to alter that decision, let alone admit that he had refused our offer to submit evidence.

    It bears repetition and bold emphasis that Martin had raised a substantive issue in Mr. Groden’s case that we did not originally raise; prodded the defendants to advance a brand new argument after their motion to dismiss had been fully argued and submitted; then undercut us at the very instant that we sought to join this new issue – his issue. He used this belated argument, for which he allowed no contradiction, as a pretext to go beyond the four corners of Groden’s original Complaint and – in the manner of a preemptive strike – undermine and denigrate the significance of what my client had attempted to accomplish for three decades. It had been a particular concern of mine to protect Groden from this exact kind of overreaching. He had come to court to redress serious economic injuries inflicted upon him by the defendants, nevertheless he ended up suffering further gratuitous injury at the hands of the presiding judge.

    “The known evidence” that he “knew” about was not identified to Mr. Groden or me before Judge Martin issued his decision, or to the public and the legal profession through the decision itself. How that “known evidence” demonstrated anything, or would if it were identified, was left unclear, so that its relevance could not be evaluated. It certainly did not include “the known evidence” that he refused to examine.

    There is no requirement that a jury verdict put an end to all public controversy and debate. The “actual facts will never be verifiable” statement was an unwarranted and indefensible question-begging assumption. Judge Martin had our written offer to submit proof, which he refused to allow before issuing his decision. Since no competent or admissible evidence concerning the Kennedy assassination was before him when he wrote these words, they clearly showed that he was proselytizing on the merits or the importance of the controversy surrounding the Kennedy assassination.

    Among the other major flaws in this argument were its fallacious appeal to ignorance – we cannot infer objective probability or improbability, let alone truth or falsity, merely from the failure to demonstrate them in the past – and its fallacious appeals to popularity and to common knowledge: The merits of something are one matter and its popularity another; the issue in the Groden case was not what is commonly known (or believed) but what is true.

    More than the mere denial of an opportunity to be heard, Martin’s false account of the procedural facts of the Groden case was an integral, indispensible, incorporeal supporting element in the overall thrust of his Opinion, which conveyed to the press, the Bar, the general public, and other courts his “message” of what the Kennedy assassination controversy supposedly meant to him. For we need not concern ourselves with truth or falsity if people will never be able to agree upon the truth in the first place. Of course, this makes the whole discussion seem pointless.

    Post-judgment Proceedings

    September 1, 1994, within ten days after Martin granted summary judgment to the defendants, I submitted to the district court on Mr. Groden’s behalf a bare Notice of Motion to Reconsider, Reargue, Alter, Amend, Modify, Vacate and Voluntarily Recuse. Pursuant to Martin’s Individual Rules, the proposed Notice of Motion was served and submitted to chambers without any supporting papers, pending a motion conference. The Notice of Motion asserted numerous errors of fact, law, or both, also several grounds for recusal. Because the document incorporated on its face the names of the witnesses whose affidavits we sought to present, among other items, it evinced our clear intent to submit to the District Court the evidence that it had prevented us from submitting before the Opinion, Order, and Judgment dismissing the action.

    Although Victor Kovner never answered the Amended Complaint, on September 8, 1994. he did write a letter to Judge Martin requesting a conference to discuss the Notice of Motion. However, for more than three weeks after service of Groden’s Notice of Motion upon both chambers and the defendants, Martin never scheduled a conference or responded in any other way.

    Meanwhile, I was informed for the first time that a parallel lawsuit directed at the Random House ad had been brought by Mark Lane in the District Court for the District of Columbia; that a motion for summary judgment was pending there; and that Groden’s defendants in New York had submitted a copy of Martin’s decision to the D.C. court.

    Now, time was of the essence. Given his extravagant ridicule of the entire subject of President Kennedy’s assassination, and his refusal to allow me to submit evidence on a question that he himself had raised, it was a foregone conclusion that Martin would deny my motion to re-open his judgment. I had to make an effort to expand the Groden record, giving Martin issues that he could not determine as matters of law absent a jury. I had to get my evidence into the appellate record of that case.

    Then, on September 23, 1994, I was telephonically notified by Martin’s law clerk that, without ever having conferred upon Mr. Groden’s motion; without having received any papers in support or in opposition; and without having heard any oral argument, the court had issued a Memorandum Opinion and Order denying the Motion to Reconsider, Reargue, Alter, Amend, Modify, Vacate and Voluntarily Recuse, and dismissing the Amended Complaint on his own initiative.8

    Addressing what he characterized as “personal attacks,” which he also called “hysterical,” Martin publicly accused me of disciplinary violations, referred his accusations to the grievance committees of both the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York and the New York State Supreme Court, Appellate Division, First Department, and ordered me to show cause why I should not be sanctioned under Rule 11 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure. I was ordered to submit papers by October 14. The hearing date of the Order to Show Cause was October 21.

    With the issuance of Judge Martin’s Memorandum Opinion and Order of September 23, there was still no evidence in the official record of the Groden case that we had, by way of my letter to the court dated July 8, offered to make an additional factual showing to defeat defendants’ argument that the statements in their advertising campaign should be considered mere opinion. Thus, there was still no means for Mr. Groden to seek effective appellate review of Judge Martin’s refusal to allow him to submit those proofs to defeat the grant of summary judgment. Technically, I could not have properly or permissibly advised the Second Circuit Court of Appeals that this had even occurred without “testifying” for my client dehors the record.

    I resolved to seize the occasion of responding to Judge Martin’s Order to Show Cause, and to submit to the record those proofs that he prevented me from submitting earlier to preclude summary judgment, or later in support of the Notice of Motion to Reconsider, etc., together with further proofs relating to the quotation used in the advertisement. We might not be able to require the Second Circuit to consider these materials, since they entered the record in post-judgment proceedings and Martin had shown no willingness to take cognizance of them, however, at least the materials would be in the record for the Second Circuit to see for themselves, instead of my asking them to use their imagination.

    Friday, October 14, 1994, I served and filed with Martin’s chambers a set of papers and a videotape cassette of exhibits in response to the Order to Show Cause.9 An additional set was filed with the Clerk of the Court the following week. Demonstrating the good faith and substantive factual bases for plaintiff’s Motion, I included in these papers and the videotape cassette the nature and kind of showing I would have made upon the Motion to Reconsider, etc., but which Judge John Martin prevented me from making.

    During Mr. Groden’s subsequent appeal to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, this evidence was included in the Joint Appendix and record on appeal.

    Thursday afternoon, October 20, I served, and Friday morning, October 21, I filed on behalf of Mr. Groden a Motion pursuant to 28 U.S.C. ß 144. On this second disqualification motion, Judge Martin would have yet another chance to reconsider and either amend or affirm his previous findings.

    Friday afternoon, October 21, I appeared with Mr. Groden and his wife in court. The transcript, a copy of which Judge Martin later sent to the Grievance Committee of the Southern District court, which included Judge Sotomayor, shows that, while I referred more than once to Martin’s refusal to allow me to support the September 1 Notice of Motion, neither he nor defendants’ counsel contradicted that assertion in any way. (See Attachment No. 4.)

    The transcript of that hearing also shows that Judge Martin made no comment respecting the materials I submitted to his chambers one week earlier.

    By order entered December 5, 1994, Judge Martin denied the second recusal motion.

    John Martin had no less than four separate and distinct opportunities to calmly and dispassionately assess Mr. Groden’s good faith showing; after summarily dismissing his original and Amended Complaint, Martin’s option of vacating his judgment, at the very least to reconsider or amend his purported findings, subsisted to December 5, 1994, the day he filed his last substantive Memorandum Order in this case. The extended post-judgment proceedings etched a clear portrait of Martin’s repeated refusal to allow Mr. Groden a fair opportunity to be heard so that his conduct cannot be attributed to mere mistake or abuse of discretion.

    Evidence That More Than One Gunman Assassinated President Kennedy

    For readers with no interest at all in the subject of President Kennedy’s murder, the governing purpose of this section is to compare and contrast the Milkovich issue as it was raised and discussed by Judge Martin and his law school classmate, Victor A. Kovner, Esq., in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York with the body of relevant, competent and admissible evidence, including medical expert affidavits and exhibits, photographs and films, scientific analysis of those films, eyewitnesses and earwitness statements, and official government documents that we submitted to the official record of Mr. Groden’s lawsuit, bearing in mind that the judge had precluded us at the outset from taking any discovery. That evidence included the following:

    1. An affidavit (JA 213-223) with accompanying illustrated exhibits (JA 224-235) from Dr. Randolph H. Robertson, M.D., the first board-certified diagnostic radiologist in private practice to have been afforded access to original X-rays and photographs from the Kennedy autopsy;
    2. An affidavit from Dr. Cyril H. Wecht, M.D., J.D., then the Coroner Of Allegheny County (Pittsburgh), and one of the most experienced and respected forensic pathologists in the world, Dr. Wecht accompanied Dr. Robertson on the last of his four examinations at the National Archives, so that Robertson could explain his findings to Wecht with the benefit of the original materiais arrayed before them. Dr. Wecht has been there before, but he is not a specialist in radiology. He concluded that his earlier stated opinion of this matter was erroneous and concurred in Dr. Robertson’s findings.
    3. Authentication of the autopsy x-rays through the sworn testimony and expert report of a reknown forensic odontologist, Dr. Lowell Levine, D.D.S. (JA 252);
    4. An Affidavit of Francis X. O’Neill, Jr., dated November 8, 1978 (JA 266). O’Neill was an FBI agent who witnessed the Kennedy autopsy;
    5. Hand drawings by Francis X. O’Neill, Jr., attested and witnessed (JA 280-281), and illustrating his observation of the gunshot wounds sustained by President Kennedy;
    6. A true copy of the official form FD-302 report by FBI Special Agents Francis X. O’Neill, Jr. and James W. Sibert, another eyewitness to the autopsy, dated November 26, 1963;
    7. A hand drawing by another autopsy eyewitnesses, Richard A. Lipsey, attested and witnessed (JA 280), depicting the wounds to President Kennedy;
    8. A hand drawing by Secret Service Agent Roy H. Kellerman attested and witnessed by staff counsel of House Select Committee on Assassinations (JA 279). Kellerman was one of the two Secret Service Agents who rode in the front bench seat of the presidential limousine during the assassination, and who both attended the autopsy;
    9. Extracts of sworn testimony before the Warren Commission of Roy H. Kellerman (JA 286), and
    10. William Greer, Special Agent, Secret Service, who drove the death limousine and also attended the autopsy (JA 291);

    11. Official contemporaneous signed statements of Secret Service Special Agent of the White House Detail, George W. Hickey, Jr. (JA 294). Hickey was riding in the Secret Service follow-up car immediately behind the presidential limousine, and witnessed the assassination;
    12. The affidavit of plaintiff Robert J. Groden, a photooptical technician and an expert on the film and photographic evidence in the Kennedy assassination who was retained as such by the House of Representatives Select Committee on Assassinations, dated October 12, 1994 (JA 236);
    13. Video Exhibits (in a videotape cassette enclosed in an envelope attached to Document 19) including:
      1. Detailed blow-ups from the Zapruder film of the assassination (Exh 2-5, 10, 11);
      2. Details from the Orville Nix film of the assassination (Video Ex 9, 11)
      3. Statements by journalists Robert MacNeil (Ex 6), an earwitness to the assassination, and Mary Woodward (Video Ex 7), an eyewitness;
      4. Statement by Bobby Hargis, the Dallas motorcycle policeman who was riding to the immediate left-rear of the presidential limousine at the time of the assassination (Video Ex 12);
      5. Interviews with assassination eyewitnesses Marilyn Willis (Video Ex 18) and Malcolm Summers (Video Ex 19);
      6. Interviews with the Parkland Hospital doctors who attempted to rescuscitate Kennedy (Video Ex 14-16);
      7. An interview with former FBI agent O’Neill (Video Ex 17); and
      8. Other narrative and visual material placing the evidence into appropriate background and context;
    14. Portions of the technical analysis of the Zapruder film by the photo-analytical consulting firm, Itek Corporation (JA 297); and
    15. Warren Commission Exhibit No. 387, the official autopsy protocol re John F. Kennedy (JA 283).

    Competent medical and scientific evidence, corroborated by eye- and ear witness accounts of the assassination, showed that President Kennedy sustained two separate missile impacts to his head, instead of one as originally reported by the Warren Commission. This meant that at least four shots were fired during the assassination, as opposed to the alleged maximum of three shots from Oswald’s alleged weapon. Further, the two head shots occurred within such a minute interval of time as to physically preclude their having been inflicted by only one gunman using any weapon then available; the minimum time to operate the bolt-action mechanism of Oswald’s alleged weapon, as repeatedly tested by law enforcement agencies and experts, is far greater than the interval between the two separate hits. [JA 416] A digital enhancement of the Zapruder film demonstrated two separate and distinct impacts to the head, and this was also corroborated by measurements of the acceleration and velocity of the president’s movements as performed by photometric specialists at the Itek Corporation.

    The first shot to strike the President’s head came from behind the limousine in which he was riding. The available evidence is somewhat more equivocal regarding the directionality of the second strike, however, it affirmatively supports the conclusion that the second shot also came from behind the limousine.

    The sworn statements of trained law enforcement eyewitnesses to the President’s autopsy [JA 266 – 283, 286 – 293] corroborate the autopsy pathologists’ contemporaneous bench drawing [JA 226-27], their official autopsy report [JA 283], and schematic representations that they later prepared for the Warren Commission [JA 232] (the commission decided not to receive the X-rays and photographs into their record) in their location of one head wound. Expert evaluation of the autopsy x-rays and photographs confirm that wound location, but establish in addition the existence of a second, separate wound to the head. [JA 213ff.] (A panel of physicians appointed by then Attorney General Ramsey Clark in 1968 noted the second wound but overlooked evidence of the first, and conjectured that the autopsy pathologists had been mistaken by a factor of four inches in their location of a bullet’s entry.) A digital enhancement of the Zapruder film demonstrates two separate and distinct impacts to the President’s head. [VIDEO EXHIBITS 3, 4, & 5] That the effects of two distinct impacts are obvious only when the resolution of the film is enhanced and it is viewed in stop motion is corroborated by measurements of the acceleration and velocity of the head during the relevant Zapruder frames, as performed by photometric specialists at the Itek Corporation. [JA 297, see also Groden Affidavit at JA 236] Fragments of skull and brain tissue are seen to eject forward at the moment of the first impact. In another filmed view of the shooting taken by Orville Nix, a major fragment is seen to fly rearward at the moment of the second impact. [VIDEO EXHIBIT 9] At that point, contrary to what we were all led to believe many years ago, the president’s wife, far from attempting to escape the limousine, frantically retrieved that fragment. [VIDEO EXHIBITS 10,11] Radiological findings further confirm what the film unequivocally portrays at frames Z315-316, the elevation of the scalp in the rear of the President’s head at the time of the second impact [See, generally, Robertson Affidavit at JA 213 and Wecht at 382].

    Earwitnesses to the assassination heard a “double-bang” at the time the President sustained his head wounds. [JA 286 – 296; VIDEO EXHIBITS 6,7, & 8]

    Although some of the witnesses interviewed on film were not formally qualified under oath, all of them were alive and available to testify or to be deposed.

    The synergistic relationship between these independent sources of data hardly merits extended discussion: The medical evidence describes what the motion picture films portray; the mathematical evidence measures what the eye perceives; and both the autopsy and the film evidence propose what the closest witnesses to the assassination actually heard. Juries decide matters of historical fact on the basis of such evidence every day. The apologists, including Posner, merely speculate that a neuromuscular spasm or “reverse jet effect” occurred. The evidence, however, affirmatively proves two shots to the head.

    With only three weeks to put this material together, I believe that I established a serious issue warranting a hearing and/or trial.10

    Interestingly, at no point during the district or appellate court litigation did either the district court judge or the defendants ever advert to the plaintiff’s initial offer to make an evidentiary showing, or to our actual submission of the evidence during post-judgment proceedings.

    The Groden case marked a turning point in the history of the controversy over President Kennedy’s assassination. Until then, the federal government, its minions, and its sycophants could boast that, despite all their sniping, the critics of the Warren Commission had never been able to produce any credible, affirmative evidence that more than one gunman was responsible for the crime. The Posner Case Closed phenomenon was to put a cap on the case, marginalize the critics, and allow organized society to carry on, at least for the foreseeable future. What neither the Warren Commission’s apologists (including Posner) nor the critics could anticipate, however, was that the emergence of a coherent and cohesive body of evidence forcing the conclusion that at least one or two additional assassns may have escaped would mandate a drastically different tact by the established order. Now, instead of championing “one man, one gun, one inescapable conclusion,” there would no longer be any conclusion: They would simply throw Posner’s book into the dustbin of history together with all the rest, and let those dwindling numbers who were still absorbed by the subject argue among themselves on the Internet.

    If the courts assume to legislate a community norm for discussion of this subject, e.g., by declaring that it is all a matter of taste and not conducive to the application of rational processes for settlement of the dispute – in other words, once confrontation according to the rules of evidence and logic is decreed unnecessary – then they bring themselves into conflict with their own institutional nature and the freedom of advocacy.

    Judge Jon O. Newman (Earl Warren’s Former Law Clerk) Covers Up

    Mr. Groden filed a complaint of misconduct against Judge Martin with the Judicial Council for the Second Circuit on or about November 4, 1994.11 It was denied by then Chief Judge Jon O. Newman, who subsequently reserved Mr. Groden’s appeal in the Random House case for himself, presided, and wrote the opinion affirming the judgment of dismissal. Judge Newman was the late Chief Justice Earl Warren’s senior law clerk (1956-57).

    It is a bitter irony that, while serving as Chairman of President Johnson’s Commission to Investigate the Assassination of President Kennedy, Earl Warren refused to receive the vital evidence pertaining to President Kennedy’s autopsy that we attempted to get Judge Martin to review thirty years later; that Martin deliberately refused to look at it; and that Warren’s former senior law clerk, Jon Newman, had it in his record-on-appeal, yet chose to cover up for Martin’s actions. Here is how he did it:

    “In any event, Groden had ample opportunity to present evidence outside the pleadings, and in fact he did so, submitting affidavits, Warren Commission testimony, and technical data concerning the Kennedy assassination.”

    Newman falsely declared that the district court had allowed us to submit our evidence, and even implied that Judge Martin had given it due consideration! Newman, who had the full record in front of him, kept from his readers that the defendants raised a new issue at the last minute, but that Martin refused to receive evidence going to that issue and, in fact, tried to prevent us from submitting it into the record of the case.

    “The District Court … rejected the Lanham Act claims because appellant had failed to present facts supporting his claims of false advertising . . .”

    He did not mention my July 8, 1994 letter to Martin.

    “In this case, Groden had sufficient notice that appellees’ motion might be converted and a sufficient opportunity to present any evidence relevant to the resolution of the action.”

    “Initially, it is doubtful that the District Court acted sua sponte, as Groden contends, since the motion before the Court explicitly sought summary judgment as an alternate form of relief to a Rule 12(b) (6) dismissal.”

    In other words, according to Newman, the judgment filed in the official court record stating that Martin had converted the defendants’ Motion on his own initiative was a false instrument, and Groden was a liar.

    Newman passed over the amendment of Mr. Groden’s Complaint to claim that more than one gunman killed President Kennedy as nothing but “… a new substantive paragraph clarifying the Lanham Act claim.”

    “Appellant thereafter moved for reconsideration of the dismissal ruling and for recusal of the District Judge. Judge Martin denied rehearing and dismissed the amended complaint, concluding that nothing new had been alleged. The recusal motion was denied for lack of any factual basis.”

    Demonstrating an intricate capacity for denial, deflection, and distortion, Newman clearly implied that Groden’s Motion had been fully litigated; in truth, Martin never held a motion conference and would not permit me to submit papers or argue the Motion.

    Finally, in his Opinion dated July 28, 1995, Judge Newman divined “[Groden’s] real interest in filing this lawsuit – an attempt to use a district court trial as a forum for ascertaining the facts concerning the Kennedy assassination.” Groden v. Random House, Inc., et al., 61 F.3d 1045 (2d Cir. 1995)

    Quite the opposite, these judges had something they wished to say about how they felt about the Kennedy assassination controversy, and the efficacy of Bob Groden’s calling, and they were not about to let evidence, or even argument, stand in the way of their pompous pronouncements.

    Newman did more than make himself an accessory to the deceit by the district court; he embellished and improved upon it.

    What Did Sonia Sotomayor Know, and When Did She Know It?

    The Hon. Sonia Sotomayor was a Judge of the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York and a member of its Committee on Grievances. Indeed, the record of the disciplinary proceeding reflects that Judge Sotomayer was one of the original recipients of a September 27, 1994 internal court memorandum that Judge John Martin wrote to his colleagues complaining against me. Judge Sotomayer is now a member of the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit.

    This is not a case where the author of a judicial opinion has fallen victim to a deceit foisted upon her by her own judicial brethren. Sotomayor was all too familiar with the facts of the Groden case.

    The Committee on Grievances reviewed and deliberated upon an uncontested record consisting of documents that were submitted by both the Committee’s counsel and me. These included virtually the entire contents of the District Court’s and Second Circuit Court of Appeals’ files from the Groden v. Random House, Inc., et al., litigation. The District Court, both in its final disbarment order and while defending itself from an appeal, represented that it conducted a de novo review of these submissions, which means that it did not simply rely on briefs or selected excerpts of the record, but reviewed all the evidence submitted in the matter.

    During the Groden litigation in the District Court

    Of particular interest is a contemporaneous fax by the Grievance Committee of the full transcript of my appearance in front of Judge John Martin on October 21, 1994. (See Attachment No. 4.) (The fax header identifies the Committee Chair, Judge Robert P. Patterson, Jr., as a recipient.) Besides indicating that the Committee was secretly monitoring the Groden post-judgment proceedings, this transcript records me referring repeatedly to Martin’s refusal to allow me to submit papers in support of, or to or orally argue, the September 1 Notice of Motion, and it further reflects that neither Martin nor defendants’ counsel contradicted that assertion in any way.

    Thus, months before Newman wrote his appellate affirmance of Martin’s dismissal of the case, Sotomayor and her colleagues knew that (a) both sides in the Groden litigation had requested a pre-motion conference; (b) Martin had refused to hold one; (c) Martin had instead denied me the opportunity to submit supporting affidavits, appurtenant exhibits, and a Memorandum of Law; and (d) had denied me any opportunity to argue the Motion.

    Besides having this faxed transcript in their hands even as the Groden post-judgment litigation continued, Ms. Sotomayor and the Committee on Grievances had the same transcript in the Joint Appendix to Groden’s appeal, which was among the many documentary materials submitted to them in the subsequent disciplinary proceeding. Both in my appellate briefs and in my submissions to the Grievance Committee, I repeatedly emphasized Martin’s obstructionist conduct. Thus, upon their de novo review of the evidence and briefs, Judge Sotomayor and her colleagues had full notice and knowledge of what had occurred.

    Following the appeal in Groden to the Second Circuit

    On December 18, 1995, the widely-circulated official newspaper of the law profession in New York City, The New York Law Journal, published a full column-length letter by me, replying to an earlier article about the Groden case. (See Attachment No. 5.) Besides its publication in the newspaper, I later included a copy of this letter in my later submissions to the Grievance Committee. Here is a relevant excerpt:

    For the first time in history. substantial relevant, competent and admlssible evidence was presented to a court of law through the affidavits of medlcal experts, official government documents (including eye- and earwitness accounts), and nearly two dozen film exhibits on videocassette to support Mr. Groden’s contention that President John F. Kennedy was shot by at least two gunmen, and that the defendants’ advertising campaign was literally and explicitly false, disparaging, and anticompetitive. Initially, notwithstanding our written offer of proof, the district judge refused to allow us to submit this material in opposition to the defendants’ motion to dismiss under Rule 12(b)(6) or, in the alternative, for summary judgment.”

    (Respondent’s Exhibit 9, Letter to the Editor, “Additional Comment on Lanham Act Suit,” The New York Law Journal, December 18, 1995), In the Matter of Roger Bruce Feinman, S.D.N.Y.(Docket No. M-2-238).

    Besides having access to the entire record, it is indisputable that Ms. Sotomayor and her colleagues actually reviewed and examined it.

    De Novo Review of the Evidence

    The Committee on Grievances retained an attorney, Steven C. Krane, Esq., to defend it against my appeal from its disbarment order to the U.S. Court of Appeals. In Mr. Krane’s appellate brief and oral advocacy before that Court, he asserted both in writing and orally on behalf of the Committee on Grievances that the entire Committee had actually reviewed and examined the evidence before issuing its Order.

    In his “Brief for the Appellee,” Mr. Krane asserted: The district court “examined the evidence (including that submitted by Mr. Feinman) and made its Order.”12

    The district court conducted a “de novo review of the panel’s findings.”13

    According to the Second Circuit Court of Appeals’ audio recording of Mr. Krane’s appearance on July 17, 1998, the following colloquy occurred between the presiding member of the Court, Judge José Cabranes, and Mr. Krane:

    “BY THE COURT: Judge Patterson’s Order is on behalf of the Committee

    KRANE: Yes, it is.

    THE COURT: – on behalf of the committee of six district judges?

    MR. KRANE: Yes it is. The Findings and Recommendations were reviewed by all six judges, and Judge Patterson signed the Order as Chair at-the time of the Committee on Grievances.

    Audio tape of proceedings held by the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, Matter of Roger Bruce Feinman, Docket No. 97-6064 (July 17, 1998) (on file with Calendar Clerk, Tape #278).

    Upon information and belief, when Mr. Krane appeared before the Second Circuit Court, he acted within the scope of his representation, with full authority as an attorney on behalf of the Committee on Grievances. Accordingly, both his written and oral assertions before that Court bind the Committee as having been made by their agent, at their behest, and with their knowledge, consent, and full blessing.

    The evidence, and the conclusions that logically flow from that evidence, are therefore inescapable: Sonia Sotomayor was fully apprised and aware that Jon O. Newman filed a false account of the Groden case in his Opinion affirming the judgment of the District Court dismissing Mr. Groden’s case. She had the facts even before Newman published his Opinion. Nevertheless, she twice subscribed to that false account, first when she ratified the disbarment of Mr. Groden’s attorney, and later, when she cited and promoted Newman’s Opinion in the Groden case.

    The Deleterious Effect of Falsifying Judicial Decisions

    Lying may be entrenched in public and private life, but it has no place in judicial decisions.

    A judicial opinion is an official act on which others rely. It decides a case and pronounces the law. A judge who decides a case without weighing one party’s evidence is denying the possibility that evidence will sway him. Such a judge is unlikely to be a person of integrity.14

    Writing an opinion without presenting a truthful account of the procedure or a meaningful account of one side’s arguments is propaganda. A judge who sets out to write a decision in which he knowingly falsifies the procedural facts of the case to achieve a desired result is perforce a dishonest judge. He has filed a false instrument with the clerk of his own court. He has obstructed justice. An appellate judge who would cover-up for the wrongdoer, going so far as to applaud his action as “appropriate” in any sense of that word, would be little more than a common criminal disguised in judicial robes. The fact that a judge’s recitation of the relevant facts in his decision cannot be trusted is crippling. Lawyers throughout the country rely on these written decisions in arguing their own clients’ cases. Other judges in other state and federal courts rely on these decisions in deciding those other cases. Once it spreads through the literature (and the spread can be fairly rapid) the consequences of this kind of misrepresentation – this fiction – can be practically irreversible absent some dramatic countermeasures.

    In the final analysis, this is not a question of “disagreeing” with the decisions of the Groden courts: One must disagree with them only in the same broad sense that one must condemn all forms of willful fraud and deceit. These judges did not make mistakes; what they did, they did knowingly, intentionally, and with malice. These judicial opinions were deliberately written with the purpose and intent of deceiving their audience. They falsify the facts of the Groden case. The inference that naturally flows from this falsification is that these Judges resorted to expedient lies to gain credibility and acceptance for decisions that could not otherwise stand up to scrutiny. They are obviously documents constructed to be used for polemical purposes. They have the smell of dead fish.

    The Disciplinary Proceeding

    In a post-judgment Memorandum Decision and Order issued on September 23, 1994, District Judge John S. Martin, Jr. publicly accused me of knowingly making false accusations against him on September 1, 1994, in the 28 U.S.C. ß 455(a) recusal branch of a bare Notice of Motion to reconsider his dismissal of Mr. Groden’s complaint, and next in a letter dated September 19, 1994, that I wrote to Judge Royce C. Lamberth of the District Court for the District of Columbia. There were five recusal allegations in the motion and Judge Martin refused to comment on two of them. He also refused to allow me to support, litigate, or argue any of them.

    In that letter, I referred to Martin’s “crooked and corrupt decision in our case.” I have never seen any reason or need to retract or apologize for that characterization.

    Notwithstanding Judge Martin’s representation that he was referring his complaint to the Disciplinary Committee of the Supreme Court of the State of New York, Appellate Division, First Department, no complaint was referred to that or other state court authorities. Instead, he sent his complaint against me to each individual member of the federal district court’s own Committee on Grievances, including Judge Sotomayor, then he continued to preside over post-judgment proceedings in Groden until mid-January 1995. All the while, he apparently funneled Groden suit papers to the Committee on Grievances.

    From that point, Ms. Sotomayor and her colleagues lay in wait, detained any disciplinary action, and did not even notify me that they were coming after me – not until after the Second Circuit affirmed Judge Martin’s dismissal of Mr. Groden’s case, and after Groden’s alternate appellate remedies had expired.

    So, I argued Mr. Groden’s case to the Second Circuit without full knowledge of the Grievance Committee’s actions and future plans. Had those been timely revealed and all the facts then been known, it is a fair assumption that Mr. Groden’s appeal would have been argued differently, and possibly by another attorney. In effect, the Southern District’s Grievance Committee became a silent party to the Groden litigation.

    There is no justification in principle for using disciplinary charges as a delayed action fuse. Serious allegations of ethical violations, if meritorious, should neither be detained nor reserved for the time and forum most advantageous or convenient to a complaining judge and his judicial colleagues. The Grievance Committee never deigned to explain the delay, either in notification of the charges or the activation of the actual disciplinary proceeding.

    The Southern District court’s disciplinary procedures, which were thoroughly revised within weeks after my disbarment, had clearly contemplated proceedings that were merely reciprocal or derivative of state court and state bar association disciplinary matters. They did not permit an attorney accused of professional misconduct to compel either the testimony of non-cooperative witnesses or the production of documents not under his control. I declined to appear before a court-appointed panel of attorneys in private practice, objecting to the panel mechanism upon Article III and Appointments Clause constitutional grounds. There was no evidentiary hearing in the disciplinary matter.

    Additionally, the structure of the federal district court does not allow one judge to rule directly on the legality of another judge’s judicial acts or to deny another district judge his or her 1awful jurisdiction. This, plus the employment of “law of the case,” inter-panel accord, or presumption of regularity principles, effectively precluded me from challenging any aspect of the trial and appellate court rulings in Mr. Groden’s case. Indeed, the attorney advisory panel appears to have relied solely upon Judge Newman’s Opinion and affirmance of Judge Martin’s judgment in Groden as the basis for determining that I made false accusations against Judge Martin.

    The Grievance Committee placed the advisory panel under extraordinary pressure. Whenever I provided extensive submissions in response to the charges, they were amended expansively with new charges, until I ceased answering altogether. Under the original charges of alleged disciplinary violations, the panel was unable to adduce a shred of relevant, competent, or admissible evidence of knowing or reckless falsehood under DR 8-102(A) on any of the stated counts. They were forced to resort to other theories of professional misconduct.

    Nevertheless, despite the extraordinary and clearly improper pressure exerted upon the panel, they completely exonerated me of two complaints that Judge Martin had emphasized in his public denunciation of September 23, 1994, and concluded that my first motion for his recusal – on the grounds of Martin’s past ties to potential witnesses in Mr. Groden’s case – had sufficient factual bases.

    Immobilized by the incontrovertible documentary evidence of a judicial deceit, the panel was then reduced to the silliness of employing their brilliant and expensive prose to express their theory of what constitutes felicitous writing. Having found that it was ethically permissible for me to seek Martin’s disqualification for bias on certain grounds, the attorney advisory panel launched against my alleged rhetorical inferiority with an orgy of self-congratulation. They proposed to disbar me for want of style, taste and discernment.

    For example, if I called Martin’s disposition of the Groden case and his intemperate Memorandum Opinion of September 23, 1994, “more the products of ill will than honest intellectual inquiry,” then my bourgeois plain-spokenness, sniffed these polished and refined partners from the vaunted elite law firms, grated on their sensitive ears and offended their delicate tastes.

    I was accused essentially of failing to maintain proper decorum, as though I were a mere spectator at a football game who impulsively ran onto the field to run interference for my home team’s wide receiver and had to be ejected from the stadium.

