Tag: DALLAS POLICE

  • A new look at the enigma of the Backyard Photographs, Part 4

    A new look at the enigma of the Backyard Photographs, Part 4


    Part 4:  Oswald in Oak Cliff

    The Warren Commission’s description of the origin of the backyard photos relies on a very unreliable narrator. Many critics believe the visual content of the photos is unreliable (i.e. it is a composite). When the Kennedy case was re-investigated by the HSCA, examination of the backyard photos was limited to the question of authenticity. Other pertinent questions, once examined, impeach the unreliable narration adopted by the Warren Commission.

    Follow-up questions: If the camera wasn’t Oswald’s, whose was it? If Marina didn’t take the photos, then who did? 1 The answers could lead directly to the plot to frame Oswald, and therefore to the plot to remove Kennedy.

    The Kuleshov Effect

    In the interest of realizing a scientific materialist understanding of cinema technique, young filmmakers in the new revolutionary Soviet Union conducted a series of visual experiments designed to quantify elements of montage (editing). One of the most famous was conducted by Lev Kuleshov, a twenty-three year old theorist and educator. A medium close-up of an impassive actor was variously juxtaposed with specific images – a plate of soup, a prison gate, a dead child – cutting back to the actor’s impassive face. Viewers of these simple cross cutting experiments invariably read the actor’s always identical blank visage as variously expressing hunger, loneliness, or mourning. The audience would invariably conjure an association, even absent a spatial relationship within the shots (through lighting or scenic consistencies). 2

        HE IS HUNGRY
        HE IS SAD

    The backyard photos, since the Life Magazine cover in 1964, have been presented to the public as a deliberate self-representation by JFK’s future lone-nut assassin Lee Oswald, who interrupted his wife’s household chores on a spring Sunday afternoon so she would snap two photographs, him dressed in black, brandishing firearms and socialist literature. The backyard photos are understood as the self-portrait of a political fanatic, a man preparing for violence, in the service of ideology and his twisted psyche. They are said to be Oswald’s idealized image of himself – the hunter of fascists, the man ready for anything. 3

        FANATIC LONE-NUT KILLER
        DESTROYER OF INNOCENCE

    Should it be understood that Marina Oswald did not snap these photos at her husband’s insistence, the context and interpretation of these photos must transform. Are the backyard photos instead the portrait of a political provocateur, posing as part an operation to discredit organizations of the left? Are the backyard photos some kind of in-joke, a trophy from a modestly successful false flag attempt? Hunter of fascists ha-ha-ha!

    A Backyard Photo Was In Possession Of Dallas Police On The Evening of November 22

    An internal FBI memo dated February 25, 1964, generated as part of the FBI’s multi-city investigation into the leak of backyard photo 133-A to the media, describes an interview with Jerry O’Leary, Jr., a reporter for the Washington Evening Star. O’Leary confirmed to agents he had arrived in Dallas on the evening of November 22, 1963 and “advises as follows: Deputy Sheriffs and Dallas Police Department detectives, he believes, arrived at the Payne home in Irving … O’Leary understands that the officers started searching, Mrs. Payne objected, whereupon they told her they would get a search warrant. O’Leary thinks these officers took photographs back to the police department or the Sheriff’s office which they obtained in the Payne residence from Marina Oswald. O’Leary says he believes the photograph carried by “Life” on its 2-21-64 issue was among those taken by the police. O’Leary says that either late the night of 11-22-63 or the morning of 11-23-63, he saw a copy of the photograph in the hands of a police officer” (FBI DeLoach to Mohr 2-25-64)

    O’Leary was not in attendance at the Paine home during the initial search, and his information of what happened there is not accurate. Ruth Paine, according to all in attendance, never objected to the police presence and allowed full access. The legal issue of a search warrant, as officially explained, rests on the distinction that officers could access visible objects as they moved through the residence, but a warrant was required to open sealed items such as the seabags and suitcases in the garage. O’Leary may have received or overheard incomplete and/or inaccurate background information, but his seeing “the photograph carried by Life” on the Friday night or early Saturday morning “in the hands of a police officer” is important and has corroboration.

    On March 17, 1964 Michael Paine provided testimony to Warren Commission attorneys Wesley Liebeler and Norman Redlich. The following exchange was recorded:

    Mr. LIEBELER – Did the FBI or any other investigatory agency of the Government ever show you a picture of the rifle that was supposed to have been used to assassinate the President?

    Mr. PAINE – They asked me at first, the first night of the assassination if I could locate, identify the place where Lee was standing when he was holding this rifle and some, the picture on the cover of Life.

    Mr. LIEBELER – Were you able to?

    Mr. PAINE – I identified the place by the fine clapboard structure of the house.

    Mr. LIEBELER – By the what?

    Mr. PAINE – By the small clapboard structure, the house has an unusually small clapboard.

    Mr. LIEBELER – What did you identify the place as being?

    Mr. PAINE – The Neely Street address.

    Michael Paine confirms the observation of Jerry O’Leary Jr., that Dallas Police had in their possession, on Friday night November 22, 1963, a copy of a backyard photo, many hours before these photos were officially discovered.

    There is a third confirmation. In a typed version of notes taken by Dallas Police Homicide Captain Will Fritz during his interrogations with prisoner Lee Oswald, the following information covers midday Saturday November 23: “Oswald was placed back in jail at 11:33 a.m. At 12:35 p.m. Oswald was brought to the office for another interview with Inspector Kelley and some of the other officers and myself. I talked to Oswald about the different places he had lived in Dallas in an effort to find where he was living when the picture was made of his holding a rifle which looked to be the rifle we had recovered. This picture showed to be taken near a stairway with many identifying things in the back yard … Mr Paine had told me about where Oswald lived on Neely Street. Oswald was very evasive about this location.” (CE2003)

    The Dallas police had at least one version of a backyard photo long before the photos were officially found mid-afternoon Saturday. In the Fritz typed notes he adds: “We found later that this was the place where the picture was made.” The Dallas police would go to 214 West Neely Street on November 29, 1963 to take photos of the property, including a replication of the Oswald pose identified as backyard photo 133-C, supposedly unknown, beyond certain Dallas police officers, for another dozen years. (CE712) This demonstrates the existence of 133-C was not some dark secret known only to a few. It is highly unlikely backyard photo 133-C could have been withheld from the FBI or the Secret Service. The Secret Service, in the person of Forrest Sorrels, supervised the November 29 photo recreations. 4 There is no acknowledgment of the existence of 133-C anywhere in the official record generated in 1963/1964, other than the recreated pose. The withholding of 133-C from the official record appears a deliberate decision, involving a tacit understanding between the Dallas Police, the FBI, and the Secret Service. Why would this happen?

    A speculation: 133-C was the backyard photo in possession of the Dallas police on the evening of Friday November 22, 1963. The reason for its withholding: the means by which it came into the hands of the police was problematic, by origin or method.

    Looking again at Jerry O’Leary’s information, the suggestion is made the lack of a search warrant might have compromised evidence gathered that first afternoon, though it is also said the photographs were “obtained” directly from Marina Oswald. The information regarding the search warrant is not correct, and if Marina directly passed photographs to the attending officers, the incident was not mentioned in any reports or recollections. Perhaps O’Leary was given or overheard something like a cover story. The photo may well have been “obtained” from a location or source other than the Paine household, and this source could not be rationalized within the emerging lone-nut paradigm. Once 133-A and 133-B came into the record on Saturday afternoon November 23, in convenient fashion, 133-C could be quietly shelved.

    The complete lack of curiosity concerning photograph 133-C on the part of the HSCA – the government panel which first became aware of this photo – supports a notion that there was something decidedly fishy about this photograph, and the fishiness is not a matter of content, which is effectively the same as the other two backyard photos in the record. The HSCA took forty pages of testimony from Dallas police officer R.L. Studebaker concerning the many copies made of all three backyard photos in the Dallas Police Department Photography Laboratory, but the provenance of 133-C was not clarified. 5

    A closer look at the context and circumstances of these photographs may help establish the range of possibility which could explain the backyard photographs.

    Oswald the “Marxist”

    In October 1962, the Dallas FBI closed its Oswald file started the previous June, when Oswald returned from the Soviet Union. Five months later, the file would be reopened, supposedly after learning Oswald had subscribed to the Communist Party USA newspaper The Worker. As John Newman describes in Oswald and the CIA, the FBI’s reasoning appears flawed. Oswald maintained contacts and subscriptions with numerous left and radical-left organizations continuously since his return, and the FBI had no reason not to be aware of this. Oswald began his subscription to The Worker on August 5, 1962 and he had contacted the Socialist Worker’s Party, a listed subversive organization and publisher of The Militant, a week later, not long before his FBI file was rendered “inactive”. A copy of both The Worker, and The Militant are featured in the backyard photos.

    Oswald communicated with left-wing organizations as early as fifteen years of age, and was known to espouse left-wing sentiments while with the Marines. When he attempted to renounce his American citizenship in Moscow, he claimed: “I am a Marxist” (CE910). Consul Richard Snyder recalled “strong impression he used simple Marxist stereotypes without sophistication or independent formulation” (CE909). The same impression was expressed by others acquainted with Oswald. 6 While in the Soviet Union, Oswald did not associate with Marxist or communist institutions, and there is little to indicate he engaged in Marxist analysis or discussions with his friends in MInsk. Oswald’s Marxist / leftist persona appears exclusively to an American audience, first in the Marines, then to American officials and reporters in Moscow, and then again on his return to Fort Worth in 1962.

    On August 26, 1962 Oswald ordered pamphlets on Trotsky from Pioneer Publishers, associated with the Socialist Worker’s Party. He applied for SWP membership at the end of October (Dobbs Exhibit 9). On December 6 he steps up his prospective involvement by offering his skills in “blow-ups, reversals and reproduction work” gained at his employer Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall to the SWP’s New York office (Dobbs Exhibit 12). He makes a similar offer to the Hall-Davis Defense Committee, linked to the CPUSA (Tormey Exhibit 1). On December 15 Oswald subscribes to the The Militant. 7

    If Oswald’s Marxist tendencies had been more informed, his subscription and party membership activity should have been limited to one or other of Communist Party USA or the Socialist Worker’s Party. Factional splits and philosophical differences had led to bitter divisions between the two organizations. Oswald’s correspondence through 1962 and 1963 with various left-wing outfits shows him apparently unaware or unconcerned with these splits. Oswald assumed a personal stance, articulated during social occasions at the time, that he disliked both the Soviet and American political systems and instead endorsed Marxist analysis and ideals. Yet in Texas and Louisiana, in 1962 and 1963, he worked and socialized with, for the most part, persons of the right. 8 Oswald’s Marxist identity should be considered a front, and his communications with left-wing organizations insincerely motivated.

    Oswald in Oak Cliff

    Near the beginning of October 1962, George de Mohrenschildt’s daughter Alexandra and her husband Gary Taylor were invited to a modest gathering held at Oswald’s Mercedes Street apartment in Fort Worth. For the Taylors, this was their first meeting with the Oswalds, and as they were not Russian speakers, the interaction with their hosts was limited. Even so, as the occasion concluded a few hours later, Marina Oswald gathered clothes and her infant daughter, and joined the Taylors for the drive back to their apartment in Dallas, where she would then stay for almost a week. One rationale for this holds that Marina complained of spousal abuse to the guests, so the removal to the Taylor home was a hastily conceived reaction. Alexandra Taylor, in contrast, told the FBI on November 30, 1963 that Marina’s stay had been arranged by her father some time before (CD60). Gary Taylor’s Warren Commission testimony also confirmed that it was a prearranged event orchestrated by George de Mohrenschildt. 9

    Lee and Marina would be separated throughout October 1962, commencing a year of absences and separations, when Lee Oswald’s movements and activities assume a murky or unknown character. On his own, Oswald stayed at the Mercedes apartment until October 8, when he vacated and quit his job at Leslie Welding the same day. Where he stayed the following week is unknown. He rents the (later infamous) Post Office Box 2915 on October 9, and has several appointments with the Texas Employment Commission. On Friday October 12, Oswald is hired by the typographic firm Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall. Oswald checks into the Dallas YMCA on October 15 and stays there until October 19, when he relocates to the Coz-I-Eight apartments on North Beckley Street in the Oak Cliff neighborhood of Dallas. For the rest of his days in Dallas, Oswald would reside at addresses closely clustered, within a ten block radius, in Oak Cliff. 10

    Jeanne de Mohrenschildt, referring to the Dallas-Fort Worth Russian community, would tell the Warren Commission: “Lee insisted for some particular reason to live very, very far from everybody, from all these people. They lived in Oak Cliff – God knows where from us … Why did he live so far? … Why wouldn’t they take a little place near us, it will be much easier for me to help her. He had some reasons to live far away. I don’t know if anybody else mentioned that to you. That was everybody’s impression. For some particular reason, he moved all the way out” (WC testimony April 24, 1964).

    On November 3, 1962 Gary Taylor would help rent a trailer for Oswald, then assist in the relocation of Marina and June, with belongings, from Fort Worth to a new home at Apartment 2 – 604 Elsbeth, which Lee had arranged the week before. 11 Three days later, Marina moved out, allegedly the result of a bad argument sparked by her conversation with the wife of the Elsbeth apartment’s building supervisor. Marina and June shuttled between three White Russian homes for two weeks before another reconciliation with Lee was achieved on November 18. On November 22 the Oswalds attended a Thanksgiving dinner hosted by his brother Robert in Fort Worth. Several snapshots of the Oswald family were taken at the Fort Worth bus depot’s Photo-mat booth, the only specific instance of “family-type snapshots” from the period that Marina could later recall.

