Tag: JFK ASSASSINATION

  • John Hankey, Dark Legacy, aka JFK2 – JFK 2 Updated


    As Seamus Coogan noted in his deconstruction of John Hankey’s deleterious and delirious quasi-documentary JFK 2, Hankey has since gotten some advice and pro bono work from Hollywood. This resulted in a more professional version of the film. The title of the redo is Dark Legacy.

    This time around, at least the presentation is smoother and slicker. Some of the music has been improved. There are more modern graphics and effects, like fades and dissolves. The overall effect is to make the film easier on the eyes. And a little easier on the ear. (At times, Hankey still puts in his old acoustical folk song.)

    And someone prevailed upon Hankey to remove three of the worst howlers in the film. First, the immortally camp scenario of George Bush going into J. Edgar Hoover’s office with two Cuban thugs and threatening him with a flechette gun is gone. Second, the phony dialogue put in the mouth of Bill Colby about knowing George Bush and Howard Hunt were involved in the assassination in Dallas is also gone. Another egregious error about Kennedy letting the Russians search for Cuban training camps in the USA after the Missile Crisis is removed.

    Hankey has also added a new opening that focuses on the attributes of Kennedy’s presidency. He notes here the Steel Crisis, his civil rights program, his disarmament pledge, among others.

    But, still, even after the technical improvements and the surgery on some of the worst segments of the first version(s), it’s surprising how many errors were left intact. In other words, after all those years it was out, Seamus Coogan was the only person who took the time and effort to go after the film with a fine toothcomb. Which, of course, speaks well for CTKA, and poorly for the rest of the research community. Are we the only people doing fact checking? It appears that way. Which, of course, doesn’t say much for the so-called JFK research community.

    One would think the man would look up the proper spellings of names if one was going to depict those names on the screen. Hankey doesn’t, therefore names like Robert Blakey, and George Burkley and Aubrey Rike are spelled wrong. One would also think that the cutting of the film would match up correctly. Well, the two HSCA acoustic experts, Mark Weiss and Ernest Aschkenasy never testified before the Church Committee. And related to this, he depicts Dallas DA Henry Wade as Texas Attorney General Waggoner Carr.

    Hankey still includes the whole incredible 13 shot fusillade scenario. Unlike what Hankey intones as narrator, Richard Helms never testified at the trial of Howard Hunt and he never admitted that Marita Lorentz was a spy. (See Mark Lane, Plausible Denial, pgs. 214-225)

    With his usual penchant for overstatement, Hankey says that the above trial depicted in the Lane book showed that Hunt was guilty of killing president Kennedy. As Coogan showed, it did not. And Richard Nixon never said to Bob Haldeman that the whole “Bay of Pigs thing” message he sent to Helms meant the Kennedy assassination. This was a deduction later made by Haldeman. Guy Banister’s secretary Delphine Roberts never testified to the Warren Commission. And she never told anyone she saw Oswald at the training camp at Lake Pontchartrain. Strangely, Hankey adds in this version that parking lot manager Adrian Alba was Oswald’s closest associate in New Orleans. Yet, reportedly, all he did was read some magazines in his office.

    I could go on and on. But the point is that although three of the worst faux pas are gone, the great majority of the errors Coogan enumerated are still there. And let me add that concerning his case against George Bush, Hankey now adds the Parrott memorandum. I discussed this at length in my Russ Baker review. Bush at first denied and then could not recall his call about James Parrott to the FBI. My question: If you were an ambitious and successful Texas politician, would you want to admit you had some rightwing nut in your campaign headquarters a few months before JFK was killed? And that this man had threatened Kennedy after the Bay of Pigs? And unlike what Hankey insinuates, Bush was not in Dallas at the time of the shooting; he was in Tyler, Texas campaigning in front of a Kiwanis Club gathering.

    All in all, although the new version is a slight improvement, this is still an inferior film that does not do our cause any good.


    “The Dark Legacy of John Hankey”

    Hankey/DiEugenio Debate Murder Solved

    “Onwards and Downwards with John Hankey”

    Coogan Reply to Fetzer at Deep Politics Forum


    Master Class with John Hankey, Part 1

    Master Class with John Hankey, Part 2

    Master Class with John Hankey, Part 3

    Master Class with John Hankey, Part 4

  • Robert Groden Arrested

    Robert Groden Arrested


    groden
    Robert Groden in Dealey Plaza
    (CTKA file photo)

    Longtime Kennedy assassination critic and author Robert Groden is among Dealey Plaza vendors who are under renewed pressure from Dallas authorities.

    Groden was arrested in Dealey Plaza on June 13 and jailed for nearly nine hours.

    In a communication with CTKA, Groden discussed a posted story about a crackdown on JFK vendors in Dealey Plaza. He says he was arrested because of a complaint by the Sixth Floor Museum transferred to the Dallas Police.

    Groden says he was arrested for selling a single magazine on the grassy knoll.

    As described in the article “How Gary Mack Became Dan Rather”, Groden was ticketed by the Dallas Police Department 80 times between 1995 and 2006, and arrested on the grassy knoll for the first time in 1998. All 80 tickets (and the arrest) were thrown out of court as being invalid. Groden told CTKA that a city Judge stated, “I can’t believe that the police would arrest anyone for a class ‘C’ misdemeanor. This is ridiculous”.

    In 2003, Groden began filing a first amendment lawsuit against the city of Dallas and the police department for violation of first amendment rights of free speech, press and assembly. An agreement was reached between Mr. Groden’s attorneys and the Dallas city attorney’s office that the police would cease such ticketing actions. And for the past seven years the police and the city had honored the agreement.

    Groden theorizes that this may be because next year Dallas will be the site of the Super Bowl, drawing tens of thousands of tourists to the city. The number one tourist attraction in Dallas is Dealey Plaza. If all the other independent vendors are essentially stopped from selling anything, the Sixth Floor will be able to be the “one-stop”, so to speak, for potentially thousands of new visitors on the JFK case.

    Groden says most of the Dallas media are reporting that all of the “peddlers” in Dealey Plaza are refusing to obtain vendor permits from the city. What they fail to say, he goes on, is that there are no vender permits available from the city for printed material and that the city ordinance states that none is needed. In fact, Groden has been trying to access the process for getting one for 15 years. He hasn’t been able to find it. So up until now, although the city has ticketed him about 80 times, each attempt ultimately was dismissed and Groden returned to Dealey Plaza.

    Groden adds that the fig leaf for the crackdown is the fact that there are three or four homeless transients that frequent the area and get pushy with visitors from time to time. Groden doesn’t know these characters and has nothing to do with them. And his work is of a different quality and class than theirs. He insists there should be a legal way to differentiate between the two.

    Robert Groden is a recognized photo expert and author of The Killing of a President and several other books.

    ~Jim DiEugenio

  • Von Pein/Colbert Replies, and the Comedy Continues?


    Predictably, since we advertised it on the Billboard, David Von Pein was waiting for my article about him to appear. And the very day it was posted, Von Pein made one of his patented silly replies. Then, when I went on Len Osanic’s Black Op Radio on April 15th to discuss the essay, Von Pein replied again. It is hard to determine which response is more silly, but since the second one brings up more issues, let us use that one.

    1. Von Pein starts out by criticizing me for mispronouncing his name. To which I reply: “Excuse me!” Like this really matters in what is under discussion. DVP then tries to deny the fact that any initial criticism he made of Reclaiming History was negligible. This is ridiculous. In his first press release he relegated the “errors” he found in the book to a special section of his multi-sectioned review. He excused them with two qualifications: 1.) In such a huge and heroic undertaking, anyone could have made them, and 2.) The ones he listed were so minor that they in no way impacted on the worthiness of the volume. And Von Pein’s list was minor. None of Bugliosi’s major errors of commission or omission noted by either Rodger Remington or myself are there. Von Pein has to deny all this today because after the numerous, comprehensive and compelling polemics that have leveled Bugliosi’s book, his first press release looks so biased that it has no credibility. Which, of course, it did not in the first place. It was nothing but PR.Von Pein’s next point may be a valid one. Which, for him, is a real achievement. (For DVP, 1 in 17 is a good batting average.) He says that he has only reviewed two of the Discovery Channel JFK cover-up specials. So, accordingly, I will change the wording here.As per his pointing out any errors in Inside the Target Car, see point two above. As with Reclaiming History, they were so negligible as to be worthless. In fact, he actually got angry at me for coming up with so many errors that my review ended up being three parts long. His other point, about the front shot exploding the head, is misguided. The ammunition used here was a different type of round than the others. And therefore with the “replica heads”, which were not replicas, the explosion was bound to happen. This is nothing but obfuscation by Von Pein. Which is why he never answers the question of why the program’s military jacketed bullets did not fragment. Yet in the JFK case, the bullets did.Unlike what DVP maintains, if one reads any of the scholarly literature on the history of the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle, one will see that the 36 inch version was called a carbine, and the 40 inch version-which was a cut down of a longer rifle-was usually referred to as a short rifle. (See John Armstrong’s fine discussion in Harvey and Lee, p. 439) I don’t think a mail order sales ad calling both versions carbines qualifies as scholarly dissertation for anyone but Von Pein. In fact the use of the word “scholarly” in the same sentence with Von Pein is an oxymoron.The next point indicates the time warp that Von Pein is in. He actually scores me for not accepting all the old discredited Warren Commission evidence against Oswald. You know, like the palm print that did not arrive in Washington until a week later; the unbelievable CE 399; the dented shell that could not have been dented that day; the Walker bullet that somehow altered its caliber and color while in transit from the rifle; the shells from the bullets fired at Tippit that are missing the officer’s initials etc etc. These deceptions were all exposed decades ago by Harold Weisberg, Sylvia Meagher, Mark Lane, Josiah Thompson and others. Yet, with Von Pein, its like those books do not exist. Which shows his denial problem. Because they are the main reason that the public lost faith in the Warren Commission.He actually says that Victoria Adams and Sandra Styles could not have been on the stairs with Oswald after the shooting since they only descended a minute or two later. This is a perfect illustration of Von Pein’s denial problem. For Adams had to correct the transcript of her testimony because it lied about this specific point. She said she was on the stairs about 15 seconds after the shots. So if Oswald was descending, she would have had to have seen or heard him. She did not. (See Gerald McKnight, Breach of Trust, p. 399) Von Pein wants to revivify the lie.Von Pein tries to obfuscate his howler about Kennedy and John Connally reacting to the same shot at Z-224. So what does he do? He shows us frames Z-223, and then Z-224. You can see very little, if anything, of Kennedy in Z-223. Which is why I did not mention it. In Z-224 you can see a sliver of his hands going upward toward his neck in reaction to being hit. While Connally is sitting serenely in front, untouched. So Von Pein was wrong about both men reacting simultaneously and is now trying to cover up his error. The proof of that is this: Why didn’t he show us frames Z-224, 225 and 226?As per his celebrated departure from JFK Lancer, Von Pein tries to say that one person actually called him polite. But this was a purely relative statement. It was made in comparison to another troll named Nick Kendrick. To me, this is like differentiating between a flea and a louse.Von Pein tries to say that the quote I used by Gene Stump does not actually refer to his almost insane frequency of posts, which flooded the JFK Lancer Forum board. He says it refers to Nick Kendrick. Actually, in the copy I have of that, it is not clear if Stump is referring to Von Pein or Kendrick. But it’s irrelevant to the main point. Von Pein himself refers to the well over 2,000 posts he made at Lancer. And even a rather conservative Commission critic like Jerry Dealey noted about Von Pein that, “I did get tired of his responding to every single thread repeatedly, and always repeating the same things over and over.” (Post of 7/28/05, italics in original.) Von Pein was flooding the board to distract everyone.In his next nonsensical point, Von Pein shows his sensitivity and warm camaraderie with propagandist John McAdams. He tries to say that McAdams does not dominate alt.conspiracy.jfk and that someone like me would feel at home there. John McAdams posts at that site regularly, and it’s always to ridicule Commission critics. In fact, he is joined there by both Von Pein and Dave Reitzes. It is their home away from home-since all three have their own web sites that support the Commission and the Single Bullet Delusion. McAdams, Reitzes, and Von Pein have made that forum a flame pit since they have polarized the debate there because of their constant ridicule and invective against any kind of Commission critiques. In fact, in Lisa Pease’s appearance on Black Op Radio on May 13th, she discusses McAdams’ techniques in this endeavor. (She begins at the 41:20 mark.) I would never set foot there because of this point: there is no real debate, it is more like mud wrestling. Which is why I call it the Pigpen. And it’s why Von Pein is at home there.Von Pein tries to obfuscate the fact that one of the reasons he was booted from John Simkin’s Spartacus forum was his failure to produce a photo of himself. He says that this was not a foolproof way to keep trolls out anyway. Duh, no kidding Dave. But unless Simkin was going to run full background checks on applicants and then make them sign an oath in advance, there really is no foolproof way to become troll-proof. But the picture was one easy step in that direction. Von Pein then tries to say that he had no picture on his computer to upload. This is almost surely a lie. There IS a photo taken in 1991 of Von Pein selling chicken at what looks like Kentucky Fried Chicken. And it is on the web. Why couldn’t he have uploaded a cropped version of that photo?Von Pein tries to defend the London trial that Vincent Bugliosi participated in. I repeat what I said: it was nothing close to a real trial. You can make that judgment just on the fact that none of the three autopsy doctors were there. Secondly, the Assassination Records Review Board had not declassified the hidden records. Finally, because no actual exhibits were used, and the three pathologists were absent, the real rules of evidence could not be followed.Both Von Pein and Bugliosi ignore the 8 questions I posed at the end of my essay which prove that CE 399 was not found at Parkland Hospital. They can’t directly answer them since they pose compelling proof that the FBI lied about the provenance of the Magic Bullet. So Von Pein does what his master Bugliosi does in his book: 1.) He ignores this direct evidence and 2.)Blows smoke by countering with senseless comments and questions. Bugliosi has honed this technique to a science. In essence it asks the respondent to demonstrate exactly how the conspiracy actually worked in each and every detail. Which is ridiculous. Why? Because it shifts the burden of proof from the prosecution to the defense. In other words, it Is not enough to prove a conspiracy happened. The defense now has to demonstrate exactly how it was implemented. Which is a preposterous standard. And it implicitly shows that Bugliosi cannot uphold his own standard of proof of guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. Those 8 questions prove that Oswald was framed. Period. If they did not, then Bugliosi and DVP would either show that the facts I used are wrong or they would answer them. They do neither.Von Pein now really gets his dander up. He says that it is a dirty lie to state that he reviewed Rodger Remington’s book Biting the Elephant for amazon.com. This is more Von Peinian silliness. . And a diversion from the real point. While technically true, it ignores the fact that this is the only book by Remington that Von Pein has not reviewed at amazon.com. Rodger has written four books on the Warren Commission, Biting the Elephant is the most recent. Von Pein has reviewed the other three at Amazon. Incredibly, he either forgot this or does not think it’s important. But the real diversion is this: He reviews the books without reading them! Nothing in his reviews reveals any knowledge of the subject matter in the books. All they consist of is general boilerplate arguments against the Commission critics. But he then gives the books he has not read, and disagrees with, five star reviews! Evidently he hopes that people will then be more apt to read his propaganda. If that is not fraud, I don’t know what is.

      Von Pein says I was wrong to state that he has been promoting Reclaiming History since 2005. He says he has been doing it since 2003. In other words, promoting what was published in 2007 in 2005 isn’t good enough for DVP. He was promoting it back in 2003. He then says he is proud of that fact and that Reclaiming History will be the Bible on the JFK case for generations to come. Hmm. Sounds like Gerald Ford talking about the Warren Commission in 1964. But, alas, Reclaiming History did not even last that long.

    2. My last point here is one that absolutely typifies Von Pein and his almost embarrassing obeisance to Vincent Bugliosi. I have scored Bugliosi by saying that it appears he wrote Reclaiming History from his office. That is, he did all his interviews and investigation over the phone. Which is remarkable considering he had 21 years and a huge advance to spend. Von Pein tries to salvage this practice by saying that this does not matter since the same conversations would have taken place in person as over the phone. But if that is so, the question then becomes: Why do investigators go to crime scenes or interview witnesses and suspects face to face at all? For instance, if Bugliosi would have gone to Chicago and looked at the planned parade route there, he would not have written that the failure to fully investigate this assassination attempt had no impact on what happened in Dallas. The scenarios, as Jim Douglass found out by going there, were almost the exact same thing: an attempt by crossfire below, while a patsy above in a warehouse was elevated over the motorcade route. Incredibly, Bugliosi never went there to see that. Also, he evidently never went to the National Archives to see that, contrary to what he wrote, FBI agent Elmer Lee Todd’s initials are not on CE 399. But also, one can get a feel for a witness more readily in person than one can over the phone. For instance, when I talked to FBI agent Warren DeBrueys at his house north of New Orleans, he told me that he did not read any books on the JFK assassination. But in a break during the interview, I walked a bit around his house. Sitting on a shelf in his office were 15 books on the JFK assassination. That discovery could not have happened with a phone interview. So Von Pein is wrong.

    As is the sum total of Von Pein’s reply. But everyone should know that about Von Pein now. As Gil Jesus has noted, Von Pein is a lost and silly person. He likes to call Commission critics “kooks” and “nuts” to disguise his own imbalances. Namely, that he is in denial of the evidence. And of his own myopia and solipsistic personality. Therefore, he uses the psychological device of projection. That is, the cognitive failing is not actually his, the problem lies with the rest of the world.

    It’s not everyone else Dave. It’s you. Which is why you are the only one still relaying messages to Bugliosi’s secretary Rosemary Newton. And you will only get better once you admit that truth about yourself.

  • Dean T. Hartwell, Dead Men Talking: Consequences of Government Lies


    How did it happen? How did this country get into the sorry state it is? America today is a place where presidential elections are stolen in broad daylight – and the Supreme Court then sanctions the thievery. Where a debacle like 9/11 takes place, and yet not a single person gets fired. A country where an administration can launch a phony war with Iraq – needlessly losing thousands of young men and women and countless billions in dollars – yet the Speaker of the House says that giant fraud was not grounds for impeachment. A country in which the Dow Jones Industrial Average has increased over 1,000% since 1972 – yet both the middle class and working class are worse off now than they were then. A country where a con artist like Bernie Madoff could actually rise to be president of NASDAQ. A nation whose politicians allow casino-like gouging on Wall Street, and then when the bubble bursts, the tax-payers bail out the looters to the tune of a trillion dollars. And they have to, because if they don’t their IRA’s, pensions, and annuities could disappear. It’s a country where the moderate Republican Party of Eisenhower became the extremism of Gingrich and DeLay. The US is a place where a right-wing foreign billionaire like Rupert Murdoch can convince a large part of the public that somehow his interests coincide with theirs. It’s a nation whose populace is so cowed and misinformed that they could consider a shallow frat boy like George Bush Jr. for president – not once, but twice. And then, when he cheats his way into office both times, the MSM actually tries to cover up for him. After all, the only price paid was the financial bankruptcy of the USA. A country, which, as conservative banker Charles Morris has written, is “hopelessly in hock to some of the world’s most unsavory regimes.” And part of that transfer of wealth was made possible by companies like the Carlyle Group, led by former “representatives of the people” like George Bush Sr., James Baker, and John Major.

    In other words, the USA today is a second-rate nation which veers violently from national scandal to senseless war back to national scandal. And the purveyors of neither the wars nor the scandals are ever actually called to account for their sins. Consequently, the cycle continues downward. With no real light at the end of the tunnel. When you can pull off a crime like what just happened on Wall Street, and make average Americans foot the bill – well, that should tell you what the USA has become: a giant ATM machine for the wealthy. Except in the end, you find out they had access to your account. And the politicians in Washington don’t really give a damn.

    How did things go so awry? To the point where, to use some appropriate hyperbole, America reminds some of the last scene of fire and smoke in Nathanael West‘s memorable apocalyptic novel The Day of the Locust. Many people are aware of the condition of course. Which is why alternative forms of media have arisen. Because, to put it mildly, the MSM has not done a very good job keeping the wolf from the door. In fact, many citizens think they helped the animal up their sidewalk.

    For me, alternative media has not been up to the task, at least not yet. As I have noted on this site, the likes of blogs like Firedoglake and Daily Kos and Talking Points Memo have been rather disappointing. For me, before a nation can deal with its present, it has to be able to face its past. Its real past. In other words, the public has to be made to understand the depth and breadth of the historical crimes in order to explain how, for instance, an administration can simultaneously fire eight US attorneys and lie about it before Congress. And the following Democratic administration chooses not to try any of the perjurers or the perpetrators. This is pretty much saying that the law is what the occupiers of the Department of Justice say it is. And in the case of Don Siegelman, Cyril Wecht, and others, new Attorney General Eric Holder replies, “Well, too bad, but I guess it was.”

    For those of us who recall a better America, this will not do. Therefore we have tried to give history back to the people in an honest and investigative way. We did it when Lisa Pease and myself published Probe bi-monthly. We tried to do it in our book, The Assassinations. And John Kelin and I do it here on this site, e.g., Roger Feinman’s fine essay on Sonia Sotomayor.

    Dean T. Hartwell has now made his contribution.

    His short book, Dead Men Talking, is subtitled Consequences of Government Lies. It is a concise attempt at what some people call revisionist history. Except that it stretches across the decades from 1963 to 2001, nearly forty years. The Assassinations, was also an attempt at revisionist history. But it only covered five years: 1963-68. It took in the murders of President Kennedy, Malcolm X, Martin Luther King, and Senator Robert Kennedy. We did that because we thought that by centering on those four people, we could concentrate on both one time period, and also one method of covert operation: the assassination of political leaders by gunfire. Then, in the Afterword of that book, I tried to isolate these events by saying they constituted a landmark in American history. Hartwell decided to take two of these assassinations – the Kennedys – and combine them with the attacks on the USA of September 11, 2001.

    Hartwell begins the book by countering the mocking tone that the MSM uses to discount the idea of “conspiracy theories.” One method he uses is rather simple: If the official story is harder to swallow than an alternative theory, then the public has every right to question the official story. Especially when it makes no sense anyway. The idea that a mediocre – or worse – rifleman like Lee Harvey Oswald could actually better the performance of almost every marksman who ever tried to duplicate his alleged feat is hard to swallow. And when you add in the fact that the Warren Commission could never duplicate the condition of the magic bullet, i.e., CE 399, in any of their tests – and actually tried to cover that fact up – well that gives us reason to wonder. He also mentions the recurrent use of a patsy, or what he terms a scapegoat. The labeling of Oswald as an anti-social Marxist helped to compensate and distract from the weakness of the evidentiary case against him. The author also notes that the official investigations often fail to properly address relevant and controversial facts that are necessary to uphold their stories. In the JFK case for instance, an example would be the location of Oswald in the Texas School Book Depository at the time of the shooting.

    Hartwell also mentions other precedents for government officials lying to the public about acts of state. Two being the Gulf of Tonkin Incident, and the 18 1/2-minute gap in the famous Nixon-Haldeman tape three days after the Watergate break-in.

    I am not going to analyze in any depth his discussion of what happened on September 11, 2001. I have read only two books on that subject, plus a few essays on the web. If you can believe it, I have never even read anything by David Ray Griffin. And Griffin is the 9/11 equivalent of Mark Lane. Hartwell lists some of the most common anomalies that the critics of the official story have enumerated: the ignored warnings both domestically and from abroad; the failure of any interceptor jets to get close to either Washington or New York; the acrobatic tight turn taken by Flight 77 before it hit the Pentagon: the confluence of war games that morning which tended to confuse radars; the incredibly fast collapse of Building 7, which was not hit by any planes. (I must note in this regard, when Tucker Carlson had scientist Stephen Jones on his show, he showed this collapse. But he edited out the complete fall. All you saw was the beginning of the collapse, and the actual bouncing of the rubble.)

    I cannot make any real judgment about Hartwell’ s work on this case since, as I said, I am in no way an authority on it. And I don’ t feel ashamed in admitting that. One can only thoroughly investigate so many of these scandals. And I feel I have done that with the JFK, MLK, and RFK cases. But it seems to me that Hartwell has hit the highlights and used the work of some of the credible critics e.g. Griffin, Mike Ruppert, Michel Chossudovsky.

    Let me add one last thing about this case. I managed to watch some of the live hearings of the 9/11 Commission. It convinced me that the days of so-called Blue Ribbon Commissions should be officially ended. This was especially obvious during the questioning of Condoleezza Rice, which I thought was actually kind of embarrassing. I later learned that the Executive Director of the Commission, Philip Zelikow, had 1.) Worked on the transition team of George Bush Jr., 2.) Been appointed to his Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, and 3.) Co-written a book with Rice. In fact, after the attacks, Rice had him rewrite the initial report on what the American response should be to the new threat of terrorism. In light of all this, even Warren Commission sycophant Max Holland – who knows Zelikow personally – has declared that Zelikow should not have been the director of that Commission.

    II

    In his discussion of the assassination of President Kennedy, Hartwell first lists the main official findings about three shots and three shells. He then brings in the common questions about this. Namely that some people heard more than four shots, and that the presence of the shells do not prove they were fired that day. He then begins to critique the work of Gerald Posner and his accent on the presumed psychology of Lee Harvey Oswald. Hartwell notes that Posner’ s intent is somehow to denote a motive. He adds that this is “misplaced since motive makes no difference in a criminal conviction.” (p. 73)

    He then shifts the focus and adds that what occurred both directly before and after is quite important. (p. 74) In other words, where was Oswald at the time of the shooting? Hartwell, relying somewhat on the work of noted critic Howard Roffman argues that he probably was not on the sixth floor. He then goes after the Commission’ s star witness in this regard, Howard Brennan. (p. 76) For instance, Brennan once said that he actually saw the fatal shot hit JFK, and that he also saw the assassin stay at the window for three or more seconds after the fatal shot hit. (ibid) Both are dubious since they seem mutually exclusive.

    Hartwell then goes into Oswald’ s alleged movements after the shooting, concentrating on the testimony of policeman Marrion Baker. This is the motorcycle officer who stopped his vehicle and then climbed the stairs in the Texas School Book Depository. He allegedly encountered Oswald at the second floor lunchroom. Hartwell questions the efficacy of the timing of the reconstructions. (p. 77) Hartwell then uses the testimony of Dr. Robert Hunt before the House Select Committee on Assassinations. After studying the photos of the boxes in the so-called sniper’ s nest, he concluded that someone had moved the boxes about two minutes after the shooting. As Hartwell writes, that person could not have been Oswald. (p. 79)

    From here, Hartwell briefly discusses the provenance of the alleged rifle that was supposedly ordered by Oswald. He acutely states that no one at the post office recalled handing the rather large and bulky package to Oswald. (p. 80) And he also notes the problem of the post office box being signed for in Oswald’ s name only. Yet the rifle was ordered in the name of A. Hidell. If Oswald picked up the rifle, he would have had to show that he actually was the bearer of both identities. An event which probably would have gone up to the supervisor and which surely would have been remembered.

    Hartwell then goes on to the highly controversial palm print evidence. He notes that the palm print was taken off a part of he rifle that was only exposed when the rifle was taken apart. Which, as Ian Griggs has shown, was very hard to do. He also asks why did the Dallas Police not match this alleged palm print off the rifle to Oswald’ s on the 22nd. Especially since Oswald had given the police such a print that day. (p. 81) He also asks a pertinent question first posed by the illustrious Sylvia Meagher. How did the FBI later match the palm print taken from the rifle to a palm print taken from a card? Wouldn’ t the first be curved? (p. 82) I should add here, Hartwell mentions in passing the Barr McClellan/Walt Brown story about the matching of a previously unidentified print from the sixth floor to the late Mac Wallace. (p. 85) This was featured during the (quite disappointing) 40th anniversary installment of Nigel Turner’ s The Men Who Killed Kennedy. Since I have taken a lot of time criticizing Reclaiming History, I should note here that Vincent Bugliosi does a creditable job on this issue. He called McClellan’ s fingerprint expert Nathan Darby and told him there was a problem in his forensic methodology. The unidentified print from the sixth floor was a palm print. Yet, the prints Darby had from Wallace were his 1951 fingerprints. He asked Darby if he had developed some new technology to compare the two. Darby pleaded blind innocence. He said he was only given two fingerprints, one from a card and one a latent. He said, “I wasn’ t given any palm print. They were both fingerprints. Of course, you can’ t compare a palm print with a fingerprint.” (Bugliosi, p. 923) Let me add this about the matter: from the moment I first saw him, I never liked Barr McClellan. He was too glib, too fast-talking, too confident and oh so convenient. He arrived out of the woodwork to attract and confuse the masses on the fortieth anniversary.

    Hartwell goes on to raise some familiar questions about the murder of Officer Tippit, also – according to the Warren Commission – allegedly killed by Oswald. He recites the argument about the time factor working against Oswald. He was last seen by his landlady standing outside his rooming house at 1:04. Yet the most credible time placements of the Tippit murder are at around 1:09 or 1:10. The Warren Commission’ s “probative” witness, Helen Markham, said the shooting happened at 1:06, a fact that Commission supporters, like Dale Myers, manage to discount when they defend her. (Sylvia Meagher, Accessories After the Fact, p. 254) Witness T . F. Bowley looked at his watch when he saw Tippit’ s dead body on the street. It said 1:10. (Ibid) The late Larry Harris, a foremost expert on this case, told me that he thought the time of the murder was 1:09. This all makes it hard to believe Oswald could have been involved since the necessary distance traversed by him was about 9/10 of a mile. (Hartwell, pgs. 90-91) He would have had to be running or jogging the whole way. Which no one saw him do. (Meagher, p. 255) The author then goes into the confusing mélange of the ballistics evidence in the case. The bullets could not be matched to the gun, and the cartridges do not match the bullets: the shells were 2 Westerns and 2 Remingtons, while the bullets were 3 Westerns and 1 Remington. And he thankfully brings up the matter of the Oswald wallet found at the scene. (p. 92) Which creates an insurmountable problem for the Commission stalwarts. Because a.) Oswald would have never done this if he was the actual killer, and b.) The official story has Oswald’ s wallet being discovered on the way to the station – while he left another wallet on the dresser at the Paines that morning. Which equals Oswald as the Man with Three Wallets. (See Reclaiming Parkland, First edition, pp. 101-105). This is powerful evidence that Oswald was not at the scene and was framed.

    Using this as a cue, Hartwell then takes up an alternative view of the crime. He mentions the famous testimony of the witnesses who saw a man who resembled Oswald running down an embankment outside the Texas School Book Depository a few minutes after the murder. People like Roger Craig, Helen Forrest, Marvin Robinson, and Richard Carr all said essentially the same thing on this point. (p. 99) This Oswald double could have then been used in the Tippit murder, and then been the man who was seen early, at 1:00, by attendant Butch Burroughs at the Texas Theater. He was then escorted out of the back of the theater and was seen by witness Bernard Haire. (pgs 100-101)

    Hartwell ends this discussion by asking some sensible questions about the Commission’ s story. First, if Oswald was an ideologically motivated killer, why didn’ t he admit it like other assassins e.g. Booth, James Guiteau, and Leon Czolgosz. (p. 101) If he meant to disguise his act why did he have the rifle and handgun shipped to a post office box with his name on it? When he could have purchased the rifle over the counter with cash, no questions asked. If he was planning on killing Kennedy, why is there no credible evidence of him target practicing in advance? How could he have been so sure that no one in the building would see him unwrap the weapon and assemble it? If he had planned the assassination, why didn’ t he wear gloves? Why did he first drive in the taxi past his rooming house, and then rush inside it and leave so quickly? If he really shot both Kennedy and Tippit, why did he then not try and leave Dallas via bus? (pgs 103-104)

    Hartwell concludes that the failure of the Commission to adequately address any of these important issues shows that their purpose was not to solve the crimes but to disseminate a cover story to be in turn picked up by the major media and force fed to the public. (p. 105) He also notes, as Deputy Consul for the House Select Committee on Assassinations Bob Tanenbaum did: the amount of evidence slanting used by the Commission was enormous. In other words, the Commission never selected evidence favorable to Oswald. If the case were as easy as the Commission states, this practice would not have been necessary. (p. 114)

    III

    The final case discussed by Hartwell is the assassination of Sen. Robert Kennedy in June of 1968. The author begins by outlining what most citizens consider the open and shut case against the convicted gunman Sirhan B. Sirhan: He was standing in the kitchen pantry of the Ambassador Hotel with a gun amid 73 witnesses. Kennedy was struck down and later died. He then tells us Sirhan was convicted at trial after his lawyers stipulated to the evidence the prosecution presented against him. Hartwell notes this was done to aid in their plea of diminished capacity, which would have been difficult if they outlined a conspiracy. Sirhan was then sentenced to death but had his sentence altered to life in prison by decree of the Supreme Courts of both the United States and California.