    The disciplinary process had no other purpose than to defame and discredit me; to defuse my justifiable criticism of the judges involved in Mr. Groden’s matter; and to protect their reputations. It’s goal was to hermetically seal judicial lies perpetrated against a litigant, his attorney, the press, the Bar, the general public, and other courts. A strong indication of the urgent, imperative nature of this goal was that, despite the lack of any interpersonal contact between the Committee on Grievances or its advisory panel and me, I was precluded from ever applying for reinstatement as an attorney without producing “a psychiatric evaluation stating that Mr. Feinman is in good health.” In other words, they had no means through which to attack the credibility of my dissection of this judicial fraud, and it was apparently a struggle for them to impeach my sanity as well, albeit they gave it their best shot. Shades of “re-education” in the former Soviet Union and Communist China.

    The Culture of Collegiality

    One judge lies; the others swear by it.

    That is the sum and substance of the problem facing the Judiciary Committee and full Senate in the matter of the Sotomayor nomination.

    There is a culture of collegiality among the incumbents of the Second Judicial Circuit, grounded in the general motive to preserve and continue their future relations and interaction, both formal and informal. Although their tenure is constitutionally guaranteed, from a practical standpoint, they must rely upon one another’s cooperation. However, when this culture of collegiality – this community of interest that the federal judiciary has created – encapsulates a closing of the ranks behind two judges without any regard to whether the facts supported their rulings – much like volunteering a passcard to enjoy their gated enclave – then what becomes of due process? Of Article III judicial independence?

    In a form of emotional blackmail reminiscent of the children’s fable about The Emperor’s New Clothes, the judges who presided in the Groden matter made their colleagues their willing accomplices in order to avoid the social and political costs of exposing and condemning their deceits. They counted on the decisive role being played, not by facts, evidence or law, but by cherished beliefs and comforting assumptions about the honesty, integrity and good faith of judicial officers and the common interests they supposedly share. It is clear that Sonia Sotomayor followed and complied.

    Despite her strong familiarity with the Groden matter and subsequent disciplinary proceeding as a district court judge, she nevertheless cited to Newman’s opinion in the Groden case as an appellate judge, as though it related the true facts. She knew what had happened. She knew that she was promoting a false and fraudulent account of the procedural facts in Groden. She could have washed her hands of the fraud, and refrained from giving it practically her support. Instead, she kept silent; she went along. She put her colleagues’ reputational interests ahead of repudiating false and fraudulent judicial misrepresentations.

    Covering up must be seen for what it is: taking on a shared responsibility for her colleagues’ malfeasance.15

    If, while sitting as both a district court and a circuit court judge, Sotomayor would not expose her colleagues’ manipulation or disregard of the facts in Bob Groden’s matter, can she be trusted to perform the role of a principled legal decision-maker?

    It is not merely her truthfulness; the issue is her willingness and backbone to transcend twenty years of acculturation as a member of the federal judiciary – including the personality cult surrounding that master of mythology, Jon O. Newman – and to stand up to expose a wrong committed in her presence and with her approval. It is her ability to think and act in an independent manner, paying no special deference to her colleagues. It is her ability to withstand the stress of going it alone.

    The collegiality problem in the Second Circuit has previously reared its head in slightly different form, when Senator Bob Dole and former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani, among others, repeatedly criticized Judge Harold Baer, Jr., also of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York, and accused him of harboring a prejudice and bias that infected his decision in a drug case.16 In the case of Carol Bayless, Baer suppressed 80 pounds of cocaine and heroin, with a street value of $4 million dollars, found in the back of a rental car with out-of-state license tags, at 5:00 a.m., after police officers observed four men loading duffel bags into the trunk of the car, and after at least one of the men fled upon seeing the police. Judge Baer incorporated into his decision on that search-and-seizure problem a personal stereotype he had about what the white police and the black street denizens of Harlem were like, and how they were prone to behave. He let that stereotype infiltrate his reasoning and judgment, and he apparently did this without having heard all of the available evidence. Because he allowed his personal and highly prejudicial generalization of life on the streets of Harlem to invade his evaluation of the issue before him, Judge Baer effectively precluded the prosecution from bringing out the truth at the trial of the matter.

    For a very brief while, the obsequious and sycophantic letter-writing, editorializing, and speechmaking hierarchy of the law profession found in Harold Baer a cause as convenient to their political agendas as it befit their unctuous sanctimony. Although Baer later admitted he had made a mistake, that was not before a tremendous public furor erupted over criticism of the judiciary as posing a grave threat to the foundations of the country. Leaders of the bench and bar rushed to publish articles condemning the criticism of judges. They stood reflexively together to defend a judge under attack, even though he had committed a grave error.

    Amid that frenzy of adulation for the federal judiciary from the vaunted dignitaries of the Bar, on March 28, 1996, four senior judges of the Second Circuit injected themselves into the public debate over the boundaries of criticism directed against federal judges by issuing what one major newspaper called an “extraordinary public statement”17 brazenly condemning criticism of federal judges. Perhaps not so coincidentally, just eight months earlier, two of the judges (Newman and Feinberg) had upheld John Martin’s rulings in the Groden matter. Although criticism of Baer posed no realistic threat to the judiciary, such attacks, they pontificated, “threaten to weaken the constitutional structure of this nation.” Embellishing their sanctimonious demagoguery, they said,

    “Attacks on a judge risk inhibition of all judges as they conscientiously endeavor to discharge their constitutional responsibilities.”18

    How did the attacks upon one threaten all? The high priests did not deign to explain.

    The judges apparently felt so strongly about the need for them to defend judges against attack that they deemed it “overriding” of the Code of Conduct for United States Judges.

    The hallmark of the Groden case, and the related disciplinary proceedings that followed it, is that, between all the federal district and appellate court proceedings, eleven district judges and a “baker’s dozen” of Second Circuit judges were exposed to the full Groden record, whose pertinent aspects were highlighted in the numerous briefs, motions, and petitions that I filed from 1994 through 2000. There wasn’t a single whistleblower concerning Groden’s attempts to meet the Martin-Kovner argument with a showing of evidence, or the lies that covered up his thwarted efforts. Not one, including Sotomayor, deemed the denial of Groden’s basic, unquestionable procedural and due process rights worthy of mention – not even in an obscure footnote. Not a single judge raised his or her voice in protest against the perversion of the judicial process. They were more concerned with their institutional priority of upholding the reputation of the federal judiciary than with a plain, ordinary citizen’s simple claim to due process – the right to present his evidence and arguments in court, and to have them weighed before losing his legal rights and more. They stood as one to protect the church of the federal judiciary in preference to exposing a rank and odious injustice. Like John Martin’s “actual facts” or Jon Newman’s “true facts” of President Kennedy’s death, the plain facts of Mr. Groden’s case lie buried beneath a small avalanche of glib citations, including that endorsed by Ms. Sotomayor during her own federal tenure.

    Nonetheless, it is Sotomayor, not her colleagues in the Second Judicial Circuit, who now stands for elevation to the nation’s court of last resort. And that is what casts her conduct in such a worrisome light. Can a judge who was willing to lend herself to a judicial lie – an outright fraud perpetrated upon a litigant, the organized Bar, the press, the public, and the courts of other jurisdictions – be trusted to sit on a court from which no further appeal can ever be taken? This is a question too critical to be left in the hands of lawyers and judges. For the sake of our democracy, it must be answered by the people themselves and their representatives in the United States Senate. Therefore, Professor Feldman’s cautionary notes merit at least a brief pause at the sound of the two-minute warning in this game. For all must understand that federal judges enjoy life tenure, and that the next Associate Justice of the Supreme Court may enjoy a tenure lasting as long as 35 years. Assuming his re-election, Mr. Obama’s maximum tenure is eight years, nevertheless, the rest of us will live with his choice for decades to come. The stakes could not be higher.

    Postscript

    Jon O. Newman continues to hear a reduced appellate caseload as a senior judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit.

    Although she has sat with Newman on dozens of appellate panels since she ascended to that Court nine years ago, the number of dissents from his opinions that Sonia Sotomayor has filed may be counted on the fingers of one hand.

    The Honorable John S. Martin, Jr., having failed to advance to the Second Circuit Court of Appeals or the Supreme Court of the United States, eventually became dissatisfied as a federal district judge and decided that his time was actually worth far more than a public servant’s salary – as much as $1,000 per hour, or so he proclaimed to the trade press – so he resigned from the federal bench in 2003 and returned to the private practice of law. Although he attempted to cloak his retirement from the judiciary as a “resignation in protest” against the harshness of federal sentencing guidelines, such noble pretensions contrasted starkly with his imposition of perhaps the cruelest and most unusual criminal sentence in United States history, condemning Luis Felipe, leader of the Almighty Latin King & Queens Nation, to a living death – life plus 45 years in solitary confinement, to be served incommunicado, i.e., without visitation, and completely isolated from all except his lawyer.

    Martin continues to practice law in a private partnership on Fifth Avenue in New York City.

    Due to the deaths of key witnesses during the intervening years since the Groden lawsuit, Martin was, and will likely remain, the only federal trial court judge in history who – at his own instigation, it bears emphasis in bold – was ever presented with a body of relevant, competent, and admissible evidence (medical, scientific, eyewitness. earwitness, photographic and motion picture) that two gunmen shot President Kennedy, but who turned aside and refused to even look at it, not less than four times.


    NOTES

    1. Although not identified in the ad campaign, the quote came from a 1989 book called High Treason, the product of two men, Mr. Groden and Harrison E. Livingstone. That book contained separate copyright notices, Livingstone’s clearly indicating that he owned the sole copyright to some of the work. [JA 68] Later paperback editions completely eliminated Mr. Groden’s copyright interest. [JA 300] During litigation in the U.S. District Court of Random House’s motion for summary judgment, conflicting evidence about the authorship and copyright ownership of High Treason was submitted, and there was no evidence in the record that Mr. Groden had ever held himself out to the public as co-author of the entire work, or that he had any control over the original publication and later revisions of the book.

    2. Judge Martin’s Individual Rules as then in force are reproduced in the Joint Appendix at 302-04. Groden v. Random House, Inc., et al., 61 F.3d 1045 (2d Cir. 1995)(Docket No. 94-9100).

    3. Document No. 9, “Memorandum of Law in Support of Defendants’ Motion to Dismiss For Failure to State a Claim or, in the alternative, for Summary Judgment,” Groden v. Random House, Inc., et al., 1994 WL 45555, 1994 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 11794, 32 U.S.P.Q.2d 1266, 1994-2 Trade Cas. P70,702, 22 Media L. Rep. 2257 (S.D.N.Y. Aug. 23, 19941 (No. 94-Civ. 1074).

    4. Although Martin had extensive and longstanding personal and professional ties with the Department of Justice (as Assistant Solicitor General he participated in the extradition of James Earl Ray following the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.; as U.S. Attorney in Manhattan he prosecuted members of the Weather Underground; and he had previously employed the in-house lawyer for Random House who was supervising both the Groden litigation and a parallel lawsuit brought by Mark Lane in the District of Columbia), during the Groden litigation Martin seemed more impressed by the “old school” ties he shared with the defendants’ lead outside counsel, his Columbia Law School classmate, Victor A. Kovner. Indeed, in a September 23, 1994, post-judgment Memorandum Order and Opinion, Martin called his connection to Kovner “a far more significant fact” in his dismissal of Groden’s lawsuit than his Justice Department connections and experiences. Kovner was Bill Clinton’s chief New York fundraiser, friend, confidant and, according to one newspaper columnist, a “judge maker”. Kovner’s wife, Sarah Schoenkopf Kovner, was Special Assistant to Clinton’s Secretary of Health and Human Services, Donna E. Shalala. One of his law partners, Laura Handman, was the wife of Clinton’s former White House Deputy Chief of Staff, Harold Ickes. The Kovners accompanied the Clintons to Israel during the Groden litigation, although their role in Mideast diplomacy was never clarified. While Kovner’s motion to dismiss Groden’s lawsuit was pending, he and Martin dined together at New York’s Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, a fact they never disclosed to Mr. Groden’s attorney.

    5. That case holds that there is no first amendment privilege for expressions of “opinion” per se, since such expressions often imply an assertion of objective fact. An allegedly libelous (hence, false and defamatory statement, is not protected under the first amendment if it states or implies assertions of fact which are provable as false. As Mr. Kovner correctly noted, therefore, the test, was “verifiability,” or whether the statement was capable of being objectively characterized as true or false.

    6. Murray Space Shoe Corp. v. FTC, 304 F.2d 270, 272 (2d Cir. 1962), citing United States v. Ninety-Five Barrels of Vinegar, 265 U.S. 438, 443 (1924) (“Deception may result from the use of statements not technically false or which may be literally true.”).

    7. Kovner’s raising an important argument for the first time in a post-submission letter under the guise of a request for further briefing did not seem to trouble the District Court, neither did it trouble the Second Circuit Court of Appeals, as we’ll see later.

    8. (Joint Appendix at 177. Groden v. Random House, Inc., et al., 61 F.3d 1045 (2d Cir. 1995)(Docket No. 94-9100))

    9. Joint Appendix 184-352. Groden v. Random House, Inc., 61 F.3d 1045 (2d Cir. 1995) (Docket No. 94-9100) and the videocassette enclosed in an envelope attached to Document 19, Groden v. Random House, Inc., et al., 1994 WL 45555, 1994 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 11794, 32 U.S.P.Q.2d 1266, 1994-2 Trade Cas. P70,702, 22 Media L. Rep. 2257 (S.D.N.Y. Aug. 23, 1994)(No. 94-Civ. 1074). (see also, Respondent’s Exhibit 5 and the videocassette submitted to the U.S.D.C.-S.D.N.Y. Grievance Committee in Matter of Roger Bruce Feinman, Docket No. M-2-238.)

    10. This case would have been for me to try, not Mr. Groden. Consistent with my duty to exercise independent judgment on behalf of my client, the evidentiary showing that we wished to make in opposition to summary judgment was entirely my work product and responsibility — conceived, ordered and compiled by me based upon my own studies of the Kennedy assassination during the past 30 years, and Mr. Groden merely assisted me in editing a videocassette of exhibits; consulting with me about the contents of his affidavits; and reviewing and signing the affidavits that I drafted for him, adding a few of his own personal touches as he and I felt appropriate.

    11. In re Charge of Judicial Misconduct, No. 94-8563 (Jud’l. Council of the 2nd Cir.).

    12. Brief for the Appellee Committee on Grievances of the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York, dated July 10, 1998, at p. 13, U.S.C.A.2d (Docket No. 97-6064).

    13. Id. at 21, n. 10.

    14. Stephen L. Carter, Integrity. Basic Books, New York: 1995

    15. Sissela Bok, “Lying: Moral Choice in Public and Private Life.” Second Vintage Books Edition (1999) at 158.

    16. See, e.g., The New York Daily News, Saturday, January 27, 1996, p. 5.

    17. The New York Times, March 29, 1996, p. B1,4

    18. Joint statement of Jon 0. Newman, J. Edward Lumbard, Wilfred Feinberg, and James L. Oakes, former chief judges of the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, March 28, 1996.

  • Pat Speer, The Mysterious Death of Number Thirty-Five

    Pat Speer, The Mysterious Death of Number Thirty-Five


    speer dvdA new video documentary on the medical evidence in the JFK case is raising the bar on Kennedy research productions.

    In The Mysterious Death of Number Thirty-Five, longtime researcher Pat Speer was aided by two skillful technicians, director Braddon Mendelson and music composer Scott Douglas MacLachlan. These two men, especially the former, were very helpful in making Speer’s documentary aesthetically pleasing.

    (One of my pet peeves in the Kennedy research field is that many independent video productions e.g. Shane O’Sullivan’s DVD RFK Must Die! look like they were made in 1965. That is, at about the skill and technical level of Emile D’Antonio’s talking head film of Mark Lane’s Rush to Judgment. With all the incredible advances in computer programming we have today, this is completely unnecessary. For a very reasonable price one can put together a slick looking production. And make no mistake, the skill in presentation makes a difference in the effective delivery of the message.)

    In this regard, Speer was well served by his cohorts. This film should serve as a model for how to represent the research community in this digital day and age. It is not in the technical stratosphere of Robert Stone’s Oswald’s Ghost, but 1.) Speer didn’t have Stone’s bucks, and 2.) Speer has actually dug beneath the surface of the Warren Commission pabulum. And what he shows us is stark, black, and even worse, proved that way by their own words and deeds.

    If you have read Part Four of my review of Vincent Bugliosi’s Reclaiming History, you can see I used some of Speer’s material in my critique of the former DA’s discussion of President Kennedy’s autopsy. Although Speer has a wider range of interest in the JFK case, he has spent most of his time studying the medical evidence. (Although this may be changing. In a recent appearance on Len Osanic’s Black Op Radio, Speer hinted that he may be doing an essay on the legitimacy of the evidence found at the so-called sniper’s nest.)

    This documentary has five major sections. The first is an examination of some of the work of Dr. Michael Baden for the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA). The second section deals with how the Warren Commission made the Single Bullet Theory (SBT) work. The third part is about the reaction of the government to the critical works about the Warren Commission, which emerged in 1966-67, and how high officials forced the pathologists to switch their stories and dissimulate in public. Part four deals with the true orientation of the famous “mystery photo” of the autopsy. It is sometimes called the “skull wound” photo. It is a crucial piece of evidence since allegedly it is the only photo taken of the skull with the scalp refracted and a hole evident. The last part of the documentary is a slide show, which Pat uses to discuss various pieces of medical evidence that are quite puzzling when they stand alone. So he places them in context with other exhibits to try and explain their meaning.

    The first section is slightly humorous, in that it shows us an alleged authority tripping up over the evidentiary flip flops necessitated by upholding the official story. Speer shows us some rarely seen House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) footage of Michael Baden up on a stage introducing the “Mystery photo”. One reason the picture is called that is because the photo is posed and shot so badly that it is hard to orient the picture. Therefore it is not easy to orient as part of President Kennedy’s head. Surely, Baden is clueless as to what it represents. When he placed the picture on an easel for public display, instead of placing it right side up, it was upside down. Which disorients top, bottom, left and right. We then watch as he begins to lecture about it, saying that it depicted the front of Kennedy’s skull and the defect on it was a beveled wound of exit. He actually quotes pathologist Jim Humes as saying this. Yet, pathologists Humes, and Pierre Finck both originally wrote – and we see their original typed words on screen – that they could find no exit near that point. We then see how Baden got the HSCA artist to draw an illustration of a bullet exiting at this point – above the forehead on the right side – with no bone above that trajectory. Yet, as Speer informs us, the Ramsey Clark Panel – appointed to review the medical evidence in 1968 – also wrote that there was no exit in the forehead above the right eye.

    Speer closes this section with what made these gyrations necessary. He poses this question: Why all this thrashing about by Baden in 1978? Didn’t the original autopsy team of Humes, Finck, and Thornton Boswell identify what this photo really represented? The answer to that question is: Yes, they did just that. But here’s the problem: Unlike Baden, they said the photo depicted the posterior of Kennedy’s skull. Yep, not the front, but the back. So it was imperative that Baden change the positioning of the photo. If he left it as a posterior photo it would appear as an exit in the back of the head – which meant the shot came from the front. Anything exonerating Oswald was altered by Robert Blakey’s HSCA. And Baden, like Arlen Specter, was eager to make a national name for himself. Therefore, he fumbled with the photo in public. Not really caring if it was right side up, upside down, or sideways. After all, he was just reading a script.

    The second section deals almost exclusively with the Warren Commission and their struggle to make the SBT work – whatever the cost. The night of the autopsy, the pathologists could find no exit for the back wound. And the FBI report dutifully recorded this. But as the story goes – and as I wrote in my Bugliosi review there is reason to doubt it – Humes talked to the Dallas doctors the next day and discovered a tracheotomy incision was made over a neck wound. This now became the exit for the back wound.

    Yet, at the Warren Commission executive session hearing of 1/27/64, Chief Counsel J. Lee Rankin exclaimed that the back wound was too low to match the throat wound. Knowing this, the Commission sent Specter into action. Humes and Boswell were sent to meet with a young medical illustrator named Harold Rydberg. Rydberg was supposed to draw illustrations of both the wounds in the head and the wound in the back. There was a serious problem with the meeting. Humes and Boswell came to meet him with nothing: no photos, sketches, measurements. And we know this to be true not just from Rydberg, but as Speer shows, through the notes of his commanding officer, Captain Stover. The doctors now instructed Rydberg to draw a fallacious portrait of the back wound to cure Rankin’s problem. With nothing to go by except the pathologists’ words, he did. Rydberg raised the wound in the back above the wound in the neck. (Speer even shows a Warren Commission internal memo where Specter admits there is a discrepancy between the Rydberg drawings and the actual wound locations.)

    To underline Specter’s perfidy, the film then moves to the Dallas reconstruction of the shooting. Specter later admitted that a Secret Service officer had shown him the autopsy photos that day. (There is a question about who it is. It may be Elmer Moore or Tom Kelley.) As shown in the film, the photo of Specter lining up this reconstruction used by the Commission does not reveal the accurate white dot on the model locating the back wound. But Speer shows us another photo, which does show it. And at this location, from the high sixth floor angle, the trajectory would not have exited the throat. It would have been too low. During his Warren Commission testimony of 6/4/64, FBI agent Lyndal Shaneyfelt was careful to dance around this issue saying that the trajectory “approximated” the entrance wound. But in private, Rankin was much more candid about the Commission’s aim: “Our intention is not to establish the point with complete accuracy, but merely to substantiate the hypothesis which underlies the conclusions that Oswald was the sole assassin.” (Memo of 4/27/64) Note the use of the word “hypothesis”. Rankin knows they never proved their case. Even today, it is still shocking to read something as cavalier as that about the assassination of President Kennedy. Which clearly connotes the irresponsible attribution of murder to a man who was never allowed a defense.

    The film goes on to show just how conscious the dog and pony show was. When Kelley testified before the Commission on 6/4/64, he let it slip that the wound was located in the shoulder area. Specter quickly covered up for him by saying it was actually in the neck. Speer tops this section off by repeating the declassified revelation that Commissioner Gerald Ford then changed the wording of the Warren Report by moving the location of the back wound from the back to the neck. The coda to this segment is the audiotapes of the famous phone call between LBJ and Commissioner Richard Russell. This is where they both admit that they don’t believe the SBT. Which, ipso facto, makes them conspiracy theorists.

    Section Three begins with the tumult caused in 1966-67 by the publication of books by authors who actually read the Warren Commission volumes and found them remarkably unconvincing. Speer here uses the famous memo from former Warren Commission counsel David Slawson, originally discovered by Gary Aguilar. Lawson worked in the Justice Department at the time, and he understood what was at stake – namely the undoing of the entire Commission, and the staff’s pubic disgrace and humiliation. So Slawson wanted to head the critics off at the pass. On 11/20/66 he wrote to Attorney General Ramsey Clark, “If public opinion continues to develop as it has over the past few months, we may soon be forced with a politically unstoppable demand for a free-wheeling re-investigation of all aspects.” Slawson had no intention of risking being tarred and feathered in public.

    So what Slawson and Clark helped plan was a narrowly focused counter-attack. What this consisted of was bringing in the pathologists and rehearsing them on how to address the critic’s points through the media. So in late 1966, Boswell was released from his vow of silence and allowed to talk to the press. And he now magically moved up the wound in the back to the neck so it would correspond more with the Rydberg illustration. Which, of course, it did not.

    But further, the counter-attack fostered by Slawson now also employed his boss, Warren Commissioner John McCloy. In 1966 CBS had planned to air a public debate about the Commission’s conclusions. This would give both sides equal time. But as this idea went up the corporate ladder, the concept was first smothered and then completely skewered. In 1967, McCloy was brought in to be a special, but secret adviser to the now infamous series. This Eastern Establishment paragon flew into Washington and met with people like Dean Rusk and Robert McNamara. Now, Pierre Finck was ordered back from Vietnam to join the two other autopsists for another viewing of the photos and x-rays. In January of 1967, Clark told LBJ that the doctors were defensive about their work and worried about their reputations. But he figured he could get them to sign affidavits in a couple of days. It took more cajoling and arm-twisting than that. It took five days. But by the end of January, the Mystery Photo had been reoriented. It was now rotated from the back to the front of the head.

    Jeremy Gunn of the Assassination Records Review Board interviewed the pathologists about this reversal that took place from 1966 to 1967. To say the least, they were non-committal. They now had hazy memories about how it happened. As they should have. Because the affidavits they signed were not written by them. They were written by the Justice Department. The doctors were now reduced to the level of prop masters. And they reluctantly went along with it.

    The last segment consists of Speer demonstrating through four landmarks in the photo that he has oriented the picture correctly. The autopsists originally had it right. It depicts the rear of the head. And through his study of the photo and the x-rays he believes that two shots hit the president’s head, one from the front and one from behind. The small entrance wound is down low near the base of the skull. The larger exit wound is above it. This idea, originally expressed by Ray Marcus back in the mid-sixties, gets evidentiary back-up here. The film advances evidence concerning entrance and exit holes in the photos, x-rays, and with primary documentation. The fact that the pathologists were forced to retreat by Ramsey Clark, shows them professionally compromised for the third time in just four years. The first time was by the military the evening of the autopsy. The second time was by Specter and the Commission. The third time was by Clark and his preparations for the review suggested by Slawson.

    The appendix to the documentary is a slide show in which Speer presents some fascinating exhibits in the medical evidence. These constitute neat little lessons in certain aspects of the case. In almost every instance, we see how drawings and exhibits were falsified in order to accommodate Oswald as the lone assassin. My favorite is Speer’s critique of the HSCA’s trajectory analyst Tom Canning. And how he had to alter his measurements and drawings in order to accommodate the medical evidence. Even to the point of shrinking Kennedy’s head!

    One of the best aspects of the film is the way the film-makers actually use the words of the investigators themselves to show their true intentions at the time. And this shows that the JFK/Oswald travesty was no accident. It was designed to deceive. Its not an original device by any means. It goes back to Marjorie Field’s aborted sixties book The Evidence. But it’s nice to see it used in a different medium.

    I have two main criticisms of the show. First, I disagree with some of the interpretations of the evidence and testimony. Speer is trying to show how the official story – in and of itself – exonerates Oswald. In other words, he does what he does without questioning the validity of the actual evidence. In courtroom terms, it’s called using your opponent’s evidence against him. As I showed in my aforementioned critique of Reclaiming History, I disagree about the provenance of certain aspects of the evidence. For example, the 6.5 mm fragment that no one can recall from the night of the autopsy. Speer also believes the photos are completely genuine. Even the famous back of the head photo, which looks as if the pathologists reassembled the back of JFK’s head. And afterwards, they then gave him a hair cut and combed his hair. Combed it right over that big hole that upwards of forty people saw in both Dallas and Bethesda. He may be doing this because he really believes it. Or perhaps he sees this as the safest, most acceptable, most mainstream way to challenge the official findings. Either way, in my view, it leaves certain matters unexplained. Secondly, although the documentary is good enough as far as it goes, I don’t think it covered as much as it should have. In other words, it could have been longer and therefore more complete as to the medical evidence. I hope that another installment is issued.

    But in spite of that, it’s worth owning and watching. It has new and fascinating information in it. And it also reveals just how hard the forces of the cover-up must work to keep the autopsy evidence in this case in check. Because with the revelations of the Assassination Records Review Board and the work of people like Speer and others e.g. Gary Aguilar, David Mantik, Milicent Cranor, Randy Robertson, this area has become one of the greatest liabilities for upholders of the Warren Commission. And recall, this type of evidence is usually titled by rubrics like “hard evidence” or “best evidence”. As is shown here, the so-called “best evidence” does the opposite of what the Warren Commission says it did. It exonerates Oswald and indicates conspiracy.

  • Gus Russo Marches On: Or, Rust Never Sleeps


    The current issue of American Heritage (Winter 2009) contains an article that is actually featured on the cover. It is called “Did Castro OK JFK’s Assassination?” It is by Gus Russo and Stephen Molton, and it is meant as a combination summary/excerpt from their new book Brothers in Arms. After having read Russo’s first book on the JFK case Live By the Sword, and then suffered through both the TV specials he worked on – for PBS in 1993, and ABC in 2003 – I admit I didn’t have the stomach to read the whole book. But I felt it necessary to at least comment on the book via the article. I thought that would spare me a lot of unnecessary work and mental anguish. I was right.

    Anybody who understands the game that Russo learned to play can quickly guess what the book is going to be like from the title. The work will generally concentrate on the USA/Cuba policy from about 1959-1963 to the near absence of anything else in the Kennedy presidency. It will then use many questionable sources from both the CIA and Cuba to cast the Kennedy brothers in the worst light. It will also try and take advantage of the reader’s lack of knowledge of the JFK case in order to distort certain subjects and episodes. The overall aim is twofold: 1.) To slightly modify but support the Warren Commission, and 2.) To trash the Kennedy brothers. These two aims are inextricably linked in the Russo/Molton scheme. That’s because the design is the oldest one in the CIA playbook on the JFK case: Blame the assassination on Oswald, the Cuban sympathizer out to avenge the plots against Fidel Castro by killing the US head of state. This, of course, is what David Phillips thought of doing by bribing an Antonio Veciana relative working for Cuban intelligence in 1964. (See Gaeton Fonzi’s The Last Investigation, p. 143). But Phillips tried to work this same deception even earlier, on 11/25/63, right after Oswald was killed by Jack Ruby. At that time he was using another asset of his from Nicaragua, Gilberto Alvarado. On that day, Alvarado walked into the American Embassy in Mexico City. He told the authorities there that in September, he had seen Oswald with two Cubans at the Cuban consulate. They passed money to Oswald while talking about a murder plot. (See Anthony Summers, Conspiracy, pgs 415-419) In the former case, Phillips called off the effort, perhaps because the earlier Alvarado effort had fallen flat. Alvarado first failed a polygraph and then confessed to manufacturing the story. On the subject of Phillips’ propaganda about the JFK case, in part three of my review of Reclaiming History, I note that Ed Lopez and Dan Hardway of the House Select Committee on Assassinations came to an interesting conclusion about all these “Oswald killed JFK for Castro” stories which surfaced in the wake of the JFK murder. Namely, that every story in this regard was linked to a David Phillips asset. The CIA/Phillips ploy had at least three goals. First, to conceal the actual perpetrators of the plot. Second, to take advantage of Oswald’s undercover intelligence status. Third, to attempt to provoke a full invasion of Cuba in retaliation for the murder of the American president. This last is something that the CIA and Pentagon wanted Kennedy to do for three years. Yet he refused.

    Russo reactivated this tall tale in his previous book, and he and Molton try and dress it up and rerun it again here. Predictably, they begin the article by apologizing for the Warren Commission. They write that the Warren Report was “in hindsight, as accurate as possible.” (p. 20) So clearly they are headed for the concept that certain intelligence operations Oswald crossed over had to remain hidden by the US government. Then the authors pull something that seemed to me to be really dishonest. To impress upon the reader the idea that upper echelon leaders understood that the Commission could not tell the whole truth for national security reasons, they relate the famous conversation of September 18, 1964 between President Johnson and Warren Commissioner Richard Russell. In a taped call of that day, they both said that they did not believe the main conclusion of the Warren Report. In fact, Russell said, “I don’t believe it” and LBJ replied with “I don’t either.” (Ibid) The authors try and present this as both men not believing in the element of a conspiracy involving Oswald as the sole assassin. In other words, they understood Oswald was being egged and urged on by shadowy Cuban intelligence (G-2) cohorts. Yet, as Gerald McKnight makes clear in his fine study of the Commission, this is not what the two were discussing. Russell was talking to Johnson about his resistance to the single bullet theory that was being rammed down his throat by Chief Counsel J. Lee Rankin. (Breach of Trust, pgs 283-284) So the proper contextual grounding of this phone call cannot be a conspiracy with just Oswald as the lone gunman. What the two men are objecting to, the SBT, is the basis of Oswald as the lone assassin. Without it, there is more than one assassin. By not fully informing the reader of the context, Russo and Molton distort its meaning.

    Russo and Molton follow this up with another distortion in aid of their “Oswald as Castro agent” agenda. They try to say that Johnson and Robert Kennedy controlled the Warren Commission investigation. In their terms, they “directed its focus.” (Russo and Molton p. 20) See, LBJ and RFK suspected the whole Oswald retaliation story and wanted to keep it from the public. This is more malarkey. The Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) has now declassified every transcript of the Warren Commission executive sessions. In addition, the working papers of the Commission, as held by Rankin, were also turned over. McKnight based his definitive volume about the Commission largely on these ARRB materials. There is no trace in them of any direct influence by Johnson or RFK. The Warren Commission needed no such help in centering on Oswald alone as the killer. In reading the transcripts of the executive sessions and the testimony in the Commission volumes, it seems clear that the most influential commissioners were Allen Dulles, Gerald Ford, and John McCloy. And these three had their minds made up virtually from the beginning. In fact, in a famous anecdote, Dulles passed out a book at an early meeting that described previous presidential assassinations as the work of disturbed misfits. (McKnight, p. 92) Further, Rankin was a longtime crony of J. Edgar Hoover, and the Commission was overwhelmingly reliant on the FBI for its information. The FBI had closed the case against Oswald in early December. And on December 12, 1963 Hoover told Rankin that a.) Oswald was a skilled marksman, and b.) The bullet on Connally’s stretcher had come from Oswald’s rifle. (McKnight, p. 94) These were both false statements. Today, the former is universally agreed upon as false by everyone except Russo. The latter would be proved false by a later interview of Parkland Hospital employee O. P. Wright, one of the two men who first discovered the bullet. (Josiah Thompson, Six Seconds in Dallas, pgs. 175-176) And that Hoover lied about this key fact, and that Rankin accepted the lie tells you all you need to know about the report being, in the authors’ words, “as accurate as possible.” It also tells you why both LBJ and RFK were essentially irrelevant to the proceedings of the Commission. Once the FBI verdict was submitted, Hoover was not going to let the Commission stray from its essential findings. And with McCloy, Dulles, and Ford involved, he didn’t meet much resistance. (I will touch on Johnson’s actual influence later.)