    The Oswald’s domestic situation is notable for its instability throughout the autumn of 1962, coinciding with George de Mohrenschildt’s efforts as their benefactor. Marina Oswald would say in a letter to the Soviet Embassy on December 31,1962 “we change address often because my husband changes work and for other reasons” (emphasis added). She shares with the Embassy her new mailing address “Box 2915, Dallas, Texas” (CE986). 12

    The February Hand-Off

    Even though Lee Oswald’s unemployment in October 1962 lasted only four days, George de Mohrenschildt was known to lament “we‘ve got to find Lee a job.” The kind of job he was likely referring to was as free lance informant, investigator and possibly provocateur – activity associated with industrial security and/or private firms and organizations linked to federal intelligence or police agencies (such as Guy Banister’s outfit in New Orleans). 13 This is the milieu believed to have motivated otherwise inexplicable activity on the part of Oswald throughout the year 1963. Introductions or inquiries on Oswald’s behalf were made by de Mohrenschildt in the autumn of 1962 to persons such as Admiral Chester Bruton, of Collins Radio, and Max Clark, overseeing industrial security at General Dynamics.

    Oswald had extra money available to him in December 1962 / January 1963, not huge amounts but enough to pay the remainder of the State Department loan which assisted his return to America. A few months later, allegedly, Oswald was able to purchase the mail-order guns under the name Hidell, amounting to just over $50, representing a week’s salary. 14

    In 1963, not only did Oswald’s Fair Play For Cuba activity coincide with active programs by the FBI and CIA directed against the organization, he also (allegedly) ordered interstate mail-order firearms from Klein’s and Seaport Traders when both of these firms were also targeted by federal investigations. Peter Dale Scott notes: “in 1963 Seaport Traders and Klein’s Sporting Goods were being investigated, by the ATF unit of the U.S. Treasury’s Internal Revenue Service, as well as by Senator Dodd’s Juvenile Delinquency Subcommittee. Treasury and the Committee sought to demonstrate the need for more restrictive federal legislation to control the burgeoning mail-order traffic in firearms” (Deep Politics, Chapter 15).

    In early February 1963, George de Mohrenschildt introduced Oswald to Volkmar Schmidt, a German oil geologist employed in Dallas by Magnolia Oil. During a small dinner party held at de Mohrenschildt’s home, a political and philosophical conversation ensued between Schmidt and Oswald lasting two hours, during which Oswald exhibited traits similar to the Warren Commission’s lone nut psychological profile. 15 Schmidt claimed Oswald seemed to him a man “desperate, spiritually, totally desperate … His determination to leave an imprint in history was just incredible.” After redirecting Oswald’s spiritual desperation toward an antipathy to the far-right positions of General Edwin Walker, Schmidt came to believe this conversation triggered Oswald’s alleged obsession with Walker, which may have resulted in a failed assassination attempt two months later. 16

    From Oswald’s address book

    Schmidt decided to arrange his own get-together for Oswald, at the house he shared with other Magnolia Oil employees including Ruth and Michael Paine’s friend Everett Glover. Schmidt described the event as one which he hoped could assist getting Oswald “out of his shell”, though he would not personally attend. Invited guests included the de Mohrenschildts and the Paines. 17 The Magnolia Oil party occurred on Friday night, February 22, 1963. Ruth Paine met Marina Oswald at this event, beginning a rapid transition for the Oswalds – from dependence on the generosity of the de Mohrenschildts to dependence on the generosity of the Paines.

    A few days previously, on February 17, Marina Oswald had written the Soviet Embassy, apparently at her husband’s insistence, to request assistance in returning to the USSR. This letter differed markedly from Marina’s earlier genial communications with the Embassy, due to its specific pleading and urgency. 18 As their friendship took root, Ruth Paine would go into something of a panic as Marina spoke of Lee’s insistence she return to Russia. Her first offers for Marina to stay with her in Irving are made in response, a persistent theme through the year. Earlier, in November 1962, the Dallas area Russian community had been canvassed to find a place “where (Marina) could live with somebody for 2 or 3 months.” 19

    214 West Neely Street

    The Oswalds moved again soon after the Magnolia Oil party, on March 3, 1963 to 214 West Neely Street, a short distance away. After moving to this address, Oswald was said to have begun surveillance of General Edwin Walker’s residence and ordered the rifle from Klein’s Sporting Goods. At this address the backyard photos were said to have been taken, followed by Oswald’s supposed assassination attempt on General Walker. Notes taken by Dallas Police Homicide Captain Will Fritz during Oswald’s interrogations indicate Oswald was distinctly evasive about this location. During her testimony to the Warren Commission, Marina allowed that Oswald’s behavior had changed in this time:

    Mrs. OSWALD. … the later time he was more excited and more nervous but it was quite a contrast between the way he was in Russia.

    Mr. RANKIN. By the later time that you just referred to what do you mean? Can you give us some approximate date?

    Mrs. OSWALD. When we went to Neely Street. (WC, February 3, 1964)

    CE404. In a letter dated March 4, 1963, Marina Oswald drew Ruth Paine a map to 214 Neely Street

    Known visitors to this address included a few members of the White Russian community, the de Mohrenschildt’s once or twice, Michael Paine once and Ruth Paine several times, and also Gary Taylor, George de Mohrenschildt’s now estranged son-in-law. He came by the apartment one afternoon, when Lee Oswald was at work.

    Mr. JENNER. Why did you go there?

    Gary Taylor: “Some of the baby’s toys – a ball and something or other – were out there on this porch.”

    Mr. TAYLOR. Just for a friendly visit. Marina was at home. She – her English had improved enough for her to get across to me a few ideas … I did inform Marina of my impending divorce and – uh – in other words, telling her that Mrs. Taylor and I were no longer living together and we had separated.” (WC testimony March 25, 1964)

    Taylor was able to recall a specific image: “this apartment in question had a small balcony on the front of it and I remember the door was open and I thought what a nice place for the baby to play and some of the baby’s toys – a ball and something or other – were out there on this porch.”

    Early during Taylor’s testimony, Commission counsel Albert Jenner established:

    Mr. JENNER. During the time you had your interest, which you still may have, in – what did you say – photographing?

    Mr. TAYLOR. Yes …

    Mr. JENNER. Are you an amateur camera fan?

    Mr. TAYLOR. Just a little bit. I try to carry it on as best I can …

    His former wife Alexandra (Mrs Donald Gibson) confirmed “he was working on and off with a photographer … ” (WC testimony May 28, 1964). In light of Gary Taylor’s photography interest, the Commission’s interest in establishing this hobby, and his specific recollection of June Oswald on the Neely Street balcony – this may establish the origin of the Neely Street balcony photographs (and assist in emphasizing Lee Oswald did not take any “family-type snapshots” while in America 1962-63).

    Oswald and the Walker Shooting

    A Dallas Times Herald story titled Walker Target of Sniper’s Blast, dated Thursday April 11, 1963, describes the aftermath of the apparent assassination attempt directed at General Walker (CD1019 pp. 4-5). Walker is portrayed as upbeat and on-message:

     
    “The Kennedys say there’s no internal threat to our freedom,” the general said with a laugh, nodding to the gaping hole in the wall. Gen Walker said the shooting was not going to slow him up in any way from carrying out his fight against Communists at home and abroad. “The shooting here is going to speed me up. You know I said … that the front lines were right here at home – in Dallas,” he said.

    This assassination attempt, on the immediate heels of Walker’s cross-country tour with the Christian crusader Billy James Hargis, had an element of convenience in that it underscored Walker’s message of vigilance, despite the absence of suspects. Walker could be portrayed as patriotically filling out his tax forms, reacting bravely to the shot, then eschewing medical care so he could continue with his taxes. Viewed through a cynical lens, one might wonder if this was really an assassination attempt at all.

    If Oswald was involved in this supposed assassination attempt against General Walker, and there’s a chance he was, then the circumstances would certainly bear little to no relation to the stories told by Marina Oswald and adopted by the Warren Commission. Marina’s Walker stories portray Oswald as erratic, irrational, and prone to panic. This flies in the face of the common perception of Oswald as calm and collected whatever the circumstance. 20 The Warren Commission’s acceptance of Oswald as the lone would-be assassin of Walker in turn disavows sightings of multiple persons surveying Walker’s residence ahead of the shooting, and multiple persons fleeing the area immediately after the shot was fired.

    Whatever the true circumstances, Oswald is linked to the Walker incident at least by association, since one of the so-called surveillance photos of the Walker residence was identified as having been taken with the same Imperial Reflex camera responsible for the backyard photos. 21 The Walker surveillance photos would be discovered among Oswald’s possessions at Ruth Paine’s home.

    Researcher Dick Russell interviewed Walker for his book The Man Who Knew Too Much, and was told a private investigation revealed brothers Larrie and Bob Schmidt may have connected with Oswald and may have been responsible for the shooting at Walker’s home. 22 The Schmidt brothers were far-right political activists, part of a scene described by Peter Dale Scott as a “Minutemen-Cuban exile-General Walker milieu supported by H.L. Hunt.” Oswald the Marxist would have no business making friends with such persons. The paths of Oswald, Larrie Schmidt and General Walker would cross again in the autumn of 1963. Schmidt and Walker tie back to Munich, where a right-wing newspaper would print a story on November 29, 1963 claiming Oswald was responsible for the Walker assassination attempt. 23 Marina Oswald began relating her version of the alleged Walker attempt four days later on December 3, 1963.

    The Warren Commission corroborated Marina Oswald’s version with testimony from the de Mohrenschildts, focused on a supposed trip one night to Neely Street to present an Easter toy for infant June. In one version of this story, Marina Oswald takes Jeanne de Mohrenschildt on a tour of the Neely Street apartment and the rifle is observed, prompting George to joke that Oswald could have been Walker’s would-be assassin. In the other, de Mohrenschildt makes the Walker joke as they are greeted at the door. Jeanne de Mohrenschildt was nervous as she testified about this visit, and she implied her visit to 214 West Neely actually occurred on a different occasion.

    Mr. JENNER. Was it upstairs or downstairs?

    Mrs. De MOHRENSCHILDT. Upstairs. There was a little terrace, and a big tree growing right next to the terrace.

    Mr. JENNER. Had you been there before?

    Mrs. De MOHRENSCHILDT. No.

    Mr. JENNER. That is the first time you had ever been there?

    Mrs. De MOHRENSCHILDT. I don’t remember. Maybe I was. I don’t think so.

    Mr. JENNER. All right … Now, just relax –

    Mrs. De MOHRENSCHILDT. I am trying to think hard, because every little fact could be important.

    Mr. JENNER. But you are excited. Relax, and tell me everything that occurred, chronologically, as best you can on that occasion. You came to the door and either Marina or Oswald came to the door, and you and your husband went in the home?

    Mrs. De MOHRENSCHILDT. That is right.

    Mr. JENNER. Then, go on. Tell me about it.

    Mrs. De MOHRENSCHILDT. And I believe from what I remember George sat down on the sofa and started talking to Lee, and Marina was showing me the house that is why I said it looks like it was the first time, because why would she show me the house if I had been there before? (WC testimony April 24, 1964)

    When Jeanne de Mohrenschildt had been interviewed by a representative of the State Department in Haiti in early December 1963, she claimed to have seen a rifle in Oswald’s possession in the autumn of 1962 (State Department airtel December 8, 1963). Marina Oswald first described showing a rifle to Jeanne de Mohrenschildt at 214 West Neely Street during an FBI interview December 11, 1963, but this story does not mention it being nighttime or that Oswald and George de Mohrenschildt were also there (CE1403). Questioned later the same day, Marina told of an occasion when George de Mohrenschildt visited and made a joke about Oswald shooting Walker, but Jeanne’s presence and observation of the rifle is not mentioned. The Warren Commission, for its part, apparently did not notice that the rifle is allegedly seen inside a small room elsewhere described as Oswald’s secret sanctum, a room said to be completely off-limits to Marina.

    Jeanne de Mohrenschildt finished her Easter visit recollections to the Commission’s Albert Jenner with a concrete image: “And we left. She got me some roses. They had a big rose tree right by the staircase. And she got me a lot of roses, and we went home.” This implies the de Mohrenschildt’s exited down the back staircase, even though it was night. It suggests that, in the dark, Marina Oswald plucked “a lot of roses” from a nearby bush. It is very possible that Jeanne de Mohrenschildt instead visited 214 West Neely during the day sometime in March or April 1963.

    Could there be a reason for the de Mohrenschildt’s co-operation with the Warren Commission, supplying an important but untrue corroboration in the case against Lee Oswald? George de Mohrenschildt begins his Commission testimony with a matter of personal concern:

    Mr. De MOHRENSCHILDT. You know, this affair actually is hurting me quite a lot, particularly right now in Haiti, because President Duvalier – I have a contract with the Government … They got wind I am called by the Warren committee … and I am about to be expelled from the country. My contract may be broken … So I hope that this unpleasantness will be somehow repaired … if the committee could do something in that respect … (WC testimony April 22, 1964)

    Possible Circumstances of the Backyard Photos

    If the backyard photos were not actually photographed at 214 West Neely Street in March or April 1963, then persons unknown made a considerable effort to make them appear as such. The Warren Commission used the props displayed by the Oswald figure to set a likely creation date (Sunday March 31), and to solidify a link between Oswald and the murder weapons. In addition to accessing these weapons and the newspapers, forgers would also require knowing that Oswald resided at this address in the first place, as his stay was only about eight weeks. 24

    According to Marina Oswald, the backyard photos were created to be submitted to the Socialist Worker’s Party newspaper The Militant:

    Mrs. OSWALD. … it happened just before he went to shoot General Walker. Then, I asked him why he was taking this silly picture and he answered that he simply wanted to send it to the newspaper.

    Mr. LIEBELER. The Militant?

    Mrs. OSWALD. The Militant.

    Mrs. OSWALD. I didn’t attach any significance to what he said at the time, but he added, “That maybe some day June will remember me.” He must have had something in his mind – some grandiose plans. (WC July 24, 1964)

    If Oswald’s primary concern was to ingratiate and associate himself with The Militant, then a backyard photo would surely had the opposite effect. The firearms plus the ideological contrast of the two papers would have signaled Oswald as unhinged and confused rather than a reliable warrior for the cause. The photo would have revealed Oswald as some sort of provocateur and potentially compromised his upcoming activity for the Fair Play For Cuba Committee. 25

    Oswald contacted the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in mid-April, claiming he had leafletted in Dallas with a pro-Castro placard around his neck, and requested more pamphlets. A notation on Oswald’s letter indicates that 50 of what Oswald described as “fine, basic pamphlets” were sent to P.O. Box 2915 on April 19 (Lee Exhibit 1).