    The author begins to chip away at the prosecution’ s case using the autopsy of Dr. Thomas Noguchi. Hartwell shows how the findings of Noguchi contrast significantly with what the best and closest eyewitnesses said happened. The four shots into RFK (one actually went through the top of his jacket) all came from behind and at very close range. Yet no witness said that Sirhan ever got behind Kennedy or that close to him. (p. 119) He also uses the quite credible testimony of hotel maitre d’ Karl Uecker who said he grabbed Sirhan’ s gun hand after the second shot. Therefore how could Sirhan have delivered the others with any degree of accuracy? (ibid)

    Hartwell outlines the pros and cons of the case against security guard Thane Eugene Cesar as the actual assassin. (p. 122) And he later adds that the Los Angeles police treated him way too gently. He then goes to the testimony of Sandra Serrano and Lt. Paul Sharaga. (pgs. 123-124) These two witnesses begin to outline the role of the two accomplices who probably entered the Ambassador that night with Sirhan. And they also begin to outline the role of the Girl in the Polka Dot Dress. This is the woman seen with Sirhan prior to he shooting and who is part of his last memory before the shooting. A memory of drinking coffee with her and then following her out of the room and into the pantry. Properly, Hartwell then sketches the ordeal Serrano was put through at the hands of Lt. Hank Hernandez to make her withdraw her testimony. Lawyer Hartwell notes, this kind of brutal treatment is usually reserved for suspects, not witnesses. He also adds, that sometimes witnesses do misrepresent. But there is usually a discernible motive. There is none with Serrano. (p. 126)

    Hartwell then describes how there were too many bullet holes in the pantry than were possibly emitted by Sirhan’ s eight shot revolver. (p. 128) He even quotes infamous LAPD criminalist DeWayne Wolfer on this point: “It’ s unbelievable how many holes there are in the kitchen ceiling.” (p. 128) He adds that it turned out the LAPD could never clearly link any of the bullets in RFK to Sirhan’ s weapon.

    The author then analyzes four points offered up by critics of the LAPD: 1.) There were more than eight bullets fired, 2.) There was another gunman besides Sirhan 3.) There was a non-shooting accomplice 4.) Sirhan was hypnoprogrammed to do what he did. (p. 130) After giving the pluses and minuses of these issues he decides that the official theory does not hold up, and neither do the arguments of its supporters like Dan Moldea. (pgs 130-140) Finally, he uses the now famous Stanislaw Pruszynksi tape, recorded the night of the murder, as tested by audio technician Phil Van Praag. This tape is powerful evidence for there being too many shots fired that night and for them being too close together. (Click here for more on this.)

    Hartwell produced this book on his own. There are the spelling mistakes, typos and spacing errors to prove it. And as I wrote in part 6 of my review of Reclaiming History, the issues involving the testimony of Wesley Frazier and Marrion Baker in the JFK case are even worse than what he deduces. But these things are easily forgiven since this is not a corporate effort, but a citizen’ s book. A citizen who is greatly bothered by what has happened to his nation. How voting, as proven by Florida in 2000 and Ohio in 2004, cannot be relied upon anymore. (p. 151) How trying to get elected officials to do something about serious government crimes does not work, since there is no upside in it for them. (p. 152) How the rather attractive alternative of moving elsewhere means leaving these troubling issues in America behind. And, as everyone knows, the MSM is no help. He proposes taking advantage of the new media to spread the word to others and the rest of the world. (ibid) It won’ t be easy, but it is necessary. If not we will maintain the system that allows these crimes and they will continue to pollute the body politic. Which, as we see now, is harmful to us all. The evidence for that, as I noted at the start, is all around us.

    When I finished the Afterword to The Assassinations I wrote that, as in Camus’ The Myth of Sisyphus, after the murder of RFK, those who believed in him and his cause felt like the stone was at the bottom of the hill. And they were alone. Today, we are not. History has caught up with some of the public. They don’ t like what America has become either. In that regard, we need more people like Dean Hartwell. Because if The Assassinations was a pebble thrown into the polluted stream, this book provides another stepping-stone beyond it. And hopefully, one day, a man the stature of Carroll Quigley will arrive to trace the decline from November 1963, to March of 2003, filing out the entire canvas with color and perspective. In order to make the public face the fact that, yes the forces that killed the vibrant progressive energy of the sixties won, but what did they bring us? The answer is: Less than zero. Or as James Joyce once wrote for his alter ego, Stephen Dedalus: “History is a nightmare from which I am trying to awaken.” Few who were alive in 1963 would argue the fact that the country we live in today does not resemble what we had then. Hartwell’ s effort is that of a true patriot offering an attempt to bridge that gap and explain how it all happened. For the benefit of us all.

  • Jesse Ventura & Dick Russell, American Conspiracies: A Textbook for Alternative History

    Jesse Ventura & Dick Russell, American Conspiracies: A Textbook for Alternative History


    Jesse Ventura in Dealey Plaza
    (CTKA File Photo)

    In my recent review of Voodoo Histories by David Aaronovitch, I spent a lot of time explaining why the organization of the book destroyed its credibility. The topics it covered were dictated by media coverage rather than a serious study of history. Coming on its heels, just a month later, American Conspiracies by Jesse Ventura and Dick Russell, rushes right into the breach. Talk about good timing.

    The first three sentences of American Conspiracies set the tone of what will be good in this book that was not good in Aaronovitch: “First of all, let’s talk about what you won’t find in this book. It’s not about how extraterrestrials are abducting human beings, or the Apollo moon landing being a colossal hoax perpetrated by NASA, or that Barack Obama somehow is not a natural-born American citizen. I leave these speculations to others, not that I take them seriously.”

    And on that note we’re off.

    ORGANIZATION

    So how are Ventura and Russell going to explain conspiracies to us? They take 14 separate topics, in order: the Lincoln assassination; the attempt to overthrow FDR; the JFK, Malcolm X, MLK, and RFK assassinations; the Watergate scandal (however, not the Woodward version but the Jim Hougan version); Jonestown; the October surprise; the CIA drug connection; the stolen elections of 2000 and 2004; 9/11; Wall Street; and the “secret plans” to end American democracy. As I noted in my Aaronovitch review, these are much closer to the topics that make sense for a political researcher to investigate – note the absence of reference to Princess Diana.

    Each chapter begins with a little box explaining what the situation is, what the official word on it is, and Ventura’s take on the subject, and ends with a short paragraph on what he feels should be done about it. These add to the textbook feel of the work – the only thing missing are discussion questions. And, by and large, the book does a good job of synthesizing the main idea of each topic with solid information. One assumes that a great deal of the research came from Russell, and he gets this across well while keeping Ventura’s distinctive voice throughout.

    As noted, they begin with the Lincoln assassination, which is an acknowledged conspiracy, though seldom written about by political researchers. Their version is an interesting one, based largely on Blood on the Moon by Edward Steers, Jr., but leaves out some of the little details, such as the fact that Mary Todd Lincoln suspected Secretary of War Andrew Stanton’s involvement in the plot to her dying day. (The background for this is quite interesting but left to the reader to investigate. Stanton and Lincoln had prior very public disagreements, and Stanton, after Lincoln’s murder, had screamed at Mrs. Lincoln and ordered her removed from his sight because she was so upset.) Additionally, while there are conspiracists who assert that Jefferson Davis was involved or even the progenitor of the Lincoln assassination, it is not often noted that Davis had been the target of a Union assassination attempt just weeks before. (See James Hall’s article, “The Dahlgren Papers: A Yankee Plot to Kill President Davis,” Civil War History Illustrated No. 30 Nov. 1983). On the other hand, this is perhaps too academic a complaint. There is a real benefit to beginning the book with an established conspiracy to appeal to the general reader, and it might bog things down to get into too much detail too fast. In that mindset, it makes sense to take a more conservative approach.

    This is also true for the chapters on the various assassinations. In general, they rely on the best works (for example, Pepper and Melanson on MLK, Turner & Christian and O’Sullivan – the book, not the documentary – on RFK, and heavily on John Armstrong, Douglass, DiEugenio and Pease, and Russell himself on JFK) in each area. And in each case the chapters serve as solid introductions for their subjects. While some material should perhaps have been left behind (Barsten’s MK-ULTRA thesis in the MLK assassination is a little too out there to be explained in a few paragraphs, although the authors do a creditable job), the material is generally well-handled.

    With respect to new material, there is some new research in the book, mostly concerning Mike Connell and election fraud. Connell was an IT person who worked for Karl Rove. Not only had Connell built websites for George W. and Jeb Bush, but also for Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, famous for their poisonous and baseless attacks on John Kerry’s military record. (p. 137) Connell knew the dirty details behind both election-fixing and emails that would implicate Rove and Bush in multiple criminal dealings. In December 2008, three months after a subpoena was issued to Connell to testify about these matters, he died in a plane crash. (p. 140) Others have promoted this story – Mark Crispin Miller talked about it on television and raised the possibility of foul play – but Russell and Ventura did some legwork on this case and the conclusions are in book.

    BACKGROUND

    The best parts of American Conspiracies tend to rely on Ventura’s own background in politics and as a SEAL team member to enhance his credibility in drawing conclusions. This is especially true in the chapter on the CIA drug conspiracy, which draws together a lot of good information and makes some intelligent inferences about it. For example, he discusses the fact that in pure economic terms, drugs make more profit for the U.S. then they do for the countries actually growing and exporting them:

    But even though 90 percent of the world’s heroin is originating in Afghanistan, their share of the proceeds in dollar terms is only 10 percent of that. It’s estimated that more than 80 percent of the profits actually get reaped in the countries where the heroin is consumed, like the U.S. According to the U.N., ‘money made in illicit drug trade has been used to keep banks afloat in the global financial crisis.’ (p. 122)

    A simple but cogent observation. The book further illustrates:

    “Not including real estate transfers, there’s an estimated inflow of $250 billion a year coming into the country’s banks – which I suppose is welcomed by some as offsetting our $300 billion trade deficit.” (114) The authors also go into a timely history of the Mexican drug cartels and their relationship to the U.S. In 1947, when the CIA was created, the DFS was also created – the Mexican version of the CIA. Since that time, drug traffickers have been protected by the United States. This was clearly described by the late Gary Webb in his seminal book Dark Alliance, but also in several others. One example raised by the book involves the traffickers who murdered DEA agent Enrique Camarena, who were protected by their U.S. connections. (p. 124)

    As with all the chapters, there are certain omissions – to leave out Alfred McCoy from a bibliography in writing about drugs and covert operations is inexplicable.

    DISAGREEMENTS

    I have certain quibbles with the book – the information on the 9/11 attacks is a real mixed bag, including some things that I find to be disinformation. But 9/11 is always a contentious issue and Ventura and Russell do focus on several good points, including the all-important Norman Mineta testimony. However, Ventura talks about the Pentagon missile theories and actually urges people to see Loose Change. Like his television program on 9/11, he also relies heavily on the testimony of Willie Rodriguez, who has been a questionable figure in the movement. On the other hand, he does invoke the lack of military and FAA response, and unlike most critics does so having actually been in the military and seen traffic controllers at work. (p. 143) He also talks about a 2003 memo in which the idea to paint a U2 surveillance plane in U.N. colors to fly over Iraq is floated. If Saddam fired upon it, this could be played up as an attack on a U.N. plane and made the instigator of a war. As Ventura notes, this has certain echoes of the Operation Northwoods documents floated during the Kennedy presidency and turned down by JFK. (p. 185) He also notes, quite rightly, that 10 months prior to 9/11, Donald Rumsfeld had approved major “changes to the Army’s [Continuity of Government] plan.” He correctly identifies this as a “shadow government.” (p. 191) In the bibliography of the 9/11 chapter, one finds only Peter Dale Scott’s excellent book, The Road to 9/11, and the work of David Ray Griffin, which explains much of what is good and bad in his analysis.

    This does point out what is a flaw in the book and in Ventura himself: which is a certain excess of credulity at times. As anyone who has tried to navigate the minefield of political research in general, and 9/11 in particular, one encounters all sorts of bizarre claims and “witnesses” who may be telling no truth, some truth, or the whole truth at various times. It is a weakness of the book that, in having to jump quickly into a topic and then leave it behind for something else, the information tends to be muddled together, good, bad, and questionable, with a certain lack of prioritization. The bibliography shares this trait as well. In his chapter on the Jonestown case, the best work has actually been done in two articles, one by John Judge and the other by Jim Hougan. Hougan is greatly relied upon both in this chapter and the Watergate chapter, and one can find both authors’ work in the endnotes. However, there are only two books listed on Jonesstown, and one is John Marks’ The Search for a Manchurian Candidate, a fine work but with a limited connection to Jonestown.

    Having said all this, one can always find things to argue with in textbooks, and this one remains terrific as an introductory volume. For the dedicated researcher, there are tidbits of new material here and there, but the primary purpose of this book is to serve the uninitiated, and on that score Ventura and Russell park it. The book is readable, fast-paced, and short: well-tailored to today’s public. The hope is, of course, that some of those who read this book will move on to deeper and more complex books, but even if they don’t, American Conspiracies serves them well.

  • JFK Autopsy X-rays: David Mantik vs. Pat Speer

    JFK Autopsy X-rays: David Mantik vs. Pat Speer


    A Critique of http://www.patspeer.com/
    Chapters 18a, 18b, and 19b


    It ain’t what you don’t know that gets you into trouble. It’s what you know for sure that just ain’t so.

    ~Mark Twain


    Note 1: When I printed Speer’s essays, page numbers appeared; I use those numbers here.
    Note 2: For my Dallas lecture (2009), see The JFK Skull X-rays: Evidence for Forgery
    Note 3: ARRB summaries (Horne’s Appendices 43-46) of the three forensic experts

    Introduction to this Critique

    Jim DiEugenio brought the extraordinary work of Pat Speer to my attention. Since Jim wanted my feedback, and because Speer’s interests overlapped mine, I devoted several slides in my Dallas talk to Pat’s two chief proposals: explanations for the 6.5 mm object on JFK’s AP skull X-ray, and for the White Patch on the lateral skull X-rays. I first met Pat in the hallway after my talk, where I identified him by his name tag and we had a brief and courteous chat. I recall being surprised that he had not attended my lecture, although I later learned (from his website) that he had caught the last few minutes. It is the only time we have exchanged any dialogue. About a year later I visited his website again; that visit has prompted this review. At the above website, Speer has established a new record by nominating over 30 individuals for a rogue’s gallery, i.e., individuals who have made (meaningful) mistakes in this JFK case:

    Speer’s Gallery of Rogues

    Aguilar Horne Myers (aka Meyers)
    Baden Kurtz Morgan
    Bell Lattimer Peters
    Bugliosi Lifton Piziali
    Crenshaw Lindenberg Robertson
    Davis Mantik Spitz
    Durnavitch McAdams Sturdivan
    Fackler McCarthy Wecht
    Fetzer McClelland White
    Groden McDonnel  
    All the doctors who testified in the ABA mock trial (1992)

     

    After Speer’s self-assured omniscience at ferreting out these blunders (and their guilty sponsors), I was not too daunted at seeing my own name among such an illustrious throng. However, it quickly got worse: Speer had nominated me for a special citation. Not only had I made (many) mistakes, but I had lied:

    I’d never considered that, in order to convince his audience they should ignore my ramblings, that he would lie. That’s right, I wrote “lie” (Speer, 19b, p. 25).

    So, after seven decades, I finally qualified as a liar. Curiously, my problem has always been the reverse – that of being too honest. (Speer cites me as lying about the location of the (presumed) lead smudge on the Harper fragment and about the explanation for the White Patch.) My devout Pentecostal mother, who had persistently drummed one lesson into my childhood head – never to lie – would have risen from her grave had she heard that charge. I have never been able to shake those shackles (of never lying), and my children are afflicted as well. But Speer still wasn’t done – he gamely went on to proffer some other attention-grabbing remarks:

    Before I began this project I knew virtually nothing about x-rays.

    Durnavitch, and just about everybody else who’s written about the x-rays, was wrong.

    And yet it seems I’ve uncovered many issues not addressed by the so-called experts.

    I offer one important clarification in this critique. After my Dallas lecture I recognized, with some regret, that I had left the audience with a confused picture of the (apparent) site of lead debris on the Harper fragment. Speer gets credit for also noticing this, and the audience has my apologies. The confusion arose from new evidence on the Harper X-ray, discovered by John Hunt. The X-ray showed the metal debris to lie at the opposite pole of the Harper fragment from where I had originally placed it (a placement that had been based solely on the photographs). For my Dallas lecture I showed only a close-up image (slide 19) of the Harper X-ray (courtesy of John Hunt), but I should have shown the entire X-ray. I correct that oversight here. However, if this new site for metal is accepted, Speer’s placement of the Harper fragment (like Riley’s and Angel’s) suffers grievous trauma.

    Chapter 18: X-ray Specs

    Note 4: This is actually Chapter 18a (18b follows), but Speer labels it simply as 18.
    Note 5: These twenty questions were prompted by Speer’s comments, although the wording here is (mostly) my own.
    1. Why were the JFK X-rays taken with a portable unit – and does it matter? (p. 1)

    No, it does not matter. The autopsy suite had no installed unit, so the only option was a portable unit. But Speer quotes (p. 7) Dr. John Ebersole (the autopsy radiologist, who practiced as a radiation oncologist): for the evening’s chief purpose (locating metallic debris), this unit was quite satisfactory. I agree that a permanently installed unit would have added very little to this quest. The available images, which Speer describes as “poor,” are actually quite adequate to the task. Furthermore, to call the portable equipment “not first-rate,” as he does, is a gratuitous attack on GE, which was a major manufacturer of such portable equipment (and was also located in my childhood home of Wisconsin).

    2. Was the club-shaped (metallic) object in the forehead “basically invisible to the naked eye” on the original X-rays? (pp. 2 and 22)

    No, that’s wrong. Speer is correct to say that this object is hard to see on the unenhanced prints, but that is quite irrelevant – it is very easy to see on the extant X-rays. No one has ever said otherwise. See this fragment in my Figures 1 and 2 here. So far as I know, Speer has never actually viewed the extant X-rays at NARA (National Archives and Records Administration), so his conclusions derive solely from the published prints. (He has never asked me about my own viewing of the X-rays at NARA.) This fact (of his viewing only prints) becomes even more significant later in this critique (when he introduces his “slice”). Instead of the label “club-shaped” I have used “7 x 2 mm”; this describes its size (uncorrected for magnification) on the X-ray film. I have no intrinsic objection, however, to Speer’s label. My Figures 1 and 2 are the enhanced X-ray prints prepared by the HSCA. Given a choice of viewing the extant X-rays or the enhanced prints, most experts would prefer to see the X-rays. The enhanced prints were produced primarily because they more accurately reflect the X-ray images (than do the unenhanced prints). Jim DiEugenio has asked whether the chiaroscuro effect (dark-light contrast) is as apparent on the actual X-rays as in the prints. Based on my recollection, that answer is “No.” The act of printing is what increases the contrast; as anyone can see, that effect is especially evident in the unenhanced prints of the X-rays.

    Figure1

     
    Figure 1. The AP skull X-ray. Note the 6.5 “metal” object within the upper right orbit (vertical yellow arrow). The elongated fragment (7 x 2 mm), lying above and to the viewer’s left of the 6.5 mm object (horizontal red arrow), was authentic and was removed by Humes. The trail of debris (oblique rose arrow), in turn, lies above this, at the very top of the skull. The single, tiny piece of shrapnel in the left scalp is indicated by the horizontal green arrow. Speer’s “wing” is identified by the oblique orange arrow (right side of skull). The residual right lateral skull is identified by a vertical blue arrow. Metallic debris (claimed by Speer not to exist) just inferior to the 6.5 mm object, is identified by a horizontal lavender arrow. Some of these (lavender) fragments may have correlates on the lateral X-ray, which would then mark them as authentic metal debris.
     

     

    Figure2

     

    Figure 2. The right lateral skull X-ray. Note the faintly visible, tiny metal fragment (OTF, i.e., outer table fragment) at the far rear (oblique yellow arrow), just inferior to the discontinuity (fracture). This fragment correlates with (part of) the 6.5 mm object seen on the AP X-ray. The 7×2 mm fragment, removed by Humes, is at the very front (horizontal red arrow). The single, tiny piece of shrapnel high in the left scalp is indicated by the horizontal green arrow. The external auditory canal (large dark dot) is identified by a vertical pink arrow. The oblique orange arrow in the center identifies Speer’s “wing.” The vertical blue arrow (near the top) identifies Speer’s “large disintegrated fragment” (LDF). Two tiny metallic-like fragments (invisible here – lavender arrow) can be seen on the X-rays at NARA, near the inferior pole of OTF. None, however, lie inside of OTF. Furthermore, some of them may have correlates on the AP X-ray, near the 6.5 mm object, which would then mark them as authentic, tiny metallic debris.

     

    3. Is it reasonable to conclude that the failure of Humes and friends to mention the apparent metal fragment seen within JFK’s right orbit (which I have described as the 6.5 mm object) was “some kind of mistake”? (p. 2)

    This is a clear mistake all right, but one by Speer, not by Humes. The pathologists were hardly the only ones to view the X-rays that night. While in the morgue, these images were on public display, where many attendees saw them and commented on them. But no one ever described the 6.5 mm object that night. And that was the whole point of the exercise – surely someone would have pointed it out. Even my son (at age 6) and daughter (at age 4) both easily identified it as the dominant feature of the AP X-ray (neither one was then board certified). When I asked Ebersole about it, he abruptly – and forever – stopped talking about the autopsy (listen to my taped interview at NARA). The explanation is simple – it was not there that night. Larry Sturdivan has his own idea: he does not regard this thing as metal (I agree). Instead, he describes it as an artifact (it is), although he seems a bit lost about how that happened (he is not alone). Furthermore, even if Sturdivan were right about this – and it was present that night – how in the world did everyone overlook it? Sturdivan does not comment on this. Even the ARRB experts (see my note 3 above for a reference) all emphasized the gross inconsistency (in optical density) of this thing as viewed on the AP X-ray vs. its partner image on the lateral X-ray. Furthermore, they all agreed on how to correlate its image on the AP with its image on the lateral X-rays, i.e., the 3D coordinates of the 6.5 mm object correlated with the fragment at the rear of the skull. (In my Figure 2, I have labeled this latter object as OTF – for “outer table fragment” – a phrase that derives from the Clark Panel.)

    Such a gross inconsistency in optical density had never before occurred in forensic radiology. But the ultimate proof of this gross violation of basic radiology principles lies in the optical density (OD) data. Subjective opinions of the X-rays come cheap, but the OD measurements thoroughly validate these conclusions of gross inconsistency – and they do so in a quantitative (and potentially reproducible) fashion. These results were published in Assassination Science (James Fetzer 1998, pp. 120-137). Regrettably, except for incorrectly using one graph below, Speer does not address these OD data, nor does he offer even an opinion on why they might not be reliable. These data show that the 6.5 mm object (as seen on the AP X-ray) must be longer (from front to back) than all of JFK’s dental amalgams stacked side by side – which is an obvious paradox. Aside from photographic superposition (in the darkroom) of this 6.5 mm object onto the AP X-ray, no one has even begun to explain that curious fact. Speer has now joined a large congregation of onlookers who have remained literally dumbstruck by the paradox of this 6.5 mm object. As just one example, John Fitzpatrick, the ARRB’s forensic radiologist, who reviewed the 6.5 mm object on two different days, “…continued to be disturbed and puzzled by the fact that the large radio-opaque object in the AP skull X-ray could not be located on the lateral skull X-rays.” See my Appendix 1 here for a summary of his findings. Even David Davis of the HSCA (p. 10) had trouble with these X-rays; he said, “It is impossible to work this out entirely.”

    4. Is the second largest fragment on the X-rays (on the “path of disintegrated fragments,” according to Speer) the same as the one that Sibert and O’Neill described as lying at the rear of the skull? (p. 2)

    Probably not. Speer identifies the “next largest fragment” as lying on the main trail (see his figure on his p. 1). See my Figures 1 and 2, where I have labeled this fragment as LDF (for “large disintegrated fragment”). In my opinion, Sibert and O’Neill’s description is too vague to interpret with certainty, but the outer table fragment (OTF) would, in common parlance at least, be described as lying at the rear, whereas LDF would be described as near the top of the skull (or near the crown, as Speer says). Fortunately, we don’t really need to rely too much on Sibert and O’Neill in this matter, so let’s move on.

    5. Was JFK struck by a ricochet fragment? (pp. 3-4)

    Yes, most likely he was, perhaps by even more than one. Howard Donahue (whose home I once visited) lists the evidence for these events (Mortal Error 1992, Bonar Menninger). OTF is a good candidate for this. Another is a small fragment near the top of the scalp – on the left side (see Figures 1 and 2). This latter one is visible on both the AP and lateral skull X-rays, even in poor quality prints, and it does lie way off the main trail of debris. Its appearance on the extant X-rays (as viewed at NARA) is totally consistent on the two views and also strongly suggests a metallic fragment. Furthermore, there are even other candidates for ricochet fragments (they are well off the main trail of debris), which I have observed at NARA. Also see my comments under Figures 1 and 2 about very tiny metal fragments near OTF (on the lateral X-ray) and also near the 6.5 mm object (on the AP X-ray). (For data on ricochet angles, see “FBI: Bouncing Bullets.” FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin. S. 2-6 u. 20-23. Washington, Sept/Oct 1969. A more recent article is by L. C. Haag, “Bullet ricochet: an empirical study and a device for measuring ricochet angle.” AFTE Journal 7 (3): 44-51, December 1975.) Whether such bullets must have struck James Chaney (as Speer insists, albeit without any analysis) would depend critically on the origin of the shot (Speer only mentions the sniper’s nest) as well as its timing. Chaney was a motorcycle man located to JFK’s rear; his Wikipedia entry describes him as the closest witness to the assassination – except for the limousine occupants. However, Speer is correct to cite Vincent DiMaio and to conclude that ricochet bullets do not break into narrow cross-sections or slices (even though Speer promptly introduces his own slice). He is also correct to confirm that the nose and tail of the bullet (which supposedly deposited the 6.5 mm object) were both reportedly found in the limousine. Unfortunately, since he has just quoted DiMaio, Speer sows confusion when he apparently states the opposite:

    When one considers that the fragment is, according to both the Clark Panel and the HSCA Pathology Panel, 6.5 mm in diameter, the same as a cross-section of the bullet, moreover, the conclusion that the fragment was a “slice” seems obvious.

    Even more puzzling, he seems to reverse himself once more on the next page (p. 4): “…it makes little sense to believe that the middle of a bullet…would get sliced off upon entrance to the skull…”. I think that what Speer means is that a slice can arise after entering the skull, but not at the point of entry. But he does insist that the 6.5 mm object represents an authentic piece of metal, one that came from the “middle of the bullet.” That is, of course, an extraordinary denouement – unsupported by any forensic data, and surely not approved by DiMaio. Here is what the HSCA’s ballistics expert (Larry Sturdivan) thinks of this proposal:

    In the Biophysics Lab tests, most of the bullets’ jackets ruptured about midway through the skulls. The projectile would only break into disks if a person were shot by something like a roll of coins. When they break up in the target, real bullets break into irregular pieces of jacket, sometimes complete enough to contain pieces of lead core. It cannot break into circular slices, especially one with a circular bite out of the edge. As radiologist David Mantik points out in the book edited by Fetzer, there is no corresponding density on the lateral x-ray. The slightly lighter area indicated by the FPP [Forensic Pathology Panel] as the lateral view of this object is not nearly light enough to be a metal disk seen edge-on. As bright as it is seen flat in the frontal x-ray, it should be even brighter when seen edge-on in the lateral. If an object is present in only one x-ray view, it could not have been embedded in the president’s skull or scalp. (The JFK Myths 2005, pp. 192-193)

    To make matters even worse, since Speer claims that the JFK X-rays are authentic, he must also believe that this 6.5 mm object was indeed present on the AP X-ray that night – but that no one noticed it. Speer totally evades this profound conundrum, as if he were blissfully unaware of it.

    Speer also quotes from DiMaio (Gunshot Wounds: Practical Aspects 1985, p. 90), who reports no ricochet from a 6.5 mm full metal-jacketed bullet for impact angles of 20º and 30º. The following data (from the same table), however, are omitted by Speer. For this same bullet, a ricochet angle of 1.6º results from an impact angle of 10º. In addition, for impact angles of 30º, various other bullets yield ricochet angles of 1.19º – 2.48º. DiMaio also adds that partial metal-jacketed bullets usually break up on impact and then pepper the body with fragments from the jacket or from the core. He notes that these projectiles typically lodge in or just beneath the skin (that reminds me of JFK’s back wound). The multiple, tiny metallic fragments I saw in the skull X-rays (and the shallow projectile that caused the back wound, too) might thus be explained via such ricochet, but Speer carefully avoids following DiMaio down that path. Several pages later (p. 12), Speer notes that the nose of the bullet (CE-567) was covered with skin [for laboratory analyses of evidence released by the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) click here], so the question naturally arises: Was this the projectile that caused JFK’s back wound? The problem, of course, is that this nose fragment was officially discovered in the front seat of the limousine so, unless some mix-up later occurred, that explanation won’t work.

    6. Was the right half of JFK’s brain “turned to mush” by gunfire? (p. 5)

    Since Speer regards the brain photos as truly JFK’s, he needs to square this comment with the nearly intact right brain seen in the autopsy photos. Unfortunately, he totally evades this issue. In fact, the OD data demonstrate that a good deal of the right brain was actually missing (which is consistent with the Parkland observations). Ultimately, however, this question cannot be answered – because authentic photographs of the brain no longer exist (Inside the Assassination Records Review Board 2009, Douglas Horne, Chapter 10).

    7. Is it common for the brain to settle at the rear after gunshot wounds? (p. 6)

    Perhaps it does. Speer cites a peer reviewed article (Radiology 240; No. 2, pp. 522-528, August 2006), in which this occurred in 8 of 10 cases, but he omits the following details. This study included 78 wound tracks in 13 cases, i.e., about six per person (which is clearly different from JFK). All subjects were injured by high-velocity 7.62 mm bullets from an AK-47 (probably also different from JFK). The authors admit that decompositional changes (especially in the brain) could have affected their interpretation. In particular, a distinct linear track within the brain could not be identified in any case. In addition, they emphasize that their small sample size limited their conclusions and they reported that their results would still need to be confirmed in a larger study. I would add that Doug DeSalles and I do not recall a similar outcome (of such brain settling) in any of the nineteen (19, not 9) cases we reviewed (of fatal gunshot wounds to the skull). Also, as best I can now recall, our cases typically had suffered only a single head shot. If such a CT scan study had been available for JFK, many of today’s mysteries about his skull trauma would have vanished; in particular, a 3D reconstruction of a skull (in this Radiology article) shows a remarkably detailed image of the comminuted skull fragments and skull fractures.

    8. Does it make any sense that the cowlick bullet (I think Speer has in mind the HSCA scenario) did not leave any fragments around the entry hole? (pp. 6 and 14)

    But it did leave small fragments! See my slide 33 from the Dallas lecture or my Figure 3 here. My sketch shows tiny metallic debris lying immediately inferior to the 6.5 mm object and at least one piece (paradoxically) inside the 6.5 mm object! (There may be more inside.) These (exterior) pieces can actually be seen in my Figure 1 (horizontal lavender arrow). These observations were made before my Lasik surgery, when I was extremely myopic (-9 diopters) and I could see such small objects in amazing detail without eyeglasses. That these things are metal is strongly suggested by the lateral X-ray, where two tiny fragments lie near the inferior pole of OTF (but outside of it). These two may well have correlating images on the AP X-ray; such a correlation would virtually guarantee their authenticity as metallic debris (presumably from a ricochet). If OTF is authentic, no other fragments should be seen superimposed over the inside of it; in fact, none are (which is different from the 6.5 mm object seen on the AP X-ray).

    figure3

     
    Figure 3. This is a magnified view of the 6.5 mm object, as I sketched it in my NARA notebook; I was still very myopic at that time so I could see nearby objects in remarkable detail. Notice the three fragments immediately outside of it and at least one inside its borders (all identified by red arrows). In addition, note the original, authentic fragment (cross-hatched – oblique blue arrow), which was probably described by the FBI. This one correlates with OTF (outer table fragment) seen on the right lateral skull X-ray; both the size and location (of the cross-hatched fragment) match to OTF. With my naked and myopic eyes I could actually see this cross-hatched, authentic fragment as an optical superposition. Speer fails to locate OTF anywhere on the AP X-ray, but he is apparently unaware of this gaffe. (This figure is similar to slide 33 in my Dallas lecture.)