    But in spite of all the errors, distortions, and misrepresentations on just the first page of the excerpt, Russo and Molton insist they actually have the truth. And they add that they will now piece together and “tell the real story for the first time.” (Op. cit. p. 20)

    They begin by saying that Kennedy was in the grip of a Cold War paradigm that was especially true for Cuban relations. They say that President Eisenhower and Vice-President Richard Nixon had been plotting a coup in Cuba. Further, that assassination was part of it. Thus the historical backdrop is dubious at the start. It is true that Eisenhower did OK a plan to overthrow the Castro government. But he was urged on in this by CIA Director Allen Dulles. It was Dulles who first proposed the trade embargo on Cuba and urged Eisenhower to try and spread it to all American allies in order to isolate the island. Many commentators, including Harry Truman, have said it was this move which almost guaranteed that Castro would be thrown into the arms of the Russians. Which may have been the crusty old Director’s aim all along. (I have always respected Dulles’ brains as much as I didn’t the uses to which he put them.) In fact, in this whole preliminary Cuban/American discussion, there is no mention of Dulles or the CIA! Which is incredible. Because it is Dulles and the Agency which will continue with the overthrow plot and push it on the new president after Eisenhower leaves office. This resulted in the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion. And its utter failure caused President Kennedy to fire its main architects, Dulles, Deputy Director Charles Cabell, and Director of Plans Dick Bissell. If you can believe it, in this article, the authors never mention this crucial information.

    Instead, they jump immediately to November of 1961 and Operation Mongoose. And then they distort that also. They say that RFK was closely involved with Mongoose but they leave out the main reason: after they were deceived on the Bay of Pigs, the Kennedys did not trust the CIA anymore. If you leave out the Bay of Pigs debacle, you can shove that crucial fact under the rug. And because this is Gus Russo, the essay tries to state that the Kennedys were part of the CIA’s attempts to assassinate Castro. The problem here is that both the CIA Inspector General Report on the plots to kill Castro, and the records of Mongoose have both been declassified by the ARRB. No reasonable person can state today that those records reveal what Russo says they do. In fact, Russo still uses the notorious liar Sam Halpern to try and insinuate the opposite. Halpern has been exposed many times by, among others, David Talbot and myself as being a fabricator on this issue. Russo and Molton then write that the Missile Crisis was precipitated over Mongoose. Yet in what is probably the best book on the Missile Crisis, The Kennedy Tapes, the authors disagree. In a long and detailed analysis based on declassified Soviet records, they note that Khrushchev first surfaced the idea of shipping nuclear missiles to Cuba in April of 1962. Why? This is one month after the US had completed its installation of Jupiter missiles in Turkey. (Ernest May and Philip Zelikow, The Kennedy Tapes, p. 674) That same month, the US resumed nuclear tests in the Pacific. The combination of these two events – both in April of 1962 – coincide with Khrushchev’s first private discussions of the matter with friend and Politburo member Anastas Mikoyan and then with defense minister Rodion Malinovsky. (Ibid p. 675) Further, when Castro was first approached about the installation, he was reluctant to accept it. He felt – correctly – that Cuba was being used to change the global balance of power. (Ibid p. 676) Castro felt that the deployment of the nuclear missiles would itself create an intense crisis. By ignoring all this new, relevant and documented information, the authors can then distort the causes of the Missile Crisis.

    When Russo and Molton go outside of Cuba, they have the same monomaniacal agenda. They actually can write that after Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic and Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam were killed, “Fidel became even more certain that he was the next hit on the Kennedys’ list.” (p. 24) This is ridiculous. In the case of Diem, Jim Douglass’ fine book JFK and the Unspeakable shows in exquisite detail that the responsible parties for the murder of Diem were Henry Cabot Lodge and Lucien Conein. (See especially pages 202-209) Not only did Kennedy not know what the two were up to, he was so distraught by what had happened he decided to fire Lodge. As for Trujillo, he had become such a brutal dictator, even his Latin American neighbors urged the US to get rid of him somehow. Yet, there is no evidence that Kennedy ever knew of, let alone approved of a plot. The actual assassination of the man was more or less a spur of the moment outburst. (See William Blum, The CIA: A Forgotten History pgs. 196-197)

    Around this point in the excerpt, Russo and Molton go into high gear and begin to describe their plot to kill President Kennedy. To say it is flimsy is to give it too much credibility. Predictably, they trot out the mildewed and disputed Daniel Harker AP story from September of 1963. Every writer in this vein – Jean Davison for example – uses this reportage and none of them seem to note that Castro disputes the story as written. (HSCA interview of Castro 4/3/78) And they also fail to note that there are two stories from this Castro encounter at the Brazilian Embassy in Havana. The second one, reported by the UPI and printed in the NY Times of 9/9/63 does not say the same thing as the Harker AP story. The latter quotes Castro as saying “If US leaders are aiding terrorist plans to eliminate Cuban leaders, they themselves will not be safe. Let Kennedy and his brother Robert take care of themselves, since they too can be the victims of an attempt which will cause their death.” (p. 25) The UPI fourteen-paragraph story had none of this in it. As the authors note, the Harker story appeared in the New Orleans Times Picayune. The unproven assumption is that Oswald read it and this helped ignite his homicidal tendency to kill Kennedy. So Russo and Molton give us a disputed newspaper story that was assumed to be read by Oswald as key evidence in motivation.

    What is the rest of the plot? Well, essentially it is a rerun of the script Gus Russo wrote for German film director Wilfried Huismann. The film he made out of Russo’s work was called Rendezvous with Death and was shown on German television in January of 2006. This documentary was so full of holes, and used so many dubious witnesses that Russo apparently decided to clean it up the second time around. For instance, it actually relied on the David Phillips inspired and aforementioned Gilberto Alvarado story as its keystone. Even though that fable has been discredited for decades. Yet Huismann and Russo did not tell the audience this. Nor did they tell them about Phillips’ association with Alvarado or how this paralleled other efforts by Phillips. I should also add here that in the original telling, Alvarado said he saw Oswald and the two G-2 agents in Mexico City on September 18th. Yet Oswald was not supposed to be in Mexico at that time.

    Russo and Huismann then built on this phony foundation with people like Pedro Gutierrez. In the Gutierrez instance, Phillips found someone who got the date right. This guy said he saw Oswald in Mexico City on September 30th. But he says he saw a payoff to Oswald right in front of the Cuban Embassy! That G-2 would arrange the murder of JFK right in front of CIA cameras is ludicrous.

    Russo also got his Witness for All Seasons, Martin Underwood, a posthumous gig. Why, I don’t know. Maybe the Germans didn’t know about his poor track record. But it seems whenever Russo needs someone to bolster some unbelievable point of his, he trots this guy out. Underwood was an employee of Mayor Richard Daley who Daley loaned to Kennedy as an advance man for his 1960 campaign. Russo originally tracked him down for Sy Hersh and ABC to bolster one of the many fallacious tales spouted by the late Judith Exner. For the shameless Hersh, Underwood said he saw Exner leaving a train with a bag of money in Chicago when she met Sam Giancana. Well, when Underwood was called to testify before the ARRB about this incident the Hersh/Russo/Exner fabrication collapsed. Underwood “denied that he followed Judith Campbell Exner on a train and that he had no knowledge about her alleged role as a courier. ” (ARRB Final Report, p. 136)

    For the German TV special, Underwood – who later worked for LBJ – passed on a secret report, which he only wanted revealed after his death. The secret report alleged that Winston Scott, CIA Mexico City station chief, told Underwood that one of Castro’s top G-2 agents, Fabian Escalante, was in Dallas on the day of Kennedy’s murder. And the CIA missed that fact. The implication being that the Agency’s miscue caused JFK’s murder.

    One problem with this is that, contrary to the claim above, Underwood told this story while he was alive. And a further problem with it is that he could produce no “report” when the ARRB asked him for it. Russo had given the ARRB notes, but Underwood said he wrote those notes for use in Hersh’s book. That is, they were written in the nineties, not in the sixties when Russo and Huismann say the “Underwood Report” originated. Yet Underwood insisted Scott had told him this. But when he did send the ARRB his notes from Mexico, they only briefly mentioned Scott, and there was no mention at all of the JFK assassination. When the ARRB asked him to testify under oath, Underwood wisely and understandably declined. (ARRB Final Report, p. 135) One last problem with the fabled “Underwood Report”. Scott’s biographer, Jefferson Morley, spent years researching the man’s life. In 2008, he published his book on Scott, entitled Our Man in Mexico. There is no mention of either Underwood or the Escalante story in the volume. Did Scott only tell the Escalante story to Underwood? Why?

    Realizing this was all thin gruel for anyone familiar with the JFK case, Russo and Huismann came up with a new witness. This is a guy named Oscar Marino – which is a pseudonym. Marino said that Oswald volunteered to kill JFK. And Russo and Molton repeat this claim for this article. What is this based upon? Well, when Vincent Bugliosi called Russo, Russo said it was based upon Alvarado’s allegation! (Reclaiming History, End Notes, p. 736) With that, we know what to think of Marino. He has all the credibility of Underwood. But that didn’t matter to Russo and Molton. As I said, they repeat the quote here. (p. 29)

    In American Heritage, Russo and Molton say that Oswald’s shooting at Gen. Walker in April of 1963 was supposed to be an audition for G-2. Further, the authors say that Oswald ordered the rifle used in that shooting, the Mannlicher Carcano. Here is the problem with that. If this is so, then the bullet changed both color and caliber from April to December. Because as Gerald McKnight notes, the original bullet was silver in color and not of the 6.5 caliber used in the Carcano. (Breach of Trust, pgs 48-49) The FBI and Warren Commission altered its color and dimension to incriminate Oswald. Somehow, Russo and Molton leave out that pertinent fact.

    From here, the authors transition to Oswald’s trip to Mexico City. They say that Oswald was declined for a visa to Cuba at the Cuban Embassy because of his erratic behavior. Not accurate. Whoever was at the Cuban Embassy – Oswald or an imposter – was declined because he wanted an in-transit visa to Cuba. The ultimate destination was Russia. Oswald could not get a visa at the Russian Embassy. This is why the Cubans turned him down. They then relate how Oswald went to a local university to get some student leftists to vouch for him in his pursuit of a visa. They say that when Oscar Contreras, the leader of the group, called the Cuban Embassy he was told to forget it since Oswald was unstable. Again, not accurate. Eusebio Azcue told Contreras that he should forget Oswald – or whoever impersonated him – because he was probably an agent provocateur. In other words, he was a CIA operative. This is why Contreras did not help. (Gaeton Fonzi, The Last Investigation, p. 290) This undermines their whole thesis. So the authors leave it out.

    The excerpt/summary ends in a crescendo of unintended satire. The authors write that because of the assassination, LBJ ended the secret war against Cuba. But the assassination almost forced a nuclear war against Russia based upon Oswald’s activities in Mexico City. (Russo and Molton, p. 29) What the authors leave out is that Johnson now eliminated the back channel Kennedy had been working on to create dÈtente with Castro. And that move caused the freeze out in relations between the two nations to persevere for 45 years. They also leave out the fact that the fear of atomic war with Russia was largely created by the phony Mexico City tapes the CIA sent to Dallas and Washington the night of the assassination. The ones that contained an imposter’s voice, not Oswald’s. And the whole idea that Oswald was meeting with a KGB agent in Mexico City to plan the murder of Kennedy was a fiction set up before the fact by James Angleton and David Phillips. (See John Newman, Oswald and the CIA, Chapters 18 and 19.) It was this false pretense which threatened atomic war that frightened Johnson. (James Douglass, JFK and the Unspeakable, p. 231) This fear was used to coax Earl Warren into helming the Warren Commission and conducting it in such a shameful manner. This also undermines their phony thesis.

    That’s pretty important information to keep from the reader. But its par for the course for Russo and Molton. American Heritage should be ashamed of itself for putting such a worthless piece of tripe in its magazine. Let alone on its cover. Shame on you.

  • Dick Russell, On the Trail of the JFK Assassins – Richard Case Nagell: The Most Important Witness, Part 2


    In reviewing Dick Russell’s new anthology book, On the Trail of the JFK Assassins, I noted how it revealed just how long the author had been writing about the JFK assassination. It goes back to at least 1975. And in my review I noted the multiplicity of subjects Russell had covered in that regard. These two factors, hitherto not fully revealed, shed backward light on his earlier JFK book, The Man Who Knew Too Much, in both its incarnations (1992 and 2003).

    Nagell1
    Richard Case Nagell
    Nagell2
    Richard Case Nagell

    When I first read Russell’s 1992 version of the book I was disappointed in the work. That book got a lot of exposure and was strongly pushed by its publisher. Russell got TV exposure and also an article in the LA Times. I thought the book was bloated, confusing, maddeningly meandering, and – most of all – wasteful.

    Why the last? Because, like others e.g. Jim Garrison, I have always believed that Richard Case Nagell was one of the most important witnesses there was in the JFK case. The only two rivals he has in regard to a conspiracy before the fact are Sylvia Odio and Rose Cheramie. Yet in the 1992 version of the book, Nagell’s story got lost. Actually, the better phrase would be it got buried. And today, in the aftermath of the current anthology, I think we can see why. In 1992 Russell was so eager to put so much of what he had been working on in the last 17 years into that book that he lost sight of the forest for the trees. This was unfortunate since, as anyone can see from reading On the Trail of the JFK Assassins, nothing else Russell wrote about in the JFK case ever approached the importance of Nagell. I could have easily foregone every sentence about Mark Gayn, and the Japanese International House etc. in the 1992 book for just one more section about Nagell. Russell did not understand this. And neither did his original publisher. This is what editors are for. To give a book wholeness and perspective. To tell a writer when he is wrong.

    Lachy Hulme finally did that. Hulme is an Australian actor who Russell is lucky enough to have as a friend. Hulme has a strong interest in the JFK case. And he understood the mistake Russell made in his first book. He convinced Russell to reissue the book in 2003 and he helped him edit out a lot of the pork. As we shall see, not quite all of it. But a very large portion of it. The text now comes in at a much more manageable 466 pages. The appendices and footnotes are about another hundred. The important thing is that now the Nagell story stays on center stage. It is not frequently consigned to sideshow status. Or, at times, completely absent. And that is the way it should be. Nagell should be the star – the name above the title. Sharing it with no one.

    Russell explains why right at the start. A most compelling piece of evidence that Nagell had at the time of his arrest in September of 1963 was a near duplicate of Oswald’s Uniformed Services Identification and Privileges Card. (See p. xvii) As Russell notes, it had the picture and the apparent signature of Oswald on it. Russell did not recall this card in the Warren Commission volumes. Neither did two other researchers he consulted with at the time. (ibid) The only other place the card had appeared was in an obscure book by Judy Bonner called Investigation of a Homicide. Bonner had gotten the card from the Dallas Police. But there is something even more interesting about the mystery. In the card seized by the Dallas Police, there is an overstamp that appears which says “October 1963”. In the version that Nagell had, the imprint does not appear. Why? Because Nagell was in jail after September 20, 1963. Also, the photo of Oswald in the Nagell version is different. That photo is from a different ID card. And on that card, Oswald used his Alex J. Hidell alias. As Russell notes, this second card is believed to have been fabricated by Oswald himself, including the added picture. In other words, Nagell had to have been very close to Oswald prior to his September 1963 arrest. For he actually had access to Oswald’s identification cards. Some versed in espionage would say that this indicates Nagell might have been either a “control agent” or a “surveillance operative” for Oswald. (The cards are pictured in the photo section of this book.)

    From this information in the Preface, Russell cuts to chapter one of the text. It is aptly titled, “The Man Who Got Himself Arrested”. At this time, Nagell had other things in his possession similar to what Oswald had in November: names in their notebooks, Cuba-related leaflets, and miniature spy cameras. (p. xviii)

    Russell details Nagell’s actions in El Paso on the morning of 9/20 better than anyone ever has. Nagell first went to a nearby post office before entering the bank. He mailed five hundred dollar bills to an address in Mexico. He then mailed two letters to the CIA. (p. 1. Later on, the author reveals that one was addressed to Desmond Fitzgerald. Fitzgerald was heavily involved in both Clandestine Services and Cuban operations at the time.)

    From the post office, Nagell walked over to the State National Bank. There was a young police officer in plain sight. Nagell walked over to a teller and asked for a hundred dollars in American Express traveler’s checks. (ibid) But before Nagell could retrieve the checks, he turned and fired two shots into a wall right under the ceiling. He calmly returned the revolver to his belt and walked out the front door into the street. He stepped into his car and waited. When no one came out, he pulled his car halfway into the street. He saw the policeman from inside and stopped his car. When the policeman came over to his car with his gun pulled, Nagell put his hands up and surrendered.

    The arresting officer was one Jim Bundren. When Bundren searched Nagell one of the odd things he found on him was a mimeographed newsletter from the Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC). (p. 2) When Bundren notified the FBI, lest the arresting officers forget, Nagell asked them to get the machine gun out of the trunk of his car. Of course, there was no machine gun. But there was a suitcase, two briefcases filled with documents, a 45-rpm record box, two tourist cards for entry into Mexico (one in the name of Aleksei Hidel), a tiny Minolta camera, and a miniature film development lab. As previously noted, the personal effects Nagell had uncannily resemble Oswald’s.

    On the way to the El Paso Federal Building, Nagell issued a statement to the FBI: “I would rather be arrested than commit murder and treason.” (ibid)

    Now, to anyone familiar with the JFK case, just the above would be enough to certify that Richard Case Nagell was in the know about who Oswald was and what was going to happen. But Bundren related to Russell an incident that makes it all even clearer. At a preliminary hearing for Nagell, the defendant related to the officer the obvious: that he wanted to be caught. To which Bundren replied that he knew Nagell was not out to rob the bank. The following colloquy then occurred:

    Nagell: Well, I’m glad you caught me. I really don’t want to be in Dallas.

    Bundren: What do you mean by that?

    Nagell: You’ll see soon enough. (p. 3)

    When Kennedy was assassinated, the full impact of Nagell’s prediction did not hit Bundren. But when Jack Ruby shot Oswald, it did. Bundren exclaimed to himself, “How the hell would he have previous knowledge of it? How would he know what was coming down in Dallas?” (ibid) When Bundren went to the FBI to try and talk about Nagell’s stunning prognostication, the agent he knew there told him he was not at liberty to discuss it. Bundren concluded from the experience that “Nagell know a lot more about the assassination then he let on, or that the government let on. Its bothered me ever since.” (ibid) Indicating Bundren was right about what the government knew, Russell notes at this point that one of the notebooks seized from Nagell that day was not returned to him for eleven years. The other notebook was not returned at all.

    As Nagell told Russell, the CIA was not the only government agency he tried to notify in advance of the murder. He also was in contact with the FBI. In fact, an FBI agent’s phone number was in his notebook. But that wasn’t all. He also had written down the names of two Soviet officials, six names under the rubric of CIA, a LA post office box for the FPCC, and an address and phone number for one Sylvia Duran of the Cuban Consulate in Mexico. This last was in Oswald’s notebook also. (p. 6) And not revealed until many years later, Nagell had a Minox miniature spy camera in the trunk of his car upon his arrest. The same kind of spy camera that the FBI tried to deny Oswald had for many, many years. (p. 6)

    I think it’s important to note: If the above was part of the contents of the notebook that the FBI finally returned to Nagell, imagine what was in the notebook they never returned to him.

    On March 20, 1964 Nagell wrote a note to Warren Commission Chief Counsel J. Lee Rankin. In that correspondence Nagell revealed his warning to the FBI. But he also revealed that he had made a request through the prison authorities for the Bureau to get into contact with the Secret Service about an upcoming assassination attempt. The date: November 21, 1963. Incredibly, Nagell’s name does not appear either in the Warren Report or in the accompanying 26 volumes.

    But probably the most interesting correspondence to survive is a letter that Nagell wrote to Senator Richard Russell. Russell was the former Warren Commissioner who had expressed doubts about what the Commission was doing. So much so, that he had conducted his own mini-investigation using his own investigators. Apparently, Nagell had heard of this. And in this letter Nagell, for the first time, revealed some of the specifics of what he knew about Oswald. He began by saying that he had been monitoring Oswald in both 1962 and 1963. This surveillance, plus information gathered from others, led him to conclude that: 1.) Oswald had no real relations with the FPCC 2.) He also had no real relations with pro-Castro elements, but he was gulled into believing he did 3.) He had no real relations with any Leftist or Marxist group 4.) He was not an agent or informant, in the generally accepted sense of the word. 5.) He was involved in a conspiracy to murder President Kennedy which was not communist inspired or instigated by a foreign government. (p.7, Russell’s italics.)

    The date of this letter is January 3, 1967. Before any of the discoveries of the Garrison investigation were made public. Before the domestic publication of the works of Mark Lane or Sylvia Meagher. In fact, Nagell was still in prison when he wrote it. And he had yet to be visited by any investigator for Jim Garrison.

    Later on, in a letter to Representative Don Edwards, Nagell revealed that his letter of warning to the FBI was specifically addressed to J. Edgar Hoover. He wrote it using one of his aliases, Joseph Kramer. In it he said that Oswald was part of a conspiracy to murder President Kennedy which he thought would take place in late September of 1963. (The mistaken date is why Nagell did what he did in El Paso on September 20th.) He gave the Bureau a complete description of Oswald including his true name, physical description, two aliases and his residential address. He conveyed certain data about the plot including one overt act which was a violation of federal law. And he used the name Kramer because two FBI agents in Miami knew him by that alias at the time.

    No wonder Garrison called Nagell the most important witness there is.

    II

    Russell reveals in his anthology that he first discovered Nagell through his meeting with Richard Popkin. He had gone to California to meet Popkin while on assignment for the Village Voice. But before actually meeting the most important witness, the author decided to stop in El Paso to do some research through the local papers.

    He discovered some interesting facts. When he appeared before the court on November 4, 1963 Nagell told the judge, “I had a motive for doing what I did. But my motive was not to hold up the bank. I do not intend to disclose my motive at this time.” (p. 13) Russell also discovered something that is interesting because it did not happen. Even though two FBI agents were in on his arrest, and the Bureau confiscated his belongings, no FBI representative testified at his trial. (p. 14) This is especially intriguing since, in a newspaper story of 1/24/64, Nagell revealed that the FBI had asked him about Oswald and Oswald’s activities. (p. 14) After he was convicted, Nagell leaped to his feet and shouted, “Why weren’t the real issues brought out in court!” Later adding, “They will be some time.” (p. 16)

    After his trip to El Paso in October of 1975, Russell then traveled to Los Angeles to meet Nagell for the first time. At this meeting Nagell was not really forthcoming but he did reveal that he had a photo of Oswald in his trunk at the time of his arrest, which the FBI never returned to him. (p. 26) That his mother and sister were both interviewed by the FBI after the assassination. (Which, of course, is strange since Nagell is not in the 26 volumes of the Commission.) Researching Nagell’s appeals case, Russell discovered a filing made in 1974 which was quite revealing about Nagell’s monitoring of Oswald. He wrote that although he was under contract to the CIA in 1962-63, he came to the conclusion that his inquiries in the time period which concerned not just Oswald but people like Manuel Artime and Vaughn Marlowe, were also being done for a “foreign nation”, that is the Soviets. (p. 29) This holds out the possibility that someone in the CIA was working with the original KGB agents who hired Nagell to prevent the assassination of JFK.

    As mentioned above, the FBI interviewed Nagell’s sister after the assassination. It is clear from reading this book that Nagell was quite close to her. Right after he was arrested, but before the assassination, he wrote to her that “I have refused to offer an explanation as to certain overt acts … Someday I shall explain everything in detail to you pertinent to this apparent disgrace.” (p. 37) His sister’s widower said that Nagell’s mission was to eliminate Oswald before the assassination. (p. 39) He also told Russell that the FBI visited them in 1965 to see some of the papers Nagell had sent to them. While they were on vacation, the FBI broke into their home and stole some of the documents. (p. 40)

    Nagell’s career in the armed forces was distinguished. In 1953, during the Korean War, Nagell attended the Monterey School of Languages. In 1954, he suffered through a plane crash. And although many have said that somehow this impacted him psychologically forever, the army cleared him of any kind of personality change afterwards. (p. 46) In fact, less than a month after the crash he was approved for a new intelligence assignment. (ibid) Working for Army Intelligence, Nagell opened the mail of suspected communists with postal inspectors right next to him. They broke into the offices of suspected communist organizations and stole whole file cabinets. (p. 47) It was in the winter of 1955-56 that the CIA first recruited Nagell. (p. 48) And in fact, the names of his two recruiters were found in his notebook. Russell called one of them and he confirmed that he had worked in the LA office of the CIA. (ibid) Later in 1956, Nagell was transferred to another intelligence agency called in the Far East called Field Operations Intelligence (FOI). FOI was involved in black ops: assassinations, kidnappings, blackmail etc. (p. 54)

    While in the Far East, Nagell worked in Japan. He used the aliases of Joe Kramer and Robert Nolan, and the CIA has certified this. (p. 61) It was at this time and place, Japan in 1957-58, that Nagell first met Oswald. This was after Oswald was observed outside the Soviet Embassy in Tokyo. (p. 72) Curious about what he was doing there, Nagell arranged to be introduced to the young Marine under an assumed name. (ibid) Also, Nagell told the author that both he and Oswald had girlfriends at the Queen Bee, a famous nightclub in Tokyo. (p. 76) Further, Nagell raised the possibility that Oswald was involved with him and a Japanese local in an attempt to get a Soviet intelligence officer named Eroshkin to defect. (p. 73)

    When Nagell left his Far East assignment in late 1959, he moved to Los Angeles, and a he got a job working for the state of California. But, he told the author, that he was still working for the CIA. Specifically, in the Domestic Intelligence unit, which would later be formalized under Tracy Barnes as the Domestic Operations Division. (p. 263) This is quite interesting of course since this part of the CIA was an illegal unit that was doing all kinds of weird things and it employed people like Howard Hunt, and according to Victor Marchetti, probably Clay Shaw. (William Davy, Let Justice be Done, p. 196) What makes it even more interesting is that former CIA agent Robert Morrow later revealed that in 1963, Barnes told him that he was aware of a plot to kill President Kennedy which included Shaw. We will refer to this fascinating aspect of the Nagell story later.

    After a shooting incident on the job, Nagell left his state employment. He secured a Mexican tourist card from the consulate in LA. From there, he went to visit a friend of his at the Hotel Luma in Mexico City. And this is where Nagell’s tale takes on a large and sinister dimension.

    III

    In 1966, Nagell hinted at what had happened to him in Mexico in 1962. He wrote his dear sister, “If it does eventually become mandatory for me to touch upon the events leading to my sojourn in Mexico in 1962 … (where and when it began), I shall do so, but only subsequent to being granted immunity from prosecution …”( p. 145) Nagell was now purely under the employment of the CIA. And a friend of his in Mexico, Art Greenstein, went to a party with him once where he later referred to someone he had talked to, his contact there, as a typical CIA agent. (p. 147) His mission was to serve as a double agent for the Agency in an operation against the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City. The timing of this “disinformation project” was near the outset of the Cuban Missile Crisis. And since these kinds of operations were the domain of David Phillips–who had a Cuban desk in Mexico City–Nagell hinted to Greenstein that Phillips had been an accomplice in this project. It was after the completion of this mission, when the Missile Crisis was over, that Nagell first learned of a plot to kill JFK. And he learned of it in his double agent status through the KGB. (p. 152)

    In October of 1962, a Soviet contact of his told him that he had heard that a Cuban group named Alpha 66 had been talking about a plot to kill JFK. The reason being that they had gotten wind of Kennedy’s no invasion of Cuba pledge made to close the crisis. The contact asked him to investigate the rumor to see if it was true. If it was to try and ascertain those involved, the method to be used etc. (p. 154) Nagell had barely begun his inquiry when he was called to the Soviet Embassy. Something that had never happened to him before. He was told there that it was not just a rumor. He was briefed further, furnished a number of pictures, and told to return to the USA and continue his investigation in earnest. (ibid) Alpha 66, of course, was a violent Cuban group backed by the CIA. In fact, Antonio Veciana was probably its most famous member. And Veciana famously told investigator and author Gaeton Fonzi that David Phillips was his CIA handler, and he had seen Phillips meeting with Oswald in Dallas in the late summer of 1963. And before he left Mexico, Oswald’s Soviet contact showed him a photo of Oswald since they were suspicious of him from his Soviet sojourn. (p. 155) Though, at this time, not in relation to the plot to kill Kennedy. On October 21st, 1962 Greenstein saw Nagell off from the Hotel Luma. He asked Nagell if he would be hearing from him in the future, or if he would read about him in the papers. Nagell said that he would. Greenstein then said, “Something big?” To which Nagell replied, “Yes … something big.” (p. 160)

    He first journeyed to Dallas to inquire about the status of Oswald. At this time, Oswald had been back in Texas for about five months and was carefully ensconced in the White Russian community. This had been done with the help of George DeMohrenschildt. But only after the approach to Oswald had been approved by local CIA Station Chief J. Walton Moore. After doing this, Nagell then went to both Washington DC and New York City. While in Washington he was approached by what he thought was a Soviet agent and he reported this to his CIA handlers. He was then told to go to Miami and wait in a bar to be approached by a Soviet agent. (p. 163) At this time, not sure whom he was working for, caught up in a web of intrigue, Nagell journeyed both west to Tallahassee, and south to St. Petersburg. There he checked into a Bay Pines VA Hospital complaining of headaches, blackouts, and amnesia. This was on December 20, 1962. Some commentators have used this incident, and another to be described to discredit Nagell as being neurotic or worse. But what they always leave out is what Nagell told Russell about what he learned in Florida. He had penetrated a Cuban exile group who had planned on blowing up the Miami stadium where Kennedy was to speak to the prisoners released from Cuba in the Bay of Pigs exchange. (p. 164) Nagell was trying to keep a safe distance from the plot. So far from discrediting his story, this is consistent with what he did in El Paso in September of 1963. And Russell furnishes evidence of the plot. There is an intelligence report from the Miami Police Department that says that a local Cuban was overheard saying on the night JFK spoke in the Orange Bowl that “Something is going to happen in the Orange Bowl.” (ibid) Nagell was right. But the FBI and the VA tried to smear him anyway. The FBI file on Nagell excerpted the first line of the Bay Pines report which said, “Chronic brain syndrome associated with brain trauma…” (p. 179) The FBI left out the final line of the report which declared Nagell competent upon his departure. Further, the VA exaggerated his so-called “brain trauma”. It was actually diagnosed from his previous injury as “brain concussion, cured.” (p. 180) With a witness as good as Nagell, the Bureau pulled out all the stops. Especially when he blamed Hoover for not heeding his letter of warning previous to the assassination.

    Nagell then did some work in Miami. He was checking on an alleged relationship between Eladio Del Valle and New Orleans Cuban Revolutionary Council representative and former Batista official Sergio Arcacha Smith. (p. 182) He also was checking on an associate of Dave Ferrie. This is all extraordinary of course since Smith and Ferrie will soon figure prominently in Oswald’s life, in a most intriguing manner. Nagell was one heck of an investigator.

    In April of 1963, Alpha 66 announced the opening of a Los Angles chapter. (p. 208) Consequently, Nagell decided to move to LA temporarily in order to monitor this new branch opened up with much fanfare. Nagell picked up the scent of another plot to kill JFK when he arrived in LA in June of 1963. The man the plot focused around was Vaughn Marlowe, an executive officer with the LA FPCC. (p. 210) Marlowe had written a letter to Jim Garrison in 1967 telling him about Nagell and how, for reasons unknown, he had been tailing him back in 1963. Nagell revealed in 1964 that he was watching Marlowe since he was being scoped out by an Alpha 66 Cuban who would later visit Sylvia Odio in September of 1963. (p. 211) According to Nagell, the plot was to take place during JFK’s visit to the Beverly Hilton hotel for the premiere of the film PT 109.