    Oswald left for New Orleans on April 24. The Warren Commission, using the testimony of Marina Oswald and Ruth Paine, explained this as a response to desperate unemployment. Oswald had been out of work for less than three weeks, and it is not clear that the reasons for his leaving Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall were exactly that implied by his supervisors. 26

    Oswald contacted the Fair Play for Cuba Committee from New Orleans on May 26. He requested formal membership in the organization: “I have been thinking about renting a small office at my own expense for the purpose of forming a F.P.C.C. branch here in New Orleans.” He desires information on “buying pamphlets in large lots, as well as blank FPCC applications … a picture of Fidel, suitable for framing would be a welcome touch” (Lee Exhibit 2).

    In Dick Russell’s book, Richard Nagell emphasized Oswald was not trying to “penetrate” the FPCC: “His involvement with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee in New Orleans was something entirely different. There was no chapter of the committee that he was associated with, not in reality. It was a ploy.” Former New Orleans CIA agent William Gaudet would tell Russell: “I don’t think (Oswald) knew exactly what he was distributing … (with) the Fair Play for Cuba deal, which was nothing but a front and was one of the dreams of – I think Guy Banister.” 27

    When Oswald arrived in New Orleans, the Fair Play for Cuba operation was already active, the first contact made in mid-April, suggesting his association with Banister had been arranged while Oswald was still in Dallas. The intrigue of March and April 1963 – which includes the fast friendship with the Paines, the ordering of the rifle from Klein’s Sporting Goods, the Walker attempt, the backyard photos, the start of the FPCC activity and the move to New Orleans – is not easily explained by the official record, which relies largely on Marina Oswald’s shifting testimony. Lee Oswald’s activity requires assistance, of which the Warren Report is silent.

    On the morning of November 23, 1963 the FBI were in contact with M. Waldo George, who was the owner of 214 West Neely Street. George did not reside at or nearby that address, and his contact with Oswald the previous spring had been limited to three brief occasions. The Warren Commission obtained an affidavit from George dated June 12, 1964.(WCH Vol. XI, p 155) In this affidavit, tenants of the ground floor apartment at 214 Neely Street were identified as Mr. and Mrs. George B Gray. The Grays would have conceivably served as crucial witnesses to this extremely important time period, witnesses who had maybe seen Oswald with his rifle, or witnessed the backyard photo session, seen visitors to the Oswald suite, and who perhaps could verify Oswald’s bizarre activities leading to the Walker attempt (as described by Marina). A Secret Service Report from December 1963 (CE2189), however, just as the later affidavit, states succinctly: “The Gray family has now moved and Mr. George does not know where they moved to.”

    It might be assumed the resources available to the Commission would succeed in locating these potentially crucial witnesses, the Gray family, but nothing appears in the published Report or Exhibits. However, buried inside Commission Document 6 – the FBI De Brueys Report of 8 Dec 1963 – is information from FBI SA Robert E. Wiatt, referring to a November 30, 1963 interview held in Corrigan, Texas with George B. Bray and his wife Clydie. Spelling aside, Mr Bray is clearly the downstairs tenant from 214 West Neely. Bray states: “The OSWALDS were moved into this apartment by a woman who was driving a white station wagon. This woman transported them and their personal belongings.” 28 While Bray claims there was little contact with the new neighbors, as he and his wife both worked full time, he does recall an astonishing detail: “OSWALD and his wife often quarreled loudly and on occasions these quarrels occurred in the presence of an unknown male visitor who utilized the back stairs to visit the OSWALDS. This man is described only as white male having a chunky build.” (CD6, p. 57)

    “An unknown male visitor who utilized the back stairs”

    A man with a “chunky build” does not square with the known visitors to the West Neely apartment. 29 This man “utilized” the back staircase, which suggests furtive behavior, and he did so more than once (“on occasions”). He is not a casual acquaintance, as he is present during Lee and Marina’s quarreling. These quarrels may have had something to do with this man. Despite this information, there is no record of any follow up with the Brays (Grays). Marina Oswald is never asked during her Warren Commission testimony if she could identify the “chunky” man who arrived up the back stairs and was present during quarrels with her husband. All that appears in the published record is an acknowledgment that there were downstairs tenants at 214 West Neely, who had since moved. This can be understood as a deliberate omission on the part of the Warren Commission, as the staff counsel were well versed in the contents of the Commission Documents.

    Within this atmosphere of intrigue and furtive acquaintance, it is possible to envision a backyard photo session, featuring Oswald and arranged by an as-yet unknown person or persons. With both neighbors working full-time, using the back staircase Oswald and persons unknown could have accessed the backyard, taken three or more photos, and returned to the second-floor apartment without attracting undo attention. This could have happened on a weekday, such as Thursday April 11, 1963, when Ruth Paine shuttled Marina and June Oswald to a visit at her home in Irving. Following this reasoning, the persons unknown could have brought black clothing, the weapons, and the camera with them. The purpose of the photos could have been related to the Walker incident, which would have occurred the previous evening, or for the upcoming provocation involving the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. The backyard photos are not random snapshots, as Oswald’s presentation featured deliberately selected clothing, weapons, and literature. The context of the backyard photos may relate to the intrigues of March/April 1963, and were later appropriated for the patsy operation.

    The Neely Street duplex sat empty for a few months later in 1963. This presents a possibility the backyard photos were created at a later date, with the intent of superimposing Oswald’s face atop someone else’s body. The argument against this, noted by the HSCA photography panel, due to the technical skill required to produce a composite which did not give itself away too obviously, purported forgers would have been content creating one single photo. It is difficult to understand why the Imperial Reflex camera would not also have been stashed within Oswald’s seabags, as the two forged photos must have been. Instead, the camera’s insertion into the record was awkward and required questionable and uncorroborated information from Irving policeman John McCabe.

    There is nothing uniquely incriminating within the backyard photos, and they were not absolutely necessary to the posthumous prosecution of Oswald. For the Warren Report, paper trails trace the mail order firearms to Oswald’s postal box, and paper trails to CPUSA and SWP establish Oswald’s Marxist bona fides. The backyard photos are invoked as secondary confirmation of Oswald’s guilt, but their true influence is marked by their power and value as a photographed image. 30 The backyard photos, whether forged or retrieved from another operation, were placed with Oswald’s belongings for the purpose of public dissemination.

    The introduction of a backyard photo to the Dallas police on Friday night November 22, 1963 was probably not planned and may have been a response to Oswald’s survival, also not planned. The Friday photo may have served the purpose of convincing key personnel of the Dallas police and other investigators that Oswald was the assassin, as Curry, Wade, and Fritz insisted he was during statements to the media when no evidence to support this claim otherwise existed and Oswald proclaimed his innocence.

    Accepting that the backyard photos were not taken by Marina Oswald, and that the Imperial Reflex camera was not owned by Oswald, and accepting that the photos are genuine, it follows that whoever was responsible for these photos was known to Oswald, was known to Ruth Paine, had something to do with the Walker “assassination attempt”, and had a hand in setting up Oswald as the patsy for the Kennedy assassination.


    Notes

    1  This is assuming the backyard photos are “genuine”. If the backyard photos are instead composites, then “who took the pictures” could be rephrased as “who faked the pictures.”

    2  This is how film can be understood as a sort of language, and why these early cinema experiments were influential to 20th century linguistics and similar disciplines. The advertising industry implicitly understands the Kuleshov Effect, and it can be witnessed in full effect many times everyday.

    3  The phrase “hunter of fascists” appears on the back of the de Mohrenschildt version of 133-A. Who wrote it and when is not known.

    4  Bobby Brown, the officer seen in the recreation pose, later told researchers that he was given instructions on how to pose by the Secret Service. See First Day Evidence (Gary Savage), or “Bobby Brown And Oswald’s Ghost(s)” (John Johnson, The Fourth Decade, Volume 5, Number 1).

    5  Testimony of Robert Lee Studebaker, 5 Oct 1978 (http://www.maryferrell.org/showDoc.html?docId=146602) Studebaker had no specific memory of creating prints of backyard photos, although he acknowledged he probably made his own prints of all three backyard poses, as well as the 8×10 enlargement of 133-A (CE134). He assumed that all backyard photo prints were made from their negatives, but never retained or knew what happened to these negatives. He allowed that numerous police officers had copies of these photographs. Studebaker was not asked if he knew how 133-C came into police possession. He did not know under whose instructions Officer Baker assumed the same pose as 133-C during the Nov 29 recreation at Neely Street, or why there was a white cut-out version of the same pose.

    6  For an example of Oswald’s dogmatic thought patterns, see Aline Mosby’s notes from her meeting with Oswald in Moscow November 1959 (CE1385).

    7  As noted by John Newman: “The mail to and from (Oswald’s) address during this period is so unusual for Texas that Oswald was probably watched closely … His mail was so radically left wing that he could have expected to be the subject of FBI scrutiny” (Oswald and the CIA, Chapter 15). The Socialist Workers Party was listed as a subversive organization. Oswald never appeared on any security index even as persons with far less radical contact did.

    8  Oswald professed dismay and disappointment with the Soviet Union, but his life in Minsk represented the high point of his short life. He received a good salary, he had friends and girlfriends, a nice apartment, and was not prone to the introverted secretive behavior seen on his return to America.

    9  Gary Taylor would serve as Oswald’s driver for about a month, shuttling him to several homes associated with the Dallas White Russian community, for visits with Marina. Oswald would also visit the Taylor apartment, where he and Gary Taylor would engage in political debates (CD60, pp. 3-6).

    10  Coz-I-Eight Apartments 1306 North Beckley; 604 Elsbeth; 214 West Neely; 621 North Marsalis (the Bledsoe rooming house); 1026 North Beckley. see The Cozy Eight Apartments (R.F. Gallagher, The Fourth Decade, Volume 5 Number 1). During a March 3, 1964 FBI-led tour through the neighborhood, Marina Oswald had the rooming house at 1026 North Beckley pointed out at her request. She stated “she had often seen this house because it was situated near a bus stop which she and her husband had used” (CE1838). Lake Cliff Park, mentioned in Marina’s testimony several times, also by Ruth Paine, is within walking distance of these addresses. Oswald’s denouement on 11/22/63, from the North Beckley rooming house to the Texas Theater, played out, for him, on very familiar turf.

    11  Apartment 2, 604 Elsbeth was the address provided to the Warren Commission by the landlord M.F. Tobias. Oswald himself would refer to 602 Elsbeth (CE427), or 602 Elsbeth, Apt 2. On file at the 112th Military Intelligence group in San Antonio, cross linked to file name AJ Hidell, “Harvey Lee Oswald” was listed as residing at 605 Elsbeth. “Harvey Lee Oswald” with address “605 Elsbeth” was the first name which appeared on DPD Lieutenant Jack Revill’s Texas School Book Depository employee list, drawn up early on the afternoon of November 22, 1963.

    12  P.O. Box 2915, the postal box which A Hidell allegedly used to receive the murder weapon of JFK, was therefore also the postal box for communications from the Oswalds to the Soviet Embassy in Washington from the beginning of 1963 through the 17th of May, when a change of address card was sent from New Orleans. All communications and subscriptions to and from socialist organizations were also received at this PO box. How a mail-order rifle, addressed to an A Hidell, could arrive at a PO Box which also hosted activity from the Soviet Embassy and communist/socialist newspapers, without any alert or notice generated, is inexplicable.

    13  See Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, Chapter 15, “Oswald as an Informant for the Government,” and Chapter 16, “Oswald as a Double Agent for Hoover.”

    14  Richard Nagell, also known to use the Hidell alias, and who may have been Oswald’s “control agent” for American intelligence or Soviet intelligence or both, was in Dallas in October 1962 as Oswald first dropped off the radar, and also in February and April 1963.

    15  See the Volkmar Schmidt interview with researcher Bill Kelly. Schmidt told Kelly this meeting came about because he “wanted to study Russian.” Ruth Paine would say essentially the same thing about her desire to meet Marina Oswald, and the same motivation was used to explain a mysterious visit to the Paine residence in Irving a few days ahead of the assassination by Col. J. D. Wilmeth.

    16  Schmidt’s account was not made contemporaneously; it was first aired in Edward Epstein’s 1978 book Legend: The Secret World of Lee Harvey Oswald. Beginning in the early 1990s, at the time of the release of Oliver Stone’s JFK, Schmidt, along with Michael Paine, began making appearances on mainstream television documentaries espousing a lone-nut analysis of Oswald.

    17  Michael Paine would not attend this event due to a “cold”.

    18  Marina specifically says that she and her daughter would return to Leningrad while her husband would stay in the United States. Marina sends another letter dated March 17, with a questionnaire received from the Embassy filled out. On April 18 the Embassy responds cautiously, suggesting she travel to them for an interview. On May 15 the Embassy was sent a change-of-address card switching the Oswald’s address from Box 2915 Dallas to Magazine St in New Orleans. In the next letter, dated July 1st, Lee Oswald is now included as part of the request to return to the Soviet Union. Marina claims their lives are hard, and incorrectly states her husband is “often unemployed” (Oswald had been unemployed for four days the previous October, and for about three weeks in April). For his part, Oswald allows, in an included hand written letter, that the visas for his wife and himself could be considered “separately.” A response comes in August, then no activity until November 1, when a change of address card is sent to switch from New Orleans to a new Dallas P.O. box. The next day, a bizarre typewritten letter which describes a Mexico City meeting with “comrade Kostin”, is mailed to the Embassy. The letter is postmarked November 2, but dated November 9. Previous communications from both Lee and Marina were handwritten (CE986).

    19  Jeanne de Mohrenschildt, WC testimony, April 24, 1964.

    20  Oswald’s calm demeanor under pressure was observed during the street confrontation in New Orleans August 1963, and during his interrogations after the assassination. Richard Nagell: “Let me tell you, he was a cool customer.” Michael Paine: “I think Lee knows how to keep his temper, knows how to control himself.”

    21  The Walker surveillance photo in question was determined, by the presence of a building under construction in its background, to have been photographed somewhere between March 8-12, 1963. Oswald was working at Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall every one of those days from morning to late afternoon with the exception of March 10.