     

    Here is Speer’s actual comment, which is clearly wrong (about no small fragments located near the 6.5 mm object):

    …defying expectation, there were no small fragments surrounding the [HSCA’s] supposed in-shoot in the cowlick, then one should rightly conclude that the lateral x-ray demonstrates convincingly that a bullet broke up near the site of the supposed out-shoot, above the right ear. I’d bet everything I have on it. And have.

    So Speer seems to say that the 6.5 mm object arose near the exit site, after which it presumably (in his scenario) traveled to its final resting site, where his “slice” is now seen in my Figure 4. (A bit more clarity from Speer would help here.) More importantly, however, he offers no evidence whatsoever from forensics that such an event is even possible.

    Figure4

    Figure 4. Seeing is Believing. This figure is copied from Speer’s p. 21. The oblique blue arrow (Speer’s arrow, not mine) identifies his “slice,” which (he claims) correlates with the 6.5 mm object on the AP X-ray. Of course, by reaching this conclusion, Speer has only created another paradox – he leaves OTF (outer table fragment) without a correlating image on the AP X-ray, but he seems unconscious of this.

     

    9. Do radiologist Randy Robertson and neuroanatomist Joseph Riley agree that the JFK X-rays are authentic, and that there are no radiologists who share the opposite opinion and thereby agree with me? (p. 6)

    It is true that Robertson and Riley disagree with me. (I don’t know who Burnett is, but Speer cites him as a radiology colleague of Randy Robertson.) However, neither of them has attempted to explain any of the paradoxical OD data. For that matter, no professional has even tried to explain the obvious paradox of the 6.5 mm object as viewed on the AP vs. its corresponding image on the lateral – the ARRB experts are excellent examples of this (failure to explain). In the history of forensic radiology, this is a unique event. It is true that there is no published list of radiologists who support my view. However, my best friend (a superb diagnostic radiologist), who played a critical role in illuminating how X-rays were copied in the 1960s, is a strong supporter of my views. Dr. Siple (whom I met), a friend of Harry Livingstone (see Siple’s comments in Harry’s books), had long suspected that the X-rays were composites (Assassination Science 1998, p. 156), which matches my own view. My Dallas lecture also cites Arthur G. Haus, the chief medical physicist at Kodak (whom I have met), as not offering any critique of my original OD paper; on the contrary, he found it very interesting. (Of course, as a then-Kodak employee, he could not make comments that might affect his own company.) But the chief problem, as Speer himself notes (based on his own online efforts), is a lack of interest by diagnostic radiologists; by his own report, he apparently got feedback from only one, and that discussion did not relate to the OD paradoxes. Finally, I did eventually receive a letter from the ARRB’s forensic radiologist, John Fitzpatrick, in which he made no substantive comments and firmly declined to discuss the JFK X-rays (Appendix 2). So the matter rests.

    10. Were JFK’s X-rays overexposed? (pp. 7-8)

    This is a common allegation, but it is misleading. Speer also buys into this myth – he even castigates Custer and Reed for screwing up so badly (even though, paradoxically, he later prefers their opinions – on other matters – over that of true experts). Think about this: no one claims that the other X-rays (of JFK’s extra-cranial sites) were likewise overexposed. They weren’t. So why would the skull X-rays alone be overexposed? Actually, they are not. It is common practice for X-rays to contain optical densities in the range of 0.5 to 2.0, so that the human eye can make rather easy distinctions among different densities. In fact, except for the Dark Area, most of the ODs on the JFK skull X-rays do lie within that typical range, as I have verified via hundreds of measurements. Even the densest bone (the petrous) falls within that range. Back when I first viewed them, the skull X-rays did not strike me as overexposed. Furthermore, such a response has not characterized other viewing experts either, e.g., none of the ARRB experts said that. One exception to this is Russell Morgan, who called them “severely overexposed” (p. 17). [Morgan was the forensic radiologist on the Clark Panel (named for US Attorney General Ramsey Clark), which published its report (of no conspiracy) on January 16, 1969, just days before the Garrison trial began. This panel was led by Russell Fisher, a forensic pathologist. Curiously (some would say suspiciously) both Russells had offices at Johns Hopkins University; in addition, the report had been long delayed, perhaps to counteract the Garrison trial. The Clark report can be found here.] However, with less exposure, the White Patch would be even whiter – and its OD would fall below the normal range for viewing X-rays! Interestingly, Morgan chose to ignore this absurdity. The HSCA, of course, enhanced the X-rays, but I suspect that was mostly to obtain useful prints for publication. (Printing changes the contrast.)

    Speer claims that I failed to discuss issues of contrast in the JFK X-rays, thereby imputing this supposed failure to my specialty as a radiation oncologist. By contrast, Speer favorably quotes another radiation oncologist (John Ebersole) but then generously overlooks his specialty (which was the same as mine). More to the point, though, Speer ignores my history as a physicist, which is actually far more germane to this matter than is my specialty. (Just ask a random diagnostic radiologist some detailed OD questions, especially about characteristic curves, if you seek proof of this.) I had, in fact, addressed these issues in some detail in a rather long, but unpublished manuscript (privately circulated in 1994). Many pages were devoted to technical issues regarding OD, including characteristic curves of X-ray films. Although Speer is probably ignorant of this history, he failed even to be curious about it, and instead falsely accused me of being superficial.

    Now one final point should seal the deal. I measured the ODs in the background of these X-rays, where only air surrounds the body. These background ODs provide a very useful check on the relative exposure of one X-ray film compared to another. The ODs quoted here are based on several measurements (up to ten) for each X-ray, but the range of ODs on each one was narrow. Here are the mean ODs: AP skull = 3.99; right lateral = 4.01; left lateral = 4.18; abdomen = 3.75; pelvis = 3.73. This represents only a modest range of exposures among the different anatomic sites. The one outlier is the chest, with a mean background OD of 3.42. This implies a lower exposure, but since lung tissue does not need as much exposure, that would be expected. In fact, to use the same exposure for the chest as for the pelvis or abdomen would lead to an overexposure. In short, all of these numbers fit together very well and are not at all surprising. Further support for this conclusion comes from John B. Cahoon (Formulating X-ray Techniques 1966, pp. 167-168). Suggested exposures for the abdomen, pelvis, and skull are almost identical: for the same current (100 milliampere-seconds), they differ only modestly in voltage (respectively 62, 64, and 70 kV). By contrast, the suggested PA chest exposure is only 10 milliampere-seconds (at 62 kV), a much lower exposure. These exposures are completely compatible with the background ODs on the JFK X-rays. Therefore, to claim that the skull X-rays were incorrectly exposed (and also to accept that the extra-cranial X-rays were correctly exposed – which they were) makes no sense. This discussion should just be put to bed – and Morgan was wrong to say that overexposure had occurred. The OD data convincingly close this case.

    11. Did I employ contrast enhanced X-rays for the OD measurements? (p. 8)

    No – definitely not. This is an eccentric charge by Speer, and it reflects badly on his approach to this subject. At NARA, I used only the extant X-ray films, not prints and not enhanced X-rays. In fact, while at NARA I never even viewed prints of X-rays or any enhanced X-rays. It is true, though, that the published prints of the JFK skull X-rays have been enhanced, but that is because the prints of the unenhanced X-rays do not accurately portray the extant X-rays. In print format, the enhanced X-rays are closer in image content to the extant X-rays. Since Speer had been exchanging e-mails with Fetzer (he quotes Fetzer), he could easily have asked Fetzer (about whether I had used the extant X-rays), but he forgot to ask. Of course, Steve Tilley (and Gary Aguilar, too) can also verify exactly what I used. Speer concludes with this statement:

    I must admit that I …find Mantik’s conclusion the x-rays have been altered premature, and unconvincing (p. 8).

    How Speer reaches this remarkable conclusion, without once addressing any actual OD data, he does not explain. Even if Speer were ultimately to prevail here, such opinions, reached without serious underpinnings, cannot become candidates for serious conversation. He could, at the very least, offer an opinion on why the ODs of the White Patch are similar to those of the petrous bone (in the right lateral X-ray) – after all, three layers of bone will not explain this. Another troubling paradox for Speer is that the White Patch and the petrous bone are not nearly so similar to one another (in OD) on the left lateral skull X-ray. Of course, this might well have occurred if the double exposure – of the fake White Patch – had been somewhat different on the two lateral X-rays.

    12. Why is there no consensus on what is shown in the x-rays? (p. 17)

    This is the easiest question of all; just think – if forgery had occurred, then that is precisely the expected (and almost certain) outcome! On the contrary, with honest X-rays no such persisting confusion should ever have arisen. Notice, in particular, how the 6.5 mm object greatly troubled John Fitzpatrick (the ARRB’s forensic radiologist) – so concerned was he that he even returned to it for a second day, yet he never could explain it. Speer does not address issues of authenticity in any detail, which – in view of Fitzpatrick’s failure to solve the puzzle – should scarcely surprise us. Speer then cites his reluctance to

    …go through every wrong or misguided statement made by a conspiracy theorist [as if wearing blinders, Speer fails to recognize that my OD data are actually experimental, not theoretical], David Mantik and Doug Horne’s status within the so-called research community are of such a proportion that I find it necessary to note the numerous mistakes in their collected works. Here is one such mistake by Horne…

    Speer then quotes at length from Horne (who was citing me): in short, I stated that the HSCA site shows no entry (as confirmed by the OD data, a basis that Speer ignores), but Speer claims that this conclusion is evidence of my belief in an exit high on the rear of the head. He finishes by suggesting that the HSCA entry site may be real, but merely be located somewhere else! (No evidence is offered for this.) Here is my response to this semantic bog.

    Via detailed OD measurements, I was not able to locate a hole at the rear of the skull anywhere near the HSCA entry site. And where the main trail of debris projects to the rear of the skull, the AP X-rays suggest no skull bone, so it is natural to assume that some debris did exit there. However, in the absence of skull bone, one surely cannot expect to see a “hole” in that vicinity. That some debris did, in fact, exit to the rear, where it struck the follow-up limousine and at least one motorcyclist, seems quite certain. The other option for such an exit, of course, is the hole in the right occiput, as reported at Parkland. This is, of course, much lower than the main trail of debris. As expected, Speer does not mention this latter site as a possible exit.

    13. Is there a “distortion” problem on the skull X-rays? (p. 19)

    No – definitely not. The dictionary definition of “distortion” is a “change in shape.” What Speer actually means is magnification, which is quite another matter. Magnification alone does not change the shape of an object. Although magnification does affect these X-rays, that effect is easily manageable.

    14. “Believing is Seeing” – did Speer find the right object on the lateral X-ray film to correlate with the 6.5 mm object on the AP? (p. 21)

    Surely not. The so-called “slice” that Speer identifies on the lateral X-ray (my Figure 4) is the ultimate “boner” (Speer himself introduced this pun – see p. 18). No expert has ever identified that site as a piece of metal. Even Speer, if he had viewed the extant X-rays, would not have made such a blooper. The discussion that follows from his misidentification should just be ignored – totally. The reader should simply ask himself a simple question: Who is more likely to be correct – an amateur who has viewed only prints or zillions of experts, who have seen the X-rays? It is true that phrases (some by Humes, but others have contributed, too – see pp. 24-26) have imprecisely located the 7×2 mm fragment (Speer’s club), but the bottom line is simple: despite the semantic fog, there is really only one large metallic fragment under discussion – and it’s not the “slice” cited by Speer. His “slice” is just a bone spicule, certainly not metal. It has nothing to do with the case, except that it might have resulted from trauma. The only authentic large metal fragment involved in the autopsy is the 7×2 mm one (identified in my Figures 1 and 2), which Humes removed. Speer might also want to read again his own quotes from Humes (p. 25), about the 6.5 mm object: “I can’t be sure I see it in the lateral at all, do you?” And this one too: “I don’t remember retrieving anything of that size.

    15. Does the metal fragment at the rear of the skull (OTF) correlate with the 6.5 mm object seen on the AP? (pp. 23-28)

    Yes – definitely! If you disagree, then try this question: Given the metal fragment at the rear (OTF) of the right lateral X-ray, where is its correlate on the AP? I have never found anyone who can answer this question – unless it lies (paradoxically) inside the 6.5 mm object. And that is precisely what my myopic eyes saw at NARA – an optical superposition of the faked 6.5 mm object over the underlying authentic fragment at the rear of the skull (OTF).

    16. Has Speer explained the discrepancy between the 7×2 mm fragment (seen on the X-rays) and the quite different fragment in evidence at NARA? (p. 30)

    No, he has not. John Hunt has summarized sample-size requirements (private communication):

    According to Heiberger [of the FBI], the optimal mass of the spectroscopy sample was a milligram or less. Heiberger explained that ‘it would be about the size of a period at the end of a sentence.’ So small was the preferred sample size, according to Heiberger, Gallagher, and Corbie, that it was necessary to remove and prepare it under a 20X microscope. Heiberger also stated that they would be judicious with the blade when the samples were meager. ‘No more of a sample than was necessary would be removed,’ recalled Heiberger.

    Hunt discovered that only 2 mg was actually taken for spectroscopy. This is only a tiny fraction of the original mass (106.92 mg) of the larger fragment.

    Speer claims that I insist the 6.5 mm object is not visible on the back of the head. This is scarcely an accurate portrayal of my work. On the contrary, I have repeatedly stated that the location of OTF (on the lateral X-ray) correlates extremely well with the 6.5 mm object on the AP X-ray. So do virtually all experts who have viewed these films. The real issue is slightly, but seriously, different: Are the ODs of this thing consistent from one view to another? That answer is clearly, “No,” as even the ARRB experts readily emphasized. But Speer is relentless – he then also takes Horne to task for misrepresenting the situation. Somehow, though, Speer has still missed the point – it’s all about the inconsistent ODs, not the 3D coordinates (which do match). But then, strangely enough, Speer notes my “…near religious belief the fragment in the AP X-ray [the 6.5 mm object] has been added atop a much-smaller pre-existing fragment…”. So it seems (at least semantically) that he can state my proposal, despite his earlier misrepresentations. Unfortunately, as before, Speer does not even begin to address the actual OD data that support my conclusion (of superposition). That the OD data (presumably hard science) provide the basis for my “religious” belief, according to Speer, is especially ironic. Oddly enough, if he had known of my remarkable religious pilgrimage, he might even have winked at me while making such a statement. But let’s put the chief question directly to Speer: If OTF (on the lateral X-ray) does not match (in 3D) to the 6.5 mm object (on the AP X-ray), then where we do see the correlate of OTF on the AP? If I could choose one question for Speer to address, this is it. To date, no one has dared to answer this question. Speer, of course, has chosen to match his “slice” (on the lateral X-ray) with the 6.5 mm object (seen on the AP). But that leaves OTF without a partner on the AP X-ray, which is surely a unique event in the history of radiology.

    17. Was the 6.5 mm object actually that size on the AP X-ray? (p. 33)

    Yes, of course it was. This size was cited by both the HSCA and the Clark Panel. That size is merely based on a physical measurement (no magnification correction) on the AP X-ray, which is a trivial matter. Since this thing correlates with the metal at the rear of the right lateral skull X-ray (OTF), then magnification should be not an issue (because OTF lay adjacent to the film). Of course, if my proposal of photographic superposition is accepted, then magnification is quite irrelevant. Speer cites my OD graphs (and displays one of them), from which he extracts a width of 7.4 mm. His measurement technique, however, is highly unorthodox. Most scientists would measure from the halfway point (between minimum and maximum ODs) at either end of the curve: that yields a width of 6.5 mm, which agrees with measurement directly on the extant X-ray film. This is hardly news – I had made that determination from the graph immediately after recording the data.

    Chapter 18b: More Fun with X-rays

    18. Does the overlapping bone (on the lateral X-ray) explain the “White Patch”? (pp. 6-10)

    No, it does not – nor could it even do so in principle. First, these are two distinctly different areas, as should be obvious from the right lateral X-ray – the White Patch is much more posterior than the overlap area. See my image of the White Patch in Assassination Science 1998, p. 160, or slide 5 in my Dallas lecture, or my Figure 5 just below. Speer does not display my image, but he should have. For comparison, Speer displays his “wing” on his p. 7; that image is copied here in Figure 6.

    Figure5

    Figure 5. Right lateral X-ray showing the White Patch and the Dark (Frontal) Area. For the image on the right, I have circled (black dotted line) the White Patch, but it is readily apparent, even to the naked eye, on the left image. Also note the absurdly identical whiteness (on the left image) in the petrous bone and in the White Patch. On the right image, the petrous bone (which surrounds the external auditory canal – pink arrow) is faintly circled, while the Dark Area is circled in white. The external auditory canal locates the approximate center of the external ear (see my Figure 2).

     

    Figure6

    Figure 6. Where is the “Wing”? This image is copied from Speer’s p. 4. He locates the “wing” between the two red lines. Presumably (although Speer does not state this clearly) the “wing” is identified by red shading. Notice that the “wing” lies directly superior to the external auditory canal (the latter is identified in my Figure 2), which is the approximate center of the external ear.

    In his image (my Figure 6 here), Speer locates the “Actual tip of ‘wing’,” presumably meaning its most posterior tip (although his syntax is fuzzy). Even if that unreasonably far posterior location is accepted, it is still far too anterior to match the posterior border of the White Patch. The location of the White Patch, especially its posterior border, has repeatedly been confirmed by the OD data – it does not depend on the human eye (although it does match what the eye sees); in fact, the whitest area lies immediately anterior to the inner table of the occipital skull, well posterior to anyone’s location for the “wing.” Furthermore, it is visibly obvious (see Speer’s images) that the “wing” lies superior to the external ear and cannot extend far posteriorly. In my Figure 2, I have identified the external auditory canal, which Speer ignores; that structural feature clearly locates the external ear – without any ambiguity. Speer also ignores the evidence of the AP X-ray (my Figure 1). Notice there how the wing lies far out in space, quite detached from the skull. On the other hand, if the wing had extended far posteriorly (as Speer wants to believe), then some part of it would be seen much more medially in the AP X-ray, but it is not there. This argument is so powerful that little else need be said. But there is more.

    Second, the ODs of these two areas are quite different: on the right lateral X-ray, the mean OD of the white patch (0.625 ±.055) is almost the same as the petrous bone (0.55), whereas a typical OD (1.33) for the overlap site is noticeably higher (than the White Patch), and it does not appear nearly so white to the eye. That visible difference is dramatically obvious in Figure 5 (especially on the right sided image). Speer claims that the White Patch was caused by three overlapping layers of bone. Despite his unrelenting caricature to the contrary, I have always accepted three layers of bone at the overlap site, although I have never emphasized this because no one (before Speer) had offered such a novel explanation for the White Patch. Incidentally, the three layers of overlapping bone should be obvious to anyone after viewing the AP X-ray (an image that Speer overlooks). He also argues that, because the ARRB experts (p. 10 and also Chapter 19b, pp. 26-27) noticed such bone overlap, they therefore support his conclusion that the overlap explains the White Patch. But that is simply absurd. We all (even me) understand that bone overlap (of three layers) is present. On the contrary, the question is this: Does the overlap explain the White Patch?

    Third, the White Patch is so dense that whatever physical object it represents must appear somewhere on the AP X-ray film. I made this argument from the very beginning, even at our first press conference in New York City (1993). That transcript is reproduced in Assassination Science 1998 (p. 155) and warrants a quote here:

    On the frontal [AP] X-ray, such an extremely dense [physical] object should have been as visible as a tyrannosaurus rex in downtown Manhattan at noon. However, when I looked at the frontal X-ray, there was no such beast to be seen.

    No one has even tried to explain this paradox. Even worse, Speer seems oblivious to it.

    Let’s next focus on the OD issues for overlapping bone, a quantitative exercise that Speer totally neglects. For these JFK skull X-rays, here are the pertinent OD changes (∆ODs) across various layers of bone: one layer = 0.45; two layers = 0.90; three layers = 1.35. The difference for one layer is easily measured at fracture lines; amazingly enough, Speer believes that I ignore these fracture lines (p. 9). If an extra bone layer truly explained the White Patch, then sites just outside the White Patch should yield ODs that are higher by about 0.45 (one layer). But that is not the case – on the contrary, the ODs suggest a difference of more than just one layer of bone. Of special interest is the OD over the occiput, at the very back of the skull (very close to the White Patch), where the bone is viewed tangentially: the data there suggest a ∆OD (compared to the White Patch) of not just more than one layer, but actually about two bone layers (i.e., it is much less white). In other words, the White Patch is truly an anomaly (much too white and with ODs that are far too low). It cannot possibly arise simply from overlapping bone. On the other hand, of course, a deliberate superposition of this area in the dark room could easily explain this paradox. That the ODs of the White Patch and the petrous bone are not nearly so identical (to one another) on the left lateral X-ray should also raise some doubt that not all is well in OD land.

    Now recall that three layers of bone yield a ∆OD of 1.35. Since the measured OD (cited above) in the overlap area is already 1.33, the OD without the three layers of bone would be 1.35 + 1.33 = 2.68. The ODs in the maxillary sinuses (mostly air) are 2.89, so this value of 2.68 clearly suggests substantial missing brain in the overlap area. But the site in question (medial to the overlapping bone on the lateral X-ray) lies near the middle of the brain, where the autopsy photographs show no missing brain tissue! Also recall that the pathologists described the brain laceration as only 4.5 cm deep, which would lie just above the “wing.” (This level is demonstrated on the right lateral skull X-ray in the DiEugenio reference at the end of my Appendix 1 – see Figure 5A in that article.) Since Speer believes the autopsy photographs of the brain are JFK’s, this missing brain poses yet another paradox for him, which, of course, he does not address. The bottom line is that, given his state of knowledge, Speer has offered a zealous, honest and original proposal, but edicts are not evidence and proclamations are not proof. A thorough analysis of all of the data is always required. Moreover, he had seemed to agree with me (p. 5) that large dark areas (not merely fracture lines) represent missing brain, because the brain typically contributes much more to the overall OD than does bone, but in this specific discussion he has forgotten that lesson (or perhaps he changed his mind without telling us).

    Speer also claims that the Dark Area contains only one layer of bone. Even a brief look at the AP X-ray, though, shows that this is most likely wrong. In my Figure 1, residual bone along the right lateral skull is indeed present (vertical blue arrow), and so is the symmetric bone on the left side; therefore two layers are present. Furthermore, Boswell’s autopsy diagram (cited by Speer, or see slide 23 in my Dallas lecture) clearly shows bone present on both sides of the skull in this region. Boswell’s skull drawings for the ARRB also confirm this (see my Figures 7 and 8 here). By simple logic therefore, the large Dark Area did not result from having only one layer of bone; it actually has two layers. On the contrary, the darkness must represent a large volume of missing brain. Moreover, Speer’s quoted Radiology article (if he accepts its conclusions) offers compelling evidence for just such missing brain at this anterior site (in those cases), but he seems to have forgotten what he read there.

    figure7
    Figure 7. Boswell’s drawing on a skull – lateral view. Doug Horne copied (onto a piece of paper) Boswell’s drawing on a 3D skull for the ARRB. Notice, in particular here, how much bone is present on the right lateral skull, in the region of the Dark (Frontal) Area (arrow). The latter phrase is my description of this dark region as seen on the lateral skull X-rays (both right and left).

     

    Chapter 19b: Stuck in the Middle with You

     

    Figure8

    Figure 8. Boswell’s drawing on a skull – AP view. This is the AP view of the same skull drawing by Boswell. Notice the presence of bone on both sides of the skull, where the Dark Area (arrow) would appear on the lateral skull X-rays.

     

    19. Was the Oswald evidence tainted? (p. 14)

    Yes, we agree! But if it was, why is Speer so certain that the medical evidence is so pristine?

    20. What does the Harper fragment tell us? (pp. 21-25)

    I have already offered my apology for confusing the audience with the site of the metallic debris on the Harper bone. Even though it is decisive, Speer does not cite the Harper X-ray at all, even though I did show the close-up view in Dallas. Using the Harper photographs, I had placed this (presumably) lead debris at one corner of the fragment. See Speer’s reproduction of the “Mystery Photo F8” (p. 21), or see slide 22 in my Dallas lecture. In retrospect, I don’t actually know which site the Dallas pathologists had picked, nor have I ever met anyone who knew. I only knew that they had picked some site. Just based on the photograph, though, the site I originally selected had looked suspicious to me, and, without the X-ray, I might still pick it today. The reader may wish to try this exercise himself, or even try it on friends. Quite amusingly, Speer (p. 24) also places the lead debris where I originally did! The Harper X-ray, however, shows the lead debris at the opposite pole of the fragment. See my Figures 9 and 10 here; the X-ray images are courtesy of John Hunt.

    Figure9

     

    Figure 9. Harper fragment photos from the Dallas pathologists. The outer surface is on the left: note the faint lead smudge (red arrow) at the upper left, at the very edge. The inner surface is on the right. No evidence for metal of any kind is seen on this inside surface.

     

    Figure10

     

    Figure 10. X-ray of the Harper fragment. Note the metallic debris, circled on the left, and shown enlarged on the right. This is the same site as the lead-like smudge that is identified on the photograph in my Figure 9 – just rotate either photo by 180º for easier comparison. John Hunt is acknowledged (and thanked) as the source for this X-ray, which he discovered at NARA.

    Whether any metal is present at my originally selected site may not even be finally answered by the X-ray, but, in principle, it might have been decided by other physical and/or chemical tests performed on the actual bone (which is now long gone). For the present, therefore, we are stuck with the X-ray evidence. In his essay, Speer displays my placement of this fragment (p. 23) in the “Overhead View of Human Skull” from my Dallas lecture (slide 20). Notice where I have labeled “Metal debris – confirmed.” This is the metallic site identified in the Harper X-ray (Figure 10). On the exterior surface in the photographs (Figure 9) there is a suggestion of lead at the same site as the X-ray. If that evidence is accepted, then Angel’s (and Riley’s) placement of the Harper fragment (my Figure 11 here) does not make any sense. I had deliberately placed the Harper fragment (slide 20 of my Dallas lecture) deliberately too far to the right (for Angel’s placement), just because I did not want to obscure the sagittal suture. On the contrary, to correctly mimic Angel’s conclusion, the “Suture line, according to Lawrence Angel” should exactly overlap the sagittal suture (as it does in Angel’s sketch in my Figure 11 here). Of course, I do not accept Angel’s interpretation. Instead, the Harper fragment most likely came from the high occipital area, as I have argued elsewhere.

    Figure11

    Figure 11. Angel’s placement of the Harper fragment (in blue). The delta fragment here (in red) lies anterior to the coronal suture (probably in its correct location). Note the suture line on the Harper fragment, a structure that Angel did accept. I borrowed this colored sketch from John Hunt; the uncolored version was published by the HSCA. The red arrow points at the metal debris (on the outside of the Harper fragment), based on the Harper X-ray.

     

    According to Angel, the sagittal (i.e., midline, top of the head) suture is visible on the Harper fragment. That suture line helped Angel to locate the Harper fragment near the skull vertex, as shown in my Figure 11. However, based on the Harper X-ray, the lead site then lies just to the left of the skull vertex – and the lead is on the outside of the skull! That is truly bizarre. No one has ever proposed that a bullet entered at this site, yet that is precisely where Angel’s (and Riley’s) placement of the Harper fragment has led them. There is even more evidence (in a forthcoming essay) that my placement of the Harper fragment (mostly from the upper occipital area – see my essay in Murder in Dealey Plaza) is correct, after all. However the bottom line here is this: if one accepts the Harper X-ray evidence, then the Angel location – with lead lying to the left of midline on the outside – cannot possibly be correct. Angel, however, can be forgiven. He was told, as a fait accompli, that the occipital bone was intact, so he had little choice about where to put this bone. Also, even more importantly, he knew nothing about the Harper X-ray, but now everything has changed.

    On Closed Minds

    Speer adamantly claims that most characters (on both sides of these JFK debates) have totally closed minds, which they won’t change for anything (p. 27), a category into which he presumably dumps me. He had earlier (p. 9) also cited The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (Kuhn 1962) to the same effect. But I plead not guilty to his charge – Speer should think hard about the following facts. First, at a rather early stage in my OD work, after I had (wrongly) decided that the OD data were inconsistent with composite X-rays (in a widely, but privately, circulated paper, titled “2 + 2 = 4”), I had followed the data where (I thought) they led and stated that the X-rays must be authentic. Speer apparently does not know this history. The correction of my mistake came from Arthur G. Haus and colleagues at Kodak, who advised me about image crossovers (from one side of the film to the other) in these 1960s X-rays, a technical problem that was later solved. (Initially, I had only known about modern X-ray films, where the image cannot effectively cross over from one side to the other.) The presence of such crossover in these JFK X-rays, though, re-opened the door to photographic alteration in the darkroom. Haus later read my paper, which discussed these image crossovers in the JFK X-rays. In view of this, Speer is demonstrably wrong to say that my mind has been forever closed. (Regarding the role of irrationality and bias in human decision making, see two excellent references – Irrationality: The Enemy Within 1991, Stuart Sutherland and Persuasion: Theory and Research 1990, Daniel J. O’Keefe.)

    Second, as further evidence for my open-mindedness, Speer should review my rejection of the acoustic evidence (a 72-page essay for the CTKA website). A senior JFK researcher (who does not espouse a JFK conspiracy and who I greatly respect) remarked that I am the only conspiracy believer (so far as he knows) who has clearly disavowed the acoustic evidence. (I do not know where Speer stands – or sits – on the fence atop the grassy knoll.)

    Third, another event might also give Speer pause: when Fetzer (my own editor and still a dear friend) overstepped the accepted bounds of public civility, I publicly chastised him, an event that Speer also seems to have missed. That sad event displays a lifelong curse: my primary loyalty is to my ideals, even at the expense of close friends (but I would not wish that handicap on anyone else, not even on Pat). In any event, here is the challenge for Speer: if he can truly show me to be wrong, then I shall recant again (of my JFK beliefs, but probably not of my religious views). On the other hand, if Speer were to recognize his imperfections, he would be welcomed back as warmly as the Prodigal Son.

    A Few Final Thoughts

    Lest there be any doubt, let me be very clear: I admire Pat’s passion. We need more Americans like him. And I really think I would like him if I got to know him. I would be remiss, however, if I did not admonish his readers to probe deeply into the foundations of his arguments before accepting his conclusions. In addition, Pat himself might consider becoming a bit more disciplined before careening into verdicts. I would also encourage him to lay aside his ad hominem attacks. David Hackett Fischer (Historians’ Fallacies: Toward a Logic of Historical Thought 1970, p. 293) has critiqued such ad hominem attacks: “But an ad hominem debate is unlike tennis in one respect – it is a match which everybody loses: players, referees, spectators and all. ” These attacks do not lead to any new knowledge and they surely won’t win Pat many new friends. In this tent (of researchers) we have acres of space for divergent views – but tolerance is always welcome. Finally, and more specifically, the implications of the Harper X-ray need to be integrated into our understanding of JFK’s skull trauma. My kudos to John Hunt for this wonderful discovery.


    Acknowledgments. I am deeply grateful to Douglas Horne and James DiEugenio for their careful reading and valuable comments. I have already noted the essential contributions of John Hunt. It is a luxury to have accomplices such as these.


    Appendix 1. My letter to John Fitzpatrick (with attachment)

    November 3, 2009

    John J. Fitzpatrick, MD
    Diagnostic Radiology
    John H. Stroger, Jr., Hospital of Cook County
    1901 W. Harrison St.
    Chicago, IL 60612

    Re: JFK Autopsy Skull X-rays

    Dear Dr. Fitzpatrick:

    I recently read a staff summary of your medical presentation to the ARRB. In the attachment here I have listed 12 points of agreement. The only possible point of disagreement is not even certain; it is possible that there are no points of disagreement at all.

    Nonetheless, the ARRB staff summary quotes you as saying that you disagree with my work. I wonder if I could persuade you to be more specific. In fact, there is a specific purpose: I am scheduled for a talk in several weeks on this very subject.

    The chief medical physicist at Kodak (my own PhD is in physics) read my original paper (regarding the OD data on the skull X-rays), said he found it very interesting, and offered no specific critiques of it. You will also note that Cyril H. Wecht co-authored an article with me (see footnote on the attached page).

    You may find my latest presentation on this subject online at http://www.assassinationresearch.com/v2n2/pittsburgh.pdf

    Also see: Mantik, D. W. (2000), “Paradoxes of the JFK Assassination: The Medical Evidence Decoded,” in J. Fetzer, ed., Murder in Dealey Plaza (Chicago, IL: Open Court/Catfeet Press, 2000), pp. 219–297.