    When Russell found Marlowe he told the author that Nagell approached him like some kind of double agent would. He told him he was a former Army Intelligence officer who actually wanted to help Marlowe in his social causes. (p. 213) Nagell later filed a report on Marlowe that was 23 pages long. Which he kept on microfilm. (ibid) The reason Marlowe was such an attractive candidate was that he was a stern critic of JFK from the left. He had a critical poster of JFK in his bookstore front window and he organized a demonstration against him around the time of the Missile Crisis. Finally, and this made him a better candidate than Oswald–Marlowe was an ace rifleman from his days in the service. After the assassination, Nagell wrote Marlowe a letter from prison telling him not to tell anyone that he mentioned the name of Oswald in his talks with him. Marlowe then got in contact with Nagell’s mother and told him he thought Nagell was somehow involved with the JFK murder. When she dodged the point he asked her if someone had told her not to talk about the JFK assassination with anyone and she replied they had. Many years later, in 1975, Marlowe finally located Nagell and wrote him a letter. He apologized for not doing more to help inform the public of why Nagell was in jail back in 1964. (p. 218)

    On June 4, 1963, three days before JFK was to arrive in LA, Nagell did what he had done in Miami. He attempted to check himself into a VA Hospital. This time, the resident psychiatrist apparently saw through the sham and he was not admitted. (p. 219) Meanwhile, one of the groups demonstrating around the Hilton was the civil rights group named the Congress of Racial Equality. A group that Marlowe had once worked with.

    Repeat: Nagell was a good investigator.

    IV

    From here, that is around July of 1963, Nagell began to monitor the plot that finally was enacted in Dallas. But when Oswald stepped onto center stage that summer, Nagell felt that something about the motivation behind the plot had changed. Why? Nagell wrote his friend Mr. Greenstein that the Cubans had gotten wind by now of the back channel Kennedy had been working on to effect a rapprochement with Castro. (p. 239) Two of the Cubans, Angel and Leopoldo, had convinced Oswald they were actually pro-Castro. And that they wanted to involve him in a plot to kill JFK. This was in reaction to plots enacted by the USA against Fidel. If he did so, Oswald would be furnished a “safe conduct” pass into Havana by the Cuban Embassy in Mexico City. Nagell told Russell he had been in Mexico City with Oswald, but not at the time of the notorious trip discussed in the Lopez Report. Nagell had told a friend of his, John Margain, about this trip. Russell later interviewed Margain and he confirmed certain details about it. (pgs. 240-241) Including the fact that Nagell told Margain that Oswald was being set up by the CIA and the Cuban exiles.

    From here, Russell describes some of the characters and events from Oswald’s last summer on earth. Which he spent in New Orleans with a now famous cast of characters. He quotes William Gaudet saying he saw Oswald leafleting and Oswald did not know what he was doing. Guy Banister had put him up to it. (p. 253) Russell also tells us that Nagell too had the famous Corliss Lamont flyer, “The Crime Against Cuba”, but he does not tell us which edition it was. Russell produces witnesses who say they saw Oswald and Ferrie at a Cuban exile training camp that summer. (p. 256) Interestingly, Russell discusses one Carlos Quiroga, a colleague of both Carlos Bringuier and Sergio Arcacha Smith. Quiroga has often been accused of acting as a double agent. That is of posing as a pro-Castro sympathizer. Which of course, is what Nagell described as what the plotters were doing around Oswald. When Garrison aide Frank Klein interviewed Quiroga in 1967, he tried to pin the assassination of JFK on Castro. At the end of his memo, Klein wrote “This man knows a lot more than is telling us.” (p. 261) Apparently, Klein was correct. Quiroga later took a polygraph test. He indicated deception on, among others, two key questions: did he know in advance JFK was going to be killed, and had he seen the weapons to be used in the assassination beforehand. (ibid)

    The above dovetails perfectly with a memo that another Garrison investigator wrote. This was one William Martin who was the first person Garrison sent to interview Nagell in prison. Nagell told Martin that in his work infiltrating the conspiracy, he was able to “make a tape recording of four voices in conversation concerning the plot, which ended in the assassination of President Kennedy.” (Garrison Memorandum of 4/18/67) When Martin questioned Nagell about who was on the tape, Nagell replied that one of them was named “Arcacha”, and another he only identified as “Q”. (ibid) (Although later, Nagell told Russell that Arcacha was discussed on the tape, not one of the actual speakers he had recorded. P. 275)) The first person referred to must be Sergio Arcacha Smith, and the second is very likely Quiroga. Further, when Garrison tested Quiroga with the question, “According to your own knowledge, did Sergio Arcacha know Lee Oswald?”, the criteria indicated a deception. (Davy, pp287-88) It very much seems that Quiroga was hiding his advance guilty knowledge. Of course, Martin turned out to be one of the several CIA agents who helped capsize Garrison. He may be the reason the tape never surfaced. (Or that may be due to new information to be discussed later.)

    As Russell notes, most of Nagell’s time from July to his arrest in September was spent on Oswald. And although Nagell was deliberately vague about exactly what he was doing, another source, besides Garrison, shed some backward light on those activities. In 1976, former CIA agent Robert Morrow wrote Betrayal, a fictionalized account of his days in the Agency leading up to the murder of Kennedy. In that account, he named a man who was almost eerily resembled Nagell. Except in that book, he was called Richard Carson Fillmore. It was not until many years later, in the nineties, that Morrow discussed openly who the actual people in the 1976 book represented. As we have noted, Nagell revealed he worked in the forerunner of the DOD from 1959 onward. In 1962, Tracy Barnes exercised control over this newly named and organized unit. With both Nagell and very likely Clay Shaw under him. Interestingly, Morrow knew that “Joe Kramer” was one of Nagell’s pseudonyms. (p. 264) Barnes told Morrow that he had sent Nagell to New Orleans to investigate certain goings-on with the Banister-Ferrie group in the summer of 1963. As Russell notes, Nagell corroborates this part of Morrow’s story in a letter to Greenstein he wrote in 1967. There he mentioned that he had received instructions from someone at CIA HQ to join a Cuban exile affiliate of Alpha 66 in New Orleans to “find out if things were real.” (ibid) Further, Nagell later told Garrison that “Angel” and “Leopoldo” both had worked with the group Movement to Free Cuba which was supervised by Barnes. Nagell also said at the time that Ferrie knew both of these men who, of course, ended up at Sylvia Odio’s home in late September of 1963. (p. 265)

    Let me mention another fascinating linkage between Nagell, Odio, and the Garrison inquiry. Sylvia Odio always maintained that the Caucasian who accompanied the two Cubans was referred to as one “Leon Oswald”. This, of course, corresponds with the name given to the man at Ferrie’s apartment discussing some kind of assassination plot as testified to by Perry Russo. Nagell told Russell that he knew both Oswalds, Lee and Leon. (p. 287) And he said the latter showed up on the fringes of the nascent conspiracy. Nagell added that Leon Oswald worked only with the anti-Castro Cubans and made no attempt to appear pro-Castro. He also said that this second Oswald was in Mexico City somewhere between July and September of 1963. Nagell wrote to Russell that Leon Oswald was eliminated in the latter part of September by mistake. (Russell surmises that it was probably by the KGB.) This new Nagell aspect now makes three witnesses who met someone referred to as “Leon Oswald”. All of the meetings taking place in a clearly conspiratorial aspect and pre-assassination. (I should add, there is a fourth witness to this Leon Oswald. It is Ferrie’s friend Ray Broshears who said Leon resembled the real Oswald. p. 367) It sounds very much like someone was trying to confuse things about multiple Oswalds before the fact. For instance, Nagell says that the Leon Oswald he knew was killed around the third week of September. If so, Angel and Leopoldo were still using that name with what was probably the real Oswald. Further, both the KGB and Barnes strongly suspected a conspiracy to kill Kennedy forming in New Orleans with Cuban exiles like Smith, and with CIA agents like Ferrie.

    Russell implies that by the end of August and in early September, Nagell realized he was in the middle of something very big and very evil. In late August Nagell communicated to Desmond Fitzgerald of the Clandestine Services that something was clearly transpiring. (p. 275) Except at this point Nagell apparently thought the actual assassination attempt would take place in the East, in the Washington-Baltimore area. In fact, he actually tried to join Communist Party cells at the time in those areas. (p. 276) Journeying to Mexico for further instructions, Nagell could not meet with his CIA contact there. But his KGB contact told him to try and separate Oswald from the conspirators by telling him he was being duped. And if this did not work, and the plot appeared to be heading forward, to eliminate him. (p. 278) Later, Nagell told the author “If anybody wanted to stop the assassination, it would be the KGB. But they didn’t do enough.” (ibid)

    From Russell’s narrative it seems that Nagell failed in his KGB mission. He could not convince Oswald to admit he was being used. Therefore the plot proceeded. Nagell describes a meeting with Oswald in Jackson Square where this confrontation occurred.( p. 282) What seems to be happening in this incident is that you have two agents from different parts of the CIA taking orders from different chiefs. Oswald connects through officers like David Phillips and Howard Hunt through to James Angleton. Nagell works through his Mexico City contact named Bob up to Tracy Barnes. I have never seen any evidence that connects Barnes to the conspiracy. I have seen a lot of evidence that connects Hunt, Phillips, and Angleton. Because of that unseen gulf, Nagell could not fulfill his mission. What made his dilemma worse is that he also could not bring himself to kill Oswald. Feeling lost and helpless, Nagell used his old stand by trick. He tried to check into a VA Hospital. This time in Los Angeles. Again, he couldn’t pass muster. (p. 278) Because of his failure, it appears that Nagell expected to be killed. For when he visited a friend in LA, he informed him of what to do with some of his possessions in case of his demise.

    I must note here that Russell insinuates an absolutely diabolical possibility in a chapter called “The Setup”. One of the reasons Nagell may have panicked is because the CIA was freezing him out. (p. 283) He got no reply from his communication with Fitzgerald. While in Mexico, his contact failed to meet him. His only communication about the plot was now with the KGB. Russell holds out the possibility that Nagell had been duped into thinking that he was working on this mission for both sides. When in fact the CIA was using him to both monitor and confuse the KGB effort to thwart the plot. This may be why Leon Oswald was mistakenly eliminated and why Nagell was confused about the conspiracy’s ultimate location. (Although, as seen by his conversation with Bundren, he ultimately found out its actual destination.) Another possibility is that someone in the know learned about Barnes’ efforts and told him to back off.

    Nagell became so confused that he actually thought of leaving the USA and going to Eastern Europe. And his KGB contacts agreed he should. Around September 17th, he mailed a letter to the FBI alerting them to the conspiracy. He then drove to El Paso. He was supposed to meet a contact across the border, in Juarez. (p. 290) Nagell was thinking of going from Mexico to Cuba. He cruised the streets for awhile and decided against crossing over and meeting his contact. He went to the post office, and as related above, mailed the money to Mexico and wrote the letters to the CIA. (Later on in the book, Nagell reveals to Russell that the five hundred dollars was for Oswald’s expense money on his Mexico trip. p. 290) He then walked over to the bank to purchase the American Express checks. Nagell told Russell there was a reason for this. As revealed in On the Trail of the JFK Assassins, Nagell was being paid by the CIA through this company. And there is strong evidence that Oswald was also. Since there was no robbery, Nagell believed he would be tried on a misdemeanor. And that all the things in his car, plus the purchase of the American Express checks would allow him to reveal the machinations of the plot in court. But as also revealed in the previous book, the prosecution vehemently objected to any mention of American Express. And many of the things in his car were disposed of. In his first interview with the FBI Nagell actually said, “all of my problems have been solved for a long time, and now I won’t have to go to Cuba.” (p. 292)

    Oh ye of too much faith.

    V

    While Nagell was in jail, the plot he monitored proceeded forward. Russell does an OK job of outlining it. For instance, he describes the incredibly important Hunt memorandum. This was an internal 1966 CIA memorandum describing the need for an alibi for Howard Hunt for November 22nd since he was in Dallas at the time. It came from James Angleton’s office. And as anyone knows who has read Mark Lane’s Plausible Denial, Howard Hunt never did have an alibi for where he was on 11/22/63. Yet people who worked with Angleton tried to give him one at the legal proceedings depicted in Lane’s book. (Lisa Pease probably did the best short treatment of this issue. See The Assassinations, pgs. 195-198) Russell also relates the information about David Phillips’ deathbed confession admitting he was in Dallas on the day of Kennedy’s murder. (p. 272) This comes through Shawn Phillips, David Phillips’ nephew. Shawn’s father was the writer James Phillips, David’s brother. The brothers had been estranged for a number of years. James had told his son that from conversations with his brother, he understood that David did not care for JFK at all. James also suspected that his brother had a serious role in his demise. After a period of estrangement, David called up James when he knew he was dying. At the end of the call, James asked his brother if he was in Dallas the day of JFK’s murder. The CIA officer started to weep and said that yes, he had been. Since this confirmed what he had long suspected, James hung up on him. (ibid)

    While in custody, Nagell wrote a letter to the FBI again. He stated that what he did on September 20th in El Paso came from a love for his country no matter how inappropriate or incomprehensible it appeared. This note was sent by air-tel to Washington the next day. Two days after, President Kennedy was killed. (p. 347)

    To complete the cover up, Nagell was sent to Springfield prison as part of his incarceration. He was part of their behavior modification program. (p. 385) As was also-and I suppose this was just a coincidence– Secret Service agent Abraham Bolden. (See James W. Douglass’ JFK and the Unspeakable, p. 216) It just happened that both men were intelligence officers who, based on their privileged knowledge, tried to blow the whistle on the Kennedy plot. The FBI fully took advantage of Nagell’s Springfield predicament by telling the Warren Commission that Nagell was psychologically disturbed and could not be trusted. (p. 386)

    The first judge at Nagell’s trial retired before the trial actually began. He was replaced by Homer Thornberry, a close friend of President Johnson’s. Further, the CIA friendly Texas attorney Leon Jaworski recommended Thornberry. (p. 391) After his conviction and sentencing, Nagell was dragged from the courtroom screaming that the FBI had allowed Kennedy to be shot. And further that they had questioned him about Oswald before the murder. (p. 393) The FBI agents on the scene made sure that Hoover was alerted to this fact. When he was sent to Springfield, Nagell wrote a letter to his sister saying he understood why he had been sent there: “If the American people think that only the Chinese are experts at brainwashing … I am afraid someday they will be in for a big surprise when it is discovered that the FBI is not too far divorced from Hitler’s Gestapo …” (ibid) While in jail, Nagell was visited by the CIA who told him to stop talking about Oswald. (p. 401) Nagell was then transferred to Leavenworth where he was tortured. (p. 404) On trips back to El Paso for hearings on his appeal, he was beaten up.

    Nagell’s attorney, Joe Calamia, was so intent on getting Nagell freed that he got his client to cooperate with the government in a psychological ruse. An army doctor named Edward Weinstein had once treated Nagell after an airplane crash in the service. Nagell actually told the FBI about Weinstein himself. But the court made it clear that Nagell now had to lie about this in order to have any chance upon appeal. In other words, Thornberry and the FBI were striking a deal with the defendant: We will give you a chance to go free if you go along with our deceitful discreditation of you as a witness. Urged on by Calamia, Nagell went along with this ploy, but he did so kicking and screaming. (p. 408) Eventually this is how Nagell was finally released. Weinstein said Nagell had suffered brain damage from his plane accident and therefore had “confabulated” his story about Oswald and what he did in the bank. Here is the problem with Weinstein’s thesis: Nagell underwent an EEG and psychological testing at Springfield. The examining doctor wrote: “I did not find any evidence or finding suggestible of brain damage.” (p. 407) This report was deliberately kept out of Nagell’s second trial. By both the defense and prosecution. Calamia made a deal with the devil to get his client out of jail. Nagell got out in April of 1968.

    When Nagell was released the CIA gave him $15,000. He then left for East Germany on a mysterious mission. Russell believes this may have been to be debriefed by the KGB. And Nagell has also written to Greenstein hinting at this possibility. (p. 427) The context of this debriefing would have been his meetings with Jim Garrison and his volunteering to appear as his witness at the trial of Clay Shaw. And if anyone doubts how important Nagell’s testimony would have been, consider this: On February 12, 1969 while in New York, a hand grenade was thrown at Nagell from a speeding automobile. After this, Nagell went to New Orleans. He told the DA he did not think it would be a good idea for him to testify at the Shaw trial. He then turned over the remnants of the grenade to Garrison and his staff. (p. 436)

    But this game worked both ways. Nagell’s ex-wife had split and taken his two children with her. As part of his dealings with the CIA upon his release, they told him the State Department would help locate his children who he thought were in Europe. While searching for them in Spain he told a consulate officer that if they did not keep their part of the bargain, he would reveal the whole story about President Kennedy’s murder to the media. (p. 437) The CIA took this very seriously and now had the press monitored to see if Nagell was talking. (p. 438) They also began tracking Nagell throughout Europe. Further, Russell checked every CIA name in Nagell’s notebook and they all were really with the Agency. A number of them were from Angleton’s staff. (p. 439)

    In the spring of 1970, Nagell was finally alerted to the whereabouts of his children. In a rather incredible revelation to Russell in 1993, Nagell’s son told him that he recalled being in East Germany as a small child with his sister. When he revisited Germany as an adult, he recalled some of the places he had been. But he added about the earlier sojourn, “It was not with our mother. We went by plane, with some blonde woman … A very strange situation.” (p. 445) Was the CIA using Nagell’s children as bartering chips for his silence?

    The other chip the CIA used was Nagell’s retirement benefits. Which he finally received after a protracted struggle. (p. 446) But the rest of his life was very much controlled. The government was not satisfied with smearing him as being “disturbed”. His files had him pegged as a racketeer “and associated with people I never even heard of.” (ibid) His mail was monitored and stolen. Many letters Russell wrote to Nagell during the writing of The Man Who Knew Too Much never got to him. (p. 449) His handlers ordered him to stay completely clear of Russell. When he would not they ordered him to clear any talks with the author beforehand. (p. 448)

    The day after the Assassination Records Review Board sent Nagell a letter requesting a deposition, he died. When the authorities broke into Nagell’s home they found a key ring with 19 keys on it. Six of them were for footlockers in which Nagell had stored his valuables concerning his CIA service and monitoring of Oswald. While living with a niece, Nagell had told her of the contents of one of these foot lockers. Pointing at a purple one, he said “This one contains what everybody is trying to get hold of.” (p. 451)

    Nagell’s son Robert found out the location of the foot lockers was Tucson. He went there and found five of them. The one that was missing was-no surprise– the purple one. And the day Robert went to Tucson, his house was ransacked while he was gone. Someone was definitely worried about what Nagell would leave behind. When the niece was shown the inventory of what was in the other lockers she said Nagell told her about a couple of audio tapes and a couple of photos. None of these articles survived.

    The new edition of The Man Who knew Too Much closes with some compelling information not available to Russell in 1992. First, the author talked to a former military intelligence officer named Jim Southwood. Southwood actually saw the 112th Military Intelligence file on Oswald. The one that was famously destroyed after the assassination. (p. 456) While stationed in the Far East, he received a request from the 112th to do some research on Oswald and the DeMohrenschildts. Southwood told Russell that he discovered Oswald was under surveillance by both ONI and Army Intelligence while in Japan. One of the reports had Oswald frequenting gay bars. And one of them had him intimately involved with a Soviet Colonel named Eroshkin. Which, of course, would confirm Nagell’s story about his first encounter with Oswald. From perusing the file Southwood was convinced Oswald was some kind of intelligence operative. And although he could find no new info on the DeMohrenschildts, he did find out something quite interesting. All the info the 112th already had on Oswald came from that couple. And it was all of a prejudicial nature: he was a strange personality, he had weird sexual habits, and he needed to be watched at all times. As I noted in the review of On the Trail of the JFK Assassins, this contrasts dramatically with what the DeMohrenschildts toward Russell in 1975. And it is further evidence that they had been used earlier and felt badly about it later.

    Russell, with the help of Hulme, did a much better job of telling the above story in 2003 than he did in 1992. If anything, Hulme did not go far enough with the editing scissors. I would have cut out about sixty or so more pages. For example, the chapters on General Walker and the material on Charles Willoughby seem to me to have almost no relation to the Nagell story. Further, it seems that Russell never read the declassified Lopez Report, one of the crown jewels of the ARRB. Because in his discussion of Mexico City in late September, he makes some statements that are contradicted by that adduced record.

    But finally the Nagell story is in a manageable and understandable narrative form. To me it is one of the crucial and most powerful stories in the Kennedy literature. And for anyone to deny it, one must believe in something of a wild conspiracy theory. Witnesses like Art Greenstein, Nagell’s sister, his niece, his son-in-law, and his son must all be lying. And they all must be lying to the same effect. Jim Bundren and John Margain are lying and the lies just happen to coincide with what Nagell screamed out to the crowd after his conviction. When he was arrested, Nagell just happened to have all that paraphernalia in his car that was so similar to Oswald’s. And he then just happened to guess right at the mutual American Express payment method for the two spies. And Nagell just happened to have the phone number for Sylvia Duran before anyone knew how she figured in the plot. And he had a version of Oswald’s Uniformed Services Privilege Card before Oswald altered it. And somehow, what Nagell knew about the conspiracy just happened to partly coincide with what both Sylvia Odio and Rose Cheramie knew, down to the actual Cubans involved.

    Oh, really? Who is wearing the tin foil hats now? But that’s how good a witness Richard Case Nagell was.

    Appendix: Corroborating Evidence for Richard Case Nagell

    Exhibits


    Mexico tourist cards for Nagell and Aleksei Hidell (hard cover edition of Dick Russell’s The Man Who knew Too Much, p. 113)

    Nagell’s letter to J. Lee Rankin of March 20, 1964, about his prior attempts to warn FBI and Secret Service of an assassination attempt on President Kennedy (Russell, second trade paper edition, p. 7)

    Nagell and Oswald both had Sylvia Duran’s phone number at the Cuban Consulate in Mexico City (ibid, p. 6)

    Nagell had a duplicate of Oswald’s Uniformed Services Identification and Privileges card (ibid, p. xvii)

    Nagell had a copy of Oswald’s signed Social Security card (Ibid, p. 252)

    Witnesses


    Arthur Greenstein: Nagell’s friend in Mexico who he left while on assignment in late October of 1962. At that time, Nagell told him he would probably read about him in the papers since he was on to something big. (Russell, p. 160)

    Eleanore Gambert: Nagell’s sister, who he wrote to before the assassination about the bank robbery being a charade. (Letter of October 10, 1963) FBI interviewed her and her family after the assassination (ibid, p. 37–39)

    Louis Gambert: Eleanore’s husband at the time, present during the FBI interview, where a copy of Nagell’s warning to the FBI was produced (ibid, pp. 38–39)

    Roger Gambert: their son, who told Russell there was a break in at their home afterwards and some of the items from this file were now gone (ibid p. 40)

    John Margain: Nagell’s military and personal friend; a CIA acquaintance sent him an article about Nagell in 1968. Nagell had told Margain about his warning letter to the FBI and his visiting Mexico with Oswald. (ibid, 100–02, 240–41)

    Jim Bundren: Oswald’s arresting officer in El Paso in September. Nagell was waiting for him, and he told Bundren he “would rather be arrested than commit murder and treason.” He later told the guard that he really did not want to be in Dallas; when Bundren asked him what he meant by that, he said, “You’ll see soon enough.” (Russell, pp. 2–3)

    Prior attempts on JFK


    Vaughn Marlowe: Nagell tracked him as a member of the FPCC, and Marlowe later talked about Nagell visiting him before the assassination. Russell, p. 215)

    Bomb in Miami: In December of 1962, Nagell was in Florida penetrating a Cuban exile plot to bomb the Orange Bowl on December 29, 1962. There is a Miami Police report of January 3, 1963, on how certain Cubans did discuss such a bombing.

    Cross References in declassified Databases:


    Joe Kramer was the name Nagell said he used in his warning letter to Hoover in September of 1963. In a 1994 CIA release, it was revealed the CIA had Nagell files kept under this name.

    In Japan, Nagell said he saw files concerning Oswald’s relationship with a Russian colonel named Eroshkin. It was later revealed that military intelligence had files about Oswald in some kind of relationship with Eroshkin. (Russell, pp. 455–57)

  • Dick Russell, On the Trail of the JFK Assassins – Richard Case Nagell: The Most Important Witness


    Dick Russell’s new book is an anthology of his life’s work on the JFK assassination. And one of the most revealing things about the book is 1.) How long he has been at it, and 2.) How many pieces he has written on the subject.

    The author has had a long and varied career in journalism writing about many other subjects. Russell has written for several mainstream publications e.g. TV Guide and Sports Illustrated. In fact, he was on the staff of both those magazines. And he has published more than one acclaimed book. Two of them being Eye of the Whale, and Black Genius. The main area of interest in his writing career has been the environment. So it was a bit surprising to me to discover that Russell had spent so much time and effort on what most mainstream publishers consider an eccentric topic.

    At the beginning of the book, Russell describes how he graduated from the University of Kansas journalism school and almost immediately secured a job that many young writers would consider a godsend. He was a staff writer with Sports Illustrated. But he resigned just six months later. (Why he did so is not really explained.) While making a tour around the world he met a former friend of CIA Director Allen Dulles. This man told him that Madame Nhu had President Kennedy killed as an act of revenge for the death of her husband Diem. (Interesting that Dulles seems to be the first to spread this disinformation story.)

    A few years later, Russell was freelancing for journals like The Village Voice. He secured an assignment to write about the fledgling Assassination Information Bureau which was set up to cover the formation of the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA). It was while doing this report that Russell first heard of Richard Popkins’s work on the programmed assassin Luis Castillo. The then editor of the Voice, Gloria Steinem’s former CIA colleague Clay Felker, tried to discourage him from hanging out with such goofballs. But Russell persevered. And so his JFK writing sidelight, and the book, was off and running.

    There are over forty chapters in the anthology. Not all of them are devoted to separate subjects. For instance, both the first and second chapters of the book are about Popkin and Castillo. The way one measures a book like this is by this question: How many of the essays are really important, insightful, and worth preserving? By that standard the book measures small. Many of the chapters are so ephemeral, I took almost no notes. Some of the work, like a section on Antonio Veciana, is just plain dated. I mean after Gaeton Fonzi’s marvelous The Last Investigation there is not much to add on this guy. And since Russell’s work on him was from the mid-seventies, it has been superseded many times. Further, some of the chapters just do not go anywhere. Or if they do, it’s not very far. Some examples here are the sections on Gordon Novel, Ronald Augustinovich, Gerry Hemming, Larry Howard, and Loran Hall. These are all quite interesting characters. And in their own ways – except for perhaps Augustinovich – they are important to the JFK case. That is, if they had been rendered in full. Or at least close to it. But Russell does not take their stories far enough to make the profiles really worth preserving, or even reading. This, of course, may owe to the fact that magazine pieces are not meant to be done in depth or at length.

    There are other pieces that I felt amounted to little more than meandering speculation. For instance, ever since Richard Case Nagell told Russell that David Ferrie hypnotized Lee Harvey Oswald, Russell has spent a lot of time and energy attempting to show that somehow, in some way, the CIA’s MK/Ultra program figured in the JFK assassination. Unfortunately, that misguided penchant appears again here. And at much too great a length for my taste. And, even worse, without any intrinsic evidentiary justification. The author here goes on for six chapters, from pages 236-277, revisiting this diaphanous concept. Much of this reads like the worst vein of Kennedy assassination research – right down there with the infamous Canfield-Weberman ear identification of Howard Hunt as one of the tramps in Dealey Plaza. It seems to me to amount to nothing more than conspiracy smoke. Largely because it is based on unnamed sources, strained associations, and unreliable witnesses e.g. Marina Oswald channeled through Priscilla Johnson.

    There are more questionable pieces. Russell did a couple of interviews with Marina Oswald in 1992. Now there is a woman who one could spend hours with talking about just two people: Ruth Paine and Priscilla Johnson. Russell does not do much with her. She says that the Warren Commission translation of her testimony makes her sound like a fifth grader. She says there are a few thing wrong with the backyard photos. In the original pictures she says the rifle was different, there were more angles, different photos, and the background stairs are in the wrong place. And that’s about it. (I should add: John Armstrong’s book goes further on both these matters than Marina does here.) The rest of the section deals with her attempts to try and legally reopen the case. Which consisted of one meeting with some lawyers in Cambridge. Was this really worth including? There is a mildly interesting chapter about the strange death of CIA officer John Paisley. But any connection to the JFK case here is rather strained. And there is a concluding interview with Doug Horne who did much of the medical investigation for the Assassination Records Review Board. This should have been a humdinger of an interview. For me it was not. Russell has never shown much interest in the physical evidence in the JFK case. And I thought this interview revealed that lack of interest. Having just done a lot of research in this area for Section Four of my review of Vincent Bugliosi’s Reclaiming History, I can see many relevant questions that should have been asked but were not. The value of this interview comes almost entirely from the subject and not the interviewer.

    With the (rather large) ration of negative aspects now delineated, I want to mention some of the book’s more positive attributes. Russell has always been good on the private investigation of Warren Commissioner Richard Russell. Russell was the Georgia senator who suspected from the start that the Commission was a dog and pony show governed by J. Edgar Hoover and Nicolas Katzenbach. So he used people on his personal staff along with other acquaintances to conduct his own inquiry. One of the people he consulted with was Colonel Philip Corso, a retired Army Intelligence officer who had been on the staff of the National Security Council under Eisenhower. Corso did some investigating for the Commissioner and found out some interesting tidbits. He concluded that the Mannlicher-Carcano could not have performed as the official story leads us to believe. (p. 126) He also concluded that there was a Second Oswald. (ibid) Further, that Oswald had gone to Russia as part of a fake defector program being run out of the Office of Naval Intelligence. (p. 127) After doing all this inquiry he told Russell that his opinion was the assassination was a project of rogue CIA agents and anti-Castro Cubans. (ibid) Russell tended to agree with him but he said he could never get the other members of the panel to believe him.

    The opening two chapters on Richard Popkin and the investigation of the Luis Castillo case are interesting. (And, by the way, it is through Popkin that Russell ended up learning about Richard Case Nagell. p. 17) For those unaware of this fascinating case: Castillo was captured by the intelligence forces of the Philippine government in 1967. They concluded that he was a programmed assassin whose mission was to assassinate President Marcos. Once he was in custody, the government hired a psychologist named Victor Arcega to try and deprogram him. It turned out that Castillo was a Puerto Rican who was raised in the USA. And further, he seems to have been programmed as an assassin in the USA. After being beaten by a fellow prisoner, Castillo did not want to go through any further deprogramming sessions. So Arcega left and moved to Los Angeles. He was there the night of the RFK murder. When he read up on the case of Sirhan and the Girl in the Polka Dot Dress, he recognized the parallels in the two cases. He decided to return to his native Canada.

    Chapters 5 and 6 about Senator Richard Schweiker of the Church Committee and the HSCA’s first counsel, attorney Richard Sprague, are also worth reading. Especially the latter. Compared to the vast majority of official investigators on the JFK case, these two men come off exceptionally well. Schweiker sounds like Jim Garrison: “The Kennedy assassination is a mirror image proposition. What makes it hard to know what happened is that you’re struggling to find out the real focus in the mirror. And you really need two reversible ones.” (p. 42) Here’s another Garrison echo: “The more witnesses we talk to, the more they raised the fact that the Warren Commission really is a house of cards. Now it’s just prodding, pushing, shaking the tree enough to have it fall.” (ibid) Schweiker had one of his staff members, Dave Marston, working the JFK case about 90% of his time. And another worked on it full time. Further, 8 of the 11 Church Committee members consulted with him on a regular basis. (p. 43) Schweiker’s exemplary efforts gave great ballast to the creation of the HSCA and the appointment of Richard Sprague.

    The Sprague chapter is even better. It begins with his appointment as Chief Counsel and all the anxious anticipation that this choice placed in those interested in the JFK case. It then follows through with the attacks on him in the media, his mini-war with Representative Henry Gonzalez, and his eventual forced resignation. Russell interviewed him in his office in Philadelphia as the HSCA was winding down under his successor Robert Blakey in the summer of 1978. Sprague comes off as a man who went into his new job with some hopes and ideals that were eventually crushed into the ground. Again, in some respects, he comes off like Jim Garrison. Consider this comment on the media: “I feel that for some reason – and to me it’s the most fascinating part of my whole Washington experience – there is some manipulation of the press that’s successful enough that it’s not interested in a real investigation … There was a total dishonesty in the reporting of newspapers that I would otherwise have confidence in, such as the New York Times and the Washington Post. This attitude by the press was most successful in taking advantage of … individual Congressmen who were manipulated such that the press could achieve a tone to kill the investigation.” And then comes the capper in this regard: ” … there is a greater ability to manipulate public opinion by certain agencies of government than I would have believed possible … . I’ve become more interested in the media than the assassination.” (pgs. 52-53) He then goes on to get specific about particular instances of this with David Burnham of the Times, and Jeremiah O’Leary of the Washington Star. (p. 52) He notes that once he was gone, Burnham was taken off the HSCA beat. Coincidence or conspiracy?