    22  The Schmidt brothers are not related to Volkmar Schmidt. A second-hand story told to Russell in The Man Who Knew Too Much has Oswald hanging with Larrie and Bob Schmidt, drinking heavily, calling out Walker as a “no good son of a bitch” and then, on Oswald’s suggestion, retrieving his rifle and driving to the general’s home to take a pot shot. It is difficult, at face value, to believe a committed ideologue such as Larrie Schmidt would put all his endeavors at risk committing a capital crime on a drunken whim.

    23  Deutsche National-Zeitung und Soldaten-Zeitung, November 29, 1963. A reporter in the hallway of the Dallas Police Department asked Jesse Curry on Saturday November 23 about the possibility that Oswald may be connected to the Walker attempt the previous spring. Curry said he had no information. The context by which the reporter formulated the question is not known. The Munich newspaper’s story of communist Oswald revealing his true nature and loyalties ahead of the JFK assassination, has similar intentions to published stories generated by members of the DRE in Florida and New Orleans.

    24  Oswald had been using Dallas post office box 2915 for his mail, but there does exist a change of address form dated March 6, 1963, switching from Elsbeth to West Neely. The envelope containing Marina’s first letter to Ruth Paine (with the map of the new address), did had a return address: 214 Neely St., postmarked March 8 (CE404-A). The FBI’s Hosty obtained the Neely address on March 11 from a source at the Dallas Post Office. Gary Taylor said his source was the Elsbeth Street landlords. Oswald’s change-of-address form sent from New Orleans on May 12, 1963 lists his old address as P.O. Box 2915 (CE794).

    25  Gus Russo would claim in his book Live By The Sword that interviews he conducted in 1993 with former employees from The Militant confirmed that a backyard photo was sent to the paper and caused consternation. “After the assassination, Farrell Dobbs directed that the photograph, together with ‘every scrap of paper’ mentioning Oswald, including his subscription plate, be swept from the files and given to William Kunstler … ” (Live By The Sword, endnotes p. 537). In fact, Dobbs, the National Secretary of the Socialist Worker’s Party, publisher of The Militant, brought all existing communications to and from Lee Oswald with him to his Warren Commission testimony, whereby they became Commission Exhibits. Dobbs approached his Commission testimony carefully, appearing with legal counsel. It is hard to imagine a backyard photo, or any other artifact from Oswald, being deliberately withheld from the Commission as the potential repercussions would be great, and there would be reason to suspect an informant might already have reported the receipt of such a photo. No legal counsel for Dobbs would have advised anything but full disclosure. An informant had reported details of a “closed membership meeting” of the SWP held November 27, 1963 during which responses to Oswald’s connections to The Militant and the SWP were discussed with concern, and no photo was mentioned (CE2213).

    26  Oswald wrote to his brother in mid-March, describing success developing his photography skills at J-C-S, and claiming he was in line for a raise. Testimony to the Warren Commission by Oswald’s immediate supervisor John Graef and by the firm’s owner Richard Stovall suggest that Oswald was let go because he had no aptitude for the job. Noting that Oswald frequently volunteered for Saturday overtime shifts, Graef stated: “his work didn’t come up to the quality that we needed so it was very, very seldom that we ever brought him in unless we … had an urgent work that absolutely had to go … ” But Oswald worked every Saturday in the month of March, and also Saturday April 6, his final day at the firm after being let go, supposedly, for his poor work. The Warren Commission published, as Exhibits, the J-C-S timecards which show these six-day weeks (CE 1855/1856).

    27  Dick Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much, Chapters 15 & 17.

    28  This description cannot help but bring to mind Ruth Paine. If it was, then for an unknown reason this activity was never mentioned in her testimony, or in the testimony of Marina Oswald. Marina holds that she and Oswald moved themselves on foot. If this was Ruth Paine, then the card Marina sent her five days later with a map to the new address becomes odd (CE404-A). It may have been a member of the White Russian community. In a discussion of this on the Education Forum list, researcher Greg Parker notes the descriptive similarity between the white station wagon seen by Gray, and the “white Nash Rambler station wagon” seen by Roger Craig outside the Texas School Book Depository in the immediate aftermath of the assassination. Craig’s observation was supposedly met by a response from Oswald: “That’s Mrs Paine’s car, you leave her out of it.”

    29  Speculatively, this person could range from Richard Nagell to the FBI’s James Hosty to Jack Ruby, or someone unknown. Nagell was in Dallas in April 1963, in part to monitor Marina Oswald. Nagell said of Marina: “I’ve seen her but never met her. There is the possibility she has seen me with other people.” On January 18, 1964, Marina Oswald was interviewed for two hours by Secret Service SA Jamison “re Richard Case Nagell” (CD 379, p. 6).

    30  If the backyard photos were faked, it means that all items within the photo were deliberately chosen by the forgers. The odd inclusion on the Oswald figure is then the pistol. It invokes the Tippit slaying, but how could the Tippit slaying be anticipated months ahead? Perhaps a shootout with the pistol-carrying assassin was the anticipated event.

  • A new look at the enigma of the Backyard Photographs, Parts 1-3

    A new look at the enigma of the Backyard Photographs, Parts 1-3


    Part 1:  What are the Backyard Photos?

    The backyard photos are among the most contentious items in the record of the JFK case. These portraits of the accused assassin Lee Oswald are strikingly odd, as his clothing, posture, demeanor, and accessories combine to strange effect. There is something undefinably askew in the photographs, and it’s not just that the socialist papers are so at odds, or the firearms are out of context in the domestic yard setting, or that the Oswald figure seems bent at an unnatural angle. There’s a certain patness to the incriminating content, with the future accused man apparently posing with the future murder weapons and signaling a radical political bent which could present motive for his murderous action. This patness encourages a view that the photos are “too good to be true” and the elements of incrimination too obvious, such that the photos may be forgeries, as the accused assassin himself had stated. The oddness of the photos, immediately apparent, supports this view.

    Most discussion of the backyard photos falls within partisan divides: supporters of the government’s version of events tend to accept both the authenticity of the photographs and the narrative of their creation, while critics point to inconsistencies and details within the photos which suggest they are forged composites. This divide has tended to polarize discussion of the backyard photos – they are authentic! they are fake! – such that many salient issues which could assist an understanding of these strange images get overlooked. A review of the backyard photos and their context as developed in the official record can assist in bringing such issues to the foreground.

    Backyard Photos Discovered Amongst Oswald’s Possessions

    At 4:30 PM (CST) November 23, 1963, the Dallas Police Identification Bureau received two negatives matching photographic prints showing “Lee Harvey Oswald holding rifle with scope.” Earlier in the afternoon, Dallas Police detectives had undertaken a second search at Ruth Paine’s home in Irving, Texas, concentrating on the small one-car garage where seabags, suitcases and boxes belonging to Lee Oswald were stored. The Investigation Report (CE Stovall D) states ”found by Dets. Rose was two snapshots and negatives showing Oswald holding the rifle (murder weapon) and wearing a pistol in a holster on his right hip (Tippitt murder weapon).”

    The Identification Bureau would create copies from the negatives, including an 8×10 enlargement of the backyard photo later identified as 133A (CE134). An hour later, at approximately 6 PM, Lee Oswald underwent another round of questioning and was confronted with the enlargement. Oswald rejects it as a fake, claiming “somebody has superimposed my face on that picture” (Rose WC testimony). Oswald is subsequently shown the found print of the second photograph, 133-B, which he dismisses as simply a smaller version of the larger doctored print. He accuses the Dallas police of being responsible for the creation of a fake photograph and states he will not discuss this photograph further without the advice of an attorney. Oswald assures his interrogators that he was familiar with photographic processes and would, in the fullness of time, demonstrate the technique used to create this composite.

    At this same time, the content of the photos was being leaked to reporters. The Dallas Police had been under pressure all day to explain their certainty the suspect was indeed the president’s assassin. At a press scrum, Police Chief Jesse Curry’s announcement of the other big discovery of the day, the Klein’s order letter for the mail order rifle, was upstaged by inquiries regarding these photos:

    Q. These are the photographs of the revolver and the rifle?

    A. There is a photograph of him with a revolver on his hip and holding a rifle in his hand.

    Q. Does it look like the one you have, that you think is the murder weapon?

    A. It does.

    Q. Does it have a telescopic sight?

    A. It does.

    Q. Is he aware of this?

    A. I don’t believe he knows all this as yet. I think the captain is talking to him about this at the present time …

    Q. Did he have in his hand a copy of the communist publication The Worker? With a headline “Be Militant”?

    A. It seems there’s two papers there. On one you can see the words Be Militant. On the other you see The Worker …

    Q. Do you consider the case shut tight now, Chief?

    A. We will continue to work on it and get every shred of evidence that’s possible.

    The link of the alleged murder weapons with the suspect, although more tenuous than initially portrayed, was publicized as a major breakthrough and helped harden opinion that Oswald was the assassin ahead of his own murder. The presence of radical left wing literature in the photos also helped solidify a portrait of Oswald as a dangerous communist. Curry’s misreading of a newspaper banner – Be Militant instead of The Militant – is indicative of a particular frame of reference, and explains a note jotted by reporter Seth Kantor: “Ask Fritz … 501 Elm is place that processed photo. What are details of photo (showing gun & Daily Worker head: “Be Militant.” (CE Kantor 3)1

    Backyard Photo Leaked To the Media

    In early 1964, the backyard photo identified as 133-A was sold and/or released to several newspapers and magazines, resulting in wide public dissemination, most notably on the cover of Life Magazine’s February 21 issue. The release of the photo was considered a serious breach of the Warren Commission’s confidentiality, and the FBI was tasked with investigating “how the press got hold of the photo.” The FBI responded energetically, focusing resources in numerous cities.

    Officially, an FBI summary (CE1788) would report that Dallas Police officials Will Fritz, George Doughty, George Lumpkin and Carl Day, acknowledge multiple copies of both backyard photos were made for investigation purposes immediately after the assassination, but they knew nothing concerning the dissemination to the media. Captain Fritz would refer to information published in the March 2 edition of Newsweek, claiming that Life Magazine and the others bought their copy of the photo from representatives of Marina Oswald.

    An internal FBI memorandum dated March 25, 1964 is far less circumspect, stating: “Based on our investigation it would appear all of the photographs emanated from the Dallas Police Department.” The Dallas Police, as the HSCA would later confirm, “made numerous copies and did not control the dissemination.” Life Magazine negotiated a price of $5000 with Marina Oswald’s business agents for the publication rights to the photo, but the photo itself came from “an enterprising young man in the Dallas Police Department.” Life had an “original copy negative” of the photo, made in Dallas. (Shaneyfelt Exhibit 10)2

    Retouching photographs ahead of publication, for reasons of aesthetics or for technical quality, was routine practice in the print media. Eventually, inconsistencies from this work between various published versions of the photo became publicized by critics, and the Warren Commission was compelled to apply additional resources addressing this issue. Getting to the bottom of the controversy allowed the Commission to appear resolute in debunking yet another dark rumor. In all, the unauthorized February leak of the photo worked well for the Commission and the generation of the official story. The cover of the February 21 issue of Life single-handedly stamped the image of Oswald brandishing a rifle and militant socialist literature into the consciousness of millions of persons (several Warren Commission witnesses refer to “the picture published In Life” when discussing a backyard photo). In Life’s accompanying nine page “clinical study” of Lee Oswald’s biography, lone nut behavior patterns are emphasized and left-wing connections identified.

    The Warren Commission and the Backyard Photos

    Using the witness testimony of Marina Oswald bolstered by technical reports from the FBI’s photographic specialist Lyndal Shaneyfelt, the Warren Commission would assert that the backyard photos were taken by Marina at her husband’s request, using an Imperial Reflex camera which was owned by Oswald, and that this probably occurred on March 31, 1963. Further, the Warren Report determined that the rifle seen in the photographs was the same rifle found on the sixth floor of the School Book Depository and believed to have been used to kill the President.3

    The FBI’s Shaneyfelt used a comparative negative technique to determine that the Imperial Reflex camera in evidence had taken the backyard photographs. Snapping a new picture using this camera allowed for a comparison of this new negative with the backyard photo negative 133-B. Unique marks and scratches created by the camera on the edge of the image could be identified, and then checked against other negatives to find similarities which could link them to this same camera. Shaneyfelt also identified a photo taken near General Edwin Walker’s home, found among Oswald’s possessions, with this camera.

    Following the publication of the Warren Report, the backyard photos came under sustained criticism. Mark Lane discussed issues related to the February photo leak in Rush To Judgement, while Sylvia Meagher offered a substantive critique of the logic of the backyard photos, and the shortcomings with the evidence, in Accessories After The Fact. Researchers versed in photography challenged the authenticity of the photographs themselves, proposing that some form of superimposition was utilized to create a fraudulent Oswald snapshot, a view which gained momentum as it was discovered that this had been Oswald’s position while in custody. In the mid-1970s, as interest in the case was building ahead of the HSCA, news documentaries produced by the BBC in Britain and CBC in Canada featured photographic experts who concurred that fakery was evident.

    New Backyard Photos introduced to the Record

    The House Select Committee on Assassinations asked a specially convened photographic panel to examine controversies associated with the backyard photos, particularly (if not solely) the question of their authenticity. The panel would examine the photos from a primarily technical basis, using forensic techniques to determine “evidence of fakery”, reproducing to some extent work done by the FBI’s Shaneyfelt in 1964, but with more sophisticated techniques. The panel would also identify and describe the various prints in the record, as new versions of the photos appeared through sources connected with the Dallas Police, including, incredibly, a previously unknown third backyard photo (designated 133-C).

    133-A de Mohrenschildt The de Mohrenschildt backyard photo was apparently discovered in February 1967 by Jeanne de Mohrenschildt, inside the sleeve of a record album found at a Dallas storage unit the de Mohrenschildts had secured ahead of their move to Haiti in April 1963. The record album, an instructional Russian/English language LP, had been lent by Jeanne to Marina Oswald, and was found with similar albums inside a box which had been placed in the storage locker sometime after the de Mohrenschildt’s departure, perhaps through Everett Glover and Michael Paine.