    Sincerely yours,

    David W. Mantik

    The JFK Skull X-rays [also sent to Fitzpatrick]

    Fitzpatrick (JF) vs. Mantik (DM): Points of Agreement

    by David W. Mantik
    October 30, 2009

    1. The left brain silhouette can be seen in the AP film.
    2. The extremely dark area on the upper right in the AP film represents missing brain (replaced by air) in an open wound.
    3. The orbit of the right eye is fractured and displaced.
    4. No entry wound is seen on the AP film.
    5. The 6.5 mm object (on the AP) looks metallic.
    6. The two burn marks (on the AP film) are unique.
    7. No entry wound is visible on the lateral films.
    8. No definite object is seen on the laterals to correspond to the 6.5 mm object on the AP film.
    9. A small object is seen on one lateral film that was spatially consistent with the 6.5 mm object (on the AP), but it was not of the appropriate optical density.
    10. The small metallic fragment posterior to the right eye on the lateral does not correspond to the 6.5 mm object (on the AP).
    11. Most missing skull bone is parietal.
    12. The direction of the bullet cannot be ascertained from the “snow trail” on the lateral film.
    13. Most of the frontal bone is present, at least up to the hairline.
    14. From the three bone fragments, it is impossible to determine the nature and direction of beveling.
    15. Metallic fragments are seen on the largest of these bone fragments.
    16. A suture, as well as an adjacent break in bone, is seen on the largest fragment, but the specific suture cannot be identified.

    Fitzpatrick & Mantik: A Possible Disagreement

    JF concludes that the left frontal brain is present. DM reports this: OD measurements on the lateral, through the maxillary sinuses, were compared to ODs in the dark frontal area. These two different sites show ODs that are very similar, which strongly suggests very little soft tissue in either area, i.e., very little brain on either side. One possible resolution of this apparent disagreement is as follows: if the left frontal brain has been displaced posteriorly, both parties could be correct. In fact, DM agrees that this might well be the case. DM only states that the area where the left frontal brain should lie is empty on the lateral films. However, OD measurements on the left side of the AP film add new information: these data suggest that 60-65% of the brain is present along an AP line through the left hemisphere.

    Reference. The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease; “Paradoxes of the JFK Assassination: the Brain Enigma,” by David W. Mantik and Cyril H. Wecht.

    Appendix 2. Letter from Fitzpatrick to me

    (Postmarked March 10, 2010)

    Fitzpatrick Letter to Me

  • David Von Pein: Hosting Comedy Central Soon?


    Jon Stewart and Stephen Colbert better be looking in their rearview mirrors. They have a rival approaching. And he is even better than Colbert at impersonating the dimwitted, obnoxious, incredibly biased host that has made him famous. Why? Because he’s not acting. His name is David Von Pein and he is now proceeding at warp speed in his attempt to go beyond even Colbert’s famous caricature.

    If the reader will recall, the last time we addressed Von Pein he was trying to patch up his beloved Reclaiming History. He has to. For he had ballyhooed Vincent Bugliosi’s giant tome in almost embarrassing accolades. Even before it was published.

    To digress, it should be noted that Von Pein also does this with almost any TV show supporting the Commission. Then after the show is broadcast, he issues what is essentially a press release within hours of the air date. He notes that the show was excellently done and that it just wrecked some central tenet of the Commission critics. He has done this with almost every other Discovery Channel debacle to come down the turnpike. Then, when more credible, honest, and serious observers begin to poke holes in the production, he gradually gives ground. Until finally, he will maintain perhaps one tenet of the program as valid. He did this with the horrendous Inside the Target Car. When every point he had accepted about that atrocity was effectively speared, he finally backed off to defending just one of them. This was the simulated shot from the front with the head exploding; which he maintained as showing the head shot could not have come from the grassy knoll. To do this, he ignored a central point made by Milicent Cranor and myself: that what this actually indicated was the “replica skulls” used by host Gary Mack were anything but. Associate producer Mack essentially admitted this in his online discussion of the show when he said that the bullets they used did not fragment. Therefore the “replicas” did not provide the proper resistance, since in the Kennedy case the bullets did fragment. Von Pein can’t admit this since it vitiates both the experiment and his upholding of it. (Click here for our critiques of that phony sideshow )

    The above pattern was paralleled with Reclaiming History. Before the book was published, Von Pein said it would lay out and silence the people he despises most in this world i.e. those who find serious fault with the Warren Commission. When the volume was issued, with great alacrity, he issued his usual press release. He praised all aspects of the work. He could find no real fault in the volume’s nearly 2,700 pages. When certain critiques began to point out the clear and myriad problems with the book – which he somehow had overlooked – he began to give ground. Until finally, today, he has been placed almost completely on the defensive.

    For example, Von Pein responded to the first part of my Reclaiming History series by questioning my analysis of whether or not Oswald could have ordered the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle that is in evidence today. I spent several paragraphs in part one of my critique showing that in view of all the evidence, it is highly unlikely that he could do so.  I also posed a serious question about the transaction: the mail order company sent him the wrong rifle. Both the length and the classification were wrong. Although Oswald ordered the 36-inch model classified as a carbine, the Commission says he received the 40-inch model classified as a short rifle. Further, the House Select Committee on Assassinations discovered that Klein’s only placed scopes on the 36-inch model. Yet the 40-inch model in evidence has a scope on it. (Click here for that discussion.)

    Von Pein said he would admit all this, but he then provided a link to the mail order allegedly sent in by Oswald. Which is classic Colbert/Von Pein. Because this technique ignores all the evidence I produced in Part One to show how hard it is to believe that Oswald sent in that money order. To name just a couple of points: 1.) It does not appear the money order was ever deposited, and 2.) Why would Oswald buy the money order at the post office, yet walk over a mile out of his way to mail the envelope? All the while being unaccountably absent from work.

    To understand Von Pein, one has to go back to his online, forum appearance on the JFK Lancer site back in 2003. Even though moderator Debra Conway warned of submitting “trolling threads” there, Von Pein couldn’t help himself. In July of that year, he proclaimed Oswald guilty through what he termed a “mountain of evidence.” He then asked, how much of this overwhelming tidal wave of proof would it take to convince a person out of the notion of conspiracy? Quite a thunderous build up eh?

    But as with Chaplin’s cannon, the explosion fired the shell about two feet away. For Von Pein’s “mountain of evidence” consisted of the mildewed litany of discredited Warren Commission data. Which, of course, is not a mountain. It’s more like the San Andreas Fault. He began with the above noted specious notion that Oswald owned the rifle; and he ended with the equally specious notion that Oswald could have run down from the sixth floor to the second in time to be seen by Marrion Baker and Roy Truly right after the assassination. Some of the gems in between were that Oswald definitely killed Officer Tippit and that he also attempted to kill General Edwin Walker. My favorite point was this: “the Single Bullet Theory has still not been proven to be an impossibility.” I guess he thinks that if it’s not impossible, that means it happened. (As we shall see later, with CE 399, it is impossible.) Von Pein even wrote that at Z frame 224, both Kennedy and John Connally were reacting to the same bullet. Which Milicent Cranor, in her previously posted article “Lies for the Eyes”, showed to be a howler. In reality Kennedy is reacting and Connally is not. With a straight face, at the end of this “mountainous” listing, Von Pein wrote, “For aren’t hard facts and evidence always more believable than wild speculation and conjecture?” (Posted 7/17/03)

    As one respondent noted to Von Pein, with the work of Josiah Thompson, Sylvia Meagher, and Mark Lane, his list had been pretty much demolished by 1967. Yet he was reviving it as if it were new. Further, while listing it, he did not note any of the serious problems that those writers had pointed out. Von Pein was, of course, starting a classic “troll thread”. One that is deliberately meant to provoke others. “Trolling” was defined by Tim Campbell in his 2001 article on the subject as such: “An Internet troll is a person who delights in sowing discord on the Internet. He … tries to start arguments and upset people … To them, other Internet users are not quite human but are a kind of digital abstraction … Trolls are utterly impervious to criticism … .You cannot negotiate with them … you cannot reason with them … For some reason, trolls do not feel they are bound by the rules of courtesy or social responsibility.” Conway duly posted this article, seemingly to warn Von Pein.

    But this did not even slow Von Pein down. For, as Campbell noted, trolls are non-negotiable and impervious to criticism. In his Colbert vein, Von Pein tried to say he was making arguments that were founded in common sense and logic. (Post of 7/21/05) A few days later, the uncontrollable urge to lash out at the billions who would not accept the Single Bullet Fantasy again possessed Von Pein. He submitted a truly Colbertian post. It pictured a gift basket of books for a Commission critic. It consisted of book covers entitled – among others – Paranoia, Face Your Fear, and A Paranoid’s Ultimate Survival Guide. No joke. (Post of 7/26/05) This points out the other side of Von Pein, which is also echoed in Reclaiming History: When you cannot win your argument on the facts, you resort to smearing your opponent. And Von Pein did this not just with the general comment above, but also to individuals. As Todd Teachout noted, Von Pein made comments to members like “You are disgusting!” and “The goofy gas must be getting to you … You’re talking more like a moron with every post.” As Todd ultimately noted, the obvious intent was “to not engage in a discussion of issues here, but to attempt to stifle a discussion of the issues.” (Post of 7/22/05)

    Which was undoubtedly true. And finally, a few days later, Conway announced that she was banning Von Pein from her forum. After his belated expulsion, there followed a two-day celebration. On a small scale, it was somewhat comparable to V-E Day. But before leaving the subject of Von Pein at Lancer, it must be noted that it was there that he began to manifest his almost incontinent devotion to Reclaiming History. In fact, he began to bandy it about as a way to counteract evidentiary points in the case i.e. the avulsive hole that so many witnesses saw in the back of Kennedy’s skull. What made this odd is that he was doing it in 2005. Reclaiming History would not be published until two years hence. Quite an omniscient feat. One person questioned Von Pein’s reasoning from a different angle. He said that it was not logical for Von Pein to build up Bugliosi’s book because the author would be working with the same database everyone else was. Von Pein replied that although this may be true, Bugliosi was somehow that much smarter than everyone else and that should make the critics quiver in fear. For Reclaiming History would spell the end of their cause. Pretty hefty expectations for a book yet to be published.

    As I said, Conway eventually did the right thing and ejected him from the forum. But Von Pein had to have understood that he was breaking the posted rules of the site. For it clearly stated that members were not to use abusive language. Another rule was not to spam or harass or exploit the other members. (The gift basket of “paranoid” titles would qualify as such in my book.) But the rule that Von Pein violated with reckless abandon was the one about doing mass posts and therefore flooding the board. As Gene Stump pointed out, Von Pein did 263 posts in his first 12 days! (Post of 7/28/05) As Teachout indicated, the game for Von Pein was to dominate the forum with his antique discredited “facts”, so that instead of doing constructive work, everyone would be debating things as silly as the Magic Bullet. When that didn’t work, Von Pein’s smears and insults would be used in hopes of dividing and polarizing the place so that no actual discussion on the evidence was possible. Because anyone who believed the Commission in error could be reduced to being something less than human: a sick and paranoid conspiracy buff. (In large part, Bugliosi adapted the last technique in his book.)

    Once ejected from Lancer, Von Pein migrated over to John Simkin’s Spartacus forum. Pretty much the same thing occurred there. He was eventually ejected because of his abusive language plus his failure to post a photo of himself. Simkin required the latter to prevent trolls from entering the forum under assumed names. Which, of course, raises some interesting questions about Von Pein’s failure to do so.

    After this second ejection, Von Pein came to his senses. He realized he could not comport normally with the great mass of the public who didn’t buy the fantasy of the Single Bullet Theory. He now made his way to the place where he belonged all along: the John McAdams dominated Google group, alt.conspiracy.jfk. Why is this important? Because historically speaking, McAdams was the first person on the Internet to exhibit critical thinking skills so stilted, comprehension skills so unbalanced, cognitive skills so impaired, all combined with a basic dishonesty about these failings, to the degree that he almost seemed the victim of a neurological disease. Any strong indication of conspiracy in the JFK case, no matter how compelling, could not permeate his brain waves or synapses. McAdams hates being an outcast or labeled as a propagandist – even though he is. So he constructed a sort of hospice for people like himself who normal thinking people could not tolerate. Actually two of them. One is on his own site and one is a Google Group.

    The important thing for Von Pein is that since McAdams controls the halfway houses, almost anything goes as long as it supports the Warren Commission. Here, Von Pein could now use his previously noted wild man tactics with impunity. Another place that Von Pein frequents is the IMDB forum on Oliver Stone’s film JFK. There, to those not familiar with the facts of the case, he tried to discredit the film as a work of “fiction”. Or those who have not read the accompanying volume to the movie entitled JFK: The Book of the Film.

    But it is from alt.conspiracy.jfk that Von Pein has continued what will probably be his lifetime goal: To protect and to serve Reclaiming History. After all, Von Pein bought into the book two years before it was published. He proclaimed to all that Bugliosi would grind the likes of Sylvia Meagher, Gary Aguilar, and Philip Melanson into hamburger. To put it kindly, Reclaiming History did no such thing. In fact, as Von Pein was advised, one of the most surprising things about the book is how little new is in it. For the most part, Bugliosi just recycled all the old Krazy Kid Oswald arguments and put them between two covers. In so doing he largely relied upon that same hoary and discredited cast of characters: Michael Baden, John Lattimer, Larry Sturdivan, David Slawson. He even trotted out Gerald Ford. As I noted, though Von Pein was warned about this probability, he thought Bugliosi would pull a rabbit out of the hat. He didn’t. Because there is none to pull.

    Reclaiming History was remaindered in about a year. And it has been effectively attacked by a slew of writers: Rodger Remington, Gary Aguilar, Milicent Cranor, Michael Green, Mark Lane, Josiah Thompson and myself among them. So Von Pein is placed in the position of any troll. He has to defend what he said by protecting his hero from the justified and effective attacks on his work. In this regard, he has gotten so desperate that he communicates with Bugliosi’s secretary on a regular basis. She even asked him to host a cable TV program and take on “any and all conspiracy nuts.” Apparently, Rosemary Newton is unaware that Len Osanic personally invited Von Pein to debate me on his Black Op Radio program. I also asked him to do so. He failed to take up the challenge at either opportunity. Understandably, he would rather wage his crusade from inside the friendly confines of McAdams’ hospice (which I have elsewhere nicknamed The Pigpen) This is not very brave but – as we shall see – it is probably smart on his part. As Gil Jesus has noted, it’s from there that Von Pein can issue some of his most bizarre proclamations, like “What does ‘back and to the left’ prove? Anything?” Or this other dandy: “Let’s assume for the sake of argument that there were/are several different Mannlicher Carcano rifles with the exact same serial number on them of C2766 … my next logical question (based on the totality of evidence in this Kennedy murder case) is this one: So what?” (Jesus post at Spartacus forum 9/13/08, quoting Von Pein) Only from The Pigpen could such wild nonsense be allowed.

    And only there could the following go by without being harpooned. In August of 2009, Von Pein queried Rosemary Newton again. He wanted her to ask Bugliosi if CE 399 – the Magic Bullet – would have been admitted into evidence at trial. He also wanted to ask if the judge at the 1986 simulated posthumous Oswald trial in London had done so. In the Introduction to Reclaiming History, Bugliosi tries to insinuate that the televised trial that he (unwisely) chose to participate in was very close to an actual trial. And that it followed the standard rules of evidence. The author sidestepped the crucial fact that since the trial was in London and the core evidence is at the National Archives, things like the alleged rifle, the shells, the autopsy evidence, and CE 399, were not there to be presented in court This would not be the case at a real trial. But not only that, even though all three autopsy doctors were alive in 1986, none of them were at the trial. Could one imagine all this happening in a real, contested, high-profile trial? I can’t. In actuality, the London production did not even approach a real trial. And since all the above was lacking, the rules of evidence – by necessity – could not be followed. To point out just one failing: Any defense lawyer worth his salt would have demanded CE 399 be presented in court for the jury to view. We shall see why shortly.

    In spite of the above, on August 22nd of 2009, Bugliosi replied to Von Pein’s query about the admittance of the Magic Bullet into evidence. Significantly, the prosecutor led off by saying that the purpose of the “chain of possession requirement is to insure that the item being offered into evidence by the prosecution, or the defense, is what they claim it to be.” (Keep in mind, Bugliosi himself said this.) He then answered the first question with, yes CE 399 would be admitted. And his answer to the second question was that the judge at the London trial had admitted the bullet into evidence without seeing it! Yep, that’s what happened. A question that Von Pein/Colbert didn’t ask was: “Vince, what kind of evidentiary hearing could you have if the actual bullet wasn’t there? That would mean that the jury could not examine it. It’s the shock of seeing that bullet and then listening to both the damage it inflicted and its flight path that has convinced tens of millions of Americans that Oswald didn’t do it.”

    In his reply, Bugliosi also referred to pages 814-815 of Reclaiming History as proof that CE 399 was not fired elsewhere and then planted at Parkland. If you look up those pages you will see why Von Pein is Von Pein. For on those pages, Bugliosi is referring to the Neutron Activation Analysis test. The one which the scientific world, the FBI, and the court system has now deemed as discredited. A test which, because of the work of Bill Tobin, Cliff Spiegelman, Eric Randich and Pat Grant, will likely never be used in court again. The test which even Robert Blakey has called “junk science”. (For why, click here and here). In other words, only in the world of John McAdams, Von Pein, and Reclaiming History, are we to still use this “junk science” for bullet-lead forensic purposes. After this, Bugliosi begged off and thanked Von Pein profusely. As he should.

    In Von Pein’s previous reply to my brief noting of his treatment of the rifle issue, he protested my terming him a “cheerleader” for Reclaiming History. He said he was actually a cheerleader for the truth. But if that was the case then why didn’t Von Pein/Colbert ask Bugliosi any of the following about CE 399?

    1. “Vince, in Six Seconds in Dallas – which you have read closely – the author makes a convincing case that CE 399 was not found on Kennedy’s stretcher or John Connally’s. Nor was it on the floor. It was on the stretcher of a little boy named Ronald Fuller. If so, how did it get there?” (See pgs. 163-64)”Vince, in that same book, the author interviewed O. P. Wright, the guy who turned over CE 399 to the Secret Service. He said that the bullet he discovered was not a copper coated, round nosed, military jacketed bullet like CE 399. But a lead colored, sharp-nosed, hunting round. How could that be? And by your own definition of the chain of custody test, i.e. insuring that the item is what it is claimed to be, in light of Wright’s testimony, how would CE 399 be admitted into evidence?” (ibid p. 175)”Josiah Thompson talked to Wright’s widow many years later. She was the head of nursing at Parkland. She said other nurses turned up other bullets that day. Did you talk to her? Why wasn’t this investigated by Arlen Specter and the Commission?” (See my review of Reclaiming History, part 1, Section 4.)”Why did the FBI lie in a memo about showing CE 399 to Wright? Gary Aguilar and Josiah Thompson found out that they did not do so. Does this have anything to do with Wright’s name not being in the Warren Report?” (ibid)”In your book, in the End Notes on p. 431, you write that Elmer Lee Todd’s initials are on CE 399. John Hunt checked on this at the National Archives. Todd’s initials are not on the bullet. So it appears the FBI lied again. Did you not check this fact?” (See my Reclaiming History review, part 7, Section 3.)”Todd wrote down the time he received the bullet as 8:50 PM. But Robert Frazier wrote down that he got the bullet at 7:30 PM. Yet the FBI says he got it from Todd. How could such a thing happen? Is that dichotomy in your book? I don’t recall it.” (Ibid)

      “Vince, were all these issues addressed at that London trial? I don’t recall them being brought up. In a real trial don’t you think they would have been?”

    2. “If you had been Oswald’s defense lawyer at trial, wouldn’t you have used this information to powerful effect to show that CE 399 was not the bullet found at Parkland, and the FBI knew it? Why would you not have? Its tremendously exculpatory stuff. I would have liked to have seen the DA’s face as you wrecked his case with it.”

    Von Pein asked the author none of these questions. So much for him being a cheerleader for the truth. You can’t do that unless you find the truth. To find the truth you have to ask the right questions and honestly follow the answers. (Which is probably why Von Pein has been known to disable comments on some of his You Tube channels.)

    Von Pein/Colbert would not pose the above questions for they would indicate that 1.) The London TV proceeding that Bugliosi participated in was nothing but a show trial, and 2.) Bugliosi ignored almost all these very important questions in his book. (And concerning question number five, it doesn’t appear that Bugliosi visited the National Archives to examine the key piece of evidence that he says was admitted, sight unseen, in London.) This kind of leaves Von Pein holding the bag. I mean he has been trying to sell Reclaiming History as the Holy Grail to the JFK case for about five years. To put it mildly, it hasn’t panned out as he claimed. He can’t admit that. Since because of his unwise advertising campaign, he now has egg all over his face. So he sends out an SOS to Bugliosi. And what does he get? More egg. Maybe he’ll get an omelet next time.

    Zealot that he is, he still shills for Reclaiming History. But only from his safe haven at the McAdams’ controlled comedy central forum. There he is largely protected from the spears and arrows of the real world. Jon and Stephen, with interviews like the one described above, Von Pein is in training. Don’t look now, but he’s gaining on you.


    See als Part 2.

     

  • Russ Baker, Family of Secrets


    This book has a rather deceptive title. In two ways.

    First, although it says it will be about the Bush family, strictly speaking, it really is not. There are only a few pages about Prescott Bush, father of George H. W. Bush, the man who really started off the whole regime. But further, there is next to nothing on important figures in George’s brood like Neil, Marvin, and especially, Jeb Bush. Which means that the book really examines the careers of two men only: George Bush Sr. and Jr.

    But it’s even more constricted than that. From a careful reading of the volume, the book spends over 40% of its text on just three events in the lives of those two men. In order they are: Senior’s alleged involvement in the JFK case and Watergate; and Junior’s much debated service in the Texas Air National Guard. That’s it. Check for yourself. Think for a moment of all the rather dark and deadly things those two men have been involved with. Its hard to believe that Baker makes short work of the following: the Iran/Contra affair, the elimination of the Sandinistas through lethal means, the October Surprise, Gulf War I, Oliver North’s drug running, the election heists of 2000 and 2004, the incredible intelligence failure that resulted in 9-11, the phony pretenses for Gulf War II, and the 2007 collapse of the American economy. That list is, of course, selective and reductive. But Baker gives all of these matters the once over. In fact, some are not dealt with at all. It is an odd choice.

    Baker would probably say that there have been reams written about the above topics. Which is true. Yet, there are two salient points to be made in that regard. First, one can always do more digging into matters like the above. For the simple reason that they are very large and complex subjects that have yet to be exhausted. One great comparison is what Jim Hougan did with Watergate. By the time he issued Secret Agenda in 1984, there had been scores of books written on the matter. Yet his book made you reconsider the whole affair from Step 1. Secondly, the Bush family role in the above events I listed is certain. It is not a matter of manufacture, conjecture or speculation. As we shall see, that is not the case with two of the three areas that Baker has chosen to concentrate his book on.

    I

    Let us start with what I perceive to be the strength of the book. This would be the discussion of George Bush Jr. and his rather weird and spotty service in the Texas Air National Guard. Baker had written about this subject previously and at length in publications like The Nation. So this is clearly something he had followed through time as the issue gradually mushroomed in importance. The climax of its public debate was the veritable explosion that erupted at CBS in 2004-05. As Baker describes it, Dan Rather and others were dragged over the coals when they used some questionable copied documents to explain the gaps in President Bush’s service in the Guard.

    The problem all began in 1968, after Bush Jr. graduated from Yale. Once out of college, George would lose his student deferment and almost certainly be eligible for a tour in Vietnam. The problem was this: although the Bush clan supported the war in public for political fodder, they secretly understood it was a terrible mistake that was not worth fighting in, much less dying over. So they had to finesse George W. Bush dodging his impending service in Indochina. The clan decided on an exit ticket: W. would join the National Guard.

    Specifically, George would join the 147th Fighter Wing of the Texas Air National Guard. The trouble was that, understandably, many young men in Texas wanted to join this group at the time. It was nicknamed the “Champagne Unit” because many of the offspring of wealth and power joined up to dodge combat in Vietnam (p. 139) In fact, special positions were created to accommodate the many demands for entry. (ibid)

    The Bush story has been that George talked to unit commander Lt. Col. Walter Staudt and Staudt told him positions were open. (p. 138) In reality, strings were pulled by state Speaker of the House, Ben Barnes, to get Bush Jr. into the unit. (p. 139) But, once in, W. got even more special treatment. Usually, to be commissioned a second lieutenant, one has to either attend officer training school, pull 18 prior months of service, or have 2 years of ROTC. Bush did none of these, but he still got the commission. (p. 140) Secondly, the unit paid to train Bush to be a pilot from square A. Which was another exception to procedure. The unit usually either borrowed trained pilots from the Air Force or further trained those who had had some experience. Bush had none. (p. 139)

    And then there were the strange interludes, let us call them vacations. After George Jr. took six weeks of basic training in San Antonio, he got a two-month leave to work on Ed Gurney’s Senate campaign in Florida. (p. 140) Gurney’s campaign was being run by a friend of Bush Sr. named Jimmy Allison. It was after this episode that Bush Jr. took his first training lessons, on both a Cessna and a simulator, in Valdosta, Georgia. That took about a year. (p. 141) He then returned to the Houston area and Ellington Field for the “more daunting task of learning to fly a real fighter jet.” (ibid)

    In the summer of 1970, having completed his jet pilot training, his full-time obligation now transformed to a part-time status, usually referred to as a “weekend warrior”. But after this, in early 1972, something began to go wrong with Bush’s flying career. For some reason that has never been fully explained, he was taken out of the cockpit and placed in a two-pilot training plane. (p. 148) From which he had already graduated. Sort of like going back to trainer wheels after one has learned to ride a bicycle. On these regressive two-seater flights, his friend Jim Bath sometimes accompanied him. It didn’t seem to work. Because back in the F-102, he needed three passes before he made a landing. In fact, he had become such a liability in the air that, according to the author, the last documented record of him flying alone is April 16, 1972. (ibid) He then left both the unit and the state. The problem is he had not fulfilled his time obligation yet. This now begins the second stage of murkiness to the Bush National Guard saga: in addition to not flying again, did he or did he not fulfill the rest of his service obligation?

    The latter question is partly covered up by another political campaign. George Jr. said he now was going to work on another Allison managed enterprise. This one was the senate run of Red Blount in Alabama. So George Jr. requested a transfer to the 187th Tactical Reconnaissance unit in Montgomery at Dannelly Field. The question then became: Did Bush Jr. then fulfill his service at Dannelly? Well, the former base commander said the following: “I’m dead certain he didn’t show up.” (p. 150) And in fact, as Baker writes, “no credible records or eyewitnesses ever emerged to back” his claim of fulfilling his weekend service requirement in Alabama. (ibid) In fact, former members of the Dannelly unit ran ads offering monetary rewards in a Guard periodical to anyone who had any evidence that George Jr., had fulfilled his service. No one replied to the ads. (ibid) But Baker did find a number of witnesses who testified to Bush being a rather boisterous drunk during the Blount campaign, and two who said he combined his alcohol intake with illicit drugs. (p. 151)

    And this angle perhaps links to why George had to get out of flying, and also the 147th. According to a witness who talked to Jerry Killian, Bush’s wing commander, Bush was getting the jitters about flying. Killian said he “was having trouble landing, and that possibly there was a drinking problem involved.” (ibid)

    After Blount’s loss in November of 1972, George Jr. packed his bags and returned to Texas. But he did not return to Ellington as he was supposed to do so. He first went to Washington DC and then to Florida for the holidays. He then returned to Dannelly in Alabama for a routine x-ray, except, oddly, it was done by a dentist. (p. 153) He also called a former female Blount worker and invited her to dinner. Over dinner, he told her he was there for guard training. As Baker notes, this sure sounds like George Jr. was laying in a future CYA trail to disguise the facts that a.) he had not served in Alabama and b.) he was not returning to Ellington.

    Junior now went back to Texas to try to allegedly fulfill his service requirement. Except his superiors did not want him back. (p. 154) In fact, there is no record of him serving back at Ellington after Alabama. Further, no paperwork for alternative service in Alabama was ever sent to Ellington. (p. 156) As Baker logically deduces, “Just about all the evidence suggests that George W. Bush went AWOL from National Guard duty in May 1972 and never returned, thus skipping out on two years of a six-year military obligation.” (ibid) Clearly, someone was pulling strings for Bush Jr. As Texas reporter Jim Moore wrote, if Guardsmen missed drills or were late they were hunted down and arrested. If they missed a second exercise you could be made eligible for the draft. (p. 157) Who was doing the pulling for W.? Well, at around this time, George Bush Sr. was becoming head of the Republican National Committee.

    From the beginning of Junior’s political career his handlers knew this National Guard episode was going to be a problem. When Moore first questioned W. about it during a debate for the Texas governorship in 1994, he was later accosted by campaign advisers Karen Hughes and Karl Rove. (pgs. 407-08) They wanted to make it clear that these questions were somehow out of bounds. But as Bush’s career advanced along to the point that he was now considering running for president, the issue would not go away. And it appears that when the presidency got on their radar screens, the Bush team fiddled with the files.

    According to Guard manager Bill Burkett, this began in 1997. After a call from a Bush staffer, he saw some Guardsman in a room with Bush’s file. It was being pilfered. One of the documents discarded was a ‘counseling statement’. This explained why George was being grounded and the changes in assignment, slot, and his wages. (p. 411) Burkett first made these claims at that time. He then wrote letters to state legislators. He then phoned Bush adviser Dan Bartlett. (ibid) Burkett was then sent to Panama in 1998. He got sick on his way back and had problems getting his medical benefits. People who tried to help him in the Guard were fired.

    As Baker summarizes it, whatever one thinks of Burkett, there are documents missing from Bush’s Guard file that should be there. For instance, on how Texas handled his transfer to Alabama, and also a panel report that should have been written up after Bush stopped flying. (p. 412) Further, “microfilm containing military pay records for hundreds of Guardsmen, including Bush, was irreversibly damaged”. (ibid) This also occurred in 1997, the year when Burkett’s reported pilfering incident allegedly happened.

    What is so utterly fascinating about this whole sorry tale is that no MSM source did any real reporting on it until late May of 2000. This was when W. had more or less vanquished the GOP field and was closing in on the presidential nomination. Only then did reporter Walter Robinson of the Boston Globe break a story , which included interviews with Bush’s former commanders who did not recall seeing him in Alabama or Texas in 1972 or ’73. (ibid)

    Mickey Herskowitz made this saga even more interesting. Herskowitz was a longtime Texas sportswriter who also co-wrote several biographies of celebrities e.g. John Connally and Mickey Mantle. The writer knew George Bush Sr. and he suggested that he co-write a book with his son in time for the 2000 presidential campaign. Karl Rove OK’d the project and W. said he would do it if he didn’t have to work too hard. He also wanted to know how much money was in it. (p. 420) But W. also worried if there was enough material there for a book since he thought he had not really accomplished all that much. Therefore he felt it might be a good idea to focus on his policy objectives. When Herksowitz asked what those would be, W. replied, “Ask Karl.” (ibid)

    The pair had about twenty meetings about the book. Herskowitz said that although Bush was reserved about his National Guard service, he did say some interesting things. The writer asked him what he did about his obligation once he went to Alabama and served on the Blount campaign. Bush replied, “Nothing. I was excused.” (p. 420) This may or may not be true. But it contradicted the cover story that was already out there, and also later cover stories to come. Bush also told the author that he never flew a plane again after he left the Texas Guard in 1972, either military or civilian.

    There was one other tantalizing thing that W. told Herskowitz. He said that his father “had all this political capital built up when he drove the Iraqis out of Kuwait, and he wasted it … If I have a chance to invade … if I had that much capital, I’m not going to waste it. I’m going to get everything passed that I want to get passed…” (p. 423)

    This is a very important statement of course. For the attacks of 9-11 gave W. the opportunity to invade Iraq. And to complete the job that he thought his father had not. Even if Saddam Hussein had nothing to do with 9-11! That is how predisposed W. was on this issue before the 2000 campaign even began. And the fact that he had dodged his military service in Vietnam, and then gone AWOL in the Air National Guard personally made it easy for him to commit tens of thousands of young men to an awful war, since he had never come close to fighting in one. Therefore, with the terrible war in Iraq as a backdrop, Bush Jr. and his Guard service should have loomed large in the debate over sending young men into a questionable war. That the national media never pursued this angle with any relish or consistency tells us all we need to know about the state of the MSM at that time. Especially since W. was now sending National Guard troops to serve in Iraq. (p. 440)

    In 2004, right before the re-election campaign, things did heat up. Burkett appeared on Hardball and made his accusation about seeing Bush aides clean up the Guard records. This story had some bounce, as it later appeared on the CBS News and in the New York Times. (p. 447) Then two things happened to suck any helium left out of the balloon.