    Further, Sprague believed that it was his investigation of Oswald that made him a target of the media. Sprague came to the conclusion that there was more of a connection between Oswald and the intelligence community “than has ever surfaced.” (p. 56) Two of the areas he was interested in were Oswald in Mexico City and the puzzle of why Oswald was not debriefed by the CIA on his return from Russia. And further, he was not going to sign any non-disclosure agreements with the intelligence community. (p. 55) In other words: what he saw, the public would see.. And if he had to subpoena information, he would. In other words, we were finally going to get the whole story about Oswald. Sprague is convinced it was this uncompromising attitude in this area that got him sacked. As he tells it: “Because of where I was at, and the timing of these attacks, that convinces me that the motivation came to kill me off.” Sprague has nothing but disdain for Blakey and his investigation. He calls it a “charade” and a “fiasco”. (pgs. 55. 56) And he concludes by commenting on Richard Helms and James Angleton. (p. 57) He says that he had a source who told him Helms had gotten the word to a Kennedy family member that the Kennedys should not back a reopening of the JFK case. He concludes that “Obviously Helms himself was one of the people that I ultimately wanted very much to interview. But not until I would be thoroughly prepared.” (ibid) In his comments on Angleton, he very interestingly compares him to Tony Boyle in the Jock Yablonski murder case. Boyle is the man Sprague convicted for the murder of labor leader Yablonksi.

    Russell penned a well-written piece about Jim Garrison in 1976. This was an article printed in Harper’s Weekly entitled “The Vindication of Jim Garrison.” It was meant to coincide of course with the installation of the HSCA. Garrison describes a conspiracy made up of elements of the CIA, anti-Castro Cuban exiles, and parts of the Mob. (p. 97) In other words, he had Anthony Summers’ design before Summers did, and before the HSCA actually got going. From here, Russell then goes into a short narrative of the Garrison inquiry and quite properly writes, “The full story of how Garrison was hamstrung would fill a volume.” Which, we now know via declassified documents, is absolutely true. Unfortunately, no one has yet written that volume. But he does include Victor Marchetti’s discussion of CIA executive meetings in which the Agency’s attempts to torpedo Garrison were kept off the record. Comments were made that such matters would be discussed after the meeting, or “We’ll pick this up later in my office.” (p. 101) And Russell details some of the actual subterfuges, like the CIA paying for certain lawyers and the CIA cooperating with judges in not serving subpoenas. (p. 101) Again, things that we can prove today with documents.

    He concludes this profile of Garrison with revelations about David Ferrie supplied by his friend Ray Broshears. He first contrasts what Broshears said to him in the seventies with what Warren Commission lawyer Wesley Liebeler told the public in 1967: Liebeler had seen the FBI file on Ferrie and he announced there was nothing to indicate Ferrie was involved in the JFK case at all. (p. 107) Yet Broshears told Russell that Ferrie called him in San Francisco shortly before his death and told him he was going to be killed. “The next thing I knew, he was dead. They said he killed himself. But he didn’t. You know it, and I know it.”(ibid) About Ferrie’s trip to Texas on the day of the assassination: “David was to meet a plane. He was going to fly them [the assassins] on to Mexico, and eventually to South Africa.” But the call Ferrie got at the skating rink told him he was not needed for that assignment. (Ibid) And finally: “He told me Lee Harvey Oswald did not kill the president. He was very adamant about it, and I believed him. All the things he told me about Oswald, I doubt he could have shot a rabbit 50 feet away.” Obviously Broshears is one of the many key witnesses Liebeler never talked to.

    Another important witness, George DeMohrenschildt, agreed with Ferrie. He says Oswald was the most honest man he knew, “And I will tell you this – I am sure he did not shoot the president.” (p. 133) He also told the author that CIA station chief J. Walton Moore had cleared Oswald in advance for him to approach him. (p. 135) If he had not, he would never have spoken to him. Which, of course, tells us a lot about George DeMohrenschildt’s relations with the CIA, let alone Oswald’s. Personally, I am glad someone besides Edward Epstein has confirmed this story. The capper for me in this section on the DeMohrenschildts was a quote from his wife Jeanna: “Of course, the truth of the assassination has not come out. It will never come out. But we know it was a vast conspiracy.” (p. 135) Recall, this is the couple that originally did the Warren Commissions’ bidding by caricaturing Oswald mercilessly in their testimony as doing things like shooting off his rifle in public parks. Evidently, they later came to feel guilty about what they had been made to do.

    Chapter 33 chronicles the famous meeting in the Bahamas in 1995 between employees of Castro’s G-2 – including Fabian Escalante – and some selected Kennedy researchers. Also on hand were Arturo Rodriguez and Carlos Lechuga. Russell summarizes some important findings presented by Escalante. First, they had verified from their end that Maurice Bishop was David Phillips. Second, they had an informant in Eladio del Valle’s organization in 1962 who said del Valle had told him that Kennedy had to be killed to solve the Cuban problem. (As an aside here, Russell adds that Nagell told him that one of the two Cuban exiles manipulating Oswald was linked to del Valle.) Third, Escalante has become convinced that what caused the exiles to act was that word had leaked out about the Attwood/Lechuga talks authorized by JFK to create a dÈtente between the US and Cuba. Fourth, Escalante confirmed that the Daniel Harker story used by David Phillips, Gus Russo and others to lend some credence to the Castro did it angle was a distortion. He says that what Castro actually uttered was “American leaders should be careful because the anti-Castro operations were something nobody could control.”

    Finally, Escalante said that Phillips had arranged to have letters addressed to Oswald from Cuba. And he showed these in a slideshow. There were five of them: two from before the assassination, three from afterwards. One of the letters, intercepted by G-2, was dated November 14th and addressed to Oswald at a hotel in Miami where he was never at. Arturo Rodriguez concluded that the text was of a conspiratorial character and that all of the letters were written by the same person, “as part of a plan to blame our country for the assassination.” (p. 223) This would be the provocation for the invasion of Cuba, which – despite the claims of Lamar Waldron – Kennedy never authorized.

    I should conclude this review with a discussion of Chapter 34 where Russell adds some new information on Nagell. In 1967, Nagell had written Warren Commissioner Richard Russell about being assigned by the KGB to initiate certain action against Oswald, who was the “indispensable tool in the conspiracy”. (p. 225) That is, the Soviets had found out about a plot to kill Kennedy. Fearing they would be blamed for the murder, they hired Nagell to infiltrate the plot and stop it. A book published in 2007 by a former Romanian intelligence officer notes that in the spring of 1963 just such action was requested by a KGB Chief named General Ivan Fadeykin: that is, the search for an agent to neutralize Oswald.

    A second interesting development is support of Nagell’s testimony is this: Nagell wrote a friend of his that his intelligence work in 1962-63 was to be paid for through American Express. And, in fact, during his trial, the prosecution objected to any mention of American Express. Why? Well, when Oswald handed a note to Lt. Francis Martello in New Orleans, in the margin was the espionage number of Michael Jelisavcic. Who was this Jelisavcic? He was a CIA asset stationed with American Express in Moscow at the time of Oswald’s defection. The FBI was aware of this fact. Hoover wrote a note to an agent in New York that in any interview of Jelisavcic, he should be closely questioned about his name and phone number being in the address book of Oswald.


    (See Part Two of this review, Richard Case Nagell: The Most Important Witness which relates On the Trail of the JFK Assassins to the first and second versions of Russell’s The Man Who Knew Too Much.)

  • Lamar Waldron, with Thom Hartmann, Legacy of Secrecy – Update


    My review of Legacy of Secrecy was cross-posted at various sites on the web. And Ed Sherry did a mass mailing of it to his large JFK list. This caused some interesting feedback.

    First off, there was a primary witness involved who can shed some light on how President Kennedy felt about the contingency plans. Some of which, like OPLAN 312, I specifically mentioned in my review. Sherry was temporarily based at Homestead AFB in Florida in November of 1962. He was an Army Intelligence officer who monitored the plans and kept track of all circulating copies from dawn to dusk. While in Florida on TDY from Virginia, he was temporary custodian of all 48 copies of the Contingency Plan for two weeks. He knew the subject well as he had typed in many of the revisions and addendums to the original plan. When Kennedy visited the base in late November of 1962, it was Sherry who typed the briefing for him on the plan. About ten days after Kennedy left Florida, Sherry recalls getting a classified code word to cancel the plans and return home. Kennedy was going to keep his word to the Russians about his no invasion pledge of Cuba. Sherry recalls that there were a lot of unhappy officers when JFK canceled the plans. Recall, these were contingency plans JFK was cancelling.

    Second, another reader sent Sherry an e-mail concerning my review. Recall, according to Waldron and Hartmann, the coup was set for December 1, 1963. According to a CIA cable, the plotter in chief, Juan Almeida, was on a flight to Algeria on November 28th. He was the head of a 162 man Cuban delegation that had been arranged well in advance. This is incredible. What are we to believe in light of it? Almeida was going to run the coup and its resulting chaos from Africa? Further, this reader said the National Security Agency was monitoring traffic in Cuba closely at the time. They detected nothing suspicious going on there.

    But it’s even worse than that. The reader (who wishes to remain anonymous) told Waldron about this a long time ago. And in fact, when I learned this, it did ring a bell with me. And sure enough, it is in Legacy of Secrecy. On page 280, Waldron and Hartmann mention the flight to Algeria. Ignoring the fact that the trip had been prearranged, they now try to say that Almeida left because Castro suspected something was going on. But what is the evidence he suspected Almeida? The authors list none. So why did Almeida leave if the coup was to take place within 72 hours, and he was to be running it from the island? If you can believe it, and you probably can, the authors never answer that question. They never even pose it. Since the evidence indicates that Almeida left because there was no coup scheduled, and he was not a part of it. In their nearly fanatical clinging to a discredited theory, Hartmann and Waldron remind us of the likes of David Belin, David Slawson and, even worse, John McAdams.

    But perhaps even more shameful is the way their promoters cling to it also. In my review of Legacy of Secrecy, I mentioned one of them: Mark Crispin Miller. I also could have mentioned another, Gore Vidal. I know through two sources that Miller read my review of Ultimate Sacrifice. This did not stop him from promoting that book on his blog. And he later also praised Legacy of Secrecy. And in terms that are rather unrestrained. (In fact, they remind me of the bought and paid for movie blurbs that adorn the ads for so many lousy films these days.) Take this for example: “Legacy of Secrecy is the astounding sequel to their Ultimate Sacrifice, which came out in 2005; and this new volume is as thorough and meticulous in its research as it ground-breaking predecessor.” Further on, Miller writes, “…the authors demonstrate that the long suppression of the facts about Jack Kennedy ‘s murder set the stage for the killings, five years later, of both Martin Luther King Jr., and Bobby Kennedy.”

    All of this breathless hyperbole makes me ask a sensible question: Did Miller read the books? As I discussed in my review of the latter book, the authors demonstrate no linkage between C-Day and the murders of King and RFK. How the heck could there be? The book says Ray killed King, and the weight of the evidence dictates that Sirhan killed Robert Kennedy. Was Ray in on C-Day? Was Sirhan?

    And the last word I would use to describe the work of Hartmann and Waldron is “meticulous”. Even worse is ” ground-breaking”. What ground did they break? As I mentioned in my review of Legacy of Secrecy, Gus Russo wrote about the contingency plans years before Waldron and Hartmann did. And as I and others have proven nine ways to Sunday, the authors grievously mischaracterize them. And by doing so, they create a false theory, actually a misleading mythology. As for being meticulous, how can Miller write that with a straight face? What kind of meticulous writers deliberately disguise the source for Edwin Black’s wonderful work on the Chicago Plot? And once that is done, the same writers twist that work into something it is not. What kind of authors don’t even look up the proper date of Jim Garrison’s flight to New York with Russell Long? And then attribute something to those two men that could not have happened if they got the date right? Is hiding the name of Bernardo DeTorres from the reader “meticulous”? Is then altering his background from a dyed-in-the-wool CIA officer to a protÈgÈ of Trafficante meticulous? Yes, in one way it is: its meticulously misleading.

    Miller’s mindless praise for these two awful books is so skewed that it made me wonder if he, like Waldron and Hartmann, had an agenda. It turns out he does. And like Vidal, it is to denigrate Oliver Stone’s film JFK. Consider the following: “…the authors show that that long cover-up was driven not by an enormous dark alliance of complicit US agencies and corporations … but by a lot of entities compelled by motives infinitely more prosaic. (Bobby also helped maintain the cover-up.)” Further on, Miller continues that although there was a conspiracy and the Warren Commission was a crock, “all such secrecy was not proof of complicity, as Oliver Stone would have us all believe … Rather, that cover-up but [sic] motivated by a raft of other, largely more innocuous … concerns …”

    Of course, this is exactly what I wrote that the aim of Ultimate Sacrifice was. After my long analysis of how these “meticulous” researchers had altered the evidence, I concluded that they did this to detract from the real evidentiary trail and confabulate out of whole cloth an already discredited one: Robert Blakey’s Mafia did it theory. But they tried to disguise this around their phony C-Day scenario. Which has now collapsed.

    But none of this matters to Miller. Why?

    Because he has enlisted in the Noam Chomsky/Alex Cockburn ranks. Like them, he styles himself a leader of the Left. And he explains how that fits into his agenda about these two volumes: “These books are absolute must-reads because they liberate us from the dangerous assumption … that anyone who dares to speak up for the good will be cut down by violence, at the hands of an almighty, inescapable cabal. That fatalistic view is one that we cannot afford to hold-and one that is, in fact, unfounded, as these two books so powerfully demonstrate.”

    The last thing I would say is that these two books “powerfully demonstrate” their thesis. I have demonstrated that in detail. When the Cuban coup leader is in Africa, you have some problems. When neither the Secretary of Defense, or State, or National Security Adviser or Director of Plans for the CIA knows about your upcoming invasion, you have more problems. When your chief “confessor” is suffering from Alzheimer’s while a jailhouse informant is coaxing him, well, that’s the ball game.

    But, like Chomsky and Cockburn, this is beside the point for Miller. Facts don’t matter. And if facts don’t matter, then truth doesn’t matter either. Why? Because he knows what is good for the progressive public. And if they need to be served up pabulum, so be it.

    I disagree with Miller. But I agree with Bob Tanenbaum, the first Chief Counsel of the JFK investigation for the House Select Committee on Assassinations. And he knows a heck of a lot more about the JFK case than Miller or Vidal do. During a speech in Chicago in 1993, he outlined how the CIA, and especially David Phillips, obstructed his investigation into Oswald’s activities in Mexico City. And when he wanted to confront Phillips with perjury charges the committee backed down. He ended his speech by posing this question: “Does anybody really believe that certain people in the executive intelligence agencies are more equipped to handle the truth than the American people? If so, then we will redefine the nature of our democracy. And that’s something I’m not prepared to do.”

    That’s the real question about all this. The question that Waldron and Hartmann wish to disguise. The question that the likes of Miller and Robert Stone don’t think the American public can handle. So in this regard, and with an almost cosmic irony, Stone and Miller resemble the former heads of the major networks, i.e. Bill Paley and David Sarnoff. Except the pabulum that Waldron and Hartmann give the public is not the old pig in a poke of the Warren Commission. But Blakey’s Mob did it pig. A pig with lipstick, eye shadow, and mascara.

    But only someone either too ignorant or too willing to be gulled would have been taken in by the makeover.

  • William Olsson, An American Affair

    William Olsson, An American Affair


    They finally made a movie about Mary Meyer. And it was directed by a Swede. William Olsson directed An American Affair, which is his first feature. His first problem may have been agreeing to film this script. And I hope his unfamiliarity with American history was the reason it turned out as it did. Because although Olsson’s direction is nothing to write home about, the real problem is the screenplay by Alex Metcalf.

    This is one of those films that is not “based upon” a true story, but is “inspired by” actual characters and events. So although the main character is Mary Meyer, her name in the film is Catherine Caswell. (Get it? MM becomes CC.) Her estranged husband Cord Meyer also appears, except his first name is Graham. James Angleton is titled Lucian Carver. They didn’t have much of a choice with President Kennedy, so his name is the same.

    But the odd thing about the script is that none of these people features as the real main character. The protagonist—Adam Stafford—is a boy in what appears to be about the ninth grade. The film begins with him and it ends with him. The Meyer story is largely told through his eyes. And this is a problem I had with the film. Everything outside the Meyer story, and even a lot within the Meyer/Stafford story, seemed to me to be pretty much banal. It was essentially the teen Coming of Age Tale. And his coming of age is hurried along and impacted by his affection for and experience with the older woman across the way. This concept was not new in the film Summer of ’42. And that picture is nearly four decades old now. And like that film, when all is said and done, this picture does not really comment on the time frame it is based in. It more or less exploits it.

    Adam Stafford attends a co-ed Catholic school in the northeast. (Although I think the setting is supposed to be Pennsylvania, the actual shooting of the film took place in Baltimore.) After the story establishes some of the trite tumult a boy his age goes through—fights in school, Playboy masturbation fantasies—Catherine/Mary moves in across the street. Adam gazes at her sitting in her window one night, and becomes infatuated by her. She has just become estranged from her husband, and is living alone. So, as a way to get close to her, Adam volunteers to do some chores for her in her new house. She accepts and his parents do not find out about it until afterward. When they find out, they try to discourage him from working for her. Why? Since Dad is a journalist, they know something about her oddities. But Adam persists.

    It is through this rather thinly caused association that Metcalf brings in the controversial and hotly disputed details of the Meyer/Kennedy/Angleton tale. (Jim DiEugenio has done a lot of work on his subject. For his most recent take on those details, see his essay elsewhere on the site.) In the Metcalf rendition, Meyer is separated from Cord at the start. At the time we encounter her, the affair with Kennedy is taking place. Yet Cord/Graham is trying to win her back. Mary is an artist who also has other lovers and pot parties at her place. To spice up the plot, Adam accidentally happens to be present during both encounters. One reason Cord/Graham seems to want to get back with Mary is because he understands the diary she is keeping makes the man he works with Carver/Angleton suspicious of her. Why? Because the hint is clear that Carver is in on something having to do with Kennedy’s upcoming murder. In fact, in one of the most strained scenes in the film, Stafford sees Carver and Graham meeting in public with a Cuban named Valle—clearly meant to suggest David Ferrie’s friend and colleague Eladio Del Valle.

    To tie the story together, Stafford’s father is a journalist who is on assignment to Dallas, Texas in November of 1963. And, of course, Carver knows this in advance. Catherine senses something is about to happen and she tries to call and visit the White House to warn JFK. But he will not accept her calls or let her on the grounds. After the assassination, Adam steals the diary from Catherine. Catherine tries to get it back. But just as Adam has arranged to return it, Carver/Angleton visits Adam’s home and gets it from his parents. Adam finds out about this too late. He runs to Catherine’s house and finds Carver reading the diary in front of Catherine’s fireplace. He asks her where Catherine is. Carver says he thought she was meeting him. He runs to their meeting place and finds her dead body at the bottom of a long outdoor stairway. He pushes back her hair and sees what appears to be a bullet hole.

    The coda of the film is Adam receiving a posthumous package from Catherine in the mail. He and his parents open up the box. It is a four-panel painting of Adam.

    To say that Metcalf has taken some liberties with the story is putting it mildly. And a lot of the liberties he takes strain credulity. The idea that a behind the scenes CIA general like Carver would meet with someone like Del Valle in public, and then allow himself to be seen, is hard to swallow. When Catherine goes to Stafford’s house and tells his mother that the boy has something of hers, why does the mother not ask what it is? Why does Mary not tell his Mom to get it for her? The scene where Meyer throws a drink in Carver’s face after he makes a comment about her dead son is not set up enough to explain her motivation. Would Kennedy actually pull up in a presidential limo with Secret Service escort to see Mary at night in a heavily residential area? And smart aleck Metcalf had to throw in that fatuous fairy tale about Kennedy’s famous “Ich bin ein Berliner” speech being a mistranslation for a donut. For a thorough debunking of this urban legend, see this essay.

    Besides the hackneyed story elements, another reason the film never really becomes synoptic of its time is because of that ending I just described. Finishing as it does, the story becomes more about the relationship between Adam and Catherine than any of the historical elements in the picture. And also, that historical aspect leaves us with a question. If Carver/Angleton got the diary from Adam’s parents, why did he have Catherine killed? Which is what the film implies.

    Olsson has directed the film adequately in all aspects. Which means its rather commonplace in that regard. With the exception of Mark Pellegrino—who tries for the heartbreak of an estranged husband who still loves his wife—the acting is what I would call representational. That is, the cast looks like the people they are supposed to be, and they don’t make any blatant false moves. Which is OK for the Norman Rockwell type parents of Adam. But it’s not OK for someone acting the role of Catherine/Meyer and especially Tarver/Angleton. In those roles, the audience has the right and the assumption to expect some real creative acting. Acting of both skill and intelligence that carves the hearts and minds of the characters. To put it lightly, Gretchen Mol and especially James Rebhorn don’t fulfill the expectation. If you can imagine what say, the late Klaus Kinski could have done with the Angleton/Tarver role, you can see how pallid Rebhorn is.

    But alas, Kinski was an artist. Which is what none of the principals in this disappointment are. At least not yet.

  • Lamar Waldron, Ultimate Sacrifice


    The first time I heard Lamar Waldron’s name was through the auspices of Gus Russo. It was at the famous (or infamous) 1993 ASK Conference in Dallas. Now, after reading Waldron’s book Ultimate Sacrifice (co-written with Thom Hartmann), I think it is relevant and enlightening to describe some of the things that happened back in 1993. Somehow, some way, Russo had been given control over a panel and had also invited some rather odd guests to attend, e.g. Ed Butler. As described elsewhere (see my article on Russo in Probe Vol. 6 No. 2 p. 12) it was at this conference that Russo basically reversed course from his earlier days and went over to the “Krazy Kid Oswald” camp. He had completed work on his shockingly one-sided PBS special and at this conference he and Mark Zaid began to forcefully divorce themselves from any kind of conspiracy angle. For example: The late Larry Harris had gotten several witnesses to arrange themselves in Dealey Plaza. Zaid went there and passed out leaflets attempting to discredit them. Zaid also helmed a panel on Oswald and he proclaimed that Oswald had no ties to the intelligence community. Zaid also was screaming at people who used the Zapruder film to advocate conspiracy: “You know more than Dr. Luis Alvarez, huh!” The conference culminated in a shouting match between Dr. Cyril Wecht and Russo over his loaded PBS special.

    It was during this singular conference that I first heard Lamar Waldron speak. Apparently, Waldron was another one of Russo’s invitees. On the panel he helmed, Russo had given Waldron a solid hour to expound on his “Project Freedom” thesis. This was an extraordinary amount of time: 20-25 minutes had been the outer limits before Waldron appeared. The talk Waldron gave has become one of the main concepts of the book under discussion. In retrospect, considering where Russo had been and was headed, I now fully understand why he was promoting Waldron. I recall listening to Waldron for about 10 minutes and being puzzled as to how the unconvincing hodge-podge he had assembled fit together. I walked out. When I returned he had fielded a question by mentioning that Robert Kennedy controlled JFK’s autopsy at Bethesda. Even at that time this idea was dubious simply because of, among other things, Pierre Finck’s testimony at the Clay Shaw trial. In light of that evidence I remember thinking: Lamar Waldron has an agenda the size of a football stadium.

    After reading Ultimate Sacrifice I think I was wrong. Lamar Waldron has an agenda the size of the Grand Canyon. I can also see why Waldron needed an hour. The authors are nothing if not long winded. They make the likes of Joan Mellen, Dick Russell (in his revised version), and Noel Twyman look like models of brevity. The book’s text comes in at 786 pages. With photos, exhibits, and footnotes the hardcover edition is 875 pages. It was published by Carroll & Graf, a house that is notorious for skimping on editing, fact, and source checking (see the works of Harrison Livingstone.) As we shall see, this book needed serious help in all those areas. In no way does it justify its length. Most of the book is a tedious rehash of the work of dubious authors, so it could have easily been half as long. And what makes that aspect worse is, when all is said and done, they have not proven any of the central tenets of the volume. Even though, as we shall see, they have brazenly cherry-picked the evidence they present.

    The book is divided into three parts. Part One deals with the so-called discovery of C-Day. That is, a plan for a coup in Cuba to be carried out by the Pentagon and the CIA. This would be coordinated with the murder of Castro by a secret collaborator on the island. The murder would be blamed on the Russians, this would create a crisis on the island and that would precipitate an invasion by a large flotilla of Cuban exiles led by Manuel Artime, Tony Varona, Eloy Menoyo, Manolo Ray and a group of Fort Benning trained Cuban militia. A provisional government would then be erected. This first part of the book also discusses the CIA-Mafia plots against Castro, two previous assassination attempts in Chicago and Tampa and profiles of major players involved in C-Day. (Part of the book’s turgidness comes from repetition. There was no need to discuss the two previous plots against JFK here since they are detailed much later.)

    Part Two deals further with the CIA-Mafia plots, and what they see as the actual perceived build-up to the assassination by the Mob. Part Three is essentially a chronicle of November 1963. It includes longer versions of the Chicago and Tampa attempts, the actual assassination, and how that impacted C-Day, and a final chapter entitled The Legacy of Secrecy, in which the authors trace how the assassination enabled a cover-up of C-Day and how this had an effect on events afterwards.

    If one examines the text, the first of many curious aspects becomes evident. The longest part of the volume is the middle section, which is not actually about C-Day. It is really about the Mob’s motivation, planning, pretexts, and precedents for killing JFK. And this is really the subject of the last section also. So by my rough estimate, about 2/3 of the book is not about what the author’s trumpet as their great discovery. The larger part of the book is actually a kind of concentration and aggrandizement of all the Mob-did-it books rolled into one. As we shall see, this book is actually a new (and fatuous) spin on an old and discredited idea, namely Robert Blakey’s Mob-did-it theory. The reader can see this just by browsing through the footnotes, which I did for this review. The familiar faces are all there: John Davis, Dan Moldea, Blakey, the HSCA volumes, David Scheim, even, startling enough, Frank Ragano. They are all quoted abundantly and, as we shall see, indiscriminately. I can literally say that this book would not exist in its present (bloated) form without that gallery of authors.

    But before dealing with that aspect of the book, let’s deal with Part One, where Waldron and Hartmann present the concept of C-Day to us. The plan I summarized above was scheduled for December 1, 1963, nine days after JFK was killed. The sources for this is a series of CIA documents codenamed AM/WORLD, interviews with former Kennedy Secretary of State Dean Rusk, and a man named Harry Williams who was a friend of Bobby Kennedy’s and was allegedly coordinating this plan with the exiles.

    In the hardcover edition of the book, they do not name the coup leader, but they very strongly hint that it was Che Guevara. They do everything except underline his name in this regard. Whole chapters are written about him. Now, considering that, I had a hard time digesting the logic of AM/WORLD. As anyone would who has read the history of Castro’s revolution. We are to believe that Che Guevara, the man who came to symbolize worldwide Marxist rebellion, would betray that lifetime struggle, murder his partner in revolution, ally himself with the capitalist colossus of the north, and blame the murder of his friend on his Russian communist allies. Further, he would then cooperate in a provisional government with the likes of CIA stooges like Artime and Varona. Had Che Guevara undergone a rapid and extreme conversion without anyone noticing? Did the bearded revolutionary icon really believe that by killing Castro and throwing in his lot with Artime, Varona and the CIA that he would be purifying the communist zeal of 1959 which Castro had somehow subdued?

    To put this strange scenario on the page, the authors leave out some facts that made Che Guevara the living legend he was. And also the facts of his death, when he was hunted down and killed in Bolivia with the help of the CIA. (Poor devil, he actually thought the guys who killed him were his allies.) Let’s fill in some of those expurgated pages. After Castro’s revolution took hold, he began rounding up all the higher ups left over from the Batista government. He then arranged a series of show trials before he imprisoned and/or executed them. The number put before the firing squad is estimated at about four hundred and up. The man in charge of the phony trials and summary executions was Che Guevara. So the idea that he would turn around and be palsy-walsy with Artime and Varona, who were much closer to Batista than to him, is kind of weird. In 1959 he may have had them shot or imprisoned. Second, one of the reasons Che left Cuba is that he wanted to spread the Marxist revolt abroad, whereas Castro was trying to solidify it at home. Yet the authors want us to believe that Guevara would put an end to this foothold right in the place he struggled to establish it. Third, during the Missile Crisis, it was feared that the US would launch a huge armada to invade the island. The Russians had given the Cubans not just ballistic missiles, but tactical nukes. Reportedly these were under the control of the Cubans. It was Che Guevara who urged Castro to use them to vaporize any invasion crossing the Caribbean. If you buy this book, a year later he was inviting them with open arms to take over the island he was willing to partially nuke in order to save. Maybe Che Guevara had a nervous breakdown in the interim? Or did he really believe that Artime, Varona and the CIA would allow him, Ray and Menoyo to construct a leftist paradise after the invasion?

    Evidently, others, like David Talbot in Salon, had some trouble with this aspect of the book. So in the trade paper version, the authors changed their tune. The new identity of the coup leader is Juan Almeida. Now Almeida does not really fit the profile the authors describe in the hardcover version. That is, a person of such enormous stature and appeal that he could seamlessly replace Castro, convincingly blame the murder on the Russians, and then set up this Provisional Government with a group of people who had invaded their country two years ago and then almost nuked it 13 months before. Further, he is still alive and in the titular position of Revolution Commander. There is a recent photo of him with Raul Castro at a session of the National Assembly in Havana. It was after the trade paper version was released. I wonder what the conversation was like between the two when Raul learned of Juan’s plan to murder his brother, and probably him, and turn the country over to the CIA, the Pentagon, and Artime.

    What makes this switch even more bracing is the person who rode to the rescue for Waldron and Hartmann. It was none other than Liz Smith. The same Liz Smith who is always good for a blurb on the books of John Davis. Who is always there for a “Kennedys and the murder of Monroe” spiel (which, predictably, figures in this volume on pp. 402-407). And who has always been an avid promoter of Judith Exner. In fact she penned the last installment before Exner passed away. (Of course, Exner appears here more than once.) In her column in the New York Post dated 9/22/06 she says she found out about the coup leader’s actual identity through some new CIA documents. Hmmm. (She is not known as an ace archival researcher.)

    Another interesting aspect of this coup in Cuba idea is who knew about it and who did not. According to Talbot, Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara did not know. Even though the authors insist that it was more a Pentagon operation than a CIA one. (Even more puzzling: they state on p,. 42 that the operation could rise to the level of a full-scale invasion by US forces. When were they going to tell McNamara, the day before?) And although the authors use Rusk to bolster their claim, he says he did not know about it at the time, but learned about it later. National Security Adviser McGeorge Bundy did not know about it either since he told author David Corn that in 1963, the operations against Cuba were winding down to a dribble. So the three highest Cabinet level officers, who should have known about such an operation, somehow were left in the dark.

    But the authors know who was in the light. They were:

    • Jack Ruby 
    • Guy Banister
    • David Ferrie
    • David Morales
    • Howard Hunt
    • John Martino
    • Richard Nixon
    • Carlos Prio
    • Santo Trafficante
    • Jimmy Hoffa
    • Carlos Marcello
    • Sam Giancana
    • Johnny Roselli
    • David Phillips
    • Rolando Masferer
    • Bernard Barker
    • James McCord
    • Michael Mertz
    • Charlie Nicoletti
    • Gilberto Lopez
    • Richard Cain
    • Frank Sturgis
    • George Nonte

    And I saved the best for last: Lee Harvey Oswald. So the Kennedys were so careless that the word about this secret operation leaked out to people like Ruby and Ferrie; but yet they were paradoxically so careful that they managed to keep it from McNamara. Now some people would think this odd. The authors anticipate this by saying that some people in the administration knew and some did not. They even go to the lengths of depicting meetings at which some know about it and some do not. (p. 51) Even when it’s actually under discussion. Yet, to use a figurative example, McNamara never said to Richard Helms, “Dick, did you say we were sponsoring a coup in Cuba next month?” To which Helms must have replied, “Oh no Bob, the Cubana Coupe is a new car model I’m buying.”

    The aspect of who knew and who did not is so tenuous, so questionable, so minutely balanced on the head of a pin that serious questions arise about those who the authors say were witting. As stated above, Helms was supposed to be knowledgeable about C-Day. Yet there is a revelatory anecdote about this issue in his book, A Look Over My Shoulder (pgs 226-227). Helms got word of a large arms cache that had landed in Venezuela from Cuba. It was allegedly shipped to help some communist guerillas there. In other words, Castro was exporting revolution into South America. Something the Kennedys did not want him to do. Helms was so alarmed by this that he personally went over to see Robert Kennedy to plead his case for emergency action. After all it was three tons of armaments. RFK passed on it and told him to go see the president. He did and he even took over one of the rifles supposedly found, presumably to convince JFK of the urgency of the situation. Here was the casus belli. Yet JFK was non-plussed. But Helms did salvage something for his efforts. He asked for and got a photo of Kennedy.