    The photo was deemed a first generation print of 133-A (although some researchers believe the Oswald figure’s arms are held higher), with markedly higher detail and resolution compared to the originally discovered prints. On the back side of the photo are two inscriptions. One says “To my friend George from Lee Oswald 5/IV/63.” The other, written in darker ink, is Russian cyrillic translated as “hunter of fascists ha-ha-ha!!!” This second inscription appears to have been written over the top of other writing which had been erased. The HSCA commissioned a handwriting expert who determined that the first inscription matched Lee Oswald’s known handwriting. The second inscription was thought to have been written by Marina Oswald. The subject was broached during an interview, with the now Mrs Porter, on September 13, 1978:

    Mr. McDONALD … do you recognize the handwriting?

    Mrs. PORTER. No, I don’t … you have certain way of writing, habit of writing certain letters, so I know for sure that I could not, I do not write certain letter that way. So at first I thought it was maybe my handwriting, but after I examine it, I know it is not … this is something like maybe foreigner would try to write it, you know, to copy Russian language.4

    In his manuscript “I Am A Patsy”, George de Mohrenschildt described how he viewed the photo as a “gift from the grave” from Lee Oswald. If it was a “gift”, an assumption since the print’s origin and presence inside the record album remain mysterious, then, presuming the April 5 1963 inscription date correct, Oswald passed on an opportunity to present it directly when the de Mohrenschildts apparently paid a social visit the following weekend, what would turn out to be their last meeting.

    Ruth Paine testified to the Garrison Grand Jury convened in New Orleans on April 18, 1968 that she had met the de Mohrenschildt’s only twice, once at the Everett Glover party in February 1963 where she was first introduced to the Oswalds, and a second time in 1967 precipitated by the discovery of the photo. “They called and asked Michael and me to come have dinner with them … he said he found in his luggage the same picture that appeared in Life Magazine of Oswald holding the rifle and the gun on his hip, and it gave him such a turn, it was afterward, after the assassination, and we just talked generally of the events.” Considering the centrality of both the de Mohrenschildts and the Paines to the Oswald’s lives in 1962-63, talking “generally of the events” appears as an understatement.

    Jeanne deMohrenschildt passed the print on to the HSCA in 1977, shortly after her husband’s apparent suicide (which remains controversial).

    133-C Dees In late December 1976, a print of what was termed an “additional view” of the backyard pose was passed to the House Select Committee by Mrs Geneva Dees. According to a staff summary of an interview with Mrs Dees, the print “had been acquired by her former husband, Roscoe White, now deceased, while employed with the Dallas Police at the time of the assassination.” Roscoe White has assumed some notoriety for numerous reasons, including that his tenure with the DPD began only a few weeks before the assassination, assigned to the Identification Bureau where the backyard negatives would be delivered. White, according to his family members, had experience with “trick photography”. Previously he had been in proximity with Oswald in the late 1950s, as they were occasionally in the same places while serving with the Marines.

    133-C Dees was deemed by the panel as a first-generation print, which would indicate the corresponding negative was also in possession of the Dallas Police. This negative is not in the record. The existence of this third pose, as a print or negative, is not accounted for anywhere in the official recounting of the investigation or the generated paperwork. However, when the Dallas Police and Secret Service photographed a recreation of the backyard photos on location a week after the assassination, the pose struck by the photographed officer was that seen in 133-C. Astonishingly, the House Select Committee expressed muted, at best, curiosity regarding this photo and the missing negatives.

    133-A Stovall / 133-C Stovall These prints were delivered to the HSCA in April 1978 through Richard Stovall, who had been one of the Dallas Police detectives involved with the search of the Paine household in November 1963. These were also deemed first-generation prints, created from negatives which are not in the record.

    According to the HSCA photographic panel’s analysis, the backyard photo prints in the record were created using at least four different processes, representing at least five unique printing events.

    The two prints originally found among Oswald’s possessions were described by the panel as “drugstore or photofinisher prints because they appeared to have been produced on the type of commercial photo printing machine used by photofinishers for camera stores, drugstores and mass-produced prints.” The prints are small (3”x3”), with a white border and markings consistent with an automated commercial machine. The de Mohrenschildt print is larger (5”x5”) and described as “probably made in a high quality enlarger with a high quality lens” due to its increased resolution. The panel notes that “the entire negative area is printed” (showing more picture than the cropped “drugstore” print), and that the print had yellowed, “indicating that it was not adequately fixed or washed during the development process”. Another print of 133-A (Stovall), was larger (5”x8”) and cropped on the sides. The two prints of 133-C (Stovall / Dees) were 8”x10”, the same size as the blow-up print shown to Oswald a few hours after discovery (CE134).

    Although the HSCA panel does not directly speculate, their review indicates that the original roll of film which exposed the backyard photos was processed at a common commercial photofinisher, the de Mohrenschildt version possibly created by Oswald at his Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall workplace, and the other prints were created at various times at Dallas Police headquarters.5

    The HSCA Panel Determines The Backyard Photos are Authentic

    The House Select photography panel’s real work, as evidenced by their report’s exhaustive detail, was to determine the authenticity of the backyard photos. Questions concerning the photos which were non-technical in nature were therefore not addressed. The panel implicitly accepts two crucial assumptions: 1) the Imperial Reflex Duo-Lens camera identified as having produced the photographs was “Oswald’s camera”; 2) Marina Oswald operated that camera to produce the photos.

    Stressing that the panel conducted their forensic analysis of the backyard photos utilizing the best available materials – the one negative and the seven known first generation prints – the Photograph Authentication section of the HSCA Report details results of digital image processing examining consistency in the film grain, stereoscopic techniques to determine if superimposition had been applied, and photogrammetry to establish measurements of objects and shadows. These are all accepted and proven techniques for forensic examination of photographs. The panel also undertook numerous controlled experiments to examine specific points advanced by critics: identical heads from photo to photo, inconsistent body proportions, unnatural and inconsistent shadows, and unnatural lines in the vicinity of the subject’s chin. The result of this analysis: “Careful examination of the photographs with respect to lighting, perspective, sharpness, distortion, grain pattern, density, and contrast revealed no evidence of fakery.”

    Malcolm Thomson, the British photographic expert who determined for the BBC that the photos had been faked, and also the unnamed Canadian analyst who did the same for CBC, were then contacted. Both men were presented with the panel’s findings and asked to respond. Thomson, noting the thoroughness by which the panel had investigated the issue, “deferred to the panel’s conclusions”, and added that he had been working from generational copies rather than first generation prints. The Canadian analyst also replied that he had been examining “very poor copies”.

    Thomson, however, did maintain that the subject’s chin in the backyard photographs was “suspiciously different” and that a well-done fake would be difficult to detect, digital image processing or not. Indeed, both the FBI’s Shaneyfelt in 1964 and the HSCA panel in 1978 concede that a determined skillful forger with access to high quality equipment and then also to the Imperial Reflex camera in evidence, could have faked the backyard photos. Therefore, a categorical assertion of “authenticity” is not possible, and that someone may have superimposed Oswald’s face onto another man’s body cannot be ruled out.

    A counterfeiter creating such forgeries would require: access to the Neely Street backyard; assistance from at least one other person; access to a Mannlicher-Carcano rifle and a pistol; access to the specific issues of The Worker and The Militant; access to the Imperial-Reflex camera; and access to a photo featuring Oswald’s face (or two or three similar photos of Oswald ) for superimposition. Dallas Police recreations staged at the location on November 29,1963 show mature flowered plants behind the subject and therefore date the backyard photos themselves, or at least a photo of the backyard used for a later composite, as generated some months ahead of the assassination. The counterfeiter would likely possess knowledge of a plot involving Oswald. Alternatively, it cannot be ruled out that photos were taken in the Neely St backyard featuring an unknown male subject for a reason unrelated to the future assassination, possibly with Oswald’s assistance, and then later appropriated for another purpose by superimposing Oswald’s face.

    In light of the panel’s extensive forensic work, using the existing negative and first generation prints, the weight of probability does support these photos as “real”, absent a technical challenge to this analysis or specific information regarding a forgery operation. However, regardless of the thoroughness by which the House Select Committee’s panel approached its subject, by limiting its investigation solely to the authenticity of the photos themselves, the panel bypassed two equally compelling questions which bear weight especially if the photos are considered “authentic”: was the camera which was identified as having taken the photos actually “Oswald’s camera”, and did Marina Oswald actually take the photos?


    Part 2:  Was the Imperial Reflex Actually Oswald’s Camera?

    The official investigations accept without question the attribution of the Imperial Reflex camera as owned by Lee Oswald. The Warren Commission refers exclusively to the “Oswald camera”. The HSCA Report references “Oswald’s camera”, as does the House Select testimony of Cecil Kirk from the photography panel.

    The camera itself was described in the Warren Report as “a relatively inexpensive, fixed-focus, one-shutter speed, box-type camera, made in the United States”. (WR p593) That description, while accurate, sells the camera a little high, as it could also be described as a cheap all-plastic body wrapping a minimal array of flimsy elements. The lower lens sent light to the film plane, while the upper lens sent an inverted image to the viewer, which was accessible by popping open the top plate. The small red lever at the front opened the shutter, and the larger red knob at the back advanced the film.

    This Imperial Reflex camera does not appear in the inventories of Oswald’s possessions seized by the Dallas Police at the Paine address in Irving and the North Beckley room in the Dallas neighbourhood of Oak Cliff. Investigations determined that Oswald owned a “Russian camera” and an “American camera”. A Russian-made Cuera-2 camera appeared in the inventories, as did an American-made camera called a Stereo Realist. The Imperial Reflex camera only came to light, in the possession of Robert Oswald, about three months after the assassination and presumably after it had been determined that the Stereo Realist camera could not be linked with the backyard photos.

    Russian Cuera-2 camera “American” Stereo Realist camera

     

    A timeline of events as the ownership of the cameras was developed is illuminating:

    11/28/63 “(Marina) was asked whether she or Lee had any cameras and she replied that Lee bought one camera in Russia and a second one in the United States … She added that she was not proficient with operating any cameras as she never had an opportunity to do so.” (CE1792)
    12/2/63 “(Marina) said that they had two cameras, one Russian and one American, but she does not recall with which camera she took the (backyard) photograph.” (CE1401)
    1/29/64 “The other camera owned by the OSWALDS was a United States made camera which LEE HARVEY OSWALD had owned prior to his entry into the U.S. Marine Corps and this was the camera which he had taken pictures with when he was in the Marine Corps … (Marina) said the ‘Cuera-2’ camera appears to be the Russian camera and the ‘Realist’ appears to be the American made camera.” (CE1155)
    2/16/64 “ROBERT LEE OSWALD … viewed photos of a Stereo Realist camera and and a Cuera-2 camera and advised that he did not recognize either of the cameras as having been the property of LEE HARVEY OSWALD, but also stated he was not familiar enough with the cameras … to either state that the cameras in question did or did not belong to LEE HARVEY OSWALD.” (CE2557)
    2/17/64 “(Marina) was also shown the photograph of the Stereo Realist … She stated it was not the property of OSWALD as far as she knew. She advised to her knowledge she had never seen this camera … ” (CE1156)
    2/18/64 “(Marina) advised that she believed she took the photograph with the American camera which OSWALD owned … She said the American camera had a greyish color, somewhat like aluminum. It was a box-type camera … She can recall that she sighted the camera by looking down into the viewer at the top of the camera … ” (CE1404)
    2/19/64 “RUTH PAINE … advised that approximately three weeks after the assassination … ROBERT OSWALD … came to her residence and requested that they take all the remaining property belonging to LEE HARVEY OSWALD … she pointed out to them the boxes and other materials in her garage belonging to the OSWALDS and they removed this property.” (CE2557)
    2/24/64 “ROBERT LEE OSWALD made available a Duo-Lens Imperial Reflex camera made in the United States of America. It is aluminum colored … ROBERT OSWALD advised that in about 1957, LEE HARVEY OSWALD purchased a camera at about the time he first went into the U.S. Marine Corps … About 1959 … he left this camera with ROBERT at Fort Worth, Texas. In about August 1962 … LEE HARVEY OSWALD regained possession of this camera from ROBERT.” (CE2557)
    2/25/64 “Imperial Reflex camera obtained from ROBERT LEE OSWALD … was exhibited to MARINA OSWALD at which time she identified it as the camera belonging to LEE HARVEY OSWALD with which she had taken the picture of OSWALD holding the rifle and newspaper and wearing the pistol.” (CE2557)

    Robert Oswald would claim he “had never made this camera available to authorities before February 24, 1964, because he had never been asked for it previously and he could see no evidentiary value … of this cheap camera … He stated that it had never occurred to him that anyone would be interested in the camera.” (CE2557) This is after he had been specifically interviewed about and shown photos of cameras (February 16). It would also turn out to be the second instance in which a subjective judgment apparently kept this camera away from the sweep of the investigation. Marina Oswald temporarily stayed with Robert Oswald in February 1964, coinciding with the FBI’s determined efforts. She was thereby in the same house as the Imperial Reflex and, a week later, she suddenly recalled the camera was “aluminum” colored and that it was sighted “by looking down into the viewer”.6

    The FBI Closes The Circle

    The discovery of the Imperial Reflex would create something of a loose end in the developing official narrative since it was unclear how the camera could have been overlooked during the thorough Friday and Saturday searches of the Paine residence the previous November. On February 19, 1964, the same day Ruth Paine advised that a box of miscellaneous items was passed to Robert Oswald (five days before the camera was “found”), the FBI interviewed Irving Police detective John McCabe, who had attended both searches of the Paine household. According to the FBI, McCabe is “certain that he saw a light gray box camera in a box in Mrs PAINE’s garage. MCCABE stated that this camera was in a box which contained books and photographs belonging to LEE HARVEY OSWALD. MCCABE stated that he searched this box and did not take the camera since he did not consider it to be of evidentiary value.” (CE2557)

    On March 14, Dallas Police Detectives John Adamcik, Richard Stovall, Gus Rose and Henry Moore – who conducted the searches of the Paine residence – are interviewed by the FBI. They are shown a photograph of the Imperial Reflex camera. “None of these officers could recall ever seeing this camera and did not recall seeing it during a search of the garage at the PAINE residence. They all stated that if it had been discovered during the search, they would have brought it in.” (CE2557)

    The Paine’s garage

    McCabe is interviewed again by the FBI on March 23. He tells of “going through a box containing some books, some pictures, and a camera. He took the camera out of the box, put it on a dresser and searched the box in detail, and then put the camera back in the box.” He is shown a photograph of the Imperial Reflex camera received from Robert Oswald a month earlier and “he stated the camera in this photograph appeared identical with the one he described … in his opinion the Dallas Police Officers, who were also participating in the search, did not see this camera and did not search this particular box. He stated he had already searched the box and told them so. He did not point out the camera to them.” (CE2557)

    On March 23/24,1964, the four Dallas officers are also interviewed once more. They “all advised that during the search of the PAINE residence they recalled that there were several boxes in the garage at the PAINE residence and that all boxes were searched by one of the officers participating in the search … all stated that they definitely did not see the Imperial Reflex camera … or any other camera in the PAINE garage.” (CE2557)

    McCabe was at the Paine household as a representative of the Irving Police Department since the Paine home was so located, but the Dallas detectives were responsible for the search. How could a camera be found inside a box which also contained photographs “belonging” to the suspect, and yet be considered of no evidentiary value? In McCabe’s March 23 interview he says the camera “appeared in such poor condition that he believed it was not capable of taking pictures.” The box handed to Robert Oswald by Ruth Paine, in which the camera was said to be found, was presumably the same box searched by McCabe. This box was itemized by the FBI. It contained thirteen books, including six Russian books and a book on Marxism, some random items such as dice and a pencil sharpener, but no photos or pictures are listed. The original inventory list from November 23, 1963 (CE Stovall D) notes a “grey metal box containing miscellaneous Russian literature and some slide negatives”, but no camera.