    First John Kerry, and his campaign manager Bob Shrum, made one of the biggest miscalculations in the history of presidential races. Rather than attacking the first four years of W.’s presidency, they decided to center Kerry’s nominating convention, and a large part of his early campaign, on his service in Vietnam. Baker properly scores them for this. It was a misguided strategy, especially in light of the fact that there was so much in the Bush presidency to go after. But we all know what made it worse. Karl Rove created the whole phony Swift Boat Veterans for Truth mirage. And, unchallenged at first by the Kerry campaign and the press, this Rove manufacture was allowed to disseminate through rightwing outlets like Fox News.

    The second event that helped bury the issue was the Dan Rather-Mary Mapes-CBS News bloodbath. Most of us know this story by now. Burkett got hold of some documents about George’s service in the Texas Guard. One seemed to depict a transfer from Killian due to George’s inability to meet standard on his pilot training, and his failure to get a physical. (p. 456) This, and 3-4 other documents whetted Mapes’, Rather’s 60 Minutes producer, appetite. She wanted to use the documents for a 60 Minutes segment on the issue.

    There were two problems with this. First, Burkett got them from a source who did not want his name divulged. In fact, this mysterious source did not even turn them over to Burkett. A go-between named ‘Lucy Ramirez’ did so. Consequently, the provenance of the documents was under a cloud. Second, the documents themselves were copies. Further, Mapes had Burkett fax them to CBS in New York. (p. 457) This resulted in further distortion of the lettering on the papers.

    Everyone knows what happened next. Via what appeared to be some GOP operatives who just happened to view the show, the Bush allies on the Internet began to question whether the documents were real or fakes. This created a tempest in the midst of an election campaign i.e. the whole phony issue of whether or not the “liberal media” was out to get a sitting GOP president. CBS management did a bad job in meeting this challenge. They eventually gave in and authorized an “independent panel”. Which, of course, was not really independent. Their job was to essentially get rid of or demote everyone involved with the program. How bad was this panel? They never even investigated or ruled on whether the documents were actually genuine.

    If Bush Jr. had planned it all in advance, it could not have turned out better for him. Through the Swift Boat mirage, his military service backfired on Kerry. And because of the Web attack, Bill Burkett, and the whole Texas Guard issue was taken out like a machete had cut it away.

    Beyond any doubt, this is the high point of the book. Baker combines some original reporting with work by people like Moore and Mapes to put together a good, juicy, and factually solid summary of this whole sorry episode. What it all says about W., and even worse, the national media, seems to me to be of the utmost importance and interest. The former abdicated his responsibility to the Guard. And the latter abdicated its responsibility to the public.

    II

    If the rest of Family of Secrets was as sound as this section, the book would have been a good and valuable effort. In my view, such is not the case. In fact, it’s not even close. And the bad part is that the rest of the book really means upwards of 90% of it. Baker’s reporting on Bush Sr. does not reveal anywhere near the amount of factual data, reliable testimony, logical inference, and investigative reporting that he does on the Texas Guard story. And since, as I note above, these other areas take up much more space than this first story, the overall effort suffers mightily for that.

    A clear objective of the book is to counter and modify the work of Joseph McBride for the Nation. In two essays done in 1988, McBride unearthed documents and interviews that indicated that Bush Sr. was involved in providing cover for Cuban exiles for the CIA. McBride did not go any further than what the documents indicated. He came to the conclusion that Bush’s actual CIA status-whether he was an agent or asset– could not be really evaluated. But it looked like he was a businessman used as an asset. One of the main objectives of Baker’s book is to somehow show that Bush Sr. was much more than just a CIA asset at the time of the Bay of Pigs. In fact, Baker tries to insinuate that Bush Sr. was a CIA officer from the fifties onward. In fact, his chapter on Bush Sr. becoming CIA chief in the mid-seventies makes this objective clear. It is entitled “In From the Cold”.

    Generally speaking the argument is made through three steps: 1.) Bush’s alleged service as an agent in the fifties 2.) His alleged role in the JFK case, and 3.) His alleged role in the Watergate effort to bring down President Nixon.

    I cannot do any better than Seamus Coogan did in his brief discussion of the import of the 1988 McBride articles. (Click here to view his essay.) The relatively brief McBride articles are also reprinted on pages 371-78 of Mark Lane’s book Plausible Denial. McBride does not pass judgment on what Bush actually was up to in the Agency. But he did interview a trusted source who said Bush had probably helped with the Bay of Pigs. Which would make sense. For as Seamus noted, Bush’s oil company operated off of Cay Sal island, about 40 miles off the coast of Cuba.

    Now, inexplicably, Baker writes that the McBride articles elicited a collective yawn from the media at the time of publication. (p. 11) Not really so. As McBride notes in his second piece, his story “received wide coverage in the media.” The Bush team’s initial denials, and the CIA’s break with tradition to issue a formal reply were extraordinary. It was made worse when, in a dumb stroke, the Agency tried to say the document actually referred to a different George Bush. McBride tracked down this second George Bush, who did work for the CIA at the time. From the interview, it is very hard to believe the memo from J. Edgar Hoover, warning of a possible exile attempt to attack Cuba in the wake of JFK’s death, referred to him. (Lane, pgs. 376-78) All this mucking about created a buzz in the press. Especially considering the fact that, back then, there was no Internet to speak of at all. But I think Baker wants to characterize it as much less than it was in order to somehow portray himself as a pioneer in uncovering the long ignored clandestine career of Bush Sr. In other words, McBride’s work was the tip of the iceberg and it greatly understated who Bush Sr. was and what his ties to the Agency really were. It took Baker to reveal it. Let us evaluate his case for the long withheld clandestine career of George Bush Sr.

    He begins his excavation on page 12. He says that researcher Jerry Shinley has found a document that places Bush’s service with the CIA back into the early fifties. The problem is that the phrasing in this document is quite ambiguous. It says that through a Mr. Gale Allen the CIA had learned in 1975 that Bush had knowledge of a terminated project dealing with proprietary commercial projects in Europe. Bush learned of them through CIA officer Tom Devine. Now, the fact that Devine told his sometime oil business partner about a since deceased CIA project does not mean that Bush Sr. was in the CIA. In the memorandum’s terms, at least as Baker presents it, the wording suggests what I just wrote: Bush had acquired the knowledge through Devine. Another problem is that Bush’s commercial projects were not in Europe, but in America and the Caribbean. So I got the feeling that, unlike with the Air Guard story, the author was stretching his data thin.

    That impression was strengthened when I discovered that, Baker was relying largely on one source for the rest of his information about Bush and the CIA prior to the Bay of Pigs. That source was the same one that John Hankey used in an online discussion with me, namely Joseph Trento’s 2005 book entitled Prelude to Terror. Let me explain why this creates a problem.

    Trento is a longtime writer on intelligence matters. In fact, he figures importantly in Lane’s Plausible Denial. But it’s the way he figures in that book that should have given Baker and Hankey pause. Trento is not an intelligence writer in the way that say Jim Hougan is. Hougan is a digger, a man who does not accept the world of intelligence by its surface measures or by what its maestros tell him. And it’s that skepticism that makes him a trusted and valuable source.

    Trento is not a digger. And he trusts what most of his sources tell him. To the point that sometimes he just writes their declarations out in sentence form. A good example of this would be his previous 2001 book, The Secret History of the CIA. Which, to put it mildly, did not live up to its title. Since two of Trento’s most trusted sources were CIA operators like James Angleton and Robert Crowley, the book has a definite spin to it. For example, in spite of much contrary evidence, it says that it was not Henry Cabot Lodge who spawned the coup against Ngo Dinh Diem in Vietnam, but President Kennedy. (Trento, p. 252) Trento, listening unswervingly to Angleton, characterizes Lee and Marina Oswald as Russian agents, and the Kennedy assassination as a KGB plot. (pgs. 258ff) Trento mentions the fact that George DeMohrenschildt said he had been told by the CIA to contact Oswald. But Trento, quoting Angleton writes, “Angleton, however, maintained that DeMohrenschildt worked for the KGB and that he was the Oswalds’ control officer.” (ibid, p. 258) He also adds that DeMohrenschildt took his own life in 1983, when in fact he died mysteriously in 1977. (ibid) Angleton tells Trento that Oswald’s cavorting around with Cubans in New Orleans was a KGB charade to blame the assassination on Cuba and not Russia. (ibid, p. 260)

    I could go on and on in this vein but let me just add this: Trento tells us that another of his sources, William R. Corson, was dispatched to Dallas by President Johnson to begin his own investigation of the case. (Trento, p. 267) And that Corson ended up working for the Warren Commission. Corson told Trento that Cuban DGI agents convinced Jack Ruby to kill Oswald. (ibid) Need I say that this last is right out of a Gus Russo disinformation script. And for the same reason. Just as Russo is ‘oh so trusting’ of his CIA sources, so is Trento.

    But what makes this last bit even more interesting is that of his three major sources, Corson is probably the most trustworthy. Corson was a military intelligence officer who served in Vietnam and wrote a highly critical book on US involvement in that struggle. But part of the problem is that Corson died in 2000. The two Trento books under discussion were both published afterwards. So whatever corrective influence Corson could have had on these last two books was probably weakened.

    In spite of all the compromising elements I have listed, its from Trento’s Prelude to Terror that Baker gets the large part of the rest of his information about George Bush and his previously secret ties to the CIA. In light of all I have outlined above, here is a question that Baker should have asked himself: “If this information about George Bush is true and viable, then why didn’t Trento use it in his previous book? After all, it was titled The Secret History of the CIA. Wouldn’t George Bush be part of that?”

    What makes this even worse is that in the area of Prelude to Terror where the early CIA employment of Bush is discussed, virtually every endnote is to an interview with a CIA officer. (See Prelude to Terror, pgs. 362-64) In other words, it’s all anecdotal. But furthering my original point, these interviews were almost all done many years ago. So why didn’t Trento use them in the previous book? It doesn’t help matters that almost all these interview subjects are now dead, so they can’t be cross-checked. Why should they be? Consider this: “It was in the late 1950’s that the covert operations culture called upon George H. W. Bush’s talents. Bush was at first a tiny part of Operation Mongoose, the CIA’s code name for their anti-Castro operations.” (ibid, p. 16) Baker didn’t seem to notice that the CIA could not have first called on Bush in the late 50’s to be part of Mongoose because Mongoose did not begin until 1962.

    Finally, let me add one last word about why the use of this book seems suspect to me. The general message of Trento’s tome is that the use of private intelligence networks, set up by people like Ted Shackley, has led to our present problems in places like Afghanistan. (ibid, pgs. 316-17). The book blames some of this on George Bush Sr. because of his well-known ties to the Saudi Arabian monarchy. It is also highly critical of this network’s Saudi ties to Pakistan and the death of President Zia. In fact, it blames the Saudis inability to keep control of Pakistan’s atomic weapons quest as the reason why the quest became Islamicized, that is, anti-Israel in intent. Who is a major source for Trento’s view of Bush and the Saudis in all this: Angleton’s scribe Edward Epstein. (See p. 324) I should note that one of Angleton’s later responsibilities in the CIA was supervising the Israeli desk and interfacing with Mossad.

    Baker writes not a word of caution, qualification, or warning about any of the above. That’s how much he wants to make Bush Sr. a longtime CIA operator. And the drive does not stop there. Not by any means.

    III

    As most commentators on the life of George Bush Sr. acknowledge, by the early sixties, he was trying to transition out of his previous petroleum business life style. He wanted to get into national politics-a goal at which he later succeeded in a big way. So in 1963 he was living in Houston and became chairman of the Harris County Republican Party. As such he was supporting Barry Goldwater for president. He also decided to run for the senate against liberal Democratic incumbent Ralph Yarborough. An important point to enumerate here, as Webster Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin do in George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography, is this: Bush was in on the beginning of the revival of the GOP in the south. And, unlike Dwight Eisenhower’s GOP version, it was a particularly virulent strain of the GOP. One that would eventually and naturally evolve into the Newt Gingrich slash and burn version, whose intent would be to essentially raze the New Deal.

    According to Tarpley, Bush had run hard for the county office in 1962, with his wife in tow. They went from meeting to meeting telling listeners that there had to be a viable two party system in Texas. It was from this county position that Bush decided to scaffold his run against Yarborough. He announced his candidacy on September 10, 1963. He would have to win a primary first before he took on the populist Yarborough.

    Just about all the above is missing from Baker’s treatment of Bush’s first senatorial run. To Baker, all this rather interesting drama takes a back seat to what he perceives as the real and hidden importance in that run: George Bush’s role as a covert CIA operative in the killing of John F. Kennedy. In fact, Baker devotes more pages to this subject than any other. (About 90 of them.) He begins his Chapter 4 on a rather unusual note, one that will establish his creeping solipsistic view. He actually implies that Bush became chair of the Harris country party not for the above stated political ends. Oh no. He did it so he could travel all over Texas. Why? Because “Bush’s political work, like his oil work, may have been a cover for intelligence activities.” (Baker, p. 49 By the way, the supposition about his oil work being a cover is largely from Trento.)

    A few pages later, on page 52, Baker introduces what will clearly be the main entrée for his theory of Bush the covert operator in the Kennedy hit. This is the Parrott memorandum. It is to Baker what the above-mentioned Hoover memorandum about Cuban exiles was to John Hankey in his film JFK 2. That is, Baker is going to drag every single piece of nuanced meaning he possibly can out of it. If the Parrott memo were a cow, Baker would have worked every last drop of not just milk–but blood, water, and tissue from it. To the point that someone would have had to kill the cow to put it out of its misery.

    To provide the background: on 11/22/63, George H. W. Bush called the FBI. He said that he had heard in recent weeks that a member of the Young Republicans named James Parrott had been talking about killing Kennedy when he arrived in Houston. The FBI characterized Parrot as rightwing, a quasi-Birchite, a student at University of Houston, and active in politics in the area. Further, that a check of Secret Service indices revealed that they had a report that Parrott had threatened to kill Kennedy in 1961. The FBI interviewed Parrott’s mother and then Parrott himself. They found out that Parrott had been discharged from the Air Force for mental reasons in 1959. Parrott said that he had been in the company of another Republican activist at the time of the shootings. Bush at first denied making the call, and then he said he did not recall making it. (See Tarpley, Chapter 8b.)

    In light of the above basic facts, let us watch what Baker does with this. First of all, if you were a covert CIA operator in on the Kennedy plot, would you announce in advance that you would be in Dallas to give a speech on the evening of 11/21? Further, would you put that announcement in the newspapers? Well, that is what Bush did in the Dallas Morning News on 11/20.

    At the actual time of the assassination, Bush was in Tyler, Texas. The author says he made the FBI call about Parrott to establish an alibi. This makes no sense. Why? Because Bush already had an alibi. As Kitty Kelley established, the vice-president of the Kiwanis Club-a man named Aubrey Irby-was with Bush at the time of Kennedy’s murder. Along with about a hundred other people. For Bush was about to give a luncheon speech at the Blackstone Hotel. He had just started when Irby told him what had happened. Bush called off the speech. (Baker, p. 54) Question for the author: With about 101 witnesses, why would you need a phone call to establish your alibi?

    The author then writes that Bush told the FBI he would be in Dallas later on the 22nd, and that he would be staying at the Sheraton that night. Baker finds it suspicious that he did not stay the night as he said he was going to. Or as Baker writes in his full Inspector Javert-or John Hankey-mode: “Why state that he expected to spend the night at the Dallas Sheraton if he was not planning to stay?” (p. 59) Well Russ, maybe he was planning to. But because he later realized that Dallas would not be a real good place to campaign in that night, he changed his mind. I mean don’t you think the populace was mentally preoccupied?

    What Baker does with the figure of Parrott is just as odd. As Tarpley wrote, the man had been discharged from the Air Force for psychiatric reasons. He was from the rabid right in Texas, which is pretty rabid. And the Secret Service had a source that said he had made a threat against Kennedy after the Bay of Pigs. Baker soft pedals all this to the max. He tries to make Parrott into a sweet misunderstood lad who Bush somehow magically picked out to provide him an alibi he didn’t need. I could find no mention in Baker of the previous Secret Service file threat by Parrott which Tarpley mentions. And because that is not here, an important part of the story get jumbled.

    In Bush’s report to the Bureau, he mentioned a man named Keary Reynolds as someone who may have told him about Parrott. From Parrott and his mother, Baker says that Reynolds actually came to Parrott’s house to ask him to paint some signs for the GOP campaign. So this now becomes Reynolds giving Parrott an alibi. (Which, like Bush, he did not need. Because, as I wrote above, he had been with another Republican activist.)

    Baker then interviews Reynolds. Reynolds does not recall making the paint job offer or visiting the Parrot house. (pgs. 61-63) He says he vaguely recalled the name because a young man had come around HQ previously and someone told him that he had threatened JFK. He also recalled escorting Parrott to the Secret Service office on 11/22 because of that. So what Reynolds does is back up the Secret Service having a threat file on Parrott. He also seems to back up Bush hearing about this reactionary around HQ. Finally, he seems to undermine the whole “visit to Parrott’s house to offer a job” thesis. Reynolds says he was never at the Parrott home. Parrott and his mom may have fibbed about that to conceal the fact that the Secret Service called him in that day because of his past history. And also perhaps because of the Bush phone call.

    But Baker is still not done. Barbara Bush is apparently part of the plot, or at least the cover up. Barbara Bush wrote a note about her activities on 11/22/63. Addressed just generally to members of her family, it talks about her being at a beauty parlor when she heard the news on the radio of Kennedy being shot. (Baker, pgs. 53-54) Again, Baker gives the letter the Javert-Hankey going over. First, he asks where was George? Russ, Kitty Kelley already established where George was. Did you expect him to be at the hairdresser’s with his wife during a primary campaign? Back then, guys used combs and Brylcreem. Baker then asks why the letter had not surfaced earlier. Maybe because this was Barbara’s first book of personal memoirs? As far as I can see, that was the case. Barbara Bush did write one book previously called Millie’s Book, but that was really a children’s book about the White House, wryly written from the point of view of her dog. Baker/Hankey then asks for the original, which he says he cannot get since Bush and his wife would not talk to him for the book. I wonder why.

    What I think Baker is getting at-and he’s always getting at something or other– is this: Somehow Barbara faked this letter years later to establish another alibi. But again, for who? Her husband already had one. (I really hope Baker does not mean for herself.) Further, back in 1994 when her book was published, who harbored any suspicions about Bush Sr. and the JFK case? Hankey and Baker were years off.

    The rest of this overlong JFK section is, for me, even worse than the above. It basically amounts to what I scored Lamar Waldron and Thom Hartmann for in their two bad books: guilt by name association. A friend of the Bushes was letting them use their plane during the campaign. I think Baker means us to believe that this was not a friendly gesture between friends: Mr. Zeppa was really an accessory to the plot as he squired Bush around. Don’t ask me how or why. Jack Crichton was a pal of Bush’s in the Texas GOP. But Crichton, in turn, was a friend of Deputy Police Chief Lumpkin who was driving the pilot car in Kennedy’s motorcade. What that means is never made clear. But Baker also brings up the fact that Crichton provided a translator for Marina Oswald who wrongly worded her Russian phrases. What Baker leaves out is that Marina had a few translators, and they were all questionable.

    In spite of the speciousness of the above, Baker caps it off with Jack Ruby’s famous speech in an empty courtroom about people in “very high positions” putting him in the place he was in after his conviction for murder. (p. 118) I actually think Baker wants to imply that Ruby was referring to Bush.

    If he was doing that, all I can say is, Baker has as much unearned chutzpah as John Hankey. And in regards to the JFK case, he also has about as much balance and judgment as his soul brother does. Let us note just how misguided the guy is. For the sake of argument, let us grant him one of his premises in regards to the Parrott episode: That it was a charade meant to divert attention. (And with all I pointed out above, that is a very generous grant of credit.) Here’s my question: What would be the point of a diversion if both Bush and Parrott had credible alibis? Which they did. This is what the author says: “Poppy Bush was willing to divert the investigative resources of the FBI on one of the busiest days in its history.” (p. 65) When I read that I had a Hankeyian moment: I didn’t know whether to laugh or cry. Can Mr. Investigative Journalist Russ Baker really be this ignorant about the FBI and the Kennedy murder? As Tony Summers discovered long ago, J. Edgar Hoover was “working” on the Kennedy case from the racetrack the next day. (Summers, Official and Confidential, p. 315) As everyone except perhaps Baker knows, Hoover had closed the case against Oswald within about 2-4 hours. (Vanity Fair, 12/94, p. 90) He did so for many reasons, including the strong possibility that Oswald was an FBI informant. So the fix was in almost immediately. And it never let up. The idea that somehow Hoover was actually going to investigate 1.) Who Oswald really was, and 2.) What the true circumstances of the murder were is a preposterous tenet. But that is somehow what Baker is proposing: the Parrott episode somehow upset Hoover’s apple cart.

    Concerning J. Edgar Hoover and the JFK case, Baker is only slightly less silly than John Hankey.

    IV

    As was established in The Unauthorized Biography of George Bush, from their days in the oil business in Texas, Bush Sr. knew George “the Baron” DeMohrenschildt. This was probably because the Baron partnered an oil investment firm with Eddie Hooker. (Baker, p. 75) Hooker had been Bush’s roommate at Phillips Academy in Andover, Massachusetts. (ibid, p. 72) And they had stayed friends through the years.

    After giving a brief but serviceable overview of the Baron and his brother Dimitri, plus the development of the White Russian community in Dallas, the author begins to describe why the Baron was in Haiti at the time of Kennedy’s assassination. According to Baker, it was only the Baron’s distance from Dallas at the time of the murder that allowed his actions to escape the purview of the Warren Commission. (p. 113) Again, this shows how shallow Baker is on his view of the Kennedy case. Can he really be serious? Who the heck did not escape the purview of the Warren Commission? You can make a pretty good list of all those they had myopia about. In addition to DeMohrenschildt, there was Ruth and Michael Paine, David Ferrie, Clay Shaw, Guy Banister, Kerry Thornley, Sergio Arcacha Smith, Sylvia Duran, and even Sylvia Odio (who the Commission never took seriously). And that’s just those dealing with Oswald’s direct associations. The Commission was a set-up from the start. And it was meant to be so. Whether DeMohrenschildt was in Haiti or not.

    He then compounds the above with this thundering truism: “The bottom line is that the Warren Commission did not assign a seasoned criminal investigator to figure out DeMohrenshildt’s relationship with Oswald and his larger circle of connections.” (p. 127) Oh really Russ? Maybe Baker doesn’t know that the Commission had no private ‘seasoned criminal investigators’ on their staff. They relied on the FBI, CIA and Secret Service. Who, as most informed observers realize, were covering things up. Baker didn’t know this? Maybe that’s why they publish him in the New York Times.

    The author found out the real reason that DeMohrenschildt was able to escape scrutiny. It wasn’t actually because of the above. It was the blinding obfuscation of the sisal plant. Hold on a moment. Let me explain this Bakeresque idiom. See, once DeMohrenschildt handed off Oswald to the Paines, he left Texas for Haiti. Before departing he and his partner had a couple of meetings with government agents i.e. the CIA and Army intelligence. He and his business partner Clemard Charles were then paid almost $300,000 by the Haitian government for geologic testing and a prospective sisal plantation. There has always been a question about whether or not this money was really a disguised reward for his mission with Oswald.

    As far as I can see, Baker ignores the money angle. He then says that the sisal proposal was a cover to disguise what DeMohrenschildt was really doing. (pgs. 104-105) I am assuming Baker means what he already did with Oswald. But here’s my question: Who was the sisal motif supposed to fool? Critics of the Commission have always been suspicious of the Baron and his Haiti payoff. The money may have been for his Oswald duties, or it may have been for a role in a later coup against the Duvaliers in Haiti. Which attempt did take place, and Charles was jailed for his perceived role in it. But the point is, what did Baker think was going to be discussed and put on paper before the two left? Did he really think the CIA or Army intelligence was going to write that the Baron was now coming off his clandestine assignment with the future patsy in the upcoming JFK murder? Or that the interviewers were going to outline the upcoming overthrow attempt? These kinds of thing do not get written about in memoranda.

    About 140 pages later, the DeMohrenschildt story gets picked up again. This time it’s in the midst of the hurricane created by the Church Committee, the Pike Committee, and the formation of the House Select Committee on Assassinations to reopen the JFK case. In September of 1976, the Baron wrote a short letter to the new CIA Director, George Bush. (p. 268) In it the Baron described the painful situation he now found himself in: he said his phone was bugged, he was being followed, and the FBI would not help him. He thanked his old acquaintance and asked him if he could do something to help.

    If anything, the Baron was underestimating his drastic situation. He did not describe two other elements. First, the psychological treatments he was getting, actually electroshock. This may have been from the loss of his daughter three years hence; or, as Jim Marrs has written, a mysterious doctor may have inflicted it on him. (Baker, p. 271) Secondly, the weird figure of Willem Oltmans was pursuing him, trying to get him to “confess” to his role in the Kennedy murder.

    Oltmans was a Dutch journalist who knew DeMohrenschildt from a few years back– 1968 to be exact. (HSCA testimony of Oltmans, p. 10) Just precisely what he was up to, or why he pursued George insistently over the years, these have never really been explained. But its interesting that after George suddenly died on 3/29/77-allegedly a suicide-Oltmans began to spread the news that the Baron had confessed to him before he supposedly took his life. It was a bizarre plot that involved Russian KGB agents with Texas oilmen. But, according to Oltmans, the Baron himself was also involved and Oswald had acted on his instructions in this plot. (ibid, p. 28). Oltmans began his campaign to tell the world of this right after his former friend died. He testified before the HSCA in closed session on April 1, 1977. When one reads this deposition you will note that the longer Oltmans talks, the less Deputy Counsel Bob Tanenbaum believes him.

    At around this time, reporter Jerry Policoff of New Times met with Oltmans in New York. Policoff had secured notes DeMohrenschildt had made while working on a manuscript left with his lawyer. The notes expressed his considerable fear of Oltmans and the reason he had fled from him in Amsterdam. He felt the journalist was trying to drug him in order to get him to say things he did not want to say. He also thought Oltmans was bisexual and was making a homosexual pass at him. Oltmans had heard that Jerry had secured the notes and got in touch with him to meet. Oltmans reacted to the notes by saying they were forgeries. Policoff said he was confident they were genuine. Oltmans then made some thinly disguised threats on his health. Policoff left. Oltmans’ behavior left Policoff with the strong suspicion he was some kind of intelligence asset. (Communication with Policoff, 6/24/10)

    Yet Oltmans was only one side of a pincers movement. Once George ran away from Amsterdam to escape him, Edward Epstein awaited him in the USA. And he promised the Baron thousands of dollars to just sit and talk with him about Oswald. In fact, Epstein was the last person to see him before DeMohrenschildt died. On the morning of his death, he had been subpoenaed by the HSCA. Epstein wanted to talk to George since he had been working on a biography of Oswald for Reader’s Digest. Epstein’s unofficial adviser was James Angleton. The book that derived from this effort, Legend, insinuates that the Baron was a KGB control agent for Oswald. The reader should note here the rough parallel with what Oltmans eventually was selling.

    Bush made two replies to the 9/76 missive by the Baron. One was to his staff, which had forwarded the letter to him. These are rough bullet notes saying the following: that he did know DeMohrenschildt, that the Baron got involved with dealings in Haiti, that his name was prominent in the Oswald affair, that the Baron knew Oswald prior to the JFK murder, at one time DeMohrenschildt had money, Bush had not heard from him in years, and he was not sure what his role was in the JFK matter. (p. 267)

    On the whole this is accurate. But Baker takes issue with the last two points. Concerning the first, he says that Bush was in contact with the oil geologist in 1971, and that DeMohrenschildt had written Bush a note when he became GOP County Chair in 1973. Bush may or may not have gotten that note. If he did not, he had not heard from him in about six years. Concerning the last, if Bush was not in on the JFK plot, then in 1976, that was a quite defensible stance.

    Bush wrote the Baron a brief letter back saying he sympathized with his situation. But although there was media attention to his case, he could not find any official interest right then. He then said he wished he could do more, and then signed off. Considering the fact that Epstein and Oltmans were likely working off the books for Angleton, his observation about “official interest” was probably correct. Thus ended the Bush/Baron relationship. Almost like he knows he has very little here, Baker tags on some meandering scuttlebutt about a man named Jim Savage who delivered the Baron’s car to him in Palm Beach on his return from Amsterdam. Its another of his Scrabble type name association games: Kerr-McGee, the FBI, Sun Oil, even the Pew family. (pgs. 275-277)

    The above two sections are pretty much the sum total of Baker’s work on Bush Sr. and the JFK murder. If anyone can find anything of significance here, something that somehow changes how we look at the case, please let me know. In all honesty, I can’t.

    V

    As threadbare as Baker’s work is on the JFK case, his two chapters on Bush Sr. and Watergate are probably worse (pgs. 175-252). In fact, having read much on the contemporary political scandals that have rocked the American scene, I would rank Baker’s work on Watergate with some of the most pretentiously empty political reporting I can recall. It’s so bad that it made me think he had a desperate rationale behind it all. (Which I will discuss later.)

    Baker begins his section on Watergate with a discussion of a scandal that is not even normally associated with Watergate. In fact, it may not even be a scandal. In early 1970, Richard Nixon authorized H. R. Haldeman to funnel funds from White House contributors to some 1970 congressional campaigns. The idea was to reward Nixon loyalists with campaign cash and ignore those who were not perceived as such.

    There are two important things to remember about the so-called Townhouse Operation. First, the machinations behind it occurred before any of the planning of the crimes associated with Watergate began. This would be the missions done by the infamous Plumbers units who did burglaries and surveillance operations. The planning of Townhouse predates the summer 1970 hiring of Howard Hunt by Charles Colson by about six months. (Jim Hougan, Secret Agenda, pgs. 32-33) Hunt did not start recruiting members of his Plumbers Unit until April of 1971. (Hougan, p. 29) Their first operations did not formulate until two months later with the NY Times exposure of the secret Pentagon Papers. (ibid) It was then that things like the burglary of Dan Ellsberg’s psychiatrist’s office and the forgery of documents linking President Kennedy with the death of Ngo Dinh Diem began. (ibid, p. 33) In fact, in the rather lengthy three articles of impeachment against Nixon prepared by the House of Representatives, you will not find any specific mention of the Townhouse Operation. (Click here)

    Further, none of the money funneled into Townhouse was used to finance the Plumbers illegal capers. Third, in a technical sense, it is hard to argue that Townhouse was illegal. For the simple reason that laws regulating campaign funds, and their eventual usage, were not enacted until after the Watergate scandal. In other words, although it was a ‘slush fund’, it was not a violation of law. For these reasons I was curious as to why the author began with Townhouse, an event which you seldom see even mentioned in chronicles of Watergate-either conventional or revisionist.

    And make no mistake, Baker has drunk deep the revisionist history of Watergate. So in an effort to set up a Nixon vs. CIA backdrop, he mentions Nixon’s desire to attain secret CIA files that Richard Helms was reluctant to turn over. (p. 181) He says that Nixon wanted CIA files on the days near the end of the Kennedy administration. Hmm, maybe dealing with the Kennedy assassination? Problem: the paragraph where he mentions this is not footnoted. But the next paragraph is. In that paragraph Baker has John Ehrlichman telling Bob Haldeman that the CIA is holding something back and the way they are acting, it must be dynamite. The problem with this quote is that when I looked it up in the source Baker named, The Haldeman Diaries, I couldn’t find it where he said it was. I then searched that book for all references to CIA Director Richard Helms, who Baker said Nixon demanded the documents from. Still no luck.

    Now, most informed observers know that there are two sources for this ‘secret file” tale. Haldeman wrote about a meeting with Richard Helms in which he was instructed by Nixon to mention the whole “Bay of Pigs thing”. Helms came unglued when he did. So Haldeman came to believe that the phrase was a code term for the JFK murder. (See pgs. 38-39, of Haldeman’s The Ends of Power. But oddly, in those pages, Haldeman writes that although he actually wanted to do a private inquiry into the JFK case, Nixon turned it down.)

    Another source for this is Ehrlichman’s roman a clef novel, The Company. In that work, Ehrlichman is referring specifically to the secret Bay of Pigs Inspector General report. But what Baker writes here is simply confusing. He refers to “[relevant files] … regarding the turbulent and little-understood days leading up to the end of the Kennedy administration”. These secret CIA documents do not exist anywhere that I know of in file form. So what Baker is referring to, and why he uses it, are things never really made clear. And the author reveals his own confusion when he later contradicts himself by saying the files Nixon was seeking were about the Bay of Pigs. Which, of course, was at the beginning of the Kennedy presidency. (Baker, p. 200)

    The reader should note: with Townhouse, which is not really part of Watergate, and these nebulous “secret CIA files”, Baker is off to a rather unpromising start. He never recovers.