    What I find so interesting about this episode is the date Helms places it on: November 19, 1963. Did Helms forget C-Day was coming up in 12 days? Did he want to move it up because he knew the Mafia was going to kill JFK? Was it all a silly charade? Or maybe Helms just wanted the picture. But that’s not all. In Joseph B. Smith’s book Portrait of A Cold Warrior (p. 383), he refers to the seizure of this cache of arms. He apparently got some reports on it, and skillful and veteran analyst he was, he quickly deduced it was planted. So if we take Ultimate Sacrifice seriously, Helms went to the trouble of creating a phony provocation when he knew that C-Day was less than two weeks off.

    But the capper is this: both the Helms and Smith books appear in the footnotes to Ultimate Sacrifice.

    David Talbot raised an interesting point about the central thesis. If the Kennedys were sponsoring a coup in Cuba for December 1st, why would the Mafia, and some Cubans, conspire to assassinate him nine days before? It’s especially odd since one would think that the exile Cubans who Waldron and Hartmann say knew about it, like say Masferer and Sturgis, would likely want it to succeed. After all, they had been working for this for years. Interestingly, the authors don’t even mention some of the Cubans who are highly suspect in the JFK case, like say Bernardo DeTorres and Sergio Arcacha Smith. Now, if Smith was involved in JFK’s murder, it is really odd. He was part of the Cuban Revolutionary Council (CRC) as was Varona, who the authors maintain was one of the major players in the operation. Yet Varona apparently never told his colleague Smith. Or maybe there was nothing to tell. For as Bill Davy noted in Probe Magazine (Vol. 7, No. 2, p. 5), FBI informants within the CRC, including leader Jose Miro Cardona, were disgusted with Kennedy in 1963 over his Cuba policy. After a high level meeting in Washington, Cardona came away with the feeling that “the United States policy is now one of peaceful co-existence with Communist Cuba.” More to the point, “the United States has no plan to free Cuba of Communism.” The Justice Department report continued that the CRC’s feeling about the US was “very bad, and they feel they had been abandoned in their fight.” Is this perhaps why people like Smith and DeTorres became suspect in the JFK case and why Smith tried to set up the seemingly pro-Castro Oswald, in order to provoke an attack against Cuba? You won’t read a sentence about that in Ultimate Sacrifice.

    Although the authors mention the Lisa Howard/William Attwood back channel to Castro in the attempt for dÈtente with Cuba, they downplay it (p. 113), and later they actually dismiss it as meaningless. They also do not mention Kennedy’s 1963 letter to Khruschev, which Davy quotes: “I have neither the intention nor the desire to invade Cuba. I consider that it is for the Cuban people themselves to choose their destiny.” (Davy, op. cit.) And of course, Waldron and Hartmann ignore the important Peter Kornbluh article in Cigar Aficionado (summarized in Probe, Vol. 7 No. 1 pp. 8-9). Probably because it paints a quite different picture of the quest for dÈtente. When Castro learned of Kennedy’s death, he told JFK’s envoy in the process, “This is an end to your mission of peace. Everything is changed.” And as Kornbluh notes, Castro was right. LBJ pursued it no further.

    This rigorous, systematic refusal to acknowledge or confront contrary evidence is nowhere more demonstrable than in the treatment of the Bay of Pigs and the Missile Crisis. One would think that in a book concentrating on Cuban-American relations from 1960-63, these two events would get special treatment. One would be dead wrong. Combined they get all of five pages. Even though there have been reams of documents declassified on both events by the Assassinations Records Review Board, they use none of it. Incredibly, they ignore both the CIA Inspector General Report by Lyman Kirkpatrick, and the White House sponsored Taylor Report on the Bay of Pigs. Concerning the Missile Crisis, they fail to quote from the landmark book The Kennedy Tapes, which is the closest thing we have to a verbatim account of the crisis. This was unfortunate for me since I wanted to get their take on why JFK would not OK an invasion during those two events when everyone in the situation room was demanding it, yet he would OK one in 1963 when tensions had decreased and fewer people were egging him on. If you essentially skimp the two incidents, you can dodge the question.

    II

    The second part of the book is about the plotting of the Mafia Dons to assassinate President Kennedy. It also discusses the idea that the Mob discovered the C-Day plan, and then used this to somehow cover up their murder plot. This is the new twist to another Mob based scenario.

    This part of the book is heavily — and I mean heavily — reliant on the authors of three decades ago whose books were spawned by the work of the House Select Committee’s unremitting focus on the Mob. Waldron and Hartmann line them all up and use them profusely and without care: Dan Moldea, John Davis, Robert Blakey and Dick Billings, David Scheim. Even Frank Ragano and Aaron Kohn appear. As we shall see, some of the statements made in this section of the book are rather startling.

    But even I was surprised at what the authors pulled in Chapter 33. Like Joan Mellen, they want to rewrite the history of the CIA-Mafia plots. To do so they question the best source we have on that subject, namely the 1967 Inspector General Report done for Richard Helms at the request of President Johnson. They say it is incomplete and that it leaves out certain aspects. Maybe this is so, and maybe it is not. For instance, there are rumors that the writers of the report actually did interview John Roselli. Did Waldron and Hartmann actually stumble upon this tape, or transcript or at least the interviewer? Is this what they found that was left out? That would truly be new and important.

    But that isn’t it. What is it then? None other than Dan Moldea (pp. 380-390).

    They actually say that material in Moldea’s 1978 book The Hoffa Wars should have been in the IG Report. I had to smile.

    Let me explain. After I read Moldea’s disgraceful book on the RFK case, I was shocked at its shoddiness (Probe Vol. 5 No. 4, p. 10, and The Assassinations pgs 610-631). I wondered how someone like this ever got started. So I went back and borrowed his first volume, the book on Hoffa. I took 30 pages of notes and came to the conclusion that it was almost as bad as his RFK book. (I never reviewed it since we decided to discontinue Probe.) Since Moldea is relying a lot on Walter Sheridan and other such sources, the portrait of Hoffa is aggrandized and sensationalized. The reason for this is twofold. Sheridan furnished Moldea with his prime witness against Hoffa, Ed Partin. Second, Moldea was writing right after the revelations of the Church Committee Report, which exposed in public the CIA-Mafia plots to kill Castro. Partin, Sheridan, and Moldea had a problem with those plots. Hoffa wasn’t in on them. So Sheridan let Moldea borrow Partin so he could further his mendacious magic act. And Waldron and Hartmann suck this all up — and expand it even further.

    But being indiscriminate with a writer like Moldea is like a boxer leaving his chin exposed in the ring. You’re looking for trouble. When Sheridan was heralding Partin as his star witness he had to do a lot of rehab work on him. Because writers like Fred Cook had shown that Partin had a criminal record that, to say the least, was rather compromising. So he decided to give Partin a lie detector test. Needless to say, since Sheridan arranged it, he passed with flying colors. But years later, something interesting happened to this test. A professional society of polygraph technicians got hold of the raw data from it. They were worried that less than scrupulous people were abusing legal ethics in using the machine. So a team of the country’s leading experts studied the results and unveiled their findings at a convention. They concluded that Partin was deceptive throughout, but he almost broke the machine at the part where he related Hoffa’s plot to murder RFK. Partin was so bad that the society deduced that the administrator of the test had to turn down the detection device to ensure the results Sheridan wanted. Ace archivist Peter Vea mailed me these documents over a decade ago and I discussed them at the 1995 COPA Conference in Washington. Vea later sent me a newspaper story about one of the original technicians being later convicted for fraud. So the information has been out there for about 12 years. Somehow, Waldron and Hartmann missed it. (And so did Moldea since he was still vouching for Partin in 1997 when his RFK book was published.)

    But as I said, Moldea’s book came out in 1978. Well after Hoffa was convicted and passed away so mysteriously. So the act Partin did for Sheridan was not enough for Moldea. Watergate and the Church Committee had occurred in the interim. So for Moldea, Partin added some current sex appeal to his already fatuous story. He now told Moldea that Carlos Marcello contributed a half million to Nixon’s campaign in 1968 (Moldea pp. 108, 260). The go-between was Hoffa. Hoffa was also supplying arms to Castro before he took over Cuba (Ibid. p. 107). Waldron and Hartmann use these tales and source them to Moldea– without telling the reader that the source is Partin! At one point they even refer to this proven liar as a most trusted source. In this day and age, with all we know about Partin, this is academic irresponsibility.

    But if Moldea is bad, what can one say about Frank Ragano? Ragano is mentioned many times by Moldea in his Hoffa book. Ragano was an attorney for Hoffa, Marcello and Trafficante. He did this for many years. And during this time, many of these Mafia did it books emerged. But it was not until Oliver Stone’s JFK came out that he decided to write about how his three clients conspired to kill President Kennedy. The other curious thing about the timing of Ragano’s 1993 book Mob Lawyer, is that he was in trouble with the IRS over back taxes and cried out that he was being persecuted: perhaps for his much delayed broadcast about his clients assassination conspiracy? Or maybe he was just using the delayed expose to plea bargain the charge down? Whatever the case, Ragano made two mistakes in his coming out party. First, he sold Moldea the old chestnut about Jim Garrison’s investigation of Clay Shaw being a method to divert attention away from Marcello. I exposed this for the canard it was at the 1994 COPA Conference, and Bill Davy expanded on it in his book, Let Justice Be Done (pgs 149-167). Evidently, Ragano had not done his homework on the issue. And that crack investigative reporter Moldea was not up to checking it out beforehand. (See Ragano’s biography at spartacus.schoolnet.) Second, Ragano tried to get cute and was a bit too specific about Trafficante’s convenient deathbed confession to him. He said it occurred on March 13, 1987 in Tampa. He says the ailing Don called him and asked him to come down and pick him up. When Ragano arrived to take him for a spin, the dying 72-year-old Mob boss trotted out to the car in pajamas and robe. He told Ragano that he and his underworld cohorts had erred. They should have killed Bobby, not John. His conscience cleansed by his confession to his consigliore, Trafficante passed away a few days later.

    Unfortunately for Ragano, Tony Summers checked up on his belatedly revealed tale. According to Summers, who sources several witnesses, Trafficante was living in Miami in March of 1987 and had not been to Tampa for months. He was very ill at the time and was receiving kidney dialysis and carrying a colostomy bag. Further, Summers interviewed at least two witnesses who placed Trafficante in Miami on that day. There are also hospital records that put him in Miami’s Mercy Hospital for dialysis treatment on both the day before and the day after the Ragano “confession”. And Trafficante’s doctor in Tampa said he was not there on March 13th. (Vanity Fair 12/94) Now, from Miami to Tampa is about 280 miles. To think that a 72 year old dying man would drive four hours one way and then four hours back — between dialysis treatments — to do something he could have done with a call on a pay phone strains credulity to the breaking point. To postulate that he would fly the distance is just as bad. Did he buy two seats in order to put his colostomy bag next to him? Ragano told Summers he could produce other witnesses. But only if he was sued for libel. Since it is next to impossible for a family to sue for a deceased member over libel, Ragano was being real gutsy.

    Another spurious author used extensively in this section is Davis, who they refer to as a “noted historian” (p.264) and later (p. 768) as an “acclaimed historian.” (The authors are quite liberal in their use of the term “historian”: Tony Summers, Peter Dale Scott, even Tad Szulc are all given the title. Yet none of them are historians.) Others, like Bill Davy and myself have questioned the methodology of this “noted historian”. As I once wrote of him, although Davis likes to use a large bibliography to lend weight and academic ballast to his work, he does not footnote his text. And as Davy and I have both pointed out, even the freight of his pretentious bibliography is spurious. In his two books on the JFK assassination, Mafia Kingfish and The Kennedy Contract, Davis listed two primary sources: the transcript of the Clay Shaw trial and 3, 000 pages of CIA documents. He said they were housed at Southeastern Louisiana University at Hammond. Davy checked and I called. They aren’t there. (Probe Vol. 5, No.1, p. 9) In that same issue, in discussing his Kennedy biography, Dynasty and Disaster, I showed how Davis distorted his sources to twist words and events into something they do not really mean. And sometimes into the opposite of what they mean. I then demonstrated how his lack of footnoting made this hard to detect for a novice.

    But Ultimate Sacrifice ignores all this. The book uses Davis, and even some of the claims that Davy actually addressed head on. For instance: the 7,000-dollar payoff, which Marcello supposedly admitted in his HSCA executive session testimony. The problem here is he actually didn’t admit it. (Ibid) Further, Davy and I interviewed U.S. Attorney Jon Volz who was in on the prosecution that put Marcello away. He and his cohorts listened to years of surveillance on Marcello, including the storied “Brilab tapes”. Volz told us, “There’s nothing on those tapes.” (Ibid). In fact, Volz told us that far from the fearsome, all-inspiring Mafia Don Davis makes him out to be, Marcello was kind of slow and dull. Further, Waldron and Hartmann use their “noted historian”, to make Marcello an all encompassing Mafia Superman, his Hitlerian reach extending throughout ten states, Central America, the Caribbean and beyond. (Ultimate Sacrifice p. 264). Funny, because Volz told us that, by the time he prosecuted him, Marcello was not even the number one godfather in Louisiana. Anthony Carolla was.

    But Waldron and Hartmann need to use Davis to exalt Marcello because they want us to believe, as Davis and Blakey do, that Marcello was reaching through to Oswald through Guy Banister and David Ferrie. Repeatedly, throughout the volume, Ferrie and Banister are referred to as “working for Marcello.”. In no other book I have ever encountered have I seen this rubric used with these two men anywhere to the extent it appears here. Further, Banister and Ferrie are pretty much cleaned off of their other well-documented ties to the CIA and the FBI. There is almost no mention of Ferrie’s ties to the Bay of Pigs, how he trained Cuban exiles for that operation, how he engineered aquatic equipment like a miniature submarine, how he watched films of the debacle with his friend Sergio Arcacha Smith. There is also no mention of Ferrie’s attempts to recruit young men for MONGOOSE. And it’s almost the same for Banister. Again, this was an eccentric trend that was started with Blakey and Billings at the end of the HSCA. Ferrie had worked for Wray Gill, one of Marcello’s local attorneys. So Blakey shorthanded this into Ferrie working for Marcello. In 1962 and 1963, Ferrie got Banister some investigatory work through his Gill employment. But not even the HSCA and Blakey construed this as Banister being an employee of Marcello. Waldron and Hartmann do this throughout. Again, this is deceptive and journalistically irresponsible. But, as I will show later, its part of a grand design.

    But it’s not just Marcello who gets the Superman treatment. Apparently modeling themselves on Davis, they attempt to enlarge John Roselli beyond any dimensions I have ever read. Roselli was seen previously as a second tier Mafia figure, right below the top Godfathers who sat on the national council. And his affable demeanor, brains, and facility in conversation made him a good ambassador and envoy for the Cosa Nostra to gain entry into things like the film business and the CIA-Mafia plots. This book goes way beyond that to places I had never seen or imagined. Did you know that Roselli was somehow in on the murder of Castillo Armas in Guatemala in 1957? How about the assassination of Trujillo in the Dominican Republic in 1961? If you can believe it, the dapper, satin shirted, silk tied Roselli was in training with the Cuban exiles at JM/WAVE. He even makes an appearance at Banister’s office at 544 Camp Street. Roselli is somehow involved with Marilyn Monroe in a mÈnage a trois with Frank Sinatra and Sam Giancana before she tries to warn the FBI about a Mob hit on RFK. (This whole episode with Monroe has to be read to be believed. Its on pages 405-409.) And with Waldron and Hartmann, its Roselli who introduced Judith Exner to Senator Kennedy, since Roselli is trying to play it safe in the 1960 election (p. 390). And as the Mob plot heats up, he maneuvers her around to somehow monitor JFK.

    Except it’s not true. Unfortunately, I read Exner’s book My Story (see The Assassinations pp. 329-338 for my essay on Exner). In that book, Exner describes her first meeting with Senator Kenendy. She met him through a dinner hosted by Peter Lawford and Frank Sinatra (see pp. 86-89). In that book, contrary to what Ultimate Sacrifice clearly implies, there is not a hint that John Roselli had anything to do with her relations with JFK. In their further aggrandizement of Roselli, they attempt to place him in Dallas on 11/22/63 but they qualify this by saying that none of the sources meet their standard of reliability. (p. 712) But they state the accusation anyway by noting the multiplicity of accounts. Also, according to them, Roselli had no alibi for that day. When I looked up their multiplicity of sources, I smiled and shook my head. The three were James Files, Robert Plumlee, and Chauncey Holt. Gary Aguilar wrote a searing expose on the whole Files affair, which resulted in a rather embarrassing video on the JFK case. (Probe Vol. 3 No. 6 p. 27) Plumlee has been marketing his story for years about flying various people in and out of Dallas before and after the assassination. He figured in one of the early cuts of that video which the producer tried to sell to investors. The late Chauncey Holt was trying to sell himself as one of the three tramps for a number of years. The fact that the authors include these men is critical comment in and of itself.

    III

    But even using all these dubious books and authors, with their questionable sources and bibliographies, Waldron and Hartmann still suffer greatly from the “conditional syndrome”. That is, something can happen only if something else occurs i.e. the contingency or assumption factor. To give the reader a representative sample:

    • If Roselli had told David Morales that Ruby would be helpful in the fall 1963 CIA-Mafia plot, Morales would have had no reason to doubt him. (565)
    • It is possible that the call was related to Oswald…or a trip Ruby would soon make to Chicago… (566)
    • And even on November 1, Ferrie might have flown to Chicago instead of back to New Orleans, if the Chicago assassination plan had not been uncovered …(577)
    • Phillips was saying that about Oswald in the context of an autobiographical novel, but it could indicate that the CIA’s “plan we had devised against Castro” was similar to the way JFK was killed. (p. 580)
    • The sad thing is that the Mafia may have taken the very plan that the CIA had intended to use against Castro…and used it instead to kill JFK in an open limousine. That could account for the comments of Bobby and David Atlee Phillips after JFK’s death. (P. 581)

    And my favorite:

    • Morales probably engaged in business with Trafficante associate John Martino in the years after JFK’s death. On the other hand, Morales may have simply provided help and information to Roselli during his nighttime drinking binges. (p. 584, italics are mine in all excerpts)

    I am reminded of Cyril Wecht’s response to one of Michael Baden’s inventive rationales for the single bullet theory: “Yeah, and if my mother had a penis she’d be my father.” The book is literally strewn with these kinds of “would have” “could have” “might have” scenarios. In the sample above, I culled from a span of 20 pages and I cited six passages, leaving at least one other one out. Go ahead and do the math for a text of 786 pages. There must be well into the hundreds of these Rumsfeldian “unkown unknowns” populating this book– like autumn leaves in a Pennsylvania backyard. When I wrote my introduction to Bill Davy’s fine work, Let Justice Be Done, I noted that one of its qualities is the author used very few of these types of clauses. He didn’t have to. I also noted that the Mafia theory advocates were noted for these kinds of contingency phrases. Since Ultimate Sacrifice is essentially the “Mega Mob Did It” opus, it amplifies the usage of them exponentially. Which leaves one to ask: If you need so many of these clauses then what is the real value of the book and its research?

    Hand in glove with the above feature is the “he had dinner with him” syndrome. Peter Dale Scott’s works were rich in this kind of thing and then Robert Blakey brought it to new heights in the field. Waldron and Hartmann continue in this tradition.

    • Back in Dallas on Thursday evening November 20, Ruby had dinner with … Ralph Paul. Paul was associated with Austin’s Bar-B-Cue, where one of the part-time security guards was policeman J. D. Tippit. (p. 713)
    • The Teamster organizer was an associate of Frank Chavez, linked to Jack Ruby by FBI reports. (p. 740)
    • Ruby called the home of friend Gordon McLendon, owner of KLIF radio, who was close to David Atlee Phillips and had a connection to Marcello. (747)

    If you use the sources the authors use, and a lot of conditional phrasing, and you make the connections as oblique and inconsequential as a Bar-B-Cue pit, then you can just about connect almost anything and anyone. Sort of like the Six Degrees of Separation concept. You can even come close to duplicating that masterpiece of disinformation, Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal, aka The Torbitt Document (which is not a document and is therefore even deceptive in its nickname.) The point is that now, with the work of the ARRB, we don’t need to do this anymore. Waldron and Hartmann want to take us back to the Torbitt days.

    In this middle section of the book, which allegedly describes the plotting of the assassination, appear some of the most bizarre statements and chapters I have encountered in the JFK library of books. Which is saying a lot. After reading chapters 29-31, I actually wrote in my notes, “The preceding three chapters are three of the most ridiculous I have ever read in the literature.”

    But that is par for the course in this book. Did you know that:

    1. Guy Banister joined the plot because he was a segregationist. (pp. 457-458)
    2. John Roselli personally met RFK in Miami prior to the Missile Crisis. (This is on pp 408-409 and comes via Moldea and the incontinent Gerry Hemming.)
    3. The USA continued to support the corrupt and brutal Somoza dictatorship in Nicaragua because the Somozas knew too much about C-Day. ( p.158)
    4. Banister encountered Oswald in New Orleans in the first quarter of 1963 and relayed the information that he would be a perfect patsy for JFK to Marcello. (p. 456)
    5. Hoffa attempted to actually strangle RFK to death with his bare hands in a Justice Department office. (p. 430)
    6. Marilyn Monroe committed suicide because the Mob was pressuring her to blackmail RFK. (p. 407)
    7. In 1963 Oswald was about to announce to the nation his undercover role in an effort to achieve dÈtente between the Soviet Union and America. (p. 458, 463)
    8. Senator Thomas Dodd was above reproach. (p. 462.)
    9. It was Banister who got Oswald to take a shot at Edwin Walker in an attempt to get publicity for a white supremacist ally. (p. 467)
    10. The Mafia arranged for Antonio Veciana to meet with Oswald and Phillips in 1963. (p. 485)

    These are all strained at best. And some — like the Nicaragua charge — are jocular. Some fly in the face of direct evidence. (For the case against Dodd for instance, see Probe Vol. 3 No. 5, Vol. 3 No. 6, and Vol. 6 No.2, plus Bob Tanenbaum’s novel Corruption of Blood for his own suspicions of the man.) In the face of all this the idea that Dodd is “beyond reproach” is goofy.

    IV

    Part Three of Ultimate Sacrifice deals with the attempts on President Kennedy’s life in Chicago and Tampa, the assassination in Dallas, the ensuing cover-ups of the assassination and C-Day, and the effects of all this for the country. Waldron and Hartmann lend great import to Chicago and Tampa and depict them both as being Mob-oriented, and later of being covered up because of some revelations about C-Day. The evidence about the latter is pretty much diaphanous. But some of the circumstances surrounding the Chicago attempt are interesting. And what the authors do with them is even more so.

    The authors declare that their treatment of the Chicago attempt is the most extensive yet. Whether it is or isn’t, it is almost indecipherable. Through their usual tortuous logic and maneuvering, they somehow get Michael Mertz on the scene (with the help of the always useful Gerry Hemming.) They attempt to link the man who was being set up, Thomas A. Vallee, to John Martino, simply because Valle had once been a member of the John Birch Society and Martino was part of their Speaker’s Bureau. (p. 630) They conclude that Trafficante, Roselli and Marcello were behind the whole thing and Richard Cain was in on the cover up. The book cites former Secret Service agent Abraham Bolden who says that two of the suspected four man hit team were named Rodriguez and Gonzalez. They then surmise that those Hispanic names are important because those were two names of members in the Tampa branch of the FPCC. Which, in a spellbinding leap of logic, they connect to the Chicago attempt. (p. 625)

    One of the major sources that Ultimate Sacrifice uses for the two chapters on Chicago is a writer named Edwin Black. Today, Edwin Black is an illustrious author of several famous books like War on the Weak, which is about how famous philanthropies sponsored eugenics experiments in America, and The Transfer Agreement, which is about the founding of the Israeli state. .

    Unlike Ultimate Sacrifice, if you read Black, you get the idea that the Secret Service actually did a fair job once they were tipped off. Even though understaffed, they got help from the local police and did a quick job in apprehending Vallee and rolling up part of the cell. All of this was done before JFK’s scheduled arrival (which was eventually cancelled). Another difference is that although Bolden is a major source for Black, there is no mention of the two surnames, Gonzalez and Rodriguez. And then there are the important things Black discovered which Ultimate Sacrifice leaves out. Consider:

    1. Like Oswald, Vallee was a former Marine who was stationed at a U-2 base in Japan. (Black, p. 5)
    2. Like Oswald, the cover unit for Vallee’s probable CIA recruitment was something called Joint Technical Advisory Group.(ibid)
    3. Vallee had spoken bitterly of JFK, “We lost a lot of good men at the Bay of Pigs. (Ibid. p. 6)
    4. One of the men who arrested him, Dan Groth, was suspected of being a CIA undercover agent. And Groth inexplicably left off his arrest report the fact that Vallee had 750 rounds of live ammo in the trunk of his car. Further he said his notation of “M-1 rifle” on the report was a typo. This was one reason why Vallee could not be detained, since the charge for pulling him over — which was nothing but a pretext–was a minor traffic infraction. (Ibid p. 31)

    But the most startling thing Ultimate Sacrifice leaves out is the codename of the original FBI informant who tipped off the Secret Service. It was “Lee”. (Black, p. 5)

    Instead of all the Sturm und Drang Ultimate Sacrifice presents, if one reads Black one could conclude that Oswald was doing in Chicago what he did in New Orleans. As revealed later by FBI worker William Walter, although Oswald was serving as a CIA agent provocateur, he was also a likely informant for the FBI. And in the milieu he worked — the CIA and rightwing sponsored Cuban exile community — he tipped off the Bureau as to a plot he heard concerning the murder of JFK in Dallas. According to Black, he may have done it in Chicago also. One could also conclude that Groth screwed up his arrest report so that Vallee could not be thoroughly interrogated. And finally, Black adds that while he was pursuing his inquiry into the Chicago attempt, he was followed and investigated not by the Mafia, but by the DIA. (Black, p. 3)

    Until I read this book I did not know Black had written about the Kennedy assassination. Jim Douglass, who contributed to The Assassinations, pointed something out to me. Although Ultimate Sacrifice uses Edwin Black, you could never locate his original work from it. For if you try and match up the mentions of his name and use of his material in the text to the footnotes, you will discover something puzzling. Namely, you can’t. The authors footnote Edwin Black’s work to a man named George Black and to George Black’s book entitled The Good Neighbor. When you find The Good Neighbor, you will see that there is nothing in it about President Kennedy’s assassination. The book is about US foreign policy in Central America. Douglass, who is writing his own book on the JFK case, sent me Edwin Black’s actual essay on Chicago. That long essay was the cover story of a periodical titled Chicago Independent dated November 1975, which was edited by Black and his wife. You won’t find this essay in the footnotes in the two chapters about Chicago in Ultimate Sacrifice. To dismiss this mismatching as all a mistake one must believe the following:

    1. Waldron and Hartmann confused two completely different authors
    2. They confused two completely different subjects
    3. They mistook a book for a magazine article.

    One other aspect of this scholarly failure puzzles me. Waldron and Hartmann have about eleven footnotes to George Black’s book. Not one of them cites a page number. Probably because they can’t. Try and find another book they use for multiple but blind citations. The reason I find this all so bracing is that when I read Edwin Black’s essay I was struck by how clear it was compared to Ultimate Sacrifice, how different the interpretation of events was, and — as I have shown here — the crucial things what Waldron and Hartmann leave out. Ninety nine percent–or more–of the book’s readership can’t really conclude this or see the difference in the two treatments. When one does see the difference one has to at least postulate that the authors of Ultimate Sacrifice didn’t want you to find Edwin Black’s essay. Why?

    The work on the alleged Mob oriented Tampa plot directly follows the two chapters on Chicago. It begins with the rather hoary Joseph Milteer-William Somersett taped conversation. Somersett was an FBI informant who recorded his calls with Milteer. Milteer was a moderately well off southern racist who was associated with the extremist anti-civil rights group the National States Rights Party (NSRP). Somersett shared his beliefs but was against the use of violence to achieve them. On the tape, Milteer talks about a possible scenario for killing Kennedy with a high-powered rifle from a tall building.

    To say the least, it is problematic to use Milteer for the Tampa scenario since according to many sources (Henry Hurt, Michael Benson, Anthony Summers), if Milteer is talking about any location on the tape, it is Miami not Tampa. Further, Milteer had no detectable ties to the Mafia. But that doesn’t daunt our authors. They again use their Six Degrees of Separation technique. See, Milteer’s group had ties to associates of Guy Banister. And remember, Banister was doing work for Marcello. So that takes care of that. After utilizing this technique, the authors then shift into another one of their hundreds of “conditional syndrome” phraseologies:

    • Banister likely would have used Milteer in a supporting role for the JFK plot…Milteer himself would have made a logical person to take some of the blame if needed, given his far right credentials and public anti-Kennedy stance. (p. 662)

    They go on to write that Milteer could have even been used as a linkage to Vallee in Chicago. (Ibid.) Six Degrees is one handy tool to have at hand.

    The main Mafioso they link to Tampa is, of course, Trafficante. They use former Tampa police Chief J. P. Mullins, who has since died, as a source. Apparently, they never talked to Florida Department of Law Enforcement special agent Ken Sanz who is alive and an authority on Trafficante. He told the St. Petersburg Times (11/23/05) that he never heard of Trafficante’s involvement in the affair. Even though he has done years of research on Trafficante and is serving as a consultant to a book on the man.

    Between the two attempts on JFK, the authors interpolate a chapter on President Kennedy’s speech in Miami on November 18th. They say that part of the address was supposed to be aimed at the C-Day leader as a note of encouragement that the operation was ongoing. Oddly, they do not quote or paraphrase here that part of the speech under discussion. Basically, Kennedy said that Castro and his crowd had made Cuba into a victim of foreign imperialism, meaning the Russians. And that they together were now trying to expand revolution into South America. He then added:

    This, and this alone, divides us. As long as this is true, nothing is possible, without it, everything is possible. Once this barrier is removed, we will be ready…to work with the Cuban people in pursuit of the progressive goals which a few short years ago stirred the…sympathy of many people throughout the hemisphere.

    Now, some of the Kennedy people who worked on the speech were Arthur Schlesinger and Dick Goodwin. The authors quote Schlesinger as saying that only Kennedy’s staff had input into the speech. But then, Waldron and Hartmann bring a contradicting author on stage. It is Seymour Hersh and his hatchet job of a book The Dark Side of Camelot. They use this book to say that the CIA and Desmond Fitzgerald had a hand in the paragraph above. They footnote Hersh on this, but they give no page number for the reference. When you find the material in Hersh’s book, you will see that he is not even talking about the same speech. (Hersh, p. 440) He is writing about an address President Kennedy gave in Palm Beach ten days earlier. Hersh’s source is a former investigator for the Church Committee who is quoting a former CIA liaison to the committee. Further, the original source, Seymour Bolton, died in 1985 (Hersh’s book is full of second hand sources quoting deceased acquaintances.) If one studies the work of CIA liaisons with congressional inquiries one understands their purpose is to do one thing: protect the CIA at all costs. In this instance Bolton was trying to sell the Church Committee on the idea that the paragraph was inserted by CIA officer Desmond Fitzgerald as a message to Rolando Cubela, a CIA asset in Cuba who the Agency had enlisted to kill Castro. Cubela was not the coup leader. So Ultimate Sacrifice shifts both the speech and the alleged target of the message. So how do they show in this chapter that the speech was a message to the coup leader? Or maybe they were thinking no one would notice these things?

    But it’s actually worse than that. If one looks at the passage, does it not sound as if Kennedy is saying that he just wants Castro and Che Guevara to abstain from exporting Marxist revolution into South America? And if this would stop, the USA and Cuba could then establish a dÈtente? And that jibes with what Kennedy was trying to do through his triple back channel of Lisa Howard, William Attwood, and Jean Daniel. (Which, interestingly enough, the authors try to discount in this very chapter on page 670. Probably to make their unsupported scenario more palatable.) If we look at the passage in that way, then Kennedy’s special envoy Attwood can shed some valuable light on the Miami address:

    • It was intended to help me by signaling to Castro that normalization was possible if Cuba simply stopped doing the Kremlin’s work in Latin America (such as trying to sabotage — vainly as it turned out — the upcoming Venezuelan elections). (Attwood, The Twilight Struggle, p. 262)

    This concept of the speech, that it was an olive branch extended to Castro and not a war overture to Cubela–or whomever Waldron and Hartmann are referring to–is echoed in an article by Daniel published shortly after the assassination entitled “Unofficial Envoy” (The New Republic 12/14/63 ). And his information was from the most primary source of all: JFK himself.