    McCabe was not called before the Warren Commission nor does he personally appear in the record again. He does feature in the one anomaly in the testimony of the Dallas Police officers regarding the discovery of the backyard photos. Gus Rose (but no one else) gives McCabe some agency in the search: “I found two negatives first that showed Lee Oswald holding a rifle in his hand, wearing a pistol at his hip, and right with those negatives I found a developed picture … and Detective McCabe was standing there and he found the other picture – of Oswald holding the rifle.”

    Adamcik’s initials on the left side

    In June 1964, Special Agent Bookhout of the FBI met with Gus Rose to apparently re-establish where the backyard photos were discovered. “Rose identified same as being two photographs in a packet of forty-seven photographs found by him in a box during a search of the garage at the residence of Mrs Ruth Paine … ” A few days later, Bookhout met with Detective Adamcik who “stated these are two photographs from a packet of forty-seven photographs found in the search … Adamcik stated since he was present at the search he had numbered each photograph on the back and placed his initials thereon.” Adamcik’s initials appear on the back of the drugstore prints of both 133-A and 133-B, as do the numbers 46 and 47.

    It is hard to reconcile Rose’s account of McCabe finding one of the prints with the alternate story that the prints were found inside a packet. It is possible that Rose had become aware that McCabe had supposedly found something in the garage, and so stated McCabe found one of the prints in a bid to be helpful (if ultimately confused).7

    Oswald’s Photographs

    The House Select Committee’s photographic panel sought to buttress the identification of the Imperial Reflex as “Oswald’s camera” by applying the unique signature test – the markings on the edges of the negatives exposed in that camera – to other photographs found amongst Oswald’s possessions. Panel leader Cecil Kirk authored the following paragraph:

    “In regard to the allegation that this camera had been used only to take the incriminating backyard pictures of Lee Harvey Oswald, the panel examined all of the photographic material in the National Archives that was listed as having been taken from the effects of Lee and Marina Oswald … Most of these were family-type snapshots, including scenes of an older child and baby in a crib, Marina Oswald playing with a child, and Lee Oswald holding an infant. The frame edge markings appearing on the negatives to these photographs and the camera scratch marks appearing directly on the pictures were studied and found to be entirely consistent with both the original test materials and the Oswald backyard pictures which were exposed in the Oswald Imperial Reflex camera.” (HSCA Report p. 161)

    Edge markings negative 133-B Edge markings JFK Exhibit 189
    “Lee Oswald holding child”

    Serving as an example of a photo “entirely consistent” with the Imperial Reflex is a photograph taken in New Orleans, JFK Exhibit F-189, in which Oswald’s young daughter June is pictured posing before the screened porch in the courtyard of the Magazine Street apartment. Numbered pointers show identified scratches or markings which appear to match the scratches and markings found on the backyard photos. This photograph is one of a New Orleans set, “family-type snapshots” which include photos that could be described as “Marina Oswald playing with a child” (and a set to which negatives were recovered). Of the other photographs specifically mentioned in the Kirk’s description of the Oswald photographs, the known snapshots of “Lee Oswald holding an infant” originate from Russia, while the “scenes of an older child and a baby in a crib” seem to refer to separate photos of either an older child or a baby in a crib which originate from Russia and later a few from Dallas and New Orleans. According to Robert Oswald, the Imperial Reflex (or whatever “American camera” Lee Oswald owned) stayed with him until Lee’s return to Fort Worth in 1962 and so could not have been used in Russia.

    Cecil Kirk’s paragraph appears to have been carefully worded, such as a lawyer might do, to imply something without actually saying it. Here, the description of “family-type snapshots” is followed by an analysis of frame edge markings, implying that all of the specific snapshots referred to were “studied” and found to have the same markings as the Imperial Reflex. But Kirk is referring to the frame edge markings “on the negatives to these pictures”, and the New Orleans set represent the only “family-type snapshots” identified as having negatives at the Archives, where only about two dozen negatives were on file in the first place. In describing a “match”, Kirk is referring to one photograph/negative – JFK Exhibit F-189. “It is our opinion that the same camera produced the baby picture.”

    Mr GOLDSMITH: What were the panel’s overall conclusions regarding the frame edge marks and camera scratch marks that it evaluated?

    Sergeant KIRK: That it is a reliable source of identification and it is our opinion that the camera did indeed produce these photographs.

    Mr GOLDSMITH: When you say these photographs, you are referring to the backyard pictures?

    Sergeant KIRK: The backyard pictures and the baby picture. (HSCA Vol II p. 371)

    The assertion in the HSCA report that “many” photos and negatives were linked to the Imperial Reflex camera is technically true, but appears to refer only to four photos and one photo group: the three backyard photos, one photo of General Walker’s house, and the multiple photos included in the New Orleans set.8

    Shaneyfelt Exhibit 23: “Walker” photo

    What of the photographs “listed as having been taken from the effects of Lee and Marina Oswald”? To say that “most” of these photos consisted of “family-type snapshots” is something of a stretch. Some of the family photos, for example, are scenes of Oswald’s mother or his brother Robert’s family, which had been forwarded to him while overseas. Others are of friends in Russia, or friends in the Marine Corps. Altogether, family-type snapshots – understood as photos of Lee Oswald and his immediate family (Marina and his children) – are relatively few and most of them date from the Soviet Union.

    On December 3, 1963 FBI agents visited Marina Oswald with a group of forty-seven photographs for her identification. These pictures had been delivered to the FBI from Captain Fritz of the Dallas Police Department, and were described as “among the effects of LEE HARVEY OSWALD.” The two backyard photos are listed in this group as photos 46 and 47. (CE1401) This collection of photographs appear to be the contents of the “packet” in which the backyard photos were discovered, referred to by Rose and Adamcik in June 1964. The forty-seven photograph group is also mentioned in a report generated investigating the leak of 133-A in February 1964 (CE1788). The December 3 report lists photographs by number, accompanied by Marina Oswald’s description of their content. The majority of these photographs are from Russia. Three photos predate the Russian trip – one labeled Oswald in 1952; one of Oswald and John Pic, and one from Japan. The two backyard photos alone postdate the Russian trip.

    June Oswald at Elsbeth St

    On January 31,1964 FBI agents visited Marina Oswald with a collection of over 350 images for her identification, mostly photographs but also some postcards (CD443). The photographs are numbered within groups, with some photos duplicated from the packet shown to Marina in December, but the backyard photos not among them. Only two photographs, both from Elsbeth Street, were of immediate Oswald family and dwelling in Dallas (Item 11 P4, Item 33 P6).

    June Oswald Neely St balcony

    On March 19, 1964 FBI agents again visited Marina Oswald to exhibit for her identification another group of photographs, 448 in total – of which about 300 were determined to belong to the Paines. A different filing system again is used to list and describe the photographs (CIA Oswald 201 file Volume 32). Of this group – approximately one hundred and fifty Oswald photos, with many duplications from the previous presentations – only six are linked to the first four months of 1963: one photo from Elsbeth Street (65-7), three of June Oswald at the Neely address (B3-13, B3-17, B3-29),and the two backyard photos (D33-16, D33-17).9

    From the record, excluding the backyard photos, there appear to be only six Oswald family-type snapshots from the first months of 1963 and, from the record, very few others from Oswald’s entire stay in Dallas in 1962-63. Oswald was known to complain that he couldn’t find the proper film for his Russian camera, but he seems to have been adverse to using his “American camera” despite having a young child, the subject of most of the few photos which do exist.

    None of the photos in the record from this time period, including the photos of the Walker house attributed to Oswald, have the dimensions or borders of the backyard photos known as 133-A and 133-B. The “drugstore” finishing is unique to these photos.10 The automated machines of the era maneuvered an exposed roll of film to fix the negatives and then create the prints, so it is likely the backyard photos were originally processed using this method. Given the absence of any other photos from the period with a “drugstore” finish, did Oswald orchestrate the backyard photo shoot and then process a roll of film which contained only three exposures? Assuming the official narrative is correct and the photos were taken on the last day of March 1963, why wouldn’t Oswald develop the three negatives at Jaggars-Chiles-Stovall? Perhaps he felt the content of the photos might prove awkward, as he had earlier been told not to bring Russian literature to work after he was seen reading one of his subscription periodicals.11 This is assuming that Oswald was the person responsible for the processing of these photos. The two originally discovered backyard photos, as “drugstore” prints, are an anomaly amidst the Oswald photographs.

    Did Lee Oswald Have A Working “American Camera” In Dallas?

    Marina Oswald was asked about her late husband’s photographic habits during a Deposition for the HSCA:

    Q. Did he like photography?

    A. I don’t think so. That is a very expensive hobby.

    Q. To your knowledge … did he own a camera?

    A. I really don’t remember.

    Q. Did he own any kind of –

    A. I remember in Russia, he took pictures. It was our camera or somebody’s camera but I know he was taking pictures. I do believe it was our camera because he was carrying it with him.

    Q. When you lived in Texas did he own a camera?

    A. I don’t recall but, according to some pictures we had he might have because he had some pictures that were taken recently, I mean during our living there. I do believe he probably had. (HSCA September 20, 1977)

    This theme was picked up again some eleven months later:

    Q. Did Lee photograph pictures of you and your daughters at any time?

    A. In this country?

    Q. Yes.

    A. Yes; in Dallas once, on a balcony, he took a picture of my daughter.

    Q. Any other times?

    A. Possibly.

    Q. Do you recall now any other times?

    A. Well, we took a picture once at the bus station through this thing called the photomat where you put a quarter or a dime or whatever price in it and maybe Lee took pictures of me during our life together; yes.

    Q. Do you have any memory of these specific pictures being taken?

    A. No. (HSCA August 9, 1978)

    Marina Oswald is not saying she witnessed Lee operating a camera while in Dallas, but offering an assumption, since she had seen photos of her daughter June filmed on the balcony at 214 Neely Street in March or April 1963, then Lee must have been responsible.12

    Ruth Paine also was not sure a camera was available to Oswald in Dallas.

    Mr. JENNER – Was there any picture taking during the period, during the fall of 1963, either in New Orleans or in Irving or in Dallas?

    Mrs. PAINE – Not by either Lee or Marina that I heard of.

    Mr. JENNER – And did you hear any conversation between them in your presence or with you with respect to his or they having a snapshot camera or other type of camera to take pictures?

    Mrs. PAINE – No; the only reference to a camera was made by Lee when he held up and showed me a camera he had bought in the Soviet Union and said he couldn’t buy film for it in this country. it was a different size.

    Mr. JENNER – Did they ever exhibit any snapshots to you?

    Mrs. PAINE – Yes; a few snapshots taken in Minsk.

    Mr. JENNER – But no snapshots of any scenes in America that they had taken?

    Mrs. PAINE – No.

    Mr. JENNER – Or people?

    Mrs. PAINE – No. (WC March 21, 1964)

    The New Orleans Photo Set

    In contrast to the sparse number of Oswald family-type snapshot originating from Dallas in early 1963, at 4905 Magazine Street in New Orleans a set of eleven photos are taken in the courtyard, probably within a relatively few minutes. Negatives from these photos were said to be found amongst Oswald’s possessions, and later used by the HSCA photography panel to identify a match to the Imperial Reflex camera.

    There are a few occasions in the Oswald photographic collection when multiple pictures cover an event – Lee Oswald ironing baby clothes on a suitcase during the last days in Minsk, or the Oswalds at the train to begin the journey back to America13 – but eleven photos at a single location represents a burst of photographic enthusiasm not seen elsewhere.

    The New Orleans photo set is a domestic scene: toddler June Oswald poses before the Magazine Street apartment for two wider photos, then the photographer comes in closer near the gate and fence with a distinct driveway behind, then June joins Marina, who is barefoot and comfortable in black shirt and shorts.14 The lawn is wet with spray from a garden hose, which June picks up and aims about her. The mood is casual and happy. The photos are undated, but Marina’s visible pregnancy is consistent with early second trimester dating these photos to the first month in New Orleans, May-June 1963. This was a time, according to the available testimonies, of tension and disagreement for the Oswalds:

    Mr. PREYER … .just before he went to New Orleans, what was his treatment of you?

    Mrs. PORTER. Well, he was quite brittle, sometime toward me.

    Mr. PREYER. That was family quarreling?