    As I said, Baker has read much of the Watergate revisionist library. He will now cherry pick from it in a way worthy of the likes of Lamar Waldron in order to fulfill his own agenda. Incredibly, the author writes the following: “My independent research takes … the facts in a completely new direction. It leads to an even more disturbing conclusion as to what was really going on, and why.” (Baker, p. 204) As we will see, Baker did next to no new research on Watergate. And his new direction is a fabricated one that I can guarantee no one will follow in the future since it is based upon quicksand.

    It was under Nixon that George Bush actually became a player on the national stage. In fact, one can argue that it was Nixon who salvaged Bush’s political career. Bush had tried to break into that national theater in two runs for the senate from Texas. He first lost to Ralph Yarborough and then to Lloyd Bentsen. Afterwards, Nixon gave Bush a job first as United Nations Ambassador and then as chair of the Republican National Committee. Nixon made it clear that although he perceived Bush to be part of the Eastern Establishment-of which he was not-he liked and trusted him. And no serious commentator whether of a conventional or a revisionist stripe-e.g. Stanley Kutler or Jim Hougan-has ever proffered that George Bush had anything to do with what happened to Nixon during Watergate. Like most Republicans, he supported him through the crisis as long as he could. His advice basically consisted of advising Nixon to tell his whole part of the story as truthfully as possible. One can read any number of Watergate books and this is what will come through.

    Baker can’t settle for that. Why? Because if Watergate was a CIA operation, it doesn’t fit his agenda of defining George Bush as this super duper Agency Black Operator from way before the Bay of Pigs. So as with the Kennedy assassination, he has to create a function for him in this labyrinthine plot. At first he dredges up Townhouse. And at first he does not tell the reader that Bush himself was a prime recipient of those funds-that is how much Nixon liked him. He then links this at the end with a call Bush made as RNC chair to Lowell Weicker. (p. 233) Weicker was a Republican member of the Senate Watergate Committee, which investigated those crimes in televised hearings. Bush, now chair of the RNC, asks Weicker if he should destroy the Townhouse records. Baker, in super conspiratorial high gear, casts this as being a ploy to get Weicker mad, knowing that Weicker was also a recipient of some of the funds, though in a much smaller way.

    To me this is ridiculous. First, Weicker needed no egging on to be outraged against the crimes of Watergate. From the beginning of his career, which goes back further than Baker outlines, Weicker has always been 1.) An independent minded politician who defies easy categorization, and 2.) Against corruption in government. For a Republican, he is so independent minded that Ted Kennedy actually presented him with a Profiles in Courage award. The idea that a character like him needed egging on, or else his actions would have been different , is completely unjustified in light of his record. Both before Watergate and after.

    Second, far from Baker’s spin, the purpose of the call seems to be for Bush to keep himself out of Townhouse, since he was the largest beneficiary of the funding. This may be why Baker soft-pedals this fact until near the end of the discussion. In fact, in his discussion of this phone call, he never reveals that Bush ranked first in Townhouse funding. (pgs. 232-33)

    To me, this angle yields about zero. But Baker has a fallback.

    As I said, the author has drunk deep in the literature of Watergate revisionism. So he is familiar with the books, Secret Agenda and Silent Coup. But you will see very little of the revolutionary discoveries about the Watergate break-in from the former in this book. This is at first seemingly odd. Why? Because it was those actions that 1.) Made the scandal front-page news 2.) Sprung a trap on Nixon which he did not at first understand and from which he could not escape 3.) Is the clearest indication that the break-in was deliberately sabotaged by CIA operatives masquerading as Nixon campaign workers.

    The above is undeniably true. But the problem for a guy with an agenda the size of Baker’s is this: there is no evidence that Bush had anything of any substance to do with any of it, in any aspect.

    So what does the ever-inventive author do? He goes over to the inferior revisionist book on the subject, Silent Coup. He borrows their aggrandizement of the role of John Dean in the scandal. Why? Please sit down before I write this. Its because in March of 1973, in a phone call with Nixon, Bush-at the urging of others– suggested sending Dean to testify before the Watergate Committee. (p. 213) That’s about it.

    The reader should understand something: in March of 1973 Nixon was being attacked in the media because of his stonewalling of the Watergate Committee. (Stanley Kutler, The Wars of Watergate, p. 268) In fact, he was being specifically pilloried over this issue that Bush is talking to him about. That is, his invoking blanket executive privilege over public testimony by members of his staff. Nixon even said that the doctrine of executive privilege was not subject to question by the other branches of government. (ibid) What made it worse was that Dean was supposed to be writing a report on Watergate for the White House at the time. So he should have been an important witness. (ibid) Further, because Dean had cooperated with acting Director of the FBI Patrick Gray on Watergate, the threat was that if Dean did not testify, Gray would not be approved. (ibid, p. 269) So this made the issue Bush was addressing important booth in Congress and in the media. How bad did it get? It got so heated that three conservative GOP senators, Jim Buckley, John Tower, and Norris Cotton all implored the president to get Dean before congress. (ibid, p. 270) Weicker even wanted Haldeman to testify at this rather earl date. (ibid)

    So Bush was doing what several other Republican leaders were. By not informing you of that, by not specifically mentioning the circumstances and acts of many others, Baker tries to make what Bush did into some covert conspiratorial act. Which it is not. And that’s bad journalism. In fact, this whole section on Watergate is really a confession of bankruptcy on Baker’s part. Failing to find anything to implicate Bush in either the conventional or revisionist versions of Watergate, he concocted something that, for all intents and purposes, doesn’t exist. And then, after he produces nothing, he has the Hankeyan chutzpah to state that Bush was actually behind it all. (p. 232) Which is nothing but pretentious and bombastic balderdash.

    I almost don’t want to go on. But I should mention that what Baker does with the JFK and Watergate episodes is symptomatic of the rest of the book. He wants to somehow implicate the Bushes in crimes for which there is next to no evidence, while not reporting on the ones for which there is plenty of evidence. Therefore, somehow the Bushes are also involved in BCCI, the stealing of the Marcos Gold, and even the Phoenix Program. And there is about as much evidence in those instances as what Baker produces in the JFK and Watergate cases. My question then is: Why stop there? Why not involve them in the King and RFK cases Russ? (I hope I didn’t give him any ideas.)

    The overall poor quality of this book worries me. We are at a crossroads in America between the fall of the Old Media and the rise of the New. (See here for a view of that.) We know what we got from the Old Media, which is still hanging on. But if the New Media means a choice between the likes of The Huffington Post and The Daily Beast on the one hand, and the unfounded conspiracy mongering of the likes of Alex Jones and Family of Secrets on the other, then are we really any better off than we were before?

    I’m not sure.

  • John Hankey, Dark Legacy, aka JFK2 – replies


    A response from Jim DiEugenio

    posted by Bob (Fox) on Tue Mar 23, 2010 12:40 pm

    Originally I was not going to reply to John Hankey’s response about Seamus Coogan’s incisive and well-researched critique of JFK 2. But since both he and his henchman Michael Dell could not confine themselves to the facts of that critique, but have now launched a smear of the personal motives and trustworthiness of myself, Lisa Pease, Seamus and the site in general, I feel it necessary to do so.

    Why? Because on Black Op Radio, I have taken the time to praise this forum and to single out certain people on it. I have not done that with Spartacus, JFK Lancer, or DPF. Since I went out on a limb, I don’t want it sawed off below me by people like Hankey and Dell.

    I had no idea that Seamus was going to submit that essay on that subject until it was almost completely written. But some hints conveyed to me in advance were questions like the following: 1.) “Jim, didn’t Kennedy know the Bay of Pigs was going to be launched in advance?” 2.) “Did Delphine Roberts know Oswald was at the Lake Ponchatrain training camp?” 3.) “Who hired Hunt at the White House?” and 4.) “Have you ever heard anything about Prescott Bush actually running the CIA while Dulles was DCI?” My answers in order were: Yes, No, Colson, and No. When I asked Seamus what he was working on, he said it was a review of Hankey’s documentary. Hankey’s answer to those questions were No, Yes, Nixon and Yes. I said, “Are you serious?” He said, “Yes, I am. Its that bad.”

    I had seen Hankey’s video many years ago. I dismissed it as rather amateurish in technique, sophomoric in content, and specious in its scholarship. In the last it owed much to Paul Kangas, a man who I once lectured at a seminar with in San Francisco. And who Gary Aguilar warned me in advance about. He told me, “He’s our weak link.” In fact, Hankey’s penchant for accenting the dubious role of Nixon in the JFK case, and the false idea that Kennedy didn’t know about the Bay of Pigs invasion are borrowed from Kangas. Hankey does much borrowing, and all of it is indiscriminate. In fact the only things that may be actually Hankey’s are the things he makes up. Which I will discuss later.

    Let’s take Hankey’s opening paragraph as an example of his slick rhetorical technique. He says Seamus “concedes” the Hoover memo was about George Bush. This is ridiculous, as he does no such thing. Everyone realized this was so after the Joseph McBride articles appeared in the Nation, way back in 1988. And I find it odd that Hankey has so much trouble giving McBride credit for first publicizing the memo and then writing two good essays about Bush and the CIA. Why is it so hard for him to write McBride’s name, and date and source the articles properly? He actually tries to attribute them to Mark Lane, when Lane actually properly sources them to McBride as appendixes in Plausible Denial.

    He then states that “these misguided anti-Castro Cubans were in Dealey Plaza and shot Kennedy. Coogan pretends that I am alone in my position that this Bush-supervised group was directly involved. But that is precisely the principal thesis of mark Lane’s Plausible Denial…and Gaeton Fonzi….” This is pure balderdash. The Cubans Bush was allegedly associated with in the memo are never named in the memo. So what is the evidence that they are the same as those in Lorenz’s group? He produces none. And to conflate Fonzi with Lane on this issue is fundamentally dishonest. As Seamus pointed out, Fonzi in his fine book The Last Investigation, showed why Lorenz was not to be trusted on this point. He came to the conclusion she was trying to sell a screenplay. He explains why in detail on pages 83-107. Fonzi’s book came out in 1993, two years after Lane’s. Lane may have been unaware of this evidence against her. But Hankey should not have been. And used her tall tale anyway. After all, he needed some Cubans, any Cubans.

    The third point Hankey pulls out of a hat. He talks about a call to the FBI by Bush that is related to the James Parrot matter. He then says that Seamus concedes the point with his silence. John: Take a look at your film JFK 2 again. The Parrot matter is not in it. That is why Seamus is silent about it. You didn’t mention it there.

    As in his film, Hankey is very good at avoiding the central point: his film is full of factual errors, distortions, and illogic. To the point where he actually creates things that did not happen. In other words, as Seamus wrote, it is solipsistic, not realistic. How does he explain all these large and pitiful mistakes? In two ways.

    He needed a fact checker and could not hire one. And second, the errors he made are not of substance, they are minor.

    Concerning the first: Used books are not expensive, and neither is the Internet. I went through Seamus’ article with a fine tooth comb. The vast majority of his sources I found in my personal library or on the web. Somehow we are to believe that Hankey could not find out through any low cost source that there was no such thing as the “Senate Select Committee on Assassinations”? How about calling someone on the phone and asking them. He didn’t know that Delphine Roberts never claimed to see Oswald at that Cuban exile training camp? How about going to the library and checking out Tony Summers’ book Conspiracy. He really thought that the only source Hoover had about the CIA training camps in New Orleans was Oswald? How about calling up former FBI agent Warren DeBrueys and asking him if the Bureau knew about CIA covert ops and were warned to steer clear of them. None of these are expensive or time consuming. They consist of picking up a phone or driving to the local library. Hankey chose not to do them. He then complains about someone pointing out his myriad errors and blames it on lack of funds. When Seamus is a struggling graduate student.

    From here, without any foundation, he then begins his smear of Seamus. He attributes the fact that Seamus found his video chockfull of major errors—like one every two minutes—to the fact that he must have a dark and hidden motive. He is –get this—protecting the Bushes!! No John, nobody with any knowledge of modern history will do that. And if they did so I would not print the article. Seamus was very clear about that issue at the end. And he named just one of their crimes, the election heist of 2000. Your film detracts attention from their true crimes, in trying to impaste upon them one for which there is no credible evidence. As he said, what McBride wrote about proves that Bush lied when he said upon becoming CIA Director that he had no previous relationship with the Agency. And that is all the memo proves. It was you who went way beyond the actual words in the memo. Hankey then tries to say that he never tried to take credit for something he did not discover. Take a look at the subhead in the essay, which says, “Did you really do all that John?” These are quotes that have Hankey’s name attached to them. So he cannot deny he wrote them. He says it was he who proved that Bush was the man Hoover referred to in the memo. Nope. It was McBride who did so. He then wrote that he pointed out that the memo names Bush as a supervisor of the anti-Castro groups. It does not. He then says that that David Talbot’s Brothers further corroborates the material in his film about CIA trained Cubans and the Mafia. Yet Hankey is not even mentioned in the Talbot book. And try and find either Lorenz or Bush Sr. in that book. Seamus was correct on this score.

    He then tries to say that Mark Lane was the first to implicate George Bush Sr. in the JFK case. All that Lane did was reprint the McBride articles in his book. Period. He does not work them into the text. All he says is that Bush’s activities in the sixties are worthy of note. (p. 329) It was Hankey who took Lane’s sentence, and the memo, and accused the Bush family of being the prime movers behind the JFK assassination. He then tries to say that Fletcher Prouty was also a purveyor of this theory. All Prouty did was insinuate that Bush was involved in the Bay of Pigs operation. He probably was, but—as Seamus showed– Prouty was wrong about the name associations he used i.e. the ships and the name Zapata. So Lane made an error with Lorenz, Prouty did with the names. We all do. But instead of investigating those faulty points, Hankey built a false edifice from those errors. Which is one reason his film cannot be taken seriously.

    He then says he won’t take up the many small and silly objections Seamus makes, since he terms them misdirection and distraction. Really? Making up a scene in which Bill Colby is talking about Hunt and Bush being in Dallas and part of the hit team on Kennedy—when in fact there is no evidence for him either saying this or thinking it? That is not small and silly; it’s a huge and serious falsification. So is making up another scene where Bush Sr. walks into Hoover’s office with a couple of thugs and threatens him with a poison dart gun unless he writes the memo about him. (Did Michael Dell miss that?) That is the climax to the whole video. And Hankey has not one iota of evidence that it ever happened. It is a huge and misleading invention on his part. And Seamus was right to call him on it. In fact, when I read the essay I could not believe what I was reading. So I watched the video all the way through. Seamus was right about that scene, and the rest of it.. And it was one of the things that convinced me to print the essay. Work this bad—like say Waldron’s Ultimate Sacrifice– should not go unchallenged. And this is a main function of CTKA. To show why certain conspiracy oriented material should not be trusted. Because it makes us look stupid and silly. Can you imagine what say, Sixty Minutes, could do with JFK 2?

    Which brings us to Michael Dell. Who mysteriously showed up on the forum right after Seamus’ essay was published. And he started defending Hankey and attacking Seamus and CTKA. Why? Probably because he has had Hankey on his show more than once. And actually accepted these wild scenarios as credible. Dell did not ask Hankey: “John, what is your proof for Bush threatening Hoover with a poison dart gun after the JFK murder?” Or: “John, when did Colby ever say that Hunt and Bush were in Dallas and part of the hit team?” Or: “Why would Kennedy let the CIA launch the Bay of Pigs invasion without his approval?” Seamus did ask the questions that Dell did not. And for this, Dell attacks Seamus for doing what he should have done.

    Which leads into the whole thing about questioning me, Lisa and CTKA. Hankey hints at this but Dell takes it the length of the field. I love this one: “CTKA has no legitimate standards and is susceptible to producing..inferior material..I will no longer trust them….” etc. etc. Mr. Dell, if you could not ask Hankey about his source for the Bush pointing a gun at Hoover scene, its you with no standards. Unlike forums, our articles are peer reviewed. By people like Gary Aguilar, Mili Cranor, Dave Mantik etc. You probably have not heard of them, since they are good researchers. We are the only such peer-reviewed site out there. Which is why we have a lot of stature and respect. We get many submissions. And we turn down many of them, since they are rejected in the vetting process. Hankey’s video would have been returned to him politely with a short critique pointing out a sampling of his major errors. And I wager he would have ignored the points and facts so elucidated.

    And no we do not run rebuttals. Why? Because we negatively review too many articles, books, TV shows and DVD’s. I don’t want to spend anymore of my time—or my readers’– getting into point-counterpoint arguments with the likes of Lamar Waldron and David Kaiser. Or John Hankey. And Hankey’s reply here proves my stance correct.

    Finally, let me add one last point. Dell tries to save the day by saying that Seamus is wrong about Hankey because Horne proved Lifton’s thesis in Inside the ARRB. I wonder if Dell actually read the whole series, or if, like many others in the research community, he is relying on what someone wrote as a post on a forum. I also wonder how much time Dell has spent studying the medical evidence in this case. Finally, I wonder if he has consulted with experts in that field, like Mili Cranor or Aguilar about Lifton’s theory. I doubt if any of the above are true. He just wants to smear Seamus. There will be a multi-part review upcoming on CTKA about Inside the ARRB. Yet we demand, unlike other sites, that the reviewer read the entire work, and show mastery of the material. Its very much up in the air if Horne did what Dell said he did. But, as I said, that doesn’t matter to Dell.

    But it does matter to me.

    JIM DIEUGENIO


    Re: A response from Jim DiEugenio

    by Michael Dell on Tue Mar 23, 2010 4:32 pm

    Mr. DiEugenio,

    Thank you very much for taking the time to enter the discussion. However, I will take issue with your referring to me as a “henchman.”

    I’ve gone over this before, but the reason I “mysteriously” joined the message board was because I felt a wrong was committed, and I didn’t see anyone standing up for Mr. Hankey’s work. I didn’t start the topic. I joined it to voice my opinion. Nor did I “smear” Mr. Coogan. Again, I invite anyone to go back and reread the thread. My posts were nothing but respectful to Mr. Coogan. Yet he greeted my concerns with insults, personal attacks, and paranoia.

    You’re right. I had interviewed John Hankey. And I found him to be a fine fellow. He has been nothing but kind and respectful in our dealings. He’s a high school teacher in one of the poorest neighborhoods in Los Angeles. He’s a good man trying to do what’s right at a great sacrifice. He deserves more respect than Mr. Coogan or CTKA afforded him.

    If there are mistakes in Mr. Hankey’s work, it’s right and necessary to point them out. I want to learn what those mistakes are so I don’t repeat them. Yet it’s impossible to learn anything of substance when Mr. Coogan pens a review full of ad hom attacks, sarcastic comments, and condescension. Such a review would have been fine if it was on a personal blog. But I would like to think a serious investigative body like CTKA would have higher standards. That’s my opinion. You’re free to disagree with it. And, as you and Mr. Coogan have already displayed, you’re also free to insult me for it. But it doesn’t make that opinion less valid.

    And, as you can clearly see if you’ve been reading the thread, I’m not alone.

    You’re also correct in assuming I’m not a serious JFK researcher. Because I’m not, nor have I ever claimed to be. I actually have a life outside of this. I’m a student and a writer, both journalism and fiction. My interests are numerous and varied, from sports to Russian literature to consciousness studies to meditation and physics. I’m also fairly well read on countless conspiracy topics. However, I’m by no means an expert on JFK. That’s why I need to depend on, and am grateful for, the works of men like yourself, Mr. Coogan, and Mr. Hankey. That’s also why I need to know whom I can trust.

    In the past, I’ve trusted you and CTKA. I trust Black Op Radio. I trust Jim Marrs. So when I hear those people talking about Doug Horne and his work, I know I can put my faith in it. Again, I’m not a professional JFK researcher, I don’t have the time to read every book that comes out on the subject. That’s why trust is so important. And that’s why your jab at me for probably not having read Horne’s entire work is so preposterous.

    Exactly what were you trying to accomplish with that remark? So you’re saying I shouldn’t believe Doug Horne? You’re saying body alterations never took place? Because you realize that’s what Mr. Coogan said in his review of Mr. Hankey’s work, right? Yet you jump on me for believing Doug Horne without reading his entire work when my belief is based on listening to experts like yourself support Doug Horne. So once more, are you saying I shouldn’t trust you, Black Op, Jim Marrs, etc?

    And let me single out this line from that same paragraph…

    [i]”Yet we demand, unlike other sites, that the reviewer read the entire work, and show mastery of the material.”[/i}

    Really? Like the way Mr. Coogan reviewed the latest edition of Mr. Hankey’s film? Oh, wait. He didn’t. And he stated as much early in his review, rendering the rest of it completely meaningless. But I guess that must have slipped through the ol’ peer review process too.

    And your harping on the bit in Mr. Hankey’s film where he shows George Bush threatening Hoover with a poison dart gun is yet another strawman in your ever growing field of scarecrows. Mr. Hankey never says that’s what happened. He’s saying that’s what COULD have happened. It’s only his theory. And anyone watching the movie understands that. Trying to pretend otherwise is silly.

    But getting back on topic, I want to still be able to trust you and CTKA. That’s why I need you to help me and others like me. Instead of meeting our concerns with insults and pride, how about some professionalism and understanding?

    We’re on the same team here. Which once again brings me back to my original post on the subject. And I will ask the same questions of you that I asked of Mr. Coogan.

    1. If your goal is truth, why wouldn’t you and your group of peers reach out to Mr. Hankey and express your concerns before writing such a review?

    2. Why didn’t you ask Mr. Hankey to explain why he believes the things he does? If he’s wrong, you could help him understand why. It’s a teaching opportunity.

    3. Why didn’t you present Mr. Hankey with a copy of the review to get his response before publication?

    4. Why didn’t you even have the courtesy to inform Mr. Hankey the review was published?

    Again, if your goal is truth, shouldn’t you be working with people like John Hankey? He’s one of the good guys. If you think his research is flawed or he’s going down the wrong path, extend a helping hand, not a closed fist.

    Nothing you have said has changed my opinion of Mr. Coogan’s review. The quality of that piece remains the same and can be judged on its own merits. I still believe it to be an agenda-filled hit piece. The tone of the article and the language used makes it impossible for me to see it differently. My stating that opinion is in no way “smearing” Mr. Coogan. Besides, I believe Mr. Coogan has done a good enough job of that on his own with his behavior towards me.

    Finally, I will gladly extend an olive branch. Our shared goal is finding truth, no? I want to work with people like you to achieve that goal. I’d like to bring the community together, not fracture it. So I would be honored if you could come on the little podcast I do and hash things out. We can even try and get Mr. Hankey to come on too, and we can bury the hatchet once and for all and put all this ugliness behind us. I realize you’re no doubt a busy fella, but we can work around your schedule and record something at your convenience. The invitation is there if you’re willing to accept it.

    Namaste.


    Re: Seamus Coogan on John Hankey

    by Bob (Fox) on Tue Mar 23, 2010 4:43 pm

    This thread is why this forum is the best JFK assassination forum on the Net. Lots of great arguments and discussion here. I appreciated Jim D responding like he did. The same goes with John Hankey. I’m sure more will be said later as well. Most of you know this, as Jim has mentioned this on BOR (Black Op Radio), plus I’ve mentioned it here as well, but I will hopefully have an article that will be on CTKA soon. Jim has mentioned this forum on BOR as well, giving us some kudos for our work. As most of you also know, Seamus and I have had some pretty vigorous debates about the Bu$hes role in the JFK assassination and other events, like 9/11. Like I’ve said before…debate is good. That is what this thread is all about. Now, in terms of the article by Seamus, as I’ve said before, he did uncover some mistakes and some invalid assumptions that John had in JFK II. The story was long and well researched. Was Seamus a bit overzealous and harsh in his review of John’s film? Perhaps. To be fair to John, he has upgraded JFK II to a newer version called Dark Legacy, which I have only seen parts of. I think we all should view that film before we make any final conclusions. That being said, I do think John’s overall premise was correct in JFK II. Could it have been produced more effectively? No doubt. But that is why John has upgraded the film to it’s latest version. Now I do disagree with Seamus about the way he ended the article. This is what I said earlier in this thread…

    Finally in his essay, Seamus sees no connection between the JFK assassination and 9/11. Seamus is also from New Zealand and not from the United States, so understand his perspective. But in my opinion, he is wrong. The biggest evidence of that CLEAR connection is Operation Northwoods…

    http://whatreallyhappened.com/WRHARTICL … woods.html

    Take a good look at the plan. A REAL good look. This was a plan that ALL the joint chiefs wanted to take place. It was also endorsed by Allen Dulles and the Bu$h boys as well. This plan was given to JFK in March of 1962. JFK refused to implement this horrific idea. But an incompetent dolt that stole an election in 2000 named Dumbya Bu$h didn’t refuse. Operation Northwoods was almost a blueprint for the events that happened on 9/11/2001. Instead of Cuba in 1962, it was Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001. It is now 2010, and we are still there. The CIA is happy. The war profiteers are happy. The military industrial complex is happy. Meanwhile, the MSM still sleeps, just like they have since the JFK assassination.

    Now that is my belief. Do I have any concrete proof? No. But there are a lot of pieces of the puzzle that fit.

    Now in terms of Michael Dell, Michael did have John on his radio show. I think that is the biggest reason he defended the review by Seamus. Also, I have listened to a number of shows that Michael has done, and although the format of his show isn’t strictly politics, it is clear that Michael is on the CT team.

    I was recently on one of his shows as well, and although we talked briefly about the JFK assassination, most of the show was about hockey and football. We talked about the magic bullet theory and how ridiculous it is, plus what Gerald Ford on the Warren Commission did to raise the wound on JFK’s back to make it fit the silly theory.

    We also talked about the head wound the doctors saw at Parkland immediately after the assassination. It was clear to them that the large hole in the back of JFK’s head was an exit wound.

    We talked a bit about Operation Northwoods and the Cuban Missile Crisis and also the great new books by Jim Douglass and Doug Horne.

    No mention of Seamus’ article. No mention of John Hankey.

    Bottom line, we all need to take a deep breath and remember we are all on the same team. Like I said earlier, the lone nut team never debates the disinformation they put out there. Why? Their heads are in the sand, they drink the kool aid and they are bought off.

    We on the CT team however, are always searching for the truth. We have disagreements at times. We have theories that are laughed at…at first. But we keep digging. Folks like Mark Lane, Jim Marrs, Robert Groden, Jack White, Jim DiEugenio, Lisa Pease, Wim Dankbaar, Jim Fetzer, Tom Rossley, John Judge, Dick Russell, David Lifton, Michael Calder and company lead the way.

    The new books by Douglass and Horne have gotten us closer to the real truth about 11/22/1963 then we have ever been before.

    We have a political voice as well in Jesse Ventura.

    Gil Jesus has done a fantastic job on You Tube and I’ve seen others there who also have put out excellent work.

    The JFK assassination forums have done great work as well, especially ours. All of you should take bows.

    We try to educate and learn. We also debate. That is what a forum does. All sides need to be heard. That is what this thread has done.

    Just choose your words carefully and be respectful.

    WE ARE ALL ON THE SAME TEAM.

    And we are going to WIN!


    Re: Seamus Coogan on John Hankey

    by Dealey Joe on Tue Mar 23, 2010 5:01 pm

    Mr. Dell

    Why not have John Hankee and Seamus Coogan on your show?

    makes more sense to me.


    Re: Seamus Coogan on John Hankey

    by Michael Dell on Tue Mar 23, 2010 5:33 pm

    Dealey Joe wrote: “Mr. Dell – Why not have John Hankee and Seamus Coogan on your show? makes more sense to me.”

    Well, from my past experiences with Mr. Coogan, I’m not sure he’d be open to such an invitation. But I have no animosity towards Mr. Coogan. And if he’d be willing, I’d be happy to have him on the show…


    Re: Seamus Coogan on John Hankey

    by Michael Dell on Tue Mar 23, 2010 5:34 pm

    Bob wrote: “Just choose your words carefully and be respectful. WE ARE ALL ON THE SAME TEAM.”

    Well said, sir. And that’s the point I’ve been trying to make from the start…


    Re: Seamus Coogan on John Hankey

    by ThomZajac on Tue Mar 23, 2010 6:04 pm

    From my perspective, this mostly boils down to a matter of delivery.

    Certainly there will never be complete agreement regarding every key point.

    The real issue becomes how we choose to discuss and disagree and make our points.

    As Bob has said many times, we can be passionate without being disrespectful.

    Coogan’s hit piece on Hankey was disrespectful- and there was no need for it to be. I’ve been publishing a newspaper for 25 years and I couldn’t imagine writing a critical story about someone or some business without contacting them for comment before publishing. Hankey is accessible. For Coogan to write such a mean-spirited piece without the professional courtesy of contacting him so that he might address some of the criticisms is simply unforgivable. Add to that the policy of not allowing equal time or even a rebuttal, and you’ve got the lowest kind of ‘journalism’ that there could ever possibly be- no matter how valid the article’s points.

    I’d like to think that we demand more of ourselves than that.

    Let’s follow the fine examples set by Bob, and Michael Dell.


    Re: Seamus Coogan on John Hankey

    by Michael Dell on Tue Mar 23, 2010 6:33 pm

    ThomZajac wrote: “I’d like to think that we demand more of ourselves than that.  Let’s follow the fine examples set by Bob, and Michael Dell.”

    Thank you, sir.

    And Thom brings up an important point. Perhaps it’s merely a question of background and perspective. Thom has a journalism background. Bob is a journalist. I’m a sportswriter and a fiction writer. We’re seeing the review from that perspective. Mr. Coogan and Mr. DiEugenio are no doubt ace researchers, but perhaps they don’t understand or appreciate concerns expressed about the delivery of the facts they present.

    I’m guessing Mr. Coogan and Mr. DiEugenio are rather focused in their pursuits, and maybe they don’t pay as much attention to the use of words and language as they should. By the same token, perhaps Mr. Hankey doesn’t know as much about their respective strengths in researching and sourcing.

    But to bury Mr. Hankey for his flaws and then take no responsibility for your own is, in my opinion, reckless. And it doesn’t advance our shared cause.

    Which brings me back to my original point. I simply don’t understand why CTKA wouldn’t reach out to Mr. Hankey and work together. It would seem to be a natural pairing. Mr. Coogan and Mr. DiEugenio have the expert knowledge of obscure source material and researching skills. Mr. Hankey knows how to present things in an easily accessible, entertaining way. Why not work together and help each other out?

    And I’m sorry, but the decisions to not reach out to Mr. Hankey, to not contact him about the review, and to not even alert him the review was published, to me, all betray an agenda. Like Thom said, that’s not how journalism works. And if you conduct yourself in such a way, you must be willing to accept criticism for it.

    I just hope everyone, myself included, can learn from this entire exchange. And remember, we’re in this together. Be the change you want to see in the world. If you want people to treat you and your colleagues with more respect, extend that same respect to others, even those who disagree with you.

    Namaste.


    Re: Seamus Coogan on John Hankey

    by Bob (Fox) on Wed Mar 24, 2010 2:29 am

    This will be the final post on this thread. It’s the last reply from Jim D. After this…I am done with this subject. We have had our chances to voice our opinions in this thread. They are here for all to see. I would like to say more as well…trust me…but decorum prevents me from doing so. It’s time to move on. Jimmy Files would appreciate this…this isn’t Joliet…but we now have a lockdown here at our forum…


    Mr. Dell, I really do not see how anyone can take seriously your resistance to being called a henchman for John Hankey in this affair. Especially when you state that “a wrong was committed” against him. In my view, after editing Seamus’ long essay, and checking his sources thoroughly, the wrong was by Mr. Hankey and the victim was the historical record. Which is clearly something you did not check before you had him on your show. But, now you attack Seamus because he did check the record. Hmm.

    And what is the reason you are so outraged against Seamus and CTKA? Because you met Mr. Hankey and “I found him to be a fine fellow. He has been nothing but kind and respectful in our dealings…He’s a good man trying to do what’s right at great sacrifice. He deserves more respect than Mr. Coogan or CTKA afforded him”

    Mr. Dell, what is deserving of respect is not a man’s charm, or niceness, or his job. What deserves respect in CTKA’s eyes is the quality of a man’s work. That is, the thoroughness of his scholarship, the rigor of his logic, the quality of his perceptions, the number of important interviews he does, and the important documents he uncovers. In that regard, Hankey’s film is so mistake riddled, so illogical, so full of deductive errors of reasoning, that what is shocking is that no one had skewered it sooner. Certainly, you were not going to. Hankey is just too nice.