    Now, if we are not blinded by the likes of Sy Hersh and Seymour Bolton, we should note Attwood’s mention of the upcoming Venezuelan elections. We should also note the date of the Miami speech, and also the date of the Richard Helms anecdote about the Venezuela arms cache that I mentioned earlier. The speech was on November 18th. Helms went to see Robert Kennedy and the president the next day with his phony story about the arms caches sent by Castro to Venezuela, a country that Attwood says JFK was worried about Cuba interfering in. Doesn’t it seem more likely that Helms and Fitzgerald were trying to force Kennedy into backing up the very words he had delivered the night before? Helms is figuratively telling JFK: “This is what you warned Castro about last night Mr. President. And look, today we discover he is doing just what you warned him not to do. What are you going to do about it? We have to do something. ” Far from sharing this C-Day agenda about Cuba, it would seem to me that the CIA was trying to get inside this overture for dÈtente, in order to take advantage of it and snuff it out just as it got rolling.

    V

    And this is a real problem with the book, its handling of the CIA. I never thought I would see a book about the JFK case that would vouch for the honesty of Richard Helms. But this one tries to ( pp. 44-45). About the only guy with less credibility than Helms on the assassination would be David Phillips. But Ultimate Sacrifice tries to rehabilitate Phillips’ words and writings on the JFK case (p. 562). And they even go beyond that. It tries to say that the things he did, he didn’t really do. Why? Because he did them without knowing he was being manipulated by the likes of Banister and the Mob. I’m not kidding:

    • By having Oswald use the FPCC and build a very public (and well-documented) pro-Castro cover … Phillips played right into the hands of Banister and others planning JFK’s assassination … (p. 473)

    By no means is this the only place they serve as defense attorneys for Phillips. They do it at least four other times (pp. 241, 509, 531, 532). Poor Dave, flying from JM/WAVE, to Mexico City, to Langley. He was so busy he didn’t realize that his street operative Banister was setting him up the whole time. What a fool.

    When David Talbot reviewed the book (all too kindly) in Salon, he pointed out this clear aspect of the work: the authors’ defense tract for the Agency. Waldron and Hartmann wrote Talbot to defend themselves:

    • … our book exposes Mafia-compromised CIA assets, extensive CIA intelligence failures, unauthorized operations, and the stonewalling of Robert Kennedy and government committees by certain CIA officials — all under the veil of secrecy covering AM/WORLD.

    In other words, they issued a non-denial denial. I like that: e.g. Clay Shaw and Ferrie manipulating Oswald in Clinton-Jackson was one of many “CIA intelligence failures”. I like even better the phrase “Mafia-compromised CIA assets”. See, Ferrie and Banister were working with Marcello, not the CIA. And this device is probably the reason that the book barely mentions Shaw, and amazingly, does not mention at all Ruth and Michael Paine. It would have been tough, even for these inventive authors, to make them into “Mafia-compromised” figures in the landscape.

    But the problem with the non-denial denial is that the authors cannot deny their book. To list every instance where they try to immunize the CIA would literally take pages. But how’s this for starters:

    • Later chapters show how some of those CIA assets were unknowingly manipulated by the Mafia in their plot to assassinate JFK. (p. 51)
    • More than anything, the CIA’s decades-long organizational cover up was designed to hide intelligence failures and protect reputations…(p.59)
    • Just because certain names have been linked to C-Day…It does not mean that any particular CIA officials were knowingly involved in JFK’s assassination. (p. 62)
    • Phillips and the CIA had their own agenda for Oswald, an agenda that had nothing to do with JFK’s assassination. (p. 173)
    • Harry Williams told us which one of the C-Day participants he felt was knowingly involved in JFK’s assassination (and it was not someone like E. Howard Hunt or James McCord)…(p. 187)
    • The Dallas meeting between Oswald and David Atlee Phillips probably eliminates Phillips from knowingly being involved in JFK’s assassination…(p. 531)

    And on and on and on. There must be at least 20 such passages in the book. But the one that takes the cake is this:

    • Two months later, when Ms. Odio saw Oswald on TV after JFK’s assassination, she fainted … That was exactly what the Mafia wanted … (p. 164)

    When I read that, I didn’t know whether to laugh or cry. Or do both and go bipolar. To her everlasting credit, when Sylvia Meagher examined the Odio incident four decades ago, she postulated that it showed a conspiracy between the Cuban exiles, the CIA, and elements of the reactionary right (Accessories After the Fact pgs 384-86). But according to Ultimate Sacrifice, the poor deluded lady was wrong. And we are all lost sheep. Why? Because we either didn’t know or ignored the incredibly powerful fact that Rolando Masferer’s brother lived in Odio’s complex. And Masferer — you guessed it — knew a couple of mobsters. What do the authors leave out? That many Cuban exiles lived in that complex, and that you could have picked out others who had relations to every group that was funding anti-Castro operations.

    What I have described with the Odio incident is absolutely systematic throughout the book. Especially in a section called “Three Oswald Riddles”. For instance, the authors write that Oswald did actually order the rifle, but probably at the behest of someone working for the Mafia (p. 460). And somehow Richard Cain would get the info into the media after the fact. (p. 465) The problem with that wild and irresponsibly speculative scenario is that today, due to people like Raymond Gallagher, (Probe Vol. 5 No. 6, p. 10) and especially John Armstrong, we can show that it is highly doubtful that Oswald ever ordered that rifle. In a tour de force performance in his book Harvey and Lee, Armstrong demonstrates, almost beyond a shadow of a doubt, that Oswald could not have ordered the rifle. (pgs 438-487) And he shows that-guess what-the people who manufactured the phony evidence afterwards weren’t mobsters.

    This consistent pattern of distorting, smudging, and obfuscating good evidence in favor of amorphous, and sometimes non-existent, Mafia “connections” has one of its highlights in Mexico City. Ignoring all the questions about entrance and exit into the country (see for example my first book Destiny Betrayed p. 264) Ultimate Sacrifice maintains that Oswald really did go to Mexico and onward to Mexico City. (p. 540) Ignoring the problems with the sign-in sheet at the hotel (DiEugenio op. cit. ), they further believe that Oswald stayed in Mexico City. And further, they say it was him at both the Cuban and Soviet consulates. Now to go into all the disputes about what the witnesses who saw him say the person who was there looked like would take several pages (for a decent summary see Tony Summers, Conspiracy pgs 343-352). But the capper for me is that they say he was there actually trying to get to Cuba! (In aid of C-Day of course.) Now many authors have noted the scene he created, what a nuisance he was, how truculent he was in attitude. How him raising his voice caused others to look around and even come out of their cubicles. How he didn’t even seem to know the right protocol to get a visa. How his calls to the Soviet Embassy arrived on the wrong day or during times when the staff was not there. Even Castro commented later that anyone trying to get to Cuba does not do what Oswald did. Again, Waldron and Hartmann either ignore all this or try to explain it away. And the only way to explain this obtuse balderdash in Ultimate Sacrifice is in light of the authors’ previous comments about Phillips. They are trying to get him (and his assistant Ann Goodpasture) off the hook about their manipulation of an Oswald imposter in Mexico City. Further, they wish to disguise how the CIA used the incident to 1.) frame Oswald, and 2.) force President Johnson into a cover up after the fact.

    Although I had hints about what Ultimate Sacrifice was up to before this, when I read this section the proverbial light went on in my head. And the light spelled out the name of Robert Blakey. Let me explain the clear parallel. As writers like Gaeton Fonzi and myself have pointed out, Blakey had a problem at the end of the HSCA inquiry. His committee had turned up a lot of evidence showing that the CIA was involved in the conspiracy, and also that the military had covered up that fact with the autopsy. How did Blakey solve that problem? He dismissed most of the investigators and kept a small coterie of trusted associates to write the Final Report and edit the published volumes. In that report, and in the volumes, he did all he could to minimize any CIA involvement and to disguise the true facts of the autopsy. He then stowed away a massive amount of raw evidence, much more than the Warren Commission did.

    This worked for awhile. It fell apart when the Assassination Records Review Board began to declassify much of the hidden record. People like Gary Aguilar and David Mantik began to expose how Blakey had hidden what really happened in Bethesda. John Newman and Bill Davy began to delve into the new revelations about Mexico City and New Orleans. I wrote an article with these new documents to indicate what Blakey had done. (See The Assassinations pp. 51-89) In other words, the cat was out of the bag.

    What Ultimate Sacrifice tries to do is put the cat back in the bag. It tries to repeat what Blakey did. It says: All this striking, powerful new evidence the ARRB released is not what you think. You say the military deliberately disguised the autopsy and may have forged the x-rays? You’re wrong. Bobby Kennedy controlled the autopsy. You think the Lopez Report on Mexico City says an Oswald imposter was there under the control of David Phillips? Wrong again, its C-Day and Richard Cain. You read Fonzi’s The Last Investigation and think the Odio incident is a more powerful indicator now of CIA and CIA affiliated Cuban exile involvement? Wrong once more, you fool. That’s just what Roselli and the Mafia wanted you to think.

    But if we are all fools, that leaves the question Talbot asked: Why would the Mafia kill JFK if they knew he was going into Cuba in a few days? Did they not want back into the island to get their hotels and casinos back? The authors answered this in their letter to him by saying, “…the Kennedys tried to exclude the Mafia from any involvement in the coup plan, and any involvement in Cuba after the coup.” Like almost every aspect of the book, this is preposterous. Concerning the first contention, that the Kennedys excluded the Mob from the plan: Really? You mean RFK didn’t call up Giancana and say, “Hey Sam, we’re going into Cuba on December 1st. Meet me then in Havana at the Tropicana and I’ll sell you your hotels back.” About the latter part, keeping them out of the liberated Cuba: How would it be possible to ensure that the Mafia would be kept off the island? Did the Kennedys plan on occupying every square mile of the place with a 150,000 man army and protecting the long shoreline with a naval armada indefinitely? Would they do background checks on every Cuban on the island and every one coming in to see they had no ties to the Mafia? (This in the days before computers.) Even though two of the alleged coup leaders, Varona and Artime, already had ties to the Mob? But this is the kind of thing one has to swallow to accept this abomination of a book.

    One of the most puzzling things about Ultimate Sacrifice is that some have actually taken it seriously. Peter Scott has said it is well documented. My question to Peter: Well-documented with what? Frank Ragano and Ed Partin? If you don’t analyze the footnotes you might be impressed. Unfortunately for my mental health, I did so I’m not impressed. Vince Palamara has gone on Amazon.com to praise the book as one of the best ever written on the case. Vince is supposed to be an authority on the Secret Service. Did he not notice what the authors did with Edwin Black’s seminal essay on Chicago? That people like this, and others, could be bamboozled by a dreadful and pretentious pastiche shows how rudderless the research community has become.

    When Gus Russo introduced Lamar Waldron in Dallas many years ago, he clearly meant him to be the fair-haired Luke Skywalker, rescuing the Jedi research community from the hordes of the Galactic Empire. What many didn’t recall, then or later, was that Luke Skywalker’s father turned out to be Darth Vader.

  • Vincent Bugliosi, Reclaiming History: A Crime Scene Between Two Hard Covers

    Vincent Bugliosi, Reclaiming History: A Crime Scene Between Two Hard Covers


    Part One

    If you ever want to witness a crime with your own eyes, you need only look at certain pages of the official record on the murder of John F. Kennedy. The crime is perjury. But unless you know a great deal about the case, you may not recognize it. There is, however, another crime scene you can visit that is easier to evaluate. Here, the crime is fraud, six pounds of it: Reclaiming History, by Vincent Bugliosi.

    This book is infested with fraud from cover to cover, but you might never know it unless you were to compare (a) the actual record with (b) what Bugliosi says is on record. You would also need to know (a) what else is on record that is relevant and significant, and (b) whether Bugliosi included this information.

    This essay contains just a few examples — picked at random — of Bugliosi’s highly selective, and sometimes outright false reporting on the medical-ballistics in this case. (All of the quotes from the book are introduced as numbered “specimens” and are in smaller type. Quotes from other sources are regular size, and in italics.)

    If this is how Bugliosi reports simple, physical information, imagine what he does with more complex issues.

    The Throat Wound

    Misrepresenting Parkland

    Was the wound in Kennedy’s throat an entrance or an exit? The wound itself can no longer tell us. No samples of the perimeter of the wound in the skin were preserved on slides. The only known photos of the wound were taken from too far away and are of poor quality. Words describing the wound have been preserved, but often they can be used to fit either situation.

    All of the doctors at Parkland Hospital agreed the wound was relatively small. Four of six doctors who saw the wound said the edges were not ragged. Two other doctors and one nurse said the opposite. (See below for actual quotes and references.) All of these words are suggestive but not definitive. The problem:

    Exit wounds can be small.

    Entrance wounds can be slightly ragged, or show “tattering” (Journal of Trauma 1963 (March) 3(2):120-128.) But words describing the little irregularities along the border of a round wound should not be confused with words indicating a jagged or star-shaped (stellate) wound – i.e., a typical exit wound.

    You will never learn of these ambiguities in Vincent Bugliosi’s book. Bugliosi wants you to believe that (a) the wound was “ragged,” and (b) this proves it was an exit.

    You will not learn from Bugliosi that the majority of Parkland doctors said the wound was not ragged. What is more seriously deceptive is that Bugliosi put these words — “ragged edges” — into the mouths of doctors who in fact said the opposite.

    Specimen 1:

    The light flashes on for Humes when Dr. Perry tells him that he performed his surgery on an existing wound there, a small, round perforation with ragged edges. “Of course,” Humes realizes, “that explains it.” 1069 (Bugliosi, p.207)

    Reference 1069 only documents Humes’s questionable claim that, from Malcolm O. Perry, he learned for the first time JFK had a bullet wound in his throat. But Perry never told Humes or anyone else that the wound had “ragged edges.”

    Significant omission: Perry implied the wound was definitely not ragged:

    “I indicated that the neck wound appeared like an entrance wound. And I based this mainly on its size and the fact that exit wounds in general tend to be somewhat ragged…” (ARRB MD 58, page 15)

    Elsewhere, Perry told the WC that the edges were “neither ragged nor were they punched out, but rather clean.” (3 WCH 372). To the HSCA, he said he did not inspect the wound closely, that he did not clean the blood off of it. Yet, he also told the HSCA the wound was “neither ragged nor clean cut… roughly round, the edges were bruised and a little blurred.” (ARRB MD 58, page 5)

    Specimen 2:

    Although Carrico was unable to determine whether the throat wound was an entrance or exit wound, he did observe that the wound was “ragged,”202 virtually a sure sign of an exit wound as opposed to an entrance wound, which is usually round and devoid of ragged edges.” (Bugliosi, p.413)

    Bugliosi’s reference for the above is page 517 of the Warren Report where Charles J. Carrico described a “ragged wound of the trachea,” (emphasis mine). Yet, in the above context, Bugliosi seems to want the reader to assume “the wound” refers to the one in the skin — the only kind that counts in the context of entrance versus exit. (Almost any wound in a trachea would be ragged because of the stiffness of cartilage.) Elsewhere, in a different context, Bugliosi mentions Carrico’s description of the raggedness of the trachea (Bugliosi, p.60), and so it is unlikely that he has confused this with the wound in the skin.

    Significant omission: Carrico testified in at least two places the wound was “rather round and there were no jagged edges or stellate lacerations.” (6 WCH 3); “fairly round, had no jagged edges.” (3 WCH 362)

    Specimen 3:

    We … did not determine at that time whether this represented an entry or an exit wound. Judging from the caliber of the rifle that [was] later found … this would more resemble a wound of entry. However … depending upon what a bullet of such caliber would pass through, the tissues it would pass through on the way to the [throat], I think that the wound could well represent either an exit or an entry wound. 212 (Bugliosi, p. 414)

    Significant omission: The statement, by Charles R. Baxter, that came immediately before the above selection: “It did not appear to be a jagged wound such as one would expect with a very high velocity rifle bullet.” (Emphasis mine.) (6 WCH 42)

    Specimen 4:

    [The] small hole in anterior midline of neck [was] thought to be a bullet entrance wound.215 (Bugliosi, p.414)

    Significant omission: The reason given by Ronald C. Jones, quoted above, for believing it to be an entrance wound: “relatively smooth edges.” (6 WCH 54) After discrediting the ability of these doctors to determine whether the wound was an entrance, it does no good to provide their opinions without the reasons underlying those opinions.

    When it came to reporting physical details of the wound, Bugliosi omitted what the majority — four of six doctors — had to say, the same four whose words could not be used to suggest the wound was an exit.

    On the other hand, he did report physical details if they fit Bugliosi’s ignorant idea of an exit wound: from one doctor who only saw the wound after it had been deformed by the tracheotomy, Gene C. Akin, who said its edges were “slightly ragged” (6 WCH 65), and from another doctor, the late Marion T. Jenkins, a well-known confabulator who has said just about everything he could to promote the findings of the Warren Commission, and stopped just short of claiming to have seen Oswald fire the shots. (For details, please see my essay, The Wandering Wounds, (http://www.assassinationweb.com/cranrev.htm). Jenkins said the throat wound was “not … clearly demarcated, round [or] punctate.” (6 WCH 48) Malcolm Perry, who seemed to doubt Jenkins had arrived early enough to see the wound untouched, even went so far as to say, “I know he did not examine the wound per se.” (3 WCH 381) [Bugliosi did not mention Margaret M. Henchcliffe, a nurse who said the wound was “jagged a little bit.” (6 WCH 141)]

    The only definitive way to determine the nature of an ambiguous wound is to examine it under magnification. Bullet holes in the skin, as in the skull, have a pattern of “cratering” that reveals their nature; the dermis and epidermis tell the same tales as the inner and outer tables of the skull. (Jones, Nancy L. Atlas of Forensic Pathology, New York: Igaku-Shoin, 1966, p.77) And there are other microscopic signs. The pathologists who performed JFK’s autopsy claimed they were unaware of a wound in the throat until the next day, after the body was taken away. Consequently, as far as we know, they never looked at this wound under magnification.

    Bugliosi has, however, put the word “ragged” under great magnification and declares it “a sure sign of an exit.”

    Divining the Truth from Bad Photographs

    The Clark Panel and HSCA claimed they could determine — from poor quality photographs taken at a distance — the nature of Kennedy’s throat wound.

    Specimen 5:

    Looking at black-and-white photographs of the wound to the throat (which were sharper and clearer than similar color photographs), the nine-member panel of forensic pathologists for the HSCA noticed “a semicircular missile defect near the center of the lower margin of the tracheotomy incision.” The committee said it was an “exit defect.”188 Dr. Baden, who headed up the HSCA panel, said, “The semicircular defect was caused by the exiting bullet. I saw it right away in the photographs, even though they weren’t of the best quality.” 189 The four-member Clark Panel of physicians and pathologists also saw a portion of the exit wound that was not obliterated by the tracheotomy.190 (Bugliosi, p.411)

    Although Bugliosi is a layman, one would think he would notice an absolutely stunning omission from the reports of both of these investigations: reasons for their conclusion that this small wound, so typical of an entrance even to the naked eye, was an exit. Those reasons would necessarily have to be subtle.

    Where is the requisite list of details that distinguished this “exit” wound from an entrance? Not one of the specialists on either medical panel followed the principles as stated by the most prominent member of the Clark Panel, Alan R. Moritz, M.D. From his article, “Classical Mistakes in Forensic Pathology,” American Journal of Clinical Pathology 1956; vol.26, p.1383.

    “Although it would seem to be obvious that the location, dimensions, shape, depth, and special features of every wound should be described, such information is frequently inadequately recorded on protocols that are prepared by pathologists who perform only occasional medicolegal autopsies.”

    NOTE: Many of the doctors on the Clark and HSCA panels, including the head of the latter, Michael Baden, are not among the pathologists who perform “only occasional medicolegal autopsies.” And while these doctors did not perform Kennedy’s autopsy itself, the principles described are conspicuously relevant to a review of autopsy materials: give reasons for making conclusions. Continuing with Dr. Moritz’s cogent remarks:

    ” In the protocol of a medicolegal autopsy, it is better to describe 10 findings that prove to be of no significance than to omit one that might be critical …

    “The purpose of a protocol is twofold. One is to record a sufficiently detailed, factual, and noninterpretive description of the observed conditions, in order that a competent reader may form his own opinions in regard to the significance of the changes described. (Emphasis mine.) Thus, a region of dark blue discoloration in the … may or may not be a bruise. To refer to it as a contusion in the descriptive part of the protocol is to substitute an interpretation for a description, and this is as unwarranted as it may be misleading … (Emphasis mine.)

    And this is exactly what the Clark Panel and HSCA did with respect to the throat wound: “substituted an interpretation for a description.”

    Ah, but when it comes to the interpretation of the throat wound, it is enough that Michael Baden “saw it right away.” (Further below, you can watch Michael Baden stretch a lie.)

    Bullet Hole in Connally’s Lapel

    Specimen 6:

    Lattimer knew from his previous experiments that the test bullet would almost certainly ‘tumble” after passing through the simulated neck (just as the bullet did during the assassination) and strike the mock-up of the governor’s “back” … The flying fragments of rib and soft tissue, which were blown out by the tumbling bullet, ripped a large ragged hole in both the shirt and the jacket, just as Oswald’s bullet had done in Dealey Plaza.” (Bugliosi, Endnotes, p.326) (Emphases mine.)

    In fact, the hole in the lapel of Governor John Connally’s jacket was small (3/8ths of an inch in diameter) and “circular.” (5 WCH 63)

    The hole in the front of the governor’s shirt was large, no doubt due to exiting rib fragments, but the hole in the front of the jacket was created only by the bullet, and the small size of this hole indicates the bullet exited straight on, i.e., not sideways, and thus it was not tumbling.

    Why would Bugliosi lie about the hole in Connally’s jacket? Why would he want it to appear as though the bullet had exited tumbling?

    1. The alleged tumbling is allegedly caused by the bullet’s alleged journey through JFK.
    2. The alleged tumbling is allegedly associated with the outward movement of Connally’s jacket lapel.

    On the Zapruder film, at a moment when lone assassin theorists claim Kennedy and Connally both are being struck by the same bullet, Connally’s lapel appears to bulge outward. (Never mind the correlation between the lapel bulge and the movement of Connally’s right arm, and never mind Connally reaction to a bullet several seconds after JFK’s.)

    According to the questionable experiments described below (and referenced in the Bugliosi quote above), only a tumbling bullet can push out rib fragments to the extent that they cause the lapel to flare outward.

    Background. The false evidence concerning the actual size of the hole in Connally’s jacket was manufactured by the late John K. Lattimer, M.D., a well known urologist with powerful connections who wrote several articles, all hard sell and soft science – informercials, really — that promoted the many aspects of the lone assassin theory. Lattimer’s disinformation on the ballistics of the single bullet theory was based on experiments using mock-ups of Kennedy and Connally (reference #4 below). Lattimer presumably shot Carcano bullets through these mock-ups, then presented various bits of data from the experiments, including the size of the mock torso’s back wound, and the experiment’s jacket lapel — both used to prove the bullet was tumbling.

    Lattimer then falsely claimed that the bullet holes in the experiments matched those in the actual case. The similarity of these lies is interesting, expressed here in millimeters for easy comparison:

    table 1

    Lattimer put together crudely deceptive exhibits designed to sell the public on the size of Connally’s back wound. Please see my illustrated essay “Big Lie About a Small Wound” at www.historymatters.com. You will not find this particular lie in Reclaiming History. Bugliosi and I have a mutual acquaintance who quietly implied that people working for him have seen the article and, for that reason, stayed away from this more obvious fraud. I have no way of verifying this behind-the-scenes story.

    Getting back to the fraud concerning the hole in the lapel, Bugliosi carefully avoided repeating Lattimer’s lie that the hole in the experiment’s lapel was 30mm – the exact length of the Carcano bullet. Instead he was vague, calling it “large,” and, apparently in an effort to nail it down as an exit, even though this is not in dispute, he add the word “ragged” to its description. (See Specimen #5.)

    Bugliosi was also very careful in the way he reported a second set of experiments performed by Lattimer to complement the first. When Lattimer fired directly at the simulated torso alone, with no intervening target representing Kennedy’s neck, the mock-up ribs did not push out the lapel, the bullet did not exit tumbling – it came out straight, and the hole in the experimental jacket lapel was small. In Lattimer’s own words, “The jacket did not bulge out and the lapel did not turn over…With the bullet going straight ahead, wounds to the rib, shirt and jacket were punctate … “ But look how Bugliosi avoids the significant details of this experiment:

    Specimen 6:

    Of particular importance is the fact that subsequent test rounds that were fired directly into the mock-up of the governor without first passing through the mock-up of Kennedy’s neck produced no bulge of the jacket. Without the tumble caused by the bullet’s passage through the simulated neck, there was no billowing of the jacket. (Bugliosi, Endnotes, p. 327)

    Significant omission: Not one word from Bugliosi on the size of the hole in the front of the jacket used in the experiment.

    Another table, though redundant, may make all this easier to digest:

    table 2

    Readers of Reclaiming History would have to do a lot of digging into primary source material to discover Bugliosi lies, revisions, and omissions. It’s interesting that the facts that Bugliosi tried to hide could actually be used to show that Connally was shot by a separate bullet, but there is glaring evidence the experiments were rigged: How could Lattimer’s mock-up of a “neck” cause a bullet to tumble, while the thicker “torso,” complete with ribs (one of which was hit by the bullet) did not interfere with the bullet’s flight at all?

    Michael Baden – Another Unsanitary Source

    Michael M. Baden, M.D., at the time, Chief Medical Examiner, New York City, and Chairman of the HSCA Medical Panel, was one of Bugliosi’s main sources of interpretation of the medical evidence, mentioned in the book no fewer than 92 times, including references — and is himself a specimen.

    Before you take what he says seriously, no matter how authoritative it sounds, you should take a good look at what he is capable of. You have heard the expression “stretching the truth,” but here is an instance of stretching a lie. In this case, the lie he stretches came from John Lattimer. (See above section, and, for more details, see “Big Lie about a Small Wound” at www.historymatters.com.

    As mentioned earlier, Lattimer doubled the length of the back wound (from 15 to 30mm) so that it matched the length of a Carcano bullet. Baden, knowing that the wound’s scar had to be larger than the wound itself, revised what he reported earlier – and doubled the size of the scar!

    Baden’s report to the HSCA:

    On removing his shirt, it was readily apparent that at the site of gunshot perforation of the upper right back there is now a 1 1/8-inch long horizontal pale well healed … “ (7 HSCA 143-144; 240) (Emphasis added.)

    Baden’s report to the Public:

    According to Connally’s medical records, the bullet struck him nose first in the back and left a vertical scar. I thought the records were wrong. If it was the same magic bullet, it would have gone in sideways … I needed to examine Connally …

    “He removed his shirt. There it was – a two-inch long sideways entrance scar in the back. He had not been shot by a second shooter but by the same flattened bullet that went through Kennedy. (Unnatural Death: Confessions of a Medical Examiner, Random House 1989, p.20) (Emphasis added.)

    Two inches versus one and one-eighth. Quite a contribution to the single bullet theory. How could Bugliosi trust anything Michael Baden says about anything?


    Part Two

    The Head Wounds

    Background

    The damage to John Kennedy’s head remains as mysterious as the dark side of the moon. Too many revisions in the evidence, and too many pseudoscientific explanations for these revisions, make it impossible to know what, or whom, to believe.

    The word “discrepancy” is inadequate to explain the extreme contrast among some of the different versions of the wounds.

    First, it was Parkland (large defect representing an exit wound in the rear of the skull) versus Bethesda (entrance wound in the rear); then it was Bethesda (entrance low) versus the Clark Panel and HSCA (entrance four inches higher); then it was Parkland 1963 (large defect in the rear) versus Parkland 1990’s (didn’t see any defect; misunderstood what they saw), and so on.

    The Parkland doctors in Dallas, including the Chief of the Division of Neurosurgery, William Kemp Clark, described a large defect in the bone at the right rear of the head, evidence of an exit wound they thought — from a bullet fired from the front.

    Dr. Clark and others defined the types of bone along the perimeter of the hole and noted that some of the bone was “avulsed,” that is, thrust outward. Inside and out, they saw both cerebrum and cerebellum (brain tissue with distinctly different texture that lies below the cerebrum). Cerebellum (unlike ubiquitous cerebrum) exuding from the defect was considered strongly suggestive of an exit in the rear.

    Dr. Clark did not record his observations for merely academic reasons. He had to look carefully into the defect to assess what was left of the brain in order to make a decision on whether to stop resuscitation efforts. He did not try to assess the full extent of the defect.

    Late in the evening of the autopsy, three skull fragments, found in the limousine, were delivered. One of those fragments presumably fit into the defect in the rear of the head. It had a semicircular notch on its edge, said to be part of a hole created by an entering bullet.

    The alleged entrance wound was defined by a notch on the edge of the skull, put together with a notch on the edge of the bone fragment. The two semicircular notches together made one full circle — oval in shape — representing a bullet hole. (For the sake of brevity, I’m omitting all the contradictory testimony on this issue.)

    Now consider the location of the completed bullet hole: the pathologists said it was “just above” the EOP (external occipital protuberance) a landmark bump — low in the rear of the head. This necessarily means that the defect – and the fragment that filled it — also had to begin low in the rear of the head.

    Gary L. Aguilar, M.D. has proven, with great elegance, that what Bethesda reported was not so different from what Parkland reported: a large defect in the rear of the head. Please see How Five Investigations Got it Wrong at www.history-matters.com He was the first to report the significance of the pathologists’ measurements of the defect and the fragments — what these figures meant with respect to the damage in the rear, and what Parkland had reported.

    The language used by the pathologists was vague. They said the defect was “somewhat” into the occiput while emphasizing the damage in the front of the head. And their diagrams suggested the bullet hole was much lower than the lowest edge of the defect. (They explained that the diagrams only showed the hole in the scalp as opposed to the bone underneath.) The main Parkland-Bethesda controversy then is not whether there was a defect in the rear – there was — but whether a bullet entered, or exited, from that area.

    Getting back to Dallas, in the 1990’s, some of the Parkland doctors said they never saw any defect; they said the back of the head was hidden by a curtain of gore-drenched hair that misled them into thinking a wound was under it. They also revised what they said about the brain: what they thought was cerebellum was just damaged cerebrum.

    There is a big problem with this explanation: these doctors also reported seeing damaged cerebrum, tissue which they did not mistake for cerebellum. Obviously they made a distinction between the two. And some of the exposed cerebellum was sufficiently intact to exhibit grossly visible, definable characteristics. Dr. Clark, a distinguished neurosurgeon and the most qualified of all the physicians who saw the head damage, never changed his story.

    Michael Baden, to whom Bugliosi often turned for advice, has also made good use of the hair-curtain explanation. He used it to explain how on-lookers at the autopsy could be so “wrong” about the greater defect in the skull. He even used it to explain why the pathologists were “wrong” about where the skull entrance wound was. Baden gives new meaning to the expression “pulling the wool over one’s eyes.”

    Few medical professionals would be fooled by such an explanation. Anyone who has dealt with trauma knows that even the least serious little wound in the highly vascularized scalp can cause a great blood bath. Even brain injuries can look worse than they are. Doctors and nurses always look under the mess for its source.

    Another source of the controversy: an object on the skull X-ray (frontal view), presumed to be a bullet fragment. The pathologists, the acting radiologist, and other autopsy witnesses described the largest fragment as just a sliver, shaped like a matchstick, located in the front of the head, right behind the right eye. They confirmed its location in the brain, and extracted it.

    The frontal X-ray shows something quite different: a shiny round object with the same diameter as the Carcano bullet, imbedded in the rear of the head. It shows through the eye socket, as obvious as a candle in a pumpkin. And all skull X-rays show the new location of the entrance, four inches higher. (Army experiments on skulls performed in 1964, after the autopsy report was written, showed that the lower entrance resulted in an exit that was also too low. A reason to relocate the entrance?)

    Below you will find a few specimens that reflect Bugliosi’s attempts to deal with these controversies. There are many more that I have not reported for lack of time.

    Autopsy Protocol

    Cerebellum

    Specimen 8:

    But although the autopsy report notes that “the major portion” of the right cerebrum was “exuding” from the large defect on the right side of the president’s head, there isn’t one word in the report indicating that any part of the cerebellum was missing or even lacerated. 148 (Bugliosi, p. 404)

    Specimen 9:

    It bears repeating that the autopsy report only mentioned damage to the cerebrum, not the cerebellum. (Bugliosi, p. 405)

    Specimen 10:

    Dr. Boswell, in response to Parkland doctor Kemp Clark’s claiming to have seen “exposedä cerebellar tissue,” told Dr. Gary Aguilar, “He was wrong.† The right side of the cerebrum was so fragmented.† I think what he saw and misinterpreted as cerebellum was that.” (Bugliosi, p. 405)

    Significant omission: What Bugliosi does not report is that there is not one word, one way or the other, on the appearance of the cerebellum in the main Autopsy Report or in the Supplemental Autopsy Report, where a description of the organ belonged, under the heading “Gross Description of the Brain.” (A significant omission from the autopsy protocol itself, and from Bugliosi’s description of it.)