    Mrs. PORTER. Quite constantly. (HSCA September 13, 1978)

    This state of affairs was evident to others. Ruth Paine: “when I took her to New Orleans in May, he was very discourteous to her, and they argued most of that weekend.” (WC March 18, 1964). Mrs Jesse Garner, the landlady at Magazine Street also witnessed tensions:

    Mr. LIEBELER – Did you ever try to talk to Marina Oswald?

    Mrs. GARNER – Yes; I did when she would be outside hanging clothes. I tried to talk to her and to the baby, I talked to both, and she would put her hands over her eyes and start crying. I asked her how she felt, and she would just do like this with her shoulders.

    Mr. LIEBELER – She shrugged her shoulders?

    Mrs. GARNER – Yes … And another thing, she would nod, try to tell you hello when he wasn’t there, but if he was there like they was sitting on the steps or something, or they would go through the drive and he was there, she wouldn’t even look at you.

    Mr. LIEBELER – She was more friendly and outgoing when Oswald wasn’t there?

    Mrs. GARNER – Yes; when he was there, she wouldn’t have nothing to say.

    If Lee Oswald did not suddenly find peace with his wife and take this unusual set of photos, who could have? There were very few known visitors at this address, and the casual nature of the photos strongly suggests the photographer was known and familiar to the subjects (Marina and June). The photo set was shown to Marina Oswald during an HSCA Deposition on August 9, 1978:

    Q. I now would like to show you, Mrs. Porter, six photographs and see if you can identify these for us.

    A. This is a picture of me and my daughter June when she was a child. I do not know where they were taken though …

    Q. Do you recall when this was taken?

    A. No.

    Q. Do you know if people took pictures of you apart from Lee?

    A. Well, I don’t recall the picture taking incident, period. I don’t know who took the picture.

    Q. Did Lee take pictures of you?

    A. I don’t know. I don’t remember.

    Q. You don’t remember?

    A. No; it could have been in New Orleans because I was expecting a baby then …

    Q. Mrs. Porter, do you remember the incident when these pictures were taken?

    A. No.

    There is one person who had been present at the Magazine Street apartment and was friendly with Marina, familiar to June, and who could be linked with the Imperial Reflex camera. That is Ruth Paine, who arrived in New Orleans with Marina Oswald on Saturday May 11, 1963, and stayed through Tuesday morning May 14. On Sunday, the Oswald and Paine families (Ruth Paine had her own two children along) toured the French Quarter. On Monday, Lee Oswald would have gone to his job at the Reilly Coffee Company, leaving Marina and Ruth Paine together at the Magazine Street apartment.

    Ruth Paine would visit this apartment again for several days in September 1963. For the Warren Commission she could draw a sketch of the interior and exterior layout of 4905 Magazine Street (CE403). She referred to the courtyard area where the photos were taken several times in her testimony:

    Mrs. PAINE – … Lee showed her, of course, all the virtues of the apartment that he had rented. He was pleased that there was room enough, it was large enough that he could invite me to stay, and the children, to spend the night there. And he pointed out this little courtyard with grass, and fresh strawberries ready to pick, where June could play … Marina was definitely not as pleased as he had hoped. I think he felt – he wanted to please her. This showed in him.

    Mr. JENNER – Tell us what she said. What led you to that conclusion?

    Mrs. PAINE – She said it is dark, and it is not very clean. She thought the courtyard was nice, a grass spot where June could play, fenced in.

    Mrs. Garner, the landlady, remembered Ruth Paine’s visits from observing her station wagon parked out front. She did not see Paine personally, but told the Warren Commission that her husband did.

    Ruth Paine sketched the Magazine St layout for the Warren Commission

    Mr. LIEBELER – Did your husband see that person?

    Mrs. GARNER – Yes; my husband.

    Mr. LIEBELER – At this time.

    Mrs. GARNER – Yes; my husband saw her and spoke to her. I never did see her.

    Mr. LIEBELER – You say your husband had talked to her. Did he tell you what she had said?

    Mrs. GARNER – No; I never asked him and he never said nothing. (WC April 6, 1964)

    At the close of her testimony, Mrs Garner is addressed by Liebeler: “I do want to thank you for the patience that you and your husband have shown to me and for the cooperation you have given us in coming down here and testifying. On behalf of the Commission I want to thank you both very much.” If Mr Garner had testified and perhaps been asked the circumstance of his conversation with Ruth Paine it is not in the record. Despite his apparent presence during his wife’s appearance before Liebeler, there is no transcript of any interview with Jesse Garner from April 6, even as it would have been as relevant, if not more so, than what his wife could offer. Instead, a brief affidavit focused specifically and exclusively on his contacts with Lee Oswald is executed on May 3, 1964.

    The New Orleans photo set is not listed among the group of photographs shown Marina Oswald on January 31, 1964. The photo set is listed and identified as among the group of photographs shown to Marina on March 20, a group which included many photographs belonging to the Paines.

    If the Imperial Reflex camera was not Oswald’s – and the evidence assembled by the Warren Commission and the HSCA does little to install confidence in this assertion – its provenance can be located in circles close to Oswald, as seen with the backyard photos and the New Orleans set,15 and can be linked, directly or indirectly, with Ruth Paine.


    Part 3:  Did Marina take the Backyard Photos?

    The narrative establishing the origin of the backyard photos is based largely on Marina Oswald’s recollection, but official investigators have often been skeptical of her stories. Her memory lapses tend to recur or intensify unpredictably, spiked by sudden detailed recollections of incidents which are often incredible or absurd (i.e. Lee Oswald’s attempt to assassinate Nixon or wandering busy Oak Cliff for target practice with the rifle jammed in a raincoat). There are moments in her testimonies and interviews where she appears dumb and largely unaware, other times when she is fairly lucid. If there is a pattern, at least in the months following the assassination, it’s the memory lapses and absurd stories occur most frequently over incidents which critics over the years have suspected never actually happened.16

    The problem accepting Marina’s fuzzy account of the creation of the backyard photos is partly a psychological one: how is it possible for her to be so vague about details when the event itself was so highly unusual and possibly indicative of a dark turn in her husband’s life? It was purportedly the first and only time she had ever operated a camera, but later she could barely recall the procedure. Supposedly her husband appeared before her wearing strange wardrobe and brandishing firearms which she had not been previously aware.17 Yet Marina tells the Warren Commission: “I didn’t attach any significance to it at the time.” (WC February 3, 1964) The backyard photo session was apparently never mentioned to Ruth Paine, even as tension in the Oswald’s marriage was a frequent topic of conversation during their burgeoning friendship. Marina’s handwritten narrative about her life with Lee, filled with anecdotal episodes from their marriage, does not mention the backyard photo-taking at all (CE993/994).18

    The Warren Commission – through Commission lawyers Rankin and Liebeler – never questioned Marina Oswald with the intent of extracting details on the creation of the backyard photos, content to have her briefly recount her story of being interrupted by her husband while hanging diapers. The interviewers for the HSCA did a better job trying to tease specific information to help clarify the veracity of the story. These interviews occurred some fourteen to fifteen years after the fact so her already vague recollections are all the more challenged.

    A. I do believe it was a weekend and he asked me to take a picture of him and I refused because I don’t know how to take pictures. That is the only pictures I ever took in my whole life. So we argued over it and I thought the pose, or whatever he was wearing was just horrible, but he insisted that I just click, just push the button and I believe I did it twice and that was it …

    Q. And you recall testifying about these same two photographs when you testified to the Warren Commission?

    A. Yes; I remember them asking if I ever took the pictures and I had completely forgotten because it was only once in my life and I didn’t know who to take pictures. Yes, when they showed me that, yes, I did take the pictures …

    Q. What did he tell you to do with the camera as far as taking the pictures?

    A. He just told me which button to push and I did.

    Q. Did you hold it up to your eye and look through the viewer to take the picture?

    A. Yes. … (HSCA Deposition September 20, 1977)

    The interviewer is well aware the Imperial Reflex camera said to have taken the pictures featured a viewer at the top of the camera that one looks down into, and that the camera is held mid-body rather than raised to the eye. He is also aware that the shutter is opened by pushing down on a small lever, a different mechanical activity than simply pushing a button. Marina Oswald’s recollections cast doubt on her story, as the operation of the Imperial Reflex is so different than most consumer cameras that it should not be easily forgotten.

    Marina Oswald did, once, describe accurately the camera’s mechanics, as accounted in an FBI summary from February 18, 1964, when agents were keenly focused on locating the backyard camera and a week after Marina temporarily stayed with Robert Oswald in the house where the camera would be later be “found”. The summary ascribed to her, compared with her other statements on the topic, is absurdly detailed and contains information never repeated: “She said the American camera had a greyish color, somewhat like aluminum. It was a box-type camera … She can recall that she sighted the camera by looking down into the viewer at the top of the camera … ” (CE 1404)

    Q. When you took the first picture you held it up to your eye?

    A. Yes; that is what I recall.

    Q. What did you do next?

    A. I believe he did something with it and told me to push it again.

    Q. The first time you pushed it down to take the picture?

    A. Yes.

    Q. And the first time, what happened before you took the second picture?

    A. He changed his pose.

    Q. What I am getting at is, did you give the camera to him so he would move the film forward or did you do that?

    A. He did that.

    Q. So you took the picture and handed the camera to him?

    A. Yes.

    Q. What did he do?

    A. He said, “Once again,” and I did it again.

    Q. So he gave you back the camera?

    A. For the second time; yes.

    Q. Did he put the rifle down?

    A. You see, that is the way I remember it.

    Q. Did he put the rifle down on the ground between ––

    A. I don’t remember. (HSCA Deposition September 20, 1977)

    Marina Oswald is being asked whether her husband freed his hands by placing the rifle to ground, to support a developing hypothesis of the photo shoot. The HSCA photographic panel would surmise that the three photos were taken in a particular order, and that Lee’s need to move the film forward in the camera and otherwise instruct his wife resulted in the rifle and literature appearing in one set of hands, then the other, and then again as the first. Observing the photos in this presumed order (133-C followed by B followed by A) allowed the panel to state the “photographic technique improved appreciably during the sequence”, implying that the learning curve of the novice Marina Oswald was this way visible.19

    The Peter Gregory Interview

    Peter Gregory was a member of the Dallas area White Russian community and one of the first persons to meet with Lee Oswald on his return from the Soviet Union in June 1962. Gregory, a consultant in the oil industry, taught Russian part-time in Fort Worth. Oswald sought a reference for his language skills. Gregory’s son Paul befriended both Lee and Marina, and the Oswalds were gradually introduced to a wider community of Russian speaking persons over the course of social visits into the autumn of 1962. In the aftermath of the assassination, Gregory was enlisted to provide translation services as Marina Oswald appeared before investigators.20

    Peter Dale Scott, in his book Deep Politics And the Death of JFK, discusses the Russian language interpreters recruited for initial interviews with Marina Oswald. The first, Ilya Mamantov, was recruited by Army Intelligence officer Jack Crichton five hours after the assassination. Peter Gregory was brought in the following day.21 Scott notes that both men, as interpreters, had occasion to add words, or otherwise misrepresent what Marina was actually saying, as deliberately adding adjectives “dark” and “scopeless” to her vague descriptions of a rifle. (WCD 344 p22-23)

    On November 27, 1963 Secret Service agent Leon Gopadze, Russian speaking and newly assigned to the Dallas investigation from Washington, joined the FBI’s Hosty and Brown to interview a tired and uncooperative Marina Oswald at the Six Flags Inn. During the interview, Marina was informed, through Gopadze, “the Government needs her cooperation and this might help her” remain in the United States. She was “asked how she intended to make a living … She was then told that her cooperation with the Government could also be of assistance.” (CE1791)

    The following day, Gopadze solicited assistance from Peter Gregory, whose presence he felt would be “beneficial” to enabling a more cooperative attitude from Marina Oswald. Gopadze had reviewed Gregory’s interpretive work recorded during interviews with her on November 23 (WCD 344). Gopadze’s review noted that Gregory had added words and rephrased certain statements, but his interpretive work was characterized as flawless in a later report (CE1792). Gopadze and Gregory met at the Six Flags Inn, discussed “mutual personal background,” and then Gregory described his introduction to Lee Oswald and subsequent interaction with the Oswalds. Gregory was characterized by Gopadze as “very patriotic, and loyal to this country.”

    Immediately following this briefing, Gregory conducted what was described as a private interview with Marina Oswald. According to the summary, this interview was largely concerned with reviewing biographical information already on the record. Gopadze determines that Marina “was very sincere in her statements and that she was furnishing the information voluntarily without trying to hold anything back.”22 Gopadze then joins Gregory and Marina Oswald as the interview continues, possibly on Gopadze’s initiative, covering Lee Oswald’s frugality, his membership in a hunter’s club in Russia, and then a perhaps pointed question about an “Inter Club” in Leningrad.23 She is asked about Lee’s purported trips to Washington and Mexico (answering in the negative) and then was asked “whether she or Lee had any cameras.” Marina replies there was a Russian camera and an American camera: “one was a small camera and the other was a box camera”. This is one of two occasions, with the absurd February 18, 1964 summary from the FBI, that the descriptive term “box camera” was used by Marina Oswald.