    How do you deal with the sorry string of errors in JFK 2? With this: “If there are mistakes in Mr. Hankey’s work, its right and necessary to point them out.” So you want to have it both ways. You say “If there are…” Which in light of Seamus’ essay is a ridiculous statement. There are literally dozens of errors of every kind in the pseudo documentary. So many that it is actually shocking. Just consider:

    1. Mossadegh and Arbenz were not killed in CIA overthrows.
    2. Ganges was not a doctor in 1963
    3. Who believes that 13 bullets were fired in Dealey Plaza, and what is the evidence for that ballistically or acoustically?
    4. Roy Kellerman was not looking in the back seat at the time of the shooting.
    5. What is the evidence for Connally seeing Kennedy choking on a bullet and being shot in the head?<
    6. It is not true that there was no evidence against Oswald by the evening of the murder.
    7. The mystery of who shot JFK is not “easier to answer than you think”.
    8. The CIA memo about supplying an alibi for Hunt on 11/22/63 was not written by Helms.
    9. Operation Zapata was not named after Bush’s oil company.
    10. There is no evidence that either the ships Barbara or the Houston were named by Bush Sr.
    11. Nixon did not bring Hunt into the White House.
    12. There is no credible evidence that Nixon was in on the JFK plot, so why picture him with a rifle pointed at Kennedy in the limo?
    13. The Rubenstein document is very likely a forgery. And it was not “recently discovered”.
    14. There is no evidence, let alone proof, that LBJ blackmailed Nixon about his role in the JFK case on a phone call.
    15. There is no evidence, let alone proof, that Nixon hired Connally because they worked on the JFK hit together.
    16. Hoover was not a crack investigator or heroic anti-Fascist. Just look at what he did in the Palmer Raids. Or the McCarthy years.<
    17. Hunt was not found guilty of murder at the Liberty Lobby trial.
    18. There is no evidence, let alone proof, that Prescott Bush picked Nixon out of crowd and decided to be the prime backer of his early political career.
    19. There is no evidence, let alone proof, of any sinister connection between Nixon and Hunt in 1963 on the JFK plot
    20. There is no evidence, let alone proof, that Prescott Bush was the real power behind DCI Allen Dulles at CIA.

    Let me digress on this last point. Because it reveals Hankey’s methods in the use of evidence. As Seamus showed in his essay, there is no mention of this Bush for Dulles substitution in either of the two standard reference books on the CIA. So what does Hankey now do? He says that Prescott Bush was on a committee of inquiry in the Chou En Lai assassination affair. Dulles asked him for the status of the inquiry and Prescott declined to tell him. Therefore Prescott was really the power behind Dulles at CIA. Which is a totally illogical deduction. Every so often there is an internal inquiry at CIA. During the Dulles years there were, for example, the Bruce-Lovett report and the Lyman Kirkpatrick report on the Bay of Pigs. If Dulles has asked David Bruce, Robert Lovett or Kirkpatrick to divulge anything from their reports before it was done, and they had refused, would that mean that these three men were really in charge at CIA and not Allen Dulles? Of course not. The very question seems ridiculous. But these are the illogical lengths that Hankey will go to in twisting evidence to buttress his baseless theory.

    Now I stopped at 20 serious errors. Yet I only got halfway through the show. I would have gotten to about forty in an 88 minute presentation. And I should note, I edited Seamus’ essay down from 54 pages to 34 pages. Simply because I thought it was overkill. So unedited, it would have come to at lest 50 errors. Which is simply unacceptable and intolerable for an 88 minute documentary. And that is the key word. This is supposed to be a documentary. Which is what makes the error rate shocking. So for Dell to use the phrase, “If there are mistakes in Mr. Hankey’s work”, this is simply an attempt to whitewash the truth. There are so many errors that they should offend any serious person’s sensibilities. Yet they are not offensive at all to Mr. Dell. After all Hankey is a “fine fellow” who has been “kind and respectful in or dealings”. And that excuses an academic debacle like JFK 2.

    I don’t know what he means about Horne’s work. CTKA has not published any part of the upcoming five-part review of Inside the ARRB. And I have said very little about it on Black Op Radio. To read a book(s) that long takes weeks, maybe a month. And then to compose one’s thoughts and write it out, that takes almost as long. But having read much of it, and having followed the controversy about Lifton’s book for many years, it’s not correct to say that somehow Horne’s book “proves” Best Evidence. Only someone with sub standard scholarly standards would say so. And only someone who has not consulted with the best medical people in the field. And, although I like him and Crossfire is a good overview book, Marrs is not a medical authority. (Ever hear of “The Signal and the Noise”?)

    I love how you tried to score us on not reviewing Dark Legacy with JFK 2. Seamus explained this upfront. If you read his essay—which you are trying to ignore the contents of, he said many, many more people have seen JFK 2 than Dark Legacy. Because it has been around much longer and since it is online. So I told Seamus that I would buy Dark Legacy later and review it with Baker’s Family of Secrets. Since the whole Parrot episode that Hankey uses there is dealt with at length in the Baker book. So CTKA will have reviewed the whole Bush trio at length and in depth. Who else has done so? (By the way, you broke your own rule here. You did not ask me beforehand if I planned on reviewing Dark Legacy before you attacked me. Strange double standard you have.)

    This last point relates to you rather odd view of critical procedure. You take me to task for not consulting with Hankey or “reaching out ‘ to him before publishing Seamus’ article. Or giving him a copy of the review beforehand. I don’t know where you learned this strange procedure. There have been about 13 reviews published of my two JFK books. In not one instance has anyone ever consulted with me beforehand, reached out to me, or even sent me a review. Never. This is why publishers have clipping services.

    I love the point you make about the Bush threatening Hoover scene with a poison dart gun being excusable since it only “could happen”. Mr. Dell, almost anything “could happen”. I mean Roscoe White could have been firing at Kennedy from the roof of the TSBD with a uranium bullet in a sabot. He could have then jumped down into a rubber blanket held by three accomplices on the Dallas police force in civilian clothes. That “could have happened”. Do you think it did happen? Would you like to see it in a documentary on the JFK case? It is the job of the documentary filmmaker to show us what DID happen, or if not, the closest approximation of what happened with the best and most reliable evidence available. What evidence is there for this preposterous product of a fevered imagination? Is it in any book on Hoover? Are there witnesses who saw it? Are there witnesses who heard about it? Was it in Hoover’s appointments book to meet with George Bush after the assassination? Did his longtime secretary Helen Gandy ever tell anyone about it? Did Tolson? Did DeLoach? So why use such a wild and fantastic scene at all? Especially in a documentary film? And why would you defend it, and then say that its CTKA that has no standards? Wow.

    Finally, I will pass on the podcast. I don’t think we are “on the same team here.” Not by a longshot. Just wait until you see my review of Dark Legacy.

    Over and out. No more posts by me on Mr. Dell or Hankey.

    JAMES DIEUGENIO


    Re: Seamus Coogan on John Hankey

    by John Hankey on Thu Mar 25, 2010 9:55 pm

    There isn’t now, nor has there ever been any issue raised by DiEugenio or Coogan that is worth discussing except one:

    Does the evidence support the finding that George HW Bush was involved in the assassination. All else is obfuscation.

    DiEugenio and Coogan concede that the Bush of the memo is our very own George HW. McBride (all praise and glory to him; blessed be his name) located another George Bush at CIA and got a statement from him that he wasn’t the Bush of the memo. That, says, DiEugenio, settles the question and “proves” it was our George. Fine and dandy. I felt it wasn’t sufficient, and tried to gather the circumstantial evidence to prove the point more definitively. But fine. It was him.

    DiEugenio and Coogan (henceforth D&C) say that’s all it means. It doesn’t connect Bush to the assassination or to the “misguided anti-Castro Cubans”. So let me ask you, Jim, or Seamus, and any one else, to take up these following points, which are relevant to the issue; and to skip the bullshit:

    1) The title of the memo in question is, “Assassination of President John Fitzgerald Kennedy”. The title is NOT “Misguided anti-Castro Cubans”; or “Response to State Dept. Inquiry”; or any of dozens of other possible titles. Hoover thought it was relevant to the assassination, obviously. D&C don’t think so; they don’t want you to think so; and they attack me for drawing what seems to me a starkly obvious conclusion: that a memo, titled “Assassination of President John Fitzgerald Kennedy”, that named Bush as a member of the CIA, ties him to the assassination. I mean, are these not ludicrous points for me to have to make? Why the Bleep do you, D&C, think Mark Lane saw fit to include the memo in his book??? Why The Bleep did he feel it was relevant to a book about Hunt, Lorenz, and the assassination??? I may have holes in my socks. My underwear may need changing. I haven’t vacuumed my carpet in a couple of weeks. Attack me for that. But good grief!! For me to suggest that this memo links Bush to the assassination is not something that deserves to be attacked with the air of disregard both of you have brought to this debate. I think the entire discussion group should be offended. And say so. For an important number of researchers, the minute Hunt told the Washington Post “I’m a CIA assassin,” their immediate reaction was “OMG. He killed JFK!” I was a teenager when I attended a speech by Donald Freed entitled, “From Dallas to Watergate.” He connected Hunt to the misguided anti-Castro Cubans and then to the assassination; and he did it without the benefit of the Hoover Bush memo.

    2) The Hoover Bush memo says that the FBI requested that the CIA send representatives to receive this report. If the report had been presented telephonically, Hoover’s memo would have said so. Bush received the report in person. No reasonable doubt. The report was given by a man in the FBI’s upper echelon. I presume, therefore, that it was given at FBI headquarters in Washington. That would be standard. If it was given somewhere else, I think we might assume that Hoover would have mentioned it. But it’s not an important point. The critical point is that if the FBI calls you up and says they want to give you a report, you don’t send the teenager who walks your dog. Jim is a school teacher. If the FBI calls the principal and says that they have a report that the English teachers are using bootleg copies of some textbook, and they want the principal to send someone to receive their report of the results of their investigation, who is the principal going to send? The janitor? A PE teacher? Or the English Department chair? Duh! Again, it is an obvious point. Not quite so obvious as the first. But it is an extremely reasonable extrapolation to say that the memo powerfully suggests that Bush was supervising these Cubans. So why the attack upon me for doing so?

    3) “So!” say D&C, “what is the evidence that they are the same as those in Lorenz’s group? He produces none.” (That is an exact quote, by the way) Well, if I had provided no other evidence than the implications of the memo itself, I think the points 1&2 above are sufficiently powerful so as to suggest that the allegation of Bush’s connection to the assassins is worth considering. Don Freed figured that if you were in the CIA in ‘63, you were suspect. D&C characterize the following as “none”.

    a) Bush and Hunt came to the White House within a few months of each other, to work for Nixon. Bush insisted on a White House office, very unusual for a UN ambassador. Again, regardless of D&C’s objections and obfuscations, Haldeman says that no one could figure out how Hunt got an office in the White House. OK. They both worked in the White House at the same time. DiEugenio would not dispute that Watergate was a CIA operation. He probably would dispute that Bush was a high ranking CIA officer at this time. But it’s obvious that he was. I’m sure DiEugenio would say, that doesn’t connect him to Hunt! He would have you believe that Bush had nothing to do with Watergate. Or if he did, that doesn’t connect him to Hunt. Or if it did, that doesn’t connect him to Hunt in Dallas in 1963. We’ll get to that in a minute. D&C both continue to ignore Haldeman’s statement that when Nixon told the FBI not to investigate Hunt, because “you’ll uncover the whole Bay of Pigs thing”, that Nixon was talking about the Kennedy assassination. Come on Jim. Take this up. It links Nixon to the assassination. It shows that he knew Hunt was involved! But DiEugenio tries desperately to make the point that Colson, not Nixon, hired Hunt. The implication is that Nixon knew nothing about Hunt, because Colson hired him. Well who the Bleep told Nixon that Hunt was connected to the Kennedy assassination? Jim? Can you help us out? Do you want to suggest that Colson told him? Based upon what? Colson had no connection to CIA operations. But, as I point out in the movie, Bush was involved in the same operation, the Bay of Pigs, at the same time, in the same location, that Hunt was. DiEugenio, on Black Op radio 463, raises the strawman, that I said Nixon hired Hunt; and that means, according to DiEugenio, that I say that Hunt was serving Nixon’s interest. Of course I never said any such thing. If I were asked, I’d say that Hunt was working for Bush during Watergate, as he was at the Bay of Pigs, and in Dallas on November 22, 1963. Well, there can scarcely be any doubt whatsoever about two of those. In the context of the Hoover memo, its title, and its naming of Bush, there can scarcely be any doubt about any of them. How can anyone honestly characterize this as “no evidence”. They can’t. DiEugenio is not who he pretends to be; he is not who I, until a little over a week ago, I thought he was. At very least, he’s vastly dishonest in the defense of Bush.

    b) I linked Connally to the assassination. Well, you buy that or you don’t. The day of the assassination, Connally said he saw the president slump before he was shot. That was a lie. The film shows he did not see Kennedy before he was shot. He said it, I supposed, to counter the numerous witnesses who said JFK was thrown violently backwards by a bullet from the knoll. And then months later, on cue, Connally changed his story to accord with the single bullet theory. In addition, Connally says the recognized the first shot as an assassin’s rifle shot; but the Zapruder film shows him sitting there calmly, holding his Stetson. You make of that what you will. D&C thinks it means nothing. I think it links Connally to the assassination. And Haldeman says Connally said, “You can’t bring me to the White House until you find something for Bush.” Ok. Pretty weak. I’ve actually cut it out of the latest version. But it’s not nothing. It’s clutching at straws. And it’s a straw. But it’s not nothing. It’s worthy of discussion. It reveals an otherwise invisible, that is secret, connection between Bush and (to me) a clear assassination participant.

    c) Bush’s co-founder in Zapata Oil, Bill Liedtke, provided the hush money that was paid to Hunt. It’s another connection between Hunt and Bush. No doubt. Well, no doubt in anyone’s mind but D&C. They can’t even see it. To them, it’s not weak evidence. To them, it doesn’t exist.

    d) When CIA agent Felix Rodriguez went to Ramon Rodriguez, the cocaine money launderer, to ask for money, he said, “Bush sent me.” Ramon had written the checks for Hunt, with the money from Liedtke. Felix didn’t know Ramon. But obviously Bush did. How? I suggest that Bush knew Ramon because he was in charge of getting the hush money for Hunt from Liedtke, and to Hunt through Ramon Rodriguez. If it weren’t for all the other stuff, this would be pretty slim. Taken altogether, I think this wraps up Bush pretty tightly with Hunt, before, during, and after Dallas ‘63. The Kennedy assassination is the most tightly held CIA operation in all of history. Given that, we should expect to find nothing. In that context, this is a load of evidence. But forget all that.

    e) The FBI memo, recording Bush’s phone call the day of the assassination, claiming he was in Tyler Texas, but explaining that he would be in Dallas that night. Russ Baker in Family of Secrets, reveals that the Dallas Morning News carried an ad saying Bush was speaking in Dallas the night before. DiEugenio called this truly wonderful book “vaporous”, whatever that means. But it’s not a nice word. I raised this book and the evidence in it in my first response. And what is DiEugenio’s response? Read for yourself:

    “He (Hankey) talks about a call to the FBI by Bush that is related to the James Parrot matter. He then says that Seamus concedes the point with his silence. John: Take a look at your film JFK 2 again. The Parrot matter is not in it. That is why Seamus is silent about it. You didn’t mention it there.”

    No Jim? I suppose. I needed Wim Daankbar to hook me up with this FBI memo (thanks Wim!). And in every rehash, of the four or five I’ve done the last six years, it’s been there. But, OK, Seamus didn’t see it. He’s off the hook on that one. But you’re not. Where’s your response to this memo, putting Bush in Dallas, on duty, the day of the assassination??? Your response is to call this powerful list of connections between Bush and Hunt “none”. What are we to make of this? What are we to think about a person capable of such lies, and in such a dubious cause.

    I have, until this episode, been a huge fan of Jim’s. When it comes to dismantling the Warren report and it’s defenders, he is incomparable. No? Or that was my opinion. What the hell happened? Why is he defending Bush in this insanely dishonest fashion? Mike Ruppert was my hero before he persuaded me he was an evil prick. DiEugenio actually makes a favorable mention of Ruppert on Black Op radio 463. I thought I was going to be physically ill when I heard this. So on Black Op he promotes Ruppert. But in his rebuttal in this forum, he doesn’t make any mention of Ruppert, or my charges against him and Lisa Pease for their role in denying Gary Webb an autopsy. How about that, Jim? Care to weigh in on a Bush critic who shoots himself in the head twice, with a .38, and doesn‘t get an autopsy? No. You’re right to shut the bleep up on that score.

    In his rebuttal on this forum DiEugenio makes this stunning remark: “So Lane made an error with Lorenz.” This remark is stunning on a number of counts.

    1) It is stunning, for a person of Diegueno’s (now-apparently ill-deserved) status to be so evasive and deceptive. The issue is not really Lorenz credibility. It is Mark Lane’s. It is Lane who says Hunt is guilty; and Lane cites Lorenz, as part of a vast array of evidence in support of that finding. I said this in my original remarks, that it is Lane who said Hunt was guilty. DiEugenio misdirects your attention away from the primary “Lane says Hunt is guilty” thesis towards the “Lane believes Lorenz” thesis. Lorenz is a distraction. And DiEugenio, for good reason, avoids confrontingm Lane’s central thesis in order to harp on a single piece of evidence for that thesis: Lorenz.

    2) DiEugenio gives us “So Lane made an error with Lorenz;” and what does he offer in support? Zip. We are to discard Lane in favor of DiEugenio based upon what? DiEugenio’s incomparable credibility? Not anymore, I hope. Destroying DiEugenio’s credibility is my central goal at the moment. Have I accomplished it yet?

    3) DiEugenio was on Black Op radio to promote Coogan’s attack on me on Feb. 28 (463), But a week later, Lane was on, minutes before DiEugenio came on (this is 464). They shared the same show (though not simultaneously). During his portion of the show, Lane pointed out that Lorenz had cited Sturgis and Hemmings as being in the cars that drove to Dallas for the assassination. And Lane, on the show, says that both Sturgis and Hemmings have corroborated that story, saying that they were there and involved in the assassination. So Jim, Mark Lane has the statements of two of the killers to back up his belief in Lorenz’s story. And you have what?

    Finally, during his time on Black Op Radio #463, Jim also attacks somebody’s website for not allowing rebuttals. He laughs about it. It’s ridiculous to him. And then he writes in his rebuttal to me “And no we do not run rebuttals.” Well, I won’t dispute the wisdom of that policy when applied to Warren Commission defenders. However, I’m not a Warren Commission defender. But I’m interested in much more than attacking the Warren Commission. I’m interested in getting beyond the obvious point that Oswald didn‘t act alone, getting at who was behind the killing, and going after them. How can you possibly fail to distinguish between the two? I think that is an essential question for us, your former fans, in trying to divine your motives. Everything you have said on the subject of Bush’s guilt is fundamentally dishonest, in that even when you are right on some minor point, you utterly misrepresent the significance as being somehow fundamental. The good thing is we have learned something important about who you really are. The terrible thing is that you have been a spokesman for the assassination community on important other matters, and you have utterly undermined our faith in your honesty.

    ******************

    That’s a rousing close; and I hate to bring this up, instead of ending there. But in divining who Jim DiEugenio is, and what is going on, I think it’s worth noting: The person representing themselves as Seamus has gotten his hands on a disk that doesn’t contain the Hoover memo, and does contain all this other stuff about Oswald and ice darts and whatnot. That’s interesting. There probably never were more than a dozen such disks on the planet. Maybe fewer. I sent one to Kris Millegan; who offered some suggestions for corrections, which I incorporated; and he referred me to Wim; and I sent him one. And he made some additional suggestions, including getting rid of the Bush-with-the-ice-dart story; and incorporating the Ruby Nixon memo, and the Bush FBI memo from the day of the assassination. And I immediately incorporated those changes, before offering the disk to the public at large, ever. So I would guess that absolutely no one who actually dragged themselves all the way through to the end of Seamus’s hatchet job recognized what he was talking about. Now I know Seamus didn’t get this early early version from Wim. Or from Kris. He’s in bleeding New Zealand for Krike’s sake; or so the story goes. But I smell a big fat rat. And I call on Seamus to explain himself. Where’d you get it Seamus? From the FBI? It reminds me of Bush’s phone call the day of the assassination. I love it when smart asses screw themselves up, being so damn clever. By the way, I’d be happy to sell a copy of the latest version. Wait! He knows the latest version exists. He knows it’s “slick”. So why the hell is he using a six-year old version? To what purpose? And where’d he get it?

    ***************************************

    Anyone who cares to can take up for themselves the myriad irrelevant details that DiEugenio raises in objecting to my work, and decide for themselves if they have any merit. But he raises four as being major, and they’re easily dispensed with, so let me take them up, after pointing out that they indict him more than me, for suggesting that they in any way relate to the case against Bush.

    He says 1.) “Jim, didn’t Kennedy know the Bay of Pigs was going to be launched in advance?” This is an utterly irrelevant distraction from the question at hand; but it is a vitally important point, I think, in terms of understanding History, and current affairs. And for that reason, it seems appropriate to me that DiEugenio should rail about it, from the wrong side. That is, I see him as a key disinformer, so if he portrays this as key, it might be – just not in the way he suggests.

    I understand that the vast majority of expert opinion is that Kennedy approved the invasion and then refused to provide air cover. This includes experts like Fletcher Prouty, who had a very inside view from which to judge. But I don’t find the story that Kennedy approved the invasion plausible on a number of scores. But my opinion is beside the point, in the face of cold hard evidence:

    Days after the assassination, Kennedy called Maxwell Taylor out of retirement and assigned him and Bobby to conduct an investigation into what happened at the Bay of Pigs. They conducted a series of depositions with leading players, including frontline CIA officers on board the Houston and the Barbara J, and Cubans, and cabinet officers. The transcripts of these depositions was published under the title Operation Zapata, about 20 years ago. I think I encountered a reference to it in Fabian Escalante’s book, or in ZR Rifles. In any case, I found the actual US Gov. publication in the local library. The transcripts reveal that when the CIA proposed the invasion, Kennedy turned it down flat. He said he didn’t want any “D-day sort of invasion” (his exact words), but that if the agency wanted to sneak some guerillas into the mountains at night, that would be acceptable. One of the cabinet officials tried to claim that the large invasion had been approved at one particular meeting, and Bobby interrupted him to let him know that he (Bobby) was there and there was no such discussion. One of the CIA officers in command of one of the ships explained that he had been instructed to tell the Cubans, after they were all loaded up and on their way, that the invasion had been called off; and to make sure that they mutinied and went ahead with it anyway. There is real drama in all this. Dulles is sitting there. His underling is ordered, by Maxwell Taylor, the highest rank in the military, to rat Dulles out. The underling looks at Dulles, then at Taylor, and then tells this detailed story of how Dulles planned to get around Kennedy’s rejection of the invasion by pretending to call it off at the last minute, and then blaming it on a Cuban “mutiny”. The officer explained how he had been instructed not to wear side arms, and to be sure to encourage the Cubans to mutiny. But, he said, the Cubans weren’t having any part of a mutiny, and he had to explain the entire scenario to them and assure them that it wasn’t really a mutiny, that they had the complete backing of the US, and that had to proceed. Which they reluctantly did, now unnerved by this attempted charade.

    You could argue that this document is somehow dishonest. But I don’t find this plausible on a number of counts. First, why would create this false document, and then tell absolutely no one. I have never encountered anyone who has heard of it. Second, I find the story more than plausible. The Pentagon had approved the CIA’s plan, stupid as it was. But none of the generals got fired. If Dulles, Bissell, and Cabell got fired, it could not have been for offering a bad opinion, could it? You see, if the President agreed to the invasion, it was his opinion too. That’s just not how things work. You don’t fire knowledgeable people because you and your advisors all decided to take their advice. But if Dulles etc. went ahead with an invasion plan that Kennedy had explicitly rejected, that’s quite another matter, isn’t it? The notion that Kennedy would approve the invasion in the first place is also implausible. Kennedy believed in the right of people to choose their own form of government, and he was sympathetic with Castro’s populism. Bobby, in particular, would have been hugely sympathetic to what Castro did to the Mafia. This first is a critical point. Kennedy was not willing to fight a popular movement in Vietnam, even if it was communist; because it was popular. Kennedy was genuinely pro-democracy. He was also against murdering foreign leaders, whether it was Diem or Castro or Khruchev. And finally, Kennedy objected to the notion that the giant power of the US should be brought to bear upon this tiny little island. He said so, in so many words.

    This is not a small deal. It is thoroughly revealing about the extent to which we watch a shadow show, and the extent to which 99.99999999999% of the population may be left in the dark about really large and critical issues (like whether Kennedy approved the initial invasion or not). I think it relates to a number of issues. Clinton says he knew nothing about the genocide in Rwanda. Romeo Dillaire and many others attacked Clinton bitterly for his failure to take low-cost zero-threat actions to scare the killers (like jamming their radio station, threatening the leaders by name over their own radio, and buzzing the treetops of the capital with jets). Clinton’s National Security Advisor, Anthony Lake, a Kissinger protégé, apparently didn’t tell Clinton, though Lake had complete information on events in the first minutes that they began. I believe the Fort Hood shooting was an op. But I think the evidence shows powerfully that Obama wasn‘t involved in it. Obama has been attacked by the PNAC crowd for refusing to call this Islamic Terrorism; and he ordered the FBI to investigate itself about how they could have failed to open a file on the shooter, Malik Hasan. And the day Obama received their report, he took one sniff and called William Webster out of retirement (see Maxwell Taylor above) to conduct a new investigation, and ordered everyone involved to stop leaking the manufactured background of Hasan-as-Islamic-terrorist. I think this shows that Obama, like JFK at the Bay of Pigs, was not in on the plot.

    DiEugenio’s ignorance on this point would be excusable if I hadn’t shown the title of the book, Operation Zapata, and the actual pages with the quotes, in my video. As I’ve said, I held him in the highest regard, but he’s just half-assed on this point.

    (There is a point I have to make parenthetically. JFKMURDERSOLVED fans will appreciate it. James Files describes how Nicoletti told him that the CIA had called off the assassination at the last minute, but that he and Nicoletti decided to mutiny and go ahead with it anyway. Ring a bell? This is totally Dulles’ modus operandi.)

    More from Jim

    2.) “Did Delphine Roberts know Oswald was at the Lake Ponchatrain training camp?” I said she knew and that she said so. I spent 20 minutes online and can’t find the source for Delphine Roberts saying this. I spent another 20 going through my books. Garrison didn’t say it, Lane didn’t say it, Marrs didn’t say it. I didn’t just make it up. Perhaps Sutton or Hinkle. But it’s the most very minor point. Peter Dale Scott says Oswald was there at the camps. (www.acorn.net/jfkplace/03/JA/DR/.dr10.html – Deep Politics – 251) Scott may have gotten the information from Robert Tanenbaum, the original Deputy Chief of the House Select Committee on Assassinations, who resigned saying the HSCA wasn’t interested in the truth. He says he saw a film of Pontchartrain showing Bannister and Oswald. http://www.acorn.net/jfkplace/03/JA/DR/.dr10.html Explain to us, Jim: If Oswald was there, if such rock solid sources say he was, why are you even raising this point, much less making a huge issue out of it? (D&C: “I said, ‘Are you serious?’ He said, ‘Yes, I am. Its that bad.’) That’s pretty bad. I said the secretary said. Maybe she did. Maybe she didn’t. Maybe she lied. Maybe she didn’t. But Tanenbaum is vastly more credible, and says he saw incontrovertible evidence. I should have used Tanenbaum instead of Robets. OK. Score a big point for D&C for misdirection.

    More from Jim

    3.) “Who hired Hunt at the White House?” I said Nixon. DiEugenio says Colson. Colson worked for Nixon. There can be no dispute about that. Did Colson hire Hunt on behalf of Nixon? Of course. So were dealing with misdirection here, as usual. And now check this from Haldeman’s The Ends of Power:

    p. 12 Erlichman to Haldeman the morning after the break-in “He (Colson) doesn’t know anything (sic) about Watergate, and he hasn’t seen Hunt in months.”

    Colson to Haldeman: “he (Hunt) was off my payroll. You gotta believe me, Bob. It wasn’t me. Tell the President that. …Hunt left my office months ago, like I said.” So to say that Colson hired Hunt, as DiEugenio does, is useless. In what sense did Colson hire him, if he didn’t pay him? and Hunt didn’t work for him? And more to the point, MUCH MORE to the point, who was Hunt working for? Who was he answering to? Is there any doubt in anyone’s mind that Hunt was answering to the CIA? And what CIA officer was closest to him, with a White House office? Bush. No possible question. Now D&C want to insist that somehow this doesn’t constitute a connection between Hunt and Bush. And in order to distract you from this obvious connection, they raise silliness like “Nixon didn’t hire Hunt. Colson did.” Which is not only silly; and not only a dark misinformative piece of misdirection; but it’s essentially wrong.

    and finally from Jim 4.) “Have you ever heard anything about Prescott Bush actually running the CIA while Dulles was DCI?” And if Prescott ran the CIA from the shadows, you’d expect to have heard of it? I answered this in my first rebuttal, to Coogan. Briefly, then, Joseph Trento tells how, when Dulles inquired about Prescott’s activities investigating an assassination attempt by the agency against Chou En Lai, Dulles was told he didn’t have sufficient security clearance. But how is this an important question? First of all, I never said Prescott was Dulles’ boss, though I suggested that it was possible. So saying I did is more misdirection and straw man-obfuscation. But if I had said it, so what? It’s not essential. There’s evidence to support it. But the real question is, which of these men, Dulles or Prescott, is highest rank in the Rockefellers’ army? Because that’s all the CIA is or ever was, the publicly funded, officially sanctioned, covert army of the Rockefellers. So does Dulles or Prescott Bush rank higher? Answer that and you will have answered the question, “who was the boss of whom?” But who the hell cares?

    I thought I’d include that, reviewing Haldeman’s book, I encountered an incident where Connally calls Nixon and says “burn the tapes.” Bush Jr. did burn the Nixon tapes, in case you missed it. When experts suggested new technology might be able to recover the erased segments, little George ordered the 18 minute segment removed and destroyed. Go ahead, Jim. Explain how that one doesn’t connect George Sr. to Hunt or to the “whole Bay of Pigs thing.”


    “The Dark Legacy of John Hankey”

    DiEugenio’s Review Update of “Dark Legacy”

    “Onwards and Downwards with John Hankey”

    Coogan Reply to Fetzer at Deep Politics Forum


    Master Class with John Hankey, Part 1

    Master Class with John Hankey, Part 2

    Master Class with John Hankey, Part 3

    Master Class with John Hankey, Part 4

  • Alex Jones on the Kennedy Murder: A Painful Case, Part II


    In Part One, we examined Alex Jones’ beginnings and his success. Not to mention, his extraordinary case of foot-in-mouth conspirahypocrisy, which he has packaged and sold to the world inspiring hordes of conspiravangelists. With regards to his upcoming documentary, this is not so much a review but more of an insight into what we can expect. To show the potential for failure, I then take a look at two of Jones’ most prominent players – and potential bedfellows in his documentary – Jason Bermas and Paul Joseph Watson.

    Though my extensive examination of Bermas’s film Invisible Empire may seem to take us off the path of Alex Jones and the Kennedy case, Kennedy is still very much in the picture, if a little more to the background. What this does is serve to give us an insight into the poor grasp of history, society, and theology which abounds in the Jones nexus. Though Paul Joseph Watson had little to do with Bermas production, I would imagine they share many of the same opinions since Watson is one of the top (if not the top) researchers in the Jones organization. Both individuals, like Jones, are repeat offenders in endorsing long-dead (or soon-to-be-dying) Kennedy assassination myths.

    The conclusion I reach relates back to the slim chances of such incompetence ever creating a meaningful or useful documentary on anything related to Kennedy’s, or anybody else’s, assassination.

    I. Sunshine Superman

    Jones may well be getting ready for another bite at the Johnson did it cherry via Howard Hunt in his long rumored film, Black Sunshine (discussed shortly). Hunt’s “confession” is not a way to get a good take on the killing of President Kennedy. It is pretty much old hat, and the version Hunt gave to his son before he died is slightly revised from the one he published in his last book. Anybody who has read Plausible Denial by Mark Lane knows that no one believed Howard Hunt’s story of being with his family that day. And then there’s the 1966 “secret” James Angleton memo to incoming Director of Intelligence Dick Helms about the need to provide Hunt with an alibi.

    The problem is that, given E. Howard Hunt’s spook-riddled past, who can really tell where the truth lies? For example, in light of Gaeton Fonzi’s first-rate book, The Last Investigation, the Marita Lorenz aspect of Lane’s volume is (to put it mildly) rather weak today. (See Fonzi, pgs. 83-107) And when, eventually, Gerry Hemmings backs up her Miami-to-Dallas “travelling assassination team,” then one’s antennae should stand up. (Lane, p. 300)

    But these are not the only problems. Another is this: Many respected researchers find Hunt’s family a tad too self-promoting to be readily believed. The man who brought the dying Hunt’s confession to light was his son, “Saint John.” (Apparently, Hunt-the-elder just couldn’ resist foisting his wry humor upon even his own son – for life.) St. John has a colorful past. He also deserves credit for overcoming his well-publicized demons. And maybe some of his insights into life with his father could have been illuminating. It’s Hunt’s commodification of practically everything around him that raises eyebrows.