    Another significant omission: Bugliosi does not report that in the section on the Microscopic specimens, the cerebellum (item “f. From the right cerebellar cortex”) is indeed mentioned as having “significant abnormalities … directly related to the recent trauma.” The entire quote:

    “Multiple sections from representative sections are essentially similar and show extensive disruption of brain tissue with associated hemorrhage. In none of the sections examined are there significant abnormalities other than those directly related to the recent trauma.” (CE 391, page 2, ARRB MD4)

    It is not likely the typist mistook “cerebrum” for “cerebellum.” Individual parts of the cerebrum were listed: the right parietal lobe, the right frontal lobe, the left fronto-parietal cortex — all parts of the cerebrum. The pathologists clearly described both types of brain tissue.

    It is standard to mention all normal parts of an organ adjacent to the abnormal parts, and the exclusion of the cerebellum from the Gross Description of the Brain, and its inclusion in the Microscopic Examination, is intriguing indeed.

    Occiput

    Specimen 11:

    Cerebellum certainly wouldn’t likely have been expelled from any defect in the right front of the president’s head, where the Warren Commission and the autopsy surgeons concluded the exit wound was. (Bugliosi, p.405)

    Specimen 12:

    Baden: “But, clearly from the autopsy X-rays and photographs and the observations of the autopsy surgeons, the exit wound and defect was not in the occipital area. There was no defect or wound to the rear of Kennedy’s head other than the entrance wound in the upper right part of his head.” (Bugliosi, p.408)

    As a matter of fact, the autopsy surgeons said the great defect was chiefly in the parietal area but “extended somewhat into the temporal and occipital regions.” (Autopsy Protocol, p.3) (Emphasis mine.) (And do not confuse the location of the defect with that of the exit.)

    Cerebellum “Mistaken” for Cerebrum

    Specimen 13:

    Dr. Jenkins wrote that “the cerebellum had protruded from the [head] wound … ” However, Jenkins changed his mind after seeing autopsy photographs in 1988, telling author Gerald Posner that “the photos showed the President’s brain was crenelated from the trauma, and it resembled cerebellum, but it was not cerebellar tissue.” (Bugliosi, p.405)

    Specimen 14:

    [Quoting Dr. Carrico] “Looking at the shredded pieces of brain on the gurney, it looked like some of it had the characteristics of cerebellum, which kind of has a wavy surface. But because these brain pieces were shredded, this could easily have led to confusion as to whether it was all cerebrum – which has broader bands across the surface – or some cerebellum.” (Bugliosi, p. 405)

    As Bugliosi reports, several other Parkland doctors revised their statements, but I repeat: there is a big problem with this explanation. These doctors also reported seeing damaged cerebrum, tissue which they did not mistake for cerebellum. Obviously they made a distinction between the two. Some of the exposed cerebellum was sufficiently intact to exhibit grossly visible, definable characteristics. (And it is strange that Bugliosi gives credence to anything said by Marion T. Jenkins, considering this doctor’s ability to confabulate. For details, please see my essay, “The Wandering Wounds,” at http://www.assassinationweb.com/cranrev.htm.

    The Great Hair Curtain

    Hair Hides Wound from Parkland?

    Specimen 15:

    [W]hat is the explanation for several of the other Parkland doctors erroneously thinking that the large exit wound was to the right rear of the President’s head as opposed to the right frontal region, where all the medical and scientific evidence proved it to be? Dr. Michael Baden … has what I believe to be the answer …”The head exit wound was not in the parietal-occipital area, as the Parkland doctors said. They were wrong … That’s why we have autopsies, photographs, and X-rays to determine things like this. Since the thick growth of hair on Kennedy’s head hadn’t been shaved at Parkland, there’s no way for the doctors to have seen the margins of the wound in the skin of the scalp. All they saw was blood and brain tissue adhering to the hair. And that may have been mostly in the occipital area because he was lying on his back and gravity would push his hair, blood, and brain tissue backward … (Bugliosi, pp 407-408) (Emphases his.)

    Bugliosi quotes several Parkland doctors who now say the wound was obscured by hair, “confirming” Baden’s explanation. But how could Bugliosi accept this without question even though he has shown he is familiar with testimony that contradicts it – that these doctors looked beneath the hair, and saw a defect in bone? Doctors and nurses always look under the mess for its source. Among the following quotes, notice all the references to bone:

    “[A] large wound beginning in the right occiput extending into the parietal region. Much of the skull appeared gone.” (17 WCH 10) “This was a large, gaping wound in the right posterior part, with cerebral and cerebellar tissue being damaged and exposed.” (6 WCH 20) “The loss the right occipital and probably part of the right parietal lobes would have been of specific importance. (6 WCH 26). William Kemp Clark

    “The wound … was a large gaping wound, located in the right occipitoparietal area. . . . about 5 to 7 cm. in size, more or less circular, with avulsions of the calvarium and scalp tissue.” (6 WCH 6) Carrico

    “It seemed to me that in the right occipitalparietal area that there was a large defect. There appeared to be bone loss and brain loss in this area.” (6 WCH 71) Peters

    “There was a great laceration on the right side of the head (temporal and occipital), causing a great defect.” (17 WCH, CE 392) “I really think part of the cerebellum, as I recognized it, was herniated from the wound.” (6 WCH 48) Jenkins

    “I noted a large avulsive wound of the right parietal occipital area, in which both scalp and portions of skull were absent, and there was severe laceration of underlying brain tissue.” (3 WCH 371) Perry

    “[T]he parietal bone was protruded up through the scalp and seemed to be fractured almost along its right posterior half, as well as some of the occipital bone being fractured in its lateral half, and this sprung open the bones that I mentioned in such a way that you could actually look down into the skull cavity itself and see that probably a third or so, at least, of the brain tissue, posterior cerebral tissue and some of the cerebellar tissue had been blasted out. (6 WCH 33) McClelland

    Hair Hides Wound from Autopsy Onlookers?

    Specimen 16:

    Baden said that Kennedy’s head wasn’t even shaved of its hair at the time of the autopsy, and hence, any observations by onlookers of the autopsy, as opposed, he said, to the autopsy surgeons themselves, who were working directly with the president’s head) would likely have been skewed. (Bugliosi, p.408)

    A small hole revealed by shaving the scalp is probably the one thing observers at a distance would not be able to appreciate. But these onlookers observed the scalp being reflected back to show the damage in the actual bone. Some described the brain being removed, and made other very specific observations that were based on a view of naked bone. (These witness statements have been reported so extensively by so many researchers I shall not repeat them here.) Baden apparently wishes to imply these observers saw not much more than what shows in the gory, messy photos taken before the autopsy began. Ridiculous as the comment in Specimen 15 is, Baden has topped it! See next section.

    Hair Hides Wound from Prosectors who Performed Autopsy?

    Significant omission. Bugliosi knew better than to repeat what Baden said about the four-inch discrepancy in the location of the entrance wound. In Specimen 15, Baden at least admitted that the autopsy surgeons working directly with Kennedy’s head had a better view. But you would never know it from this comment which appears in a book Baden wrote for the public:

    “Perhaps the most egregious error was the four-inch miscalculation. The head is only five inches long from crown to neck, but Humes was confused by a little piece of brain tissue that had adhered to the scalp. He placed the head wound four inches lower than it actually was, near the neck instead of the cowlick.” (Unnatural Death: Confessions of a Medical Examiner, Random House, 1989, p. 16)

    As Baden knew very well, the pathologists folded back the scalp to observe the skull directly and, they said, they looked at what was left of the hole from the inside of the skull.

    Bugliosi Blames Baden’s Co-Author

    Bugliosi admitted there were “errors” in Baden’s book, and he mentioned a few, giving the greatest space to the one concerning Pierre Finck’s background. Baden had said, falsely, that Finck had never performed an autopsy on a victim of a gunshot wound before. But Bugliosi never mentioned the two outrageous assertions from Baden’s book that I have quoted in this essay. And the excuses he makes for Baden are just not credible.

    Specimen 17:

    Baden, one of the top forensic pathologists in the nation, is an extremely busy man, and if I were to wager, he coauthored this book on the run, leaving much of the detail to his coauthor [Judith Adler Hennessee], who is not a doctor. (Bugliosi, Endnote #5, p.219)

    “Detail.” The “errors” that are the most embarrassing – the ones Bugliosi does not mention — do not concern “detail.” They are assertions concerning facts and logic treated as linchpins in proving the lone assassin theory.

    “An extremely busy man.” The chapter on the Kennedy assassination was quite small — just a few pages long — in a small book. Baden was too busy to review statements made in his name on the Crime of the Century? (Maybe he had hair in his eyes and couldn’t see the print?) “If I were to wager.” As if he had to guess. As if Baden were not available to ask directly. Considering all the direct personal contact Bugliosi had had with Baden as documented extensively in this book, you would think Bugliosi would have asked Baden himself about all of these strange statements. But, then, maybe they both were too busy.

    No Co-Author to Blame for This One

    When it came to explaining the four-inch discrepancy to Congress, Michael Baden told a different story:

    “[P]reparing the autopsy report 24 hours after the autopsy was completed and after the body had been removed, may have contributed to the more significant mistake of placing the gunshot wound of entrance 4 inches lower than it actually was. The description of the size and shape of the entry wound is correct, but the location is incorrect perhaps due to reliance on memory.” (Emphasis mine.) (1 HSCA 306)

    The location was incorrect “perhaps due to reliance on memory?” None of the congressmen questioned this. Apparently they were unaware of the notes and diagrams made during the autopsy and used in the preparation of the autopsy report. The wound, as depicted in the drawing on the autopsy descriptive sheet (ARRB MD #1), looks to be precisely at the EOP (external occipital protuberance) – low, far below another memorable landmark, the cowlick. (This interview took place before the growth of the Hair Curtain.)

    Authenticating the Skull X-rays

    Many of us are skeptical about the authenticity of the skull X-rays because what they show is just too different from what was described by the closest and most qualified witnesses. We are especially skeptical of the shiny new fragment – the perfect slice of a 6.5 Carcano bullet – that no one reported in 1964.

    David Mantik, M.D., Ph.D., a radiologist and physicist, has provided highly technical reasons for believing the X-rays are counterfeit. Bugliosi cannot deal with these concepts, and turns to wound ballistics expert Larry M. Sturdivan (BS in Physics, MS in statistics) and Dr. Chad Zimmerman for help in rebutting Mantik’s theories. What Zimmerman said about the fragment itself contradicts the opinion of the HSCA’s expert radiologist.

    Specimen 18:

    [Quoting Zimmerman] Personally, I think it may actually have been a bullet fragment that was stuck in the hair or on the skin and later fell off … I feel it is real because of the lack of film grid lines in the surrounding area, which, in my opinion, are an absolute must … in order for it to be a post-autopsy forgery. (Bugliosi, Endnotes, p.222)

    According to Gerald McDonnel, the HSCA expert radiologist, the metal fragment was imbedded on the inside of the scalp (7 HSCA 133). If McDonnel is right, it could not have been “stuck in the hair or on the skin” as Zimmerman muses.

    In any case, this does not explain why no one, including the acting radiologist at the autopsy, saw this obvious fragment on the X-ray.

    As for his opinion on what makes a forgery, what are his qualifications? Chad Zimmerman has provided Bugliosi and others with his opinions on several aspects of this case – ballistics, acoustics, neurology, radiology and photography, all promoting the lone assassin theory. He does not provide references from scholarly sources for his opinions; does this mean that he himself is a recognized scholarly source?

    With all due respect, who is Chad Zimmerman to disagree with Gerald McDonnel? He is a Doctor of Chiropractic. (Bugliosi, Endnotes, p. 327) According to his advertisements, he offers massage therapy. This case has had quite enough massage therapy.

    They Will Say Anything

    One thing is clear, if nothing else: there are people who will say anything to promote the lone assassin theory.

    It would be nice if you could just cast aside all the words and look at the images, the X-rays for instance. But here, again, you need words – the words of the people who authenticated them. Would McDonnel et al have the sophistication the spot the signs of a sophisticated forgery? Who is qualified to do that? The very people who have the expertise may be the least credible, considering their close association with the government. The relationship between Kodak and the often deceptive CIA is well established.

    Would they, too, say anything, true or not?

    How would you know?

  • Dale Myers Gets Perturbed!


    A longer response than Dave Von Pein’s to part one of my review of Reclaiming History was by, well, what shall we call him? Co-author? Writing assistant? Ghostwriter? Whatever term you prefer, it was, predictably, by Dale Myers.

    Apparently, Myers didn’t like me expounding on a) His past beliefs that the JFK case was a conspiracy, and b) David Lifton’s inside knowledge about his ghostwriting of Reclaiming History, and his falling out with Vincent Bugliosi and his subsequent settlement that limited his talking about that ghostwriting. (Although considering how bad the book is, Myers got a good deal. He made some money but his name is off what turned out to be a book that should have never been published.)

    Concerning the first, Myers actually tries to say that his former anti-Warren Commission beliefs are quite open and available. That’s kind of funny. They are not at all available in the two books he has authored and co-authored, namely With Malice and Reclaiming History. And he had a lot of room to level with the reader in those two volumes. Well over three thousand pages. Or the equivalent of about eight or nine normal sized books: one-third of the Warren Commission. In fact, if John Kelin had not surfaced the tape recording of the interview he did with Myers from many years ago, I would never have known about his St. Paul type conversion.

    This is an important point I believe. If an author is not equivocal, but absolute in his beliefs on an important historical event that has generated decades of controversy, he owes it to his readers to tell them he believed precisely the opposite before. Because, as I said in my review, the evidence in the JFK case has not changed. By any fair and objective standard, the releases of the Assassination Records Review Board have been quite brutal to the Warren Commission. And I used a lot of these new discoveries to illustrate the many, many shortcomings of Reclaiming History. (And I will use many more in future installments.) If an author is not forthcoming about his 180 degree pirouette, then the reader, quite naturally, has a right to suspect the worst. In previous cases, e.g. Norman Podhoretz, or David Horowitz, the authors understood this obligation. And they carried it out. In fact, both of these men wrote at least one, and a good part of a second book, trying to show how the transformation took place. Whether or not the attempts at psychological elucidation are convincing is a different story. But they made it. But surprisingly, Myers never felt any compunction at all in that direction. By not doing so, he invites the reader to wonder about the cause of the flip-flop. Which I will do later.

    The second complaint, about further exposing his unbilled role in Reclaiming History, is unconsciously humorous. Last year, when Reclaiming History came out, Myers began to praise the book on his web site. And he and Todd Vaughn also began to attack writers who criticized it. Yet, I could find no instance at this time period when Myers admitted he had been a direct and paid participant in that literary exercise. And in fact, he still terms Lifton’s important information on this point as speculation and rumor. In my view, this comes close to what people on the web term as “sock puppetry” . This means for example, in an e-mail forum you praise a work you are responsible for, but you do not reveal in your e-mail identity that you are the writer, or in this case, co-writer.

    This weird and unbecoming behavior reached its apogee after David Lifton appeared on Black Op Radio in the summer of 2007. At that time, with host Len Osanic, Lifton revealed that Vincent Bugliosi was not the sole author of Reclaiming History He named Fred Haines as one of the co-authors of the inflated volume. He then erred and named Patricia Lambert as another. Myers used this mistake to jump all over Lifton using Bugliosi’s secretary Rosemary Newton as his bullhorn. This is utterly fascinating of course. Why? Because up until this point, Lifton had been kind to Myers about the issue by not naming him as a ghostwriter. Even though he knew about his role. But the ungracious and ungrateful Myers was still concealing it. And at the same time he was trying to belittle Lifton by implying that he didn’t know what he was talking about! (Consider all that for a moment.)

    Well, understandably, that was it for Lifton. He then wrote a rewrite of his previous article on the issue. And this time he named Myers. In his response to me, Myers says that Lifton “discovered” these details by reading the acknowledgments section of Reclaiming History. It’s writing stuff like that which really makes me wonder about Myers. The details divulged by Lifton about the contracts Haines and Myers signed are nowhere — and I mean nowhere — to be found in Reclaiming History. And it’s this specificity, which could only be known by an insider, that impressed me enough to write about it since I think it is an important issue in any serious critical discussion about that volume.

    Now, one of the things Lifton has stated is that when Myers signed his first contract to contribute to the tome, he was taken aback by how bad Reclaiming History was. Considering the condition of the book when it was later published, that must have been pretty awful. (Although in Myers’ upside down world, you never know.) I really wish Myers would talk about the state of the book when he got it. And which specific parts — with page numbers — he wrote or seriously contributed to. Also, if all those vicious, insulting and puerile pejoratives which litter the book were his or Bugliosi’s. Or, in that category, if he encouraged the prosecutor to go down that vituperative road or if he tried to soften that cheap approach. (From the stuff Myers’ spews today I seriously doubt it was the latter. On the JFK case, he’s our equivalent to Bill O’Reilly.) If he can’t answer these questions, then we know Lifton is right about the second contract. Which provided for the terms of their literary divorce. Which I suspected was the case since last year.

    Myers also objected to my pointing out to the reader, and actually linking to, intelligent and reputable sources who slice and dice his pseudo-simulation called Secrets of a Homicide. This is his 3D recreation of JFK’s assassination which first premiered way back in November of 1994 in a magazine called The Video Toaster User. This illustrated article consisted of frames from his simulation plus his commentary of what he had done, how he had done it, and what it now showed. David Mantik and Milicent Cranor wrote highly critical articles at that time critiquing the methods he discussed in his articles and his description of what he said it showed. They did not go any further than that. And believe me, there was plenty of material in that sorrowful article to go after.

    Mantik’s article I thought was effective in a narrow but sharp way. (Probe Vol. 2 No. 3, p. 2) David has a Ph. D. in Physics and is also an M.D. He is a scientist and academic and he approached Myers’ article as if he would be peer reviewing it for an academic journal. In the first three parts of his critique, he described what Myers was trying to do in a fair and complete way. He then focused his actual review on what he was most familiar with, anatomy and trajectory.

    Mantik first scored him on his rather bold and perplexing claim of being able to see both men jump in the air simultaneously when they disappear behind the Stemmons Freeway sign. Mantik said that Myers’ data source for this was “totally unexplained”. (ibid, p. 3) He then exclaimed, “If it does not appear in the original Z film (that would appear to be impossible since both men were hidden behind the sign) then where did Myers find it? This startling assertion is not addressed in his paper.” (ibid) (Mantik didn’t fully understand what Myers was up to here. I will explain what I think the point of this was when I discuss Milicent Cranor’s critique of this article.)

    Mantik then went on to question Myers’ use of points in his trajectory analysis. That is the anterior neck wound in JFK and what Myers called a point “…near the shoulder line” in Kennedy’s back. (ibid, p. 3) Medical expert Mantik seriously questioned the positioning of both points, especially the latter. He wrote in “precise anatomic terms, this statement fails completely to identify the exit site-either vertically or horizontally.” (ibid) (Note: Myers was working backward from Gov. Connally to fulfill a trajectory line. This is why Mantik uses the word “exit” in regards to the shoulder.) From here, Mantik went on to score the Myers’ assumption that the trajectory was undeflected through both men. Mantik wrote that since the bullet shattered Connally’s fifth rib this “straight line assumption might well be questioned.” (ibid)

    Mantik then got to the heart of the problem. Myers said that he started with Connally and worked backwards because the governor’s wounds were marked precisely at Parkland Hospital. Mantik explained that this is not really true. He then went through the work by both Dr. Robert Shaw and Michael Baden in the HSCA volumes and showed why it was not true. And he also pointed out that part of the problem is actually addressed in the Warren Report (p. 107). There they say that the precise angle could not be concluded since the “large wound on the front of the chest precluded an exact determination of the point of exit.” Mantik then worked out a margin of error factor for this uncertainty and added another for the rotation of Connally’s body on a vertical axis. With just those two factors Mantik computed an error radius of 28 feet. He then went on to add that when you factor in the actual orientation of Connally at frame Z-223-“with right shoulder and torso visibly rotated to the rear… Such a rearward rotation immediately shifts the location of the error cone towards the Dal Tex building.” (ibid) Mantik concluded that the underlying problem with any such enterprise was the placement of Connally’s wounds on his body in regards to the midline. He said the information was simply not precise enough from the data we have. (ibid) He then concluded that “Without such precise knowledge it is not possible to locate the error cone in space. How Myers resolves this most difficult challenge is nowhere to be discussed in his paper.” (ibid pgs 3-4)

    I found Myers’ response to Mantik’s trenchant critique quite precious. He never once debated the anatomic arguments Mantik made. Not once. What he did is he actually tried to say he was right about being able to see through the Stemmons Freeway sign! You know, the whole “jumping in unison” thing. And this is central to what Myers enterprise is all about. And it gets to Milicent Cranor’s May 1995 critique in The Fourth Decade. Milicent began her review by quoting a crucial segment of Myer’s commentary. Myers wrote that he superimposed “selected frames from the Zapruder film over a matching view of the 3D computer world. Key frames were then created …” ( p. 22, emphasis added) The obvious question, which Cranor quickly posed, was: Why leave anything out? Why not animate the whole film? Or entire crucial sequences? Myers wrote that he inserted key frames every 20 frames, “though extreme motion areas required key frames at three to five frame intervals … ” (ibid p. 23) Cranor asked, “Why substitute guesswork … when you have actual photographic evidence.” (ibid) She, of course, was referring to the actual Zapruder film.

    What Cranor proved in her article and in her photo essay is that Myers was actually trying to do two things with his so-called simulation. First, he wanted to minimize the evidence that Kennedy was hit before he went behind the freeway sign. Why? Because if JFK is hit before he disappears behind the sign it likely is not by Oswald since the branches of an oak tree were camouflaging the view from the so-called sniper’s nest at this time. Second, if you alter frame Z-224, you can preserve the single bullet theory. Cranor illustrates this beautifully by comparing frames from the actual Z film with Myers’ pastiche. This devastating comparison gives away the whole purpose of the simulation. Because without Myers’ “interpolating” frames not in the Zapruder film, the actual frame Z-224 singlehandedly vitiates the single bullet theory. As Milicent notes: “This one frame destroys the single bullet theory: it shows JFK already reacting at a time when John Connally is not.” So Myers has to alchemize that frame into something it is not. And she shows how: Myers changes Kennedy’s facial expression and also alters the position of his hands to transform his demeanor from one of grimacing pain to relative serenity. Therefore preserving the single bullet theory. So we now have a new type of cinematic technique. Let’s call it Myers Motion. Which, by the way, also turns President Kennedy into a hunchback similar to Richard III (thereby raising the back wound on the jacket). Myers Motion also elongates Kennedy’s neck which, as Cranor points out, “in effect lowers the throat wound.” Dale is one determined animator. Come hell or high water, he is going to make that stubborn SBT stick.

    I could go on and on in this regard. But the longest and most detailed destruction of Myers Motion is by Pat Speer. He adds that Myers Motion is not even consistent within itself. In other words, things that should be constant throughout, are not. Further, that to keep the single bullet trajectory he actually shrinks Connally in size to where he is smaller than JFK when, in fact, he was taller and heavier than JFK. At times Myers even shrinks the size of Connally’s jump seat and more than doubles the distance of that seat from the side of the car. And the points made so far are not points of Vince Bugliosi style argument. They are points that are proven beyond doubt by just cutting out frames from Myers contraption or comparing that contraption to the Zapruder film. But don’t believe me, just read the fascinating photo exposes by Speer and Cranor. And, by the way, Speer actually allows Myers to defend himself and even gives him the last word.

    After going through all the obvious faults in Myers’ ersatz simulation, it is possible to discern a motive in it. The idea was to replace the Zapruder film. The impact of the Zapruder film upon first viewing is quite powerful as to an assassin from the grassy knoll area. And, as indicated above, when you study the film, it gives you other indications of more than one gunman. By eliminating many frames, and by “interpolating” things not in the film, what you get is the Zapruder film as redone by the Warren Commission on an optical printer. With someone like David Belin supervising the effects to be added. Today Belin=Myers.

    Myers tries to defend this sorry joke by saying that it actually passed inspection. See, he was grilled about Myers Motion in front of eight world-class producers for seven hours at ABC. Geez Dale, did any of them have college degrees? Didn’t they compare your phony pastiche with the real thing — the Z film — frame by frame? Like say, Milicent Cranor did? Did they bring in a medical expert on the JFK case like Dave Mantik or Gary Aguilar to trace certain anatomical points? Of course not. That would have been actual peer review and journalistic responsibility. And Myers Motion would not have survived it. Under those circumstances, it actually would have been either booed or laughed out of the room. With what we know today about what goes on with the major networks-Dan Rather adjusting his coat collar for twenty minutes, which you can see on You Tube-nothing of any real substance was discussed. Except maybe the quality of the beer and pizza they ordered.

    Myers must think that the whole world is stupid. Dale, here’s another question for you: Were these the same producers who Ok’d that other ABC docudrama, The Path to 9-11 in 2006? You know, the show that tried to pin the 9-11 terrorist attacks on the Clinton administration? Or maybe they were the same ABC guys who produced and ran that horrific excuse for a debate in Philadelphia between Obama and Hillary Clinton. After which ABC was bombarded with 24, 000 complaining e mails. (See here for the powerful reaction to that shocking spectacle.) As we show on this web site, ABC has not been the same since it was taken over by Cap Cities. (Click here for the background details of that takeover.) In my view, it is hard to take them seriously anymore as a news network. And the 2003 JFK special was symptomatic of this downward spiral. After all, the lead consultant for that show was Myers’ friend and colleague in the Gang of Three, Gus Russo. We have this information from his own lips. So who does Myers think he’s kidding? Between Peter Jennings and Russo, the fix was in. That is the way it is done in the MSM. And that is why Jennings picked Russo to lead it: he knew he would get what he wanted from him. Russo was well paid, he flew around first class, and he delivered the proper Warren Commission certifying goods. Including the Myers Motion induced SBT. Nothing about Standards and Practices was ever mentioned. Nothing about journalistic balance ever came up. Should we hear the other side of the story? Hell no! And the proof is this: David Wrone had just written a book on the Zapruder film at the time. Someone from the ABC show called him. Obviously this person did not know that Wrone was a Warren Commission critic. When Wrone was asked a question about the case against Oswald, he disagreed with the premise. He said to the caller, “Hold on, I want to get something about that issue.” By the time he got back with the contesting source, the junior reporter understood who Wrone was. He didn’t fit into the Warren Commission slant outlined by Jennings and Russo. So Wrone returned to a dial tone. Russo or someone else told the unknowing reporter to hang up.

    In his response, Myers mentions my essay entitled “Who is Gus Russo?” (Probe, Vol. 6 No. 2). As usual he gets certain important details wrong. He says the essay is included in The Assassinations, edited by Lisa Pease and myself. It is not. He then says the essay pops up in edited form on search engines today. I have never touched that essay since the time it was published. But since I am proud of it, and since Myers brought it up, you can read the piece here. Rereading it, and also the replies by Russo and Myers, I stand by the original essay. Russo threw a hissy fit when it came out. So much so, that it impacted his ability to count. He says I did eight interviews for my first book, Destiny Betrayed. False. As anyone can see by consulting the end notes. Russo would have been more pleased if I had consulted with one of his favorite journalists: FBI informant on the Garrison case, and CIA applicant Hugh Aynesworth. Russo actually put this guy on his 2003 ABC debacle. Without telling the viewer of his FBI and CIA ties. But alas, he did the same thing with CIA asset Priscilla Johnson. In the PBS special he was involved in back in 1993, he featured James Angleton’s buddy Edward Epstein. Again, without telling the viewer of that relationship. That’s good ethics in journalism. Or how about another guy Russo trusts implicitly, CIA and State Department associate Sergio Arcacha Smith. Russo interviewed him for his book Live By the Sword. (Which comes to the rather goofy conclusion that Castro killed Kennedy.) When Jim Garrison wanted to talk to Smith during his JFK inquiry, Smith was guarded from Garrison’s investigators by, among others, Mr. Aynesworth. Sorry guys, I’m just not that kind of investigator. I leave stuff like making friends with Aynesworth to the other side. But alas, Myers and Russo are the other side.

    Myers accuses me of being paranoid in my original essay about Russo. I wasn’t. Today I actually believe I was being naÔve. In that article I wrote about a man who approached me during the Dallas ASK conference back in 1993. During my closing night speech, I talked about the PBS special Russo worked on and I also mentioned a weird letter attorney Mark Zaid had sent me. The man had listened to my address and he told me that, from his past SDS experience, Russo and Zaid fit the profiles of infiltrators. I included it in my essay, but I did not agree with him at the time. Today, after many years more experience with Russo, Myers, Vaughn, and even Zaid, plus the net worth of both the 1993 PBS special and the 2003 ABC special that both Myers and Russo worked on, I think he was right. Its the only way to explain why the Gang of Three kept on going to conferences way past the time they had flip-flopped on the issue of Oswald’s guilt. A great example of this would be Vaughn’s relationship with Harrison Livingstone. After the organization Coalition on Political Assassinations was formed, Livingstone tried to create a rival group. On the flyer Livingstone sent out for his group, Vaughn was listed as a member. Why? To tell the members during meetings that they were all wrong? Oswald did it. They should disband. It makes no sense. On the surface.

    But if your agenda was different than the members, it does make sense. By staying inside the group you could makes speeches attacking their research and goals, thereby creating dissension and disturbances. (I detail specific instances where Russo did this in my article.) Secondly, you could monitor the newest developments and then try to think up ways to counter them in your journeys to the other side. And the other side would be receptive to this since the MSM has always been wedded to the Warren Commission. This is what Russo and Myers did with PBS and ABC. If the producers wanted someone to make the case for Oswald’s guilt in the Tippit murder, hey, Myers will do it. (Forget about the 3 Oswald wallets, no Oswald fingerprints on the car, and mismatching shells and bullets.) If Russo needs someone to get off three shots in six seconds for his book, Vaughn can do that. (It doesn’t matter if he isn’t firing at moving targets or if the gun isn’t loaded.) To counter the film JFK, Vaughn can write that for Oswald to have fired his rifle with Kennedy’s limo below him, rather than further down on Elm Street, he would have been hanging out the Texas School Book Depository window. ( I was there in 1991, he wouldn’t have been.) Does Dan Rather need someone to declare on TV that contrary to what the critics say, the CIA did get a photo of Oswald in Mexico City? Russo will get on camera and say they did. (Just don’t ask any follow-ups about why it didn’t go to the Warren Commission and where is it today.)

    The final product of all this of course was Myers Motion: a way for the mainstream media to finally counter the shocking evidentiary impact of the Zapruder film. Which had always been a thorn in their side.

    Like I said, today I actually believe I was naÔve about the whole thing. Clearly, in retrospect, it was a classic counter-intelligence operation. Why did they do what they did? Who knows. Jim Marrs thinks that money was a prime reason. I’m not sure. But there is little doubt that Russo and Myers bank accounts grew more on this case after they flipped than before.

    Myers, in his usual puerile, radio commentator way (which he used to be), says that I am jealous of him because he got on national TV and I did not. Dale, as I detail above, we all know how you got on. And I know I will never get on the national MSM. At least not on this subject. Simply because I have no intention of flip-flopping on the JFK case. But I do get plenty of attention by telling the truth. To use one example: I have been interviewed for five documentaries in the last three years. Three of them from abroad. Personally, I don’t care about getting on the MSM concerning the JFK case. I was never in this to make money, to start a career, or get a name. If I ever met Dan Rather, I would leave the room. After making an obscene gesture at him. Rather made his name, fame and fortune with a lie.

    The curious thing about this point is that today, a lot of people feel this way about the MSM. Even the people who work on the inside. After the Florida 2000 election heist, which the MSM made no attempt to investigate or expose; after the fraudulent premises for the disastrous Iraq war, which the MSM made no attempt to investigate and expose; after helping the worst president in history, George Bush Jr. get into office with absolutely no vetting in advance; after all that , which has resulted in so much horror for the American people, the rest of the citizenry has finally come around on the uselessness of the MSM. In fact, a former CBS producer has told me that her former colleagues are just biding their time. They see the handwriting on the wall. They will soon be beside the point. But if you study the JFK case, you already knew that. Today, everyone else is catching up to that understanding. That is why the creation of an alternative media has become so successful i.e. the blogosphere. And eventually, this will expand into TV and radio.

    Myers’ pretentious and gassy pronouncements are so full of holes in data and logic that I wonder if he takes them seriously as he writes them. Or maybe he thinks that someone has to protect Myers Motion from the facts. He can’t let the whole thing come crumbling down. Pat Speer called the contraption a deliberate deception devised by the Wizard of OZ (wald). And we know what happened to him. But ultimately, his spiels are so vapid that he reminds me of the Black Knight from the comedy film Monty Python and the Holy Grail. The Black Knight portentously intones that no one shall pass the bridge he is guarding. Then after the opponents cut off his left arm, his right arm, and then his legs, he still shouts at them as they pass by with words to the effect: Get back here, I’ll massacre ya this time.

    Yeah, sure Dale. Sorry, this isn’t ABC. Good Bye.

     

    Addendum: For those interested in reading Milicent Cranor’s critique of Myers’ original article in The Video Toaster User, click here.