    According to the summary of this November 28 meeting, after a few more questions Marina became “very much concerned that Mr Gregory and I had any doubts as to her sincerity and truthfulness … ’I hope you believe me, as I swear by God, this is the truth’.” Moments later, a measure of Marina Oswald’s willingness to be cooperative and truthful was revealed:

    “Before showing Marina Oswald photographs of Lee Oswald holding the rifle, she was forewarned to tell me the truth about the photographs. She replied she would. At this time two photographs of Lee holding the rifle, a newspaper, and a revolver strapped at his side were shown to her and by seeing them it seemed somewhat of a shock to her. She started crying, but after composing herself, she said that the pictures were taken while they were living in the duplex on Neely Street at Dallas, Texas, as she recognized the background of the picture. She was then asked who took the picture. Marina hesitatingly said she didn’t think she knew but immediately stated that there was no use telling a lie, and added that it was taken by her upon Lee’s request, even though she did not know how to operate the camera. The operation of the camera was explained to her by Lee who also measured the distance where she should stand when taking the photographs. After Marina Oswald examined the pictures it was pointed out to her Lee was holding a rifle containing the scope and she said honestly that she does not remember noticing the scope but that it was Lee’s rifle and the same one she had previously seen in their apartment in New Orleans. The fact that Lee had a revolver in a holster on his right side was pointed out to her but she said she did not notice the revolver while taking the picture as Lee was dressed in black and it would be hard to see. She said the reason Lee asked her to take the photographs was for the purpose of sending photographs to the Militant magazine to show that he was ready for anything … ” (CE1792)

    This is the first recitation of the backyard photo story and Marina Oswald is strangely detached from the images, recognizing “the background of the picture” rather than her supposed personal involvement in the photo’s creation, and having to examine the pictures while things she didn’t know are pointed out to her. She claims to recognize the rifle, but as one “previously seen in their apartment in New Orleans.” Marina was consistent during her post-assassination interviews that she had first seen a rifle associated with her husband in New Orleans, and here maintains that position even as she is viewing a picture featuring a rifle taken previous to traveling there.24

    This begins the phenomenon of Marina Oswald’s recovered memories, later to illuminate the Walker shooting, Lee and the rifle, the trip to Mexico City and so on. They begin shortly after the private interview with Peter Gregory, and one day after the subtle threat to “cooperate” with the government and its representatives. The appearance of the descriptive term “box camera” shortly before the first telling of the backyard story suggests the private Gregory interview may have been less concerned with retelling already known biographical detail, and more concerned with laying out terms of cooperation. If “box camera” was introduced to Marina from an outside source, how this descriptive information was known many weeks ahead of the camera’s later discovery raises serious questions.25

    The Destroyed Photo of Oswald with a Rifle

    Two days later, on November 30, 1963, Marina Oswald tells Secret Service Special Agent Gopadze “when she was shown, by the reporting agent, pictures of Lee Oswald holding a rifle she did not advise at that time that she had the same pictures but in smaller sizes pasted in her family album but that upon the suggestion of Mrs. Marguerite Oswald she destroyed them upon learning that her husband was a prime suspect in the shooting of the President.” (CE1787) This seems to confirm that a photo of Oswald holding a rifle was in Marina’s possession on the evening of the assassination and was destroyed either that night or the following day.26 It also seems to confirm that Marina began to identify or confuse, correctly or incorrectly, the destroyed photo with the backyard photos.

    In testimony before the Warren Commission, Marina displays her confusion:

    Mrs. OSWALD. … I had even forgotten that I had taken two photographs. I thought there was only one. I thought that there were two identical pictures, but they turned out to be two different poses. (WC, February 3, 1964)

    What is she referring to? The source of her confusion may be knowledge she handled one photograph of her husband, with a rifle, on the evening of the assassination, and later was advised she took two backyard photos (actually it would have been three, the fact of which demonstrates that the “two photograph” event was a construct created by her interviewers).

    The most often told destroyed photo story features one photograph. Marina Oswald secured the photo from her personal effects after she had returned, along with mother-in-law Marguerite Oswald, to Ruth Paine’s house from Dallas Police headquarters the evening of the assassination. In the photo, Oswald is seen holding a rifle. Apparently there was an inscription, on the front or back, which said in English: “To my daughter, June”.27 Marina, fearful that the photograph be considered incriminating, showed it to Marguerite, who recommended she destroy it. The photo was apparently destroyed at either Ruth Paine’s home that evening, or at the Executive Inn the following day. It was burned in an ashtray, or ripped into pieces and flushed down the commode, or a combination of the two.

    Marguerite Oswald told the Warren Commission that in the photo Oswald was holding the rifle above his head with both hands. If this was a backyard photo then it would represent a unique pose and therefore be a fourth photo, with Oswald posing this time without the literature.

    Mrs. OSWALD … And she came out with a picture a picture of Lee, with a gun. It said, “To my daughter June”-written in English … I say to my daughter … anybody can own a rifle, to go hunting. You yourself probably have a rifle … I think my son is all agent all the time no one is going to be foolish enough if they mean to assassinate the President, or even murder someone to take a picture of themselves with that rifle, and leave that there for evidence. (Marguerite Oswald, WC testimony, February 10, 1964)

    Sylvia Meagher speculated back in 1967 that the destroyed photo could have originated from Oswald’s time in Minsk, associated with his membership in a hunting club. Marguerite Oswald’s Warren Commission testimony could support this as she is shown the two backyard photos (Commission Exhibits 133-A , 133-B, and the blowup 134):

    Mr. RANKIN … I will show you some photographs. Maybe you can tell me whether they are the ones that you are referring to. Here is Commission’s Exhibit 134.

    Mrs. OSWALD. No, sir, that is not the picture.

    Mr. RANKIN. And 133, consists of two different pictures.

    Mrs. OSWALD. No, sir, that is not the picture. He was holding the rifle and it said, “To my daughter, June, with love.” He was holding the rifle up.

    Mr. RANKIN. By holding it up, you mean ––

    Mrs. OSWALD. Like this.

    Mr. RANKIN. Crosswise, with both hands on the rifle?

    Mrs. OSWALD. With both hands on the rifle.

    Mr. RANKIN. Above his head?

    Mrs. OSWALD. That is right.

    Mr. RANKIN. Did you ever see these pictures, Exhibits 133 and 134?

    Mrs. OSWALD. No, sir, I have never seen those pictures.

    This appearance before the Commission occurred before the Life Magazine cover flooded the newsstands or her answer should have been more precise, such as a picture like or unlike the one on the cover of Life (as other witnesses referred to specifically). The backyard photos are distinct for Oswald’s clothing and the location, so Marguerite Oswald’s reply “I have never seen those pictures” implies that whatever the destroyed picture was, it was not a backyard photo.

    Marguerite’s observation “anybody can own a rifle, to go hunting” may also be indicative of another origin for the destroyed photo. There is one known photograph of Lee Oswald with a rifle, apparently taken during leave from the Marines in 1958, which was in the possession of his brother Robert. Some of Robert’s photographs had been forwarded to Lee while he was in the Soviet Union. Did Marina have a copy of this photo misremembered by Marguerite, or an alternate of this photo in which the rifle was held above his head?

    Regardless, Marina Oswald’s initial response to the backyard photos does not indicate she was responsible or even that she had seen them previously.


    Notes

    1  501 Elm Street is the Dal-Tex Building. Since the two photos and their corresponding negatives were said to be found inside a “packet”, perhaps that packet had an identifier listing this address. Did the Dal-Tex building have a tenant in 1963 which could process photos in the fashion associated with the originally discovered backyard photos?

    2  The original negative of 133-A went missing while in the possession of the Dallas Police department. It would later be claimed (i.e. First Day Evidence) that only one negative was found at the Paine residence, and that the copies disseminated by the Dallas Police were generated from the two prints, not the negative(s). However, it is hard to get around the clear ID of two negatives made by the officers who found these photos, and the Identification Bureau paperwork from 4:30 PM which unambiguously records two negatives.

    3  Shaneyfelt, the FBI man charged with investigating the photographs, did not actually make a positive identification between the rifle seen in the photographs and the rifle in evidence. He said it had “the same general configuration” and that “all appearances were the same”, and he noted that a notch or groove in the stock which “appears very faintly in the photograph” perhaps matched a similar notch found on the rifle in evidence, but it was not enough to make a “positive identification to the exclusion of all other rifles of the same general configuration.” The Warren Commission was responsible for claiming the positive identification, using deductive reasoning based on the timing of the receipt of the mail order firearms and the receipt of the two newspapers seen in the photographs.

    4  Marina used the phrase “ha! ha!” in a handwritten narrative included in the Warren Commission’s exhibits (CE993) The handwriting and punctuation does not appear similar to that of the inscription on the back of the photo:

     

    Did Marina have a habit of using the exclamatory phrase “Ha! ha!”? She maintained of the inscription: “it would sound like me.” Who would have known that? For the Warren Commission, Ruth Paine would describe her Russian language skills: “My writing would be with fewer mistakes, because I can think about it more in putting it down, but still very many mistakes occur in it.” (WC March 18, 1964) Author Gus Russo, in his book Live By The Sword, speculated that the phrase was actually written by Jeanne de Mohrenschildt, but this photo was not known to her until its discovery in 1967.

    5  Dennis Orfstein worked with Oswald at J-C-S and told the Warren Commission that Oswald had enquired about creating enlargements from his personal negatives and he showed Oswald the steps involved. Orfstein said that employees would use the J-C-S equipment for small personal jobs from time to time. According to Orfstein, Oswald initially created an enlargement of a landscape photograph from Minsk. There has long been speculation that Oswald used the J-C-S facilities to create not just the de Mohrenschildt print, but several identification cards and perhaps more backyard prints. This may be so, but Orfstein described the photography work space at J-C-S as a common area, so any work Oswald may have done would have been either in the presence of other workers or risking interruption by other workers.

    6  This process, where little or zero knowledge or remembrance of an event on the part of Marina Oswald, gradually expands to extensive and detailed knowledge, often buttressed by newly discovered evidence, recurs during the investigation over topics such as the rifle, Oswald’s alleged attempt on Walker, and Oswald’s alleged visit to Mexico City.

    7  If this should seem an outlandish proposition, then it is best to point out that both Rose and Stovall described finding a photo of General Walker’s house (CE5), amongst Oswald’s possessions, with the license plate already removed or blacked out from the parked car. Rose “stated he definitely recalls that this photograph, marked as Commission Exhibit 5, was one of the photographs recovered from the PAINE residence and that it had been mutilated at the time they had recovered the box containing the photographs.“ (CE1351) This cannot be true, as an evidence photo published in Jesse Curry’s memoir showed the Walker photo with the licence plate still intact. Gus Rose would later appear in an unfavourable light in Errol Morris’ film “The Thin Blue Line”.

    8  The HSCA panel did not examine the photographs of the Walker residence found amongst Oswald’s effects, but previously, for the Warren Commission, the FBI’s Shaneyfelt had identified markings on one of these photographs as matching the Imperial Reflex. (WR p. 596) There has been a tendency to claim all the Walker photos were linked to the Imperial Reflex, but it was only the one, which had been printed with the image edge of the negative visible. Since the story of Oswald’s ‘American camera” was that he had it in Japan, left it with brother Robert while in Russia, and then retrieved it, the HSCA should have examined the photos from the Marines/Japan looking for these same consistencies, but there is no indication they did.

    9  The Neely Street balcony photos of June Oswald appear to have been taken on two separate occasions, as her garment is long-sleeved for two photos and short sleeved in the other. According to Marina, the blanket laid out on the balcony floor on which June sits would later serve as the blanket which allegedly wrapped the rifle as it sat in the Paine’s garage.

    10  There should be a “drugstore” print of 133-C as well, which has never come to light.

    11  The automated commercial printers would produce the prints with no one needing to closely handle or see them.

    12  During her testimony before the Warren Commission on February 4, 1964 Marina is asked to describe Lee’s performance as a father. She replies: “He would walk with June, play with her, feed her, change diapers, take photographs everything that fathers generally do.” Four days previous she had been shown a photo collection by the FBI which included the Neely Street balcony photos.

    13  Neither of these photo groups were actually photographed by Lee Oswald, as he often appears in the photos. Many of the Russian photos in Oswald’s collection feature him as a subject, so these photos were either passed on to him or were taken by someone else using his camera.

    14  Marina may be wearing a pair of “maternity shorts” as mentioned by Ruth Paine: “When she was with me in the spring, late April to the 9th of May, she had some money from Lee for her own expenses, and she used a portion of this, I would think a rather large portion, buying a pair of maternity shorts … I know they cost nearly $5, and this was quite a large expenditure and quite a thrill. These were bought in Irving.” (WC March 21, 1964) Soon after her return to Irving from New Orleans, Marina wrote to Ruth and referred to her domestic situation with “The love is gone!”

    15  This holds even if the backyard photos are conclusively determined to be forgeries, since the signature of the Imperial Reflex camera establishes it as part of the counterfeiting.

    16  Marina’s memory problems are not consistent. For context, consider her response during Warren Commission testimony dated July 24, 1964 as she is shown the photograph of the Walker house (CE5) in which the licence plate of a vehicle had been removed: “I think when the Commission showed me this picture the number was there … I would have remembered this black spot if it were there at the time the Commission showed me this.. When the FBI first showed me this photograph I remember that the license plate, the number of the license plate was on this car, was on the photograph … It had the white and black numbers. There was no black spot that I see on it now … I would have remembered it if there were a black spot on the back of the car where the license plate would be…I remember very distinctly that there was a license plate on this car. When this business about General Walker came up I would have remembered this black spot … This black spot is so striking I would have remembered it … There was no hole in the original when they showed it to me I’m positive of it.”

    17  The set of black clothes was not found amongst Oswald’s possessions, and Marina was never questioned about this wardrobe.

    18  Ending with a plea she be allowed to stay in the United States, Marina’s narrative is a saccharine version of events which often reads like the work of a ghost writer. Lee Oswald is portrayed as a classical music lover, sweet and gentle except when he’s not. Like when he’s shooting at General Walker.

    19  This proposed order is supported, according to the panel, by minute but visible changes in shadow location. The panel determined that “the camera was aimed about 70º east of north. The shadows in the photographs indicate that the Sun was behind and to the right of the camera. Since this would place the Sun in the southwestern sky, it was afternoon, and the Sun was going down.” This would time the photo shoot as mid-to-late afternoon. A learning curve operating this camera, with the inverted viewer, would be likely true for anyone.

    20  In November 1963, before the assassination, Marguerite Oswald apparently attended one of Gregory’s Russian classes, and then phoned him early on the morning of November 24 seeking assistance in relocating herself, Marina, and the two children. Gregory was travelling in a vehicle with them when word broke that Lee had been shot. Later, he told the Warren Commission, Ruth Paine contacted him seeking assistance writing “Russian letters”.

    21  “Chapter 17 – Army Intelligence And The Dallas Police.” Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics And the Death of JFK. According to Scott, Ilya Mamantov and Peter Gregory had known each other for years and “had worked together to set up a CIA-subsidized anti-communist ‘church