    He has a website and also had some companies up and running called Dreamlike and Spook Productions. Hunt will sell anything “Hunt” you want. There’s Hunt’s online book you can buy, an autographed manuscript you can purchase, an interview with St. John you can own, and of course there’s “dad’s confession” itself. Yes, for 20 bucks they’re yours forever. But it gets worse or more humorous – depending on your viewpoint – very soon.

    In Part One, we mentioned that Hunt had been extremely forthcoming with information about his personal life to a number of people who emailed us after Jim DiEugenio announced my Alex Jones project on Black Op Radio some months ago. But some conspiravangelists, conveniently turned a blind eye at our pointing out Hunt’s self-voluntary participation in the process. So before we go any further, I have to forego any niceties and repeat that we did not seek out this information nor did we dig into Hunt’s background in any way, shape, or form; quite frankly, we have better things to do.

    What we reluctantly learned from the emails was that for a buck thirty-four per photo (click on the necklace) his wife’s likeness is yours. But that’s only the start. Apparently, you can also purchase Mrs. Hunts’ XXX action DVD’s and two different types of calendars in which she stars. Hunt, who photographed his wife, likely also filmed her. Does this then make “Saint John” (do you suppose that he’s in on the irony?) the JFK equivalent of Larry Flynt?

    Which begs the further question: In his conspirahypocrisy, exactly how low will Alex “LBJ, bazookas, and grenades” Jones stoop? Though he openly congratulates Naomi Wolf’s stance on the destructiveness of pornography and generally displays contempt for that industry (as do many of his listeners and viewers), Jones nonetheless jumps at the chance to embrace the likes of a Saint who appears more than willing to bare all.

    Many have posited that people with dubious reputations may be able to find redemption with precious nuggets of truth and insight. Thus if Hunt’s information was truly insightful, like say Rose Cheramie’s (who shared something of a similar history), then Jones could be forgiven for using him. The problem is that St. John is no Cheramie and Jones is no officer Francis Fruge. Not by a long shot. Cheramie never sought remuneration for her story, nor did Fruge who investigated it. Unlike Hunt she never lived to tell it to a wider audience (which may tell us something).

    Instead, Hunt and/or his father clearly had a business motive in place to spill the beans, which as said earlier, if handled better could have given some real insight into Hunt Sr. Yet, as it stands now most people schooled in the JFK case had known about the first confession for some time, barring the dubious addition of Lyndon Johnson. It’s this addition which has endeared him to a certain section of the JFK community which, like Jones, took Barr McClellan’s Blood, Money & Power seriously.

    Howard Hunt turned down the chance at 5 million dollars from Kevin Costner to set the record straight; yet for little or no reward he divulged a cock-and-bull story for his son to market to anyone who would buy it. Even the factually challenged John Hankey had an all too rare moment of insight when he stated something along the lines, “If Hunt says Johnson did it, that’s all the more reason not to believe he was behind it.” (John Hankey: Black Op Radio Show #424, 5/21/09). Hunt is something of a first: An X-rated photographer who is also appears to have no qualms about promoting himself as a “witness to history” in the Kennedy assassination. But in his attempt to market anything not nailed down, he seems a natural match for Jones.

    II. Black Comedy

    Why is this important?

    The rumors around Prison Planet forums are that Jones is planning to release what will likely be an awful production for JFK’s 50th anniversary in 2013. Yet people closer to Prison Planet have informed CTKA that it is coming out near the end of this year. The only hint of what it is like is a brief, two-part 20 minute promotional clip at YouTube featuring St. John Hunt and Jim Marrs. (Click here for: Part 1 & Part 2.) But I have no confirmation that this sneak will even be seen in the final form.

    Till that fateful day, we can be comforted with the words of a keen Ron Paul supporter from the Ron Paul War Room:

    I have high expectations that Alex Jones’ forthcoming documentary, Black Sunshine, will be the most penultimate coalescence of the truth about the JFK assassination and how those involved in it have usurped virtually every position of major power in government today.

    This tells us a lot about Alex Jones, his Libertarian leanings, and his media allies. If the Paul fan’s lack of judgment is not depressing enough, Jones’ own inflated opinion of his scholarship is utterly troublesome. In his interview with Marrs (discussed earlier in Part One), Marrs told Jones that he had his work vetted by Oliver Stone’s research team led by Jane Rusconi. Jones, obviously feeling himself to be Marrs’ equal, replied:

    I wanna be clear, I can’t say too much on air, but some of my work is being looked up for a film similar to JFK and the way it’s presented and there’s a team of seven people looking at everything I’ve put out and found it all to be accurate, and found a lotta times it’s worse than what I am presenting.

    Who are or were “The Magnificent Seven” he’s had looking over his evidence? Jones’ idea has been in the pipeline for some time so it’s time we had a look at the leading individuals within the Jones nexus, his “brain trust,” so to speak.

    Thus let us take a look at some of his other friends. For once we measure Jason Bermas and Paul Joseph Watson, we will begin to understand all the mega-conspiracy giddiness that populates all of Jonestown. A giddiness, that overrides factual accuracy not to mention the rules of logic and history.

    III. Jason Bermas: Worrisome Warrior

    III.1  Why We’d “Rather” He Didn’t Bother

    Jason Bermas, joined up with Jones sometime in 2007 (after Jones’ interview with Marrs). Bermas may not be one of the current “heads” working on the project but should Jones project go ahead, Jason Bermas could well be involved in the editing and design of the project. Bermas is a man well known for his efforts in the 9/11 Truth Movement. Along with Dylan Avery, he put together the massively popular Loose Change 9/11 which appeared in its final form, Loose Change 9/11 Final Cut, in 2007. When it comes to the Kennedy assassination, however, Bermas, like the rest of Prison Planet, really would be better off butting out. It’s clearly not their area of expertise.

    It was in his pre-Prison Planet days that Bermas first came to this writer’s notice: In a scene from an early version of Loose Change (2005 or 2006?), Bermas is seen engaging a rather agitated off-duty fireman in a debate at Ground Zero. One onlooker mentions that the same people who pulled off the Kennedy assassination were also behind the Twin Towers collapse – to which Bermas enthusiastically agrees. Which, as we have seen, is rather odd, because it appears Bermas knows about as much about the JFK case as Jones – which is very little. Or, to put it another way, he knows just enough to be “factually challenged.”

    In Loose Change 9/11 Final Cut, Bermas and Avery utilized an interview with Dan Rather from a BBC Newsnight May 16, 2002. Of course the interviewer, Madeleine Holt, never asks Rather any questions pertaining to his blatant lying about the Zapruder film: How he reported on national television seeing Kennedy’s head move forwards as if shot from behind. Rather’s career took off from that point onwards. Unsurprisingly, the issue was never brought up in Loose Change nor does it seem to exist anywhere on any Prison Planet/Infowars site. Instead, Rather is lauded for observing the buildings as coming down as if by controlled demolition.

    In September of 2007, the brilliant Greg Palast, a person supposedly admired on Prison Planet (though I see little of his influence in their continuously dubious output) lampooned Rather’s gutless display concerning “Top Gun” Bush and his running AWOL from the Texas Air National Guard. Yet the only criticism of Rather found on any Jones-related site was an article dated 8/6/2008 by Kurt Nimmo. Nimmo, knowing no better than Bermas or Avery, mentions a brief interview with Rather in which he denied any knowledge of the Bilderberger group. Now, anybody who knew about Rather’s obsequiously self-serving lies wouldn’t need to bother asking banal questions about his ties to the Bilderbergers.

    Regardless of Nimmo and Palast, it still means that by 2007 Bermas and Prison Planet clearly had no idea of Rather’s shenanigans. Thus they had no idea whatsoever that Dan Rather will always be regarded as an utterly gross and cowardly sell-out and shill by anybody well-versed in the Kennedy case (or reality for that matter). In 1993, Dan Rather told Robert Tanenbaum, the former deputy chief counsel to the HSCA, “We really blew it on the Kennedy assassination.” But the sincerity of Rather’s late-arrived realizations on the Kennedy assassination must be judged in light of his most recent foray into assassination-shilling because Dan “we-really-blew-it” Rather still has the death of Martin Luther King pinned solely on another lone gunman, James Earl Ray (Jim DiEugenio; Review of The Road to Memphis, May 3rd, 2010 & Black Op Radio, Show #477; June 3rd, 2010).

    III.2  The Inflatable Empire

    Unlike Jones, Bermas has sometimes put out some thought-provoking stuff. He gave a good account of himself on Black Op Radio. And while Loose Change, and his other documentary, Fabled Enemies, asked some good questions, Bermas’ latest presentation, Invisible Empire: A New World Order Defined, has little of the guerilla charm his previous works possessed.

    First, let me ask this: How can one define something as nebulous as the New World Order? –especially when resorting to the likes of Hankeyian histrionics, Bircher-Society logic, and Jonesian contradictions and generalizations as the basis for building historical perspective? For Bermas and Jonesville it is, quite predictably, a secret amalgamation of globalists cabals intent on taking over the world and planning for a draconian one-world government.

    While it would be difficult to argue against the presence of powerful individuals and globalist groups operating throughout the world today, rather than constructively imagining a “New World Order,” critical thinking would seem to indicate that a “nebulous world order” is more to the point. According to National Institute for Research Advancement (NIRA) studies, as of 2005, there are over 500 powerful think tank groups worldwide. Think tanks, whether government funded or privately endowed (well known or not) have often had a disproportionate influence over governmental policy decisions, yet have often competed against each other. If Bermas (a person who has clearly never seen The Corporation, nor Adam Curtis’s The Power of Nightmares) had just kept to the lines of logic outlined in these fine works, rather than journeying to the land of the flakes, Invisible Empire would have made for far more worthwhile viewing.

    III.3  The Origins of the NWO (according to Bermas)

    About 11 or so minutes into his documentary, Bermas shows that he is an individual in possession of very little historical or theological knowledge. The notion of the New World Order hasn’t actually been around for a long time. Individuals like Dennis Cuddy like to trace its origins back to the early 20th Century. The modern right-wing take on it is that it was born out of the crazed and confused Christian fundamentalist, racist right-wing politics of groups like the John Birch Society in the late ’50’s.

    Bermas wants us to believe that the concept of the NWO came from a little known manifesto called New World Order by American Samuel Zane Batten, which came out in 1919. To Bermas’ credit, this does appear to be the first book to carry the title. The problem is that many theologians and writers were contributing numerous works about a more united and egalitarian world at the turn of the 19th and the early part of the 20th centuries. This influenced the great Utopian-Dystopian debates, which increased after the First World War. Batten was nothing new or, indeed, revolutionary.

    It is heavily implied by Bermas that Batten’s New World Order influenced Hitler. But there is no evidence that Hitler had ever read Batten’s works (or that it was even translated into Deutsch for that matter). He then goes on to mention that Hitler’s little known second book was dubbed The New World Order. Now, let the following be a reminder that this is what happens when you hang out with unscholarly people. The book was never named nor dubbed by that title. It was called Zweites Buch, which literally means Second Book, in which Hitler merely postulated challenges facing a Nazi global hegemony. While Bermas is correct in stating that it was completed in 1928, he fails to note its interesting history: It was not published until well after the war, in 1961 in German; and not until 2003 in English.

    The meaning of an idyllic universal utopian New World Order differs from person to person. A John Birch Society member like G. Edward Griffin would have his own version, as would the reader, as does Bermas. Yes, it is that complicated a deal. Someone’s heaven is invariably someone else’s hell. Martin Luther King’s Dream would be David Duke’s Nightmare. So let’s look into the many groups and individuals that help make up the New World Order and – for most conspirahypocrites – the amorphous group that invariably killed Kennedy.

    III.4  The Hives of Tyrants

    Bermas’s film was spoiled right off the bat – three minutes and forty-two seconds into the production – by his misappropriating Kennedy’s April 27, 1961 speech made to the American Newspaper Publishers Association. Granted, Kennedy does discuss the need for a free and open society, and yes, he does speak out against secret societies, secret oaths and the potential power of government taking advantage of any given situation and imposing censorship. It’s powerful stuff. In particular, Kennedy’s prophetic jibes at the “trivialization” and “tabloidization” of the media, which few people seem to note, are arguably the most important part of his speech.

    What is alarmingly dishonest, however, is that Bermas has used an edited version of this speech to make it appear as if Kennedy is rallying against a Jonesian-style secret society, when in point of fact, he clearly is not. In his speech, before Kennedy famously states “We are opposed around the world by a monolithic and ruthless conspiracy,” Bermas has removed three contextually related paragraphs which precede this famously quoted line, and which, to all but the most imaginative thinkers, make it quite clear that Kennedy is referring not to some collusive NWO conspiratorial-style cabal, but rather to the conventional Cold War forces of communism. And sadly, there are more than a few wishful thinkers out there. Places like YouTube (where it’s quite likely Bermas picked this up from) abound with edited versions of “The speech that got Kennedy killed” or “JFK New World Order Illuminati Speech.” No one realizes (least of all Bermas) that Kennedy delivering a speech to the likes of Henry Luce about secret groups is akin to Mowgli giving a warning to Shere Khan about his human diet. Thus, Bermas, without even knowing it, stands guilty of “cutting the cloth to suit the fit,” in much the same way as John Hankey inventively turns John Connally into an arch-conspirator and has George Bush threatening Hoover with a dart gun in his Hoover’s FBI office.

    In Bermas’ history lesson about the NWO, he completely overlooks the fact that Hitler himself was a conspiracy theorist of some renown. It was this, plus his own racist beliefs, that led him to exterminate millions of Jews, Gypsies, Catholics, Socialists, as well as some 20,000 to 80,000 Freemasons (Christopher Hodapp, Freemasonry for Dummies, pg 85). Bermas goes on to name numerous secret groups from the Masons to Bilderbergers, Illuminati, Bohemian Grove, and the ever-present Skull and Bones. Collectively, according to Bermas, these groups form the New World Order, and together they inflate his hypothesis that all are working toward the same goals. Let’s have a quick look at this twisted mass Bermas construes.

    Masons   Though the Masons only account for a speck of the invisible empire on Prison Planet, the Libertarian Jones has a strange relationship with Freemasonry. According to Jones, groups like the Freemasons supported many prominent “founding fathers” of the United States.

    Alex Jones, in one of his more sober moments, in a discussion with a caller on his show, actually said much of the above. However, he couldn’t help but add that only the higher levels, or 33rd degree Masons, are dangerous or enlightened.

    President Harry Truman was a bona fide and ardent mason and reached the much-vaunted 33rd degree level of Masonry. He also created the CIA in 1947. Yet in 1963 he wrote a famous editorial decrying the some of the operations that the CIA had partaken of as being way beyond what he had imagined. Allen Dulles was so worried about this column, which was published a month after JFK’s murder, that he paid a personal visit to Truman and tried to get him to retract it. (see the last chapter of Jim DiEugenio’s Destiny Betrayed)

    Further, Truman’s 33rd degree level of Masonry didn’t stop his administration from being undermined by the Republicans and the likes of Joe McCarthy which eventually saw the resultant rise of Eisenhower in 1952 over Adlai Stevenson (Richard M. Fried, Nightmare in Red pgs 7-10, 16-17). Warren Commission member Senator Richard Russell was a high-level Freemason. He was also the most ardent critic of the lone gunman line on the panel (Gerald McKnight, Breach of Trust, pgs 282-298). And he was the first of the Commissioners to break away from the Oswald-did-it-alone scenario. In fact, he actually conducted his own private inquiry while the Commission was in progress.

    Bohemian Grove, CFR, Trilateralists, Skull & Groaners   According to author Michael Wala, Eisenhower was a member of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), and a regular visitor to Bohemian Grove. That didn’t stop him from warning the US about the acquisition of power by the Military-Industrial Complex. Being granted entrance to a place like Bohemian Grove did not stop Bobby Kennedy (who addressed a Grove retreat while Attorney General) from having his brother and himself both shot under the most suspicious circumstances. (William Domhoff, The Bohemian Grove and Other Retreats; p. 27)

    Richard Nixon, also a CFR member, didn’t get any help from his fellow Bohemians during Watergate. Likewise, for Jimmy Carter: Being a member of Bohemian Grove, the CFR, and an ardent Trilateralist didn’t stop him from signing into existence the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) which concluded there was a probable conspiracy in the killings of both Kennedy and King. Nor did the protection of these groups help Carter when the Republicans derailed his re-election campaign with the October Surprise.

    Touching on the Skull and Bones fraternity, Bermas has clearly never heard of another prominent Bonesman, Robert Lovett, who was scathing of CIA foreign policy under the Eisenhower administration.

    Another Warren Commission member, John Sherman Cooper, was also a member of Yale’s Skull and Bones Society, and his doubts about the lone gunman conclusion have been well documented. Being a member of Skull and Bones, Bohemian Grove, the Trilateral Commission, and the CFR didn’t help George Bush get elected over Bill Clinton. Clinton is a known Bilderberger whose connections didn’t save his “socialistic” healthcare initiatives, nor save him from being smeared in numerous supposed scandals around his business dealings in Little Rock, Arkansas, nor from being impeached by the US House of Representatives when his dalliance with Monica Lewinsky was exposed.

    The point is (as anyone who studies the Power Elite well knows) that there are splits among the upper classes. For instance, there can be little doubt that around 2004-2005, when the Iraq War began to head south, that there was a powerful reaction against the Bush family. For Bush was such a horrible president that he endangered the future of the GOP. None of the Bush family connections saved them from this. It’s a little known fact that many a “crank’s” arch-conspirator, George Bush Sr., signed the JFK Act in October of 1992. The tickler here is that it came under the steerage of Bill Clinton and led to the establishment of the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) in 1994, whence a number of sealed documents from Carter’s HSCA saw the light of day.

    III.5  The Dim Politics of Bermas, Oswald, Bush, and Scott

    In the documentary I saw, Bermas had fully bought into the utterly contestable documentation that named Oswald as a CIA operative under the cover of the Office of Navy Intelligence (ONI). It was also posted on Prison Planet in September of 2004. This should be of some concern. Because before his film was released in April of 2010, Bermas had boisterously promoted the document on his Prison Planet radio show in late October of 2009.

    As we saw in Part One, Bermas (like Jones) continually finds new and inventive ways to self-destruct with practically anything to do with the assassination. In the above video, Bermas cannot even pronounce CIA Director John McCone’s name correctly. Had he taken some time out to have read or listened to someone like John Newman, he would likely know how to pronounce the name, and he would also realize that Newman (a man who has dealt with more genuine CIA documents related to Lee Harvey Oswald than any current researcher) has, to the best of my knowledge, never endorsed the McCone/Rowley papers.

    Newman is clearly in a different league from Bermas. However, had Bermas taken a step back and looked around he would have found that many commentators of various shades in the JFK nexus believe the document to either be a fake or something to be avoided due to its dubious association with the likes of Jim “The Gemstone Files were my idea” Moore. Indeed, that Bermas never thought to look at the opinions on JFK forums like Spartacus or JFK Lancer, for example, says something about his rather lax levels of evaluation. While Bermas is clearly not interested in the truth of the matter I hope the reader is.

    Despite my reservations about aspects of Gary Buell’s rather eclectic work I encourage anyone to visit his blog on the subject as it’s also where one will find some interesting points of view (John McAdams aside) and arguably the most influential post on the topic by Anthony Marsh:

    When I looked at it I knew instantly that it was a fake. How? It is not written in the proper format using the proper CIA style. One tip off is the marking “CO-2-34,030.” That is actually from a Secret Service report. How would I know? Because I had obtained and used on my Web site some of the pages from that SS report, so the notation jumped out as a fabrication. What someone did was take a page from the SS report, maybe even downloaded it from my Web page, removed the original text and wrote their own. Also the wording is not how the CIA would word a document of that type at that time. They would not refer to Hoover by name or agencies by common names. Instead you would see code words like ODACID. You need to look at hundreds of thousands of genuine CIA documents as I have to develop a mental database of what genuine CIA documents look like. I have no doubt that the hoaxer really thought that something like that was said. I don’t think the intent was like the other hoaxes to discredit all JFK assassination research. I think someone just assumed that he knew enough to create a realistic fake to incriminate the CIA.

    Bermas also repeated another inflated myth on his show that made it into his film: that Bush, as head of the CIA, stopped and stymied the government investigations of the 1970’s. The insinuation here is that he did so to cover up his roles in the Kennedy assassination and Watergate. Bermas’ musing sounded scarily like a John Hankey perpetuated myth.

    In order to gain a little more credibility with regards to entwining 9/11 with the Kennedy assassination, Bermas has utilized Peter Dale Scott. However Scott’s track record on the Kennedy assassination is regarded by many as inconsistent. His needlessly convoluted book, Deep Politics and the Murder of JFK, in which he posits that the all-powerful mafia were prime players in the killing of Kennedy, is simply not supportable today in light of the ARRB releases, Or in light of the information that other researchers like Lisa Pease, Gaeton Fonzi, Jim DiEugenio, Jim Douglas, Bill Davy, and John Newman have unearthed from those files.

    III.6  The Kennedys, King, and Diana Spencer?

    Another fatal and unforgivable error in Bermas’ documentary is that shortly after discussing the deaths of JFK, King, and RFK, he omits Malcolm X and allows a certain Diana Spencer to share the spotlight with these three eminently more important individuals. At one point in the show, Bermas had indulged in a spiel about the low standards and trivialization of the news media, which Kennedy had warned about. Now Bermas turns around and places “The Paparazzi Princess” with the Kennedys and King. But it should be noted that Jones himself has also courted a number of celebrities – like Charlie Sheen – to boost his own profile. Bermas also ignored a mountain of criticism and research from the right and the left that has not only been critical of Diana, but of the way her death had senselessly dominated the media and been elevated to quite unmerited levels of martyrdom.

    No researcher I know of or associate with would demean the legacy of JFK, RFK, King, and Malcolm X by relating the importance of Spencer’s life and death to theirs. It’s the kind of thing that maybe Hollywood would indulge itself in (perhaps someone as frivolous as Tom Hanks) and in so doing, thereby inflate Muhammad Al Fayed as some kind of truth-seeker. For yes, Bermas includes Al Fayed bleating on about a plot against Spencer and his son enacted by the Royal family. To see what a cretinous, paranoid, sexist, and racist individual Al Fayed is, and how little water any of his future claims of a plot would hold, Bermas should have dug out Maureen Orth’s fine 1995 Vanity Fair article entitled, Holy War at Harrods.

    Because on top of embarrassing himself with Diana, and making a most unworthy hero of Al Fayed, Bermas also missed this fact from Orth’s report: Al Fayed’s ex-brother-in-law was the infamous arms dealer, Adnan Khasoggi, a character even more despicable than Al Fayed himself. Khasoggi is a person most people interested in a range of international conspiracies and criminal activities have a word or three about as Timothy Noah from Slate points out. And as if that’s not bad enough, Bermas’ comrades at Prison Planet have Khasoggi in a number of articles supporting the Bush regime, an example of which can be seen here. Clearly, Bermas had a chance for some “meat and veg” here but instead he went for the tub of corn and the E Channel.

    IV. Paul Joseph Watson

    IV.1  Leading Questions?

    What would your reaction be if I told you that Paul Joseph Watson is someone who, at one time or another, has been either wholly or partly responsible for promoting the work of Gerald Posner, Gary Mack, Dave Perry, Lamar Waldron, Thom Hartmann, and Bob Woodward? What if I told you that Watson also believes that the Oklahoma City bombing and the Kennedy assassination are related, with no evidence to support it? (Watson, Order out of Chaos p. 7) –And that he also believes that Madeleine Brown is credible, and that Johnson and Bush committed the JFK murder? –And then has the audacity to write that “[p]eople are mentally lazy?” (Watson, Order out of Chaos, p. 196).

    Now, would you trust any information given to you from a man who on page 16 of his book, Order out of Chaos, states that Nero played the fiddle while Rome burned yet has little understanding that it is an allegorical tale, nor any idea that the violin was not invented until some 1000 years later? I would like to add, do you think an introduction dubbed as a first chapter and a bibliography consisting of nothing but advertisements for Jones’ products makes his book “one of the many keys you will need to unlock the truth,” as he seems to believe? (Watson; pg 7)

    What would your reaction be, then, if I then told you that Watson is very likely the chief writer and editor for Jones’ web sites?

    Well, I know I’d be afraid.

    Sheffield, England based Paul Joseph Watson seems to be at the very nerve center of Jones’ operations. He is described as the chief researcher and editor for Prison Planet.com and Prison Planet.tv. And he is the Orwellian moderator who constantly deletes any voices critical of Jones from the Prison Planet forum. Watson is also something of a prolific writer and contributes numerous articles and observations throughout the Jones Empire. If the Jones’ gang’s embarrassing levels of knowledge and the often contradictory reportage and vetting of articles pertaining to the JFK assassination can be placed at the foot of any one individual, it may be Watson’s. He is a young man who has come to see himself as something of a historian, seer, and Prison Planet’s in-house Kennedy assassination expert.

    IV.2  Dancing With Dave P

    Though Fletcher Prouty’s musings on The Christchurch Star had been around for sometime prior, it gained prominence thanks to the film JFK in 1991. It has been a point of study for myself coming up on 3 years now. Though I cannot be too harsh on Watson for not grasping the situation (it took me a while), I did not publish anything online till I was totally able to back up my conclusions. It doesn’t work like this in Jonestown. As we have seen, Watson, in keeping with the best traditions of knee-jerk posting, has no such scruples. So he goes on to quote JFK disinformation specialist David Perry, as a way to counter Prouty’s supposed claims.

    As I said, this author has been studying The Christchurch Star for some 3 or 4 years. In the second part of my essay, which will likely come out in December of this year, I discuss the fact that The Men Who Killed Kennedy and JFK are ironically somewhat to blame for the Dave Perry induced controversy, in that they oversold the idea that Prouty believed New Zealand got the word ahead of others. The reality is that Fletcher Prouty never said New Zealand got the news ahead of anyone else in the world; he just happened to be in New Zealand when he picked up a newspaper and got the news.

    Now, the time that Prouty actually picked up his newspaper is immaterial. Prouty understood that concept that many, including Watson, do not: Upon his return home he consulted numerous other newspapers that confirmed it was more or less instantaneous around the world. Due to international timelines, New Zealand is the first and arguably most modernized state to collectively see every new dawn. Thus Prouty, like the many New Zealanders he was amongst, may well have bought one of the first printed accounts of the tragedy. (A host of Prouty’s replies to questions about The Christchurch Star can be seen at http://www.prouty.org/.)

    IV.3  Larry “The Fable Guy” Dunkel: A Watson Source

    The “experts” at Prison Planet display an amazing level of naiveté with regards to frauds in the JFK field. (What this means for their dabbling in other areas I shudder to think.) And they have little understanding of either the pro-Warren commission individuals or their positions.

    Dave Perry, is a slippery, clever, and connected individual, and as Bob Fox, Jim DiEugenio, and others have noted, he, like his companion Gary Mack (real name Larry Dunkel, famously dubbed “The Fable Guy”), has made a career out of misrepresenting events and people like Prouty. They also rail against easy prey like Madeleine Brown, and then paint all researchers – most of whom have never advocated her – with the same brush. Yet, Mack and Perry both know that someone like Watson will never fully read nor comprehend the intricacies of the Kennedy assassination. Hence, Watson is perfect fodder for their disinformation.

    Mack’s dubious reputation matters not to Watson. This can be seen in his use of Mack in discussing the 15,000 pages of documents brought to public attention by new Dallas DA Craig Watkins in November of 2007. What got most attention in the press about this story was a transcript in which Ruby and Oswald discussed killing RFK in October 1963. This was simply not deemed credible by both pro- and anti-conspiracy groups. What is of interest here is a copy of a screenplay signed by DA Henry Wade, circa 1967, which had included this alleged transcript.

    After using Mack to lay doubt on the transcript, what does Watson do? He then writes “the fact that a CIA team was hired to kill Kennedy is documented.” And what is the Watson “documentation?” Well, it’s the apparent key to the upcoming Black Sunshine: St. John – and his father, Howard Hunt’s “confession.” But that’s not enough for Jones’ expert on the Kennedy case. Watson then writes: “Hunt was photographed in Dealey Plaza along with other members of the hit team on the day of the assassination.” This must refer to the discredited thesis of A.J. Weberman and Michael Canfield about Howard Hunt being one of the so-called “three tramps”, a precept no serious photo analyst adheres to today.

    But then, in the same article, Watson even tops that. He says that the MSM ignored the Hunt confession just like they ignored the Barr McClellan revelations in his 2003 book Blood, Money & Power. This book, established in Part One of this review as a “Jones tome,” is considered by many to be one of the worst books on the subject to come out in the past 15 years and embarrassingly its only piece of interest is the fingerprint work of Nathan Darby – and that’s in the appendix. Now, considering the fact that the works of Waldron &amp Hartmann, Myers, and Bugliosi were published in that time span, that is surely saying something.

    So what Watson does is use Gary Mack to discredit questionable information in the first article. He then goes on to “save the day” for conspiracy by using even worse information like Hunt, the three tramps, Barr McClellan, and a dubious photo alleged to be George H. W. Bush outside of the Texas School Book Depository in the second. What can one say about such a recurrent journalistic pattern? Except that it’s incredible that the Prison Planet gang think that they can get away with it.

    This brings us back to Jim Marrs. If Watson and Jones truly respected Marrs’ research, or knew anything about the research community (whom they scorn with their lack of knowledge), they wouldn’t include pieces with Perry or Mack in it. They clearly haven’t seen Robert Wilonsky’s July 6th, 2006 Dallas Observer article on Marrs entitled, The Truth Is Way out There. While Perry seemed to give an even-handed (if slightly condescending) opinion of Marrs in the article, at the same time, he and Gary Mack (according to Marrs himself) made it a regular practice of rudely interrupting Marrs’ lectures at the University of Texas, Arlington. And those interruptions became so disruptive that Marrs eventually decided to retire from teaching the course. (Jim DiEugenio; Inside the Target Car, Part Three: How Gary Mack became Dan Rather; Section IV)

    V. Conclusion

    Ultimately, this entire essay begs one serious question: How could an organization like Jones’ – with the likes of Bermas and Watson on hand – ever hope to produce a documentary honoring what occurred on the 22nd of November, 1963? In Jonestown, we have seen Vince Bugliosi, Gary Mack, Dave Perry and others utilized. And on the other hand, Jones has no problems cavorting around with Barr McClellan and St. John Hunt. This is schizophrenia, which results in the on-air goofiness described above. And with the complete lack of any quality control or fact-checking apparatus, the general feeling is a sort of steady-stream, “bread and circus” fodder for the the Jonestown dumbed-down masses. In a weird way, it’s a reverse template of the MSM. The MSM sees no conspiracies anywhere. With Jones, any conspiracy anywhere is A-OK, whether it really happened or not. And the more sensational, the better.

    So even after the ARRB’s two million pages of documents have demolished former myths and theories, making them deservedly the scrap of historical oblivion, these sage prophets of conspiravangelism march on into their own oblivion – as if the ARRB never existed. Russ Baker, John Hankey, Barr McClellan, Howard Hunt (as one of the three tramps), specious “Oswald as a CIA trained operative,” and LBJ pulling up the rear with grenades and bazookas in hand, framed by the mysteries of The Christchurch Star – all join the ranks of the parade. With circus acts like these, one pities the poor listener or reader who nonetheless sits in seeming awe of Jones, The Human Cannonball, splendidly arcing across three rings under the cover of the Prison Planet Big Top. Like a modern day P. T. Barnum, Jones understands his audience’s hunger. And he apparently doesn’t give a whit at passing off ersatz-cotton-candy-info for the authentic alternative his flock should crave. Have your credit card ready please.

    If the likes of Jones, Bermas, and Watson cannot understand a case which has slowly become easier by the year to unravel – thanks to the work of real researchers (who they largely ignore), then what can the discerning reader make of anything else they will ever say about any topic?

    Bottom line: Don’t hold out a lot of hope for Black Sunshine. Pity the country that, on the JFK case, has to choose between Tom Hanks and Reclaiming History and Alex Jones and Black Sunshine.


    (The notes I made which helped form this essay on Jones and may shed further light on him can be found at Greg Parker’s ReopenKennedycase in three roughly edited parts. Should anybody want to examine Jones in a bit more depth, I invite those interested to have a look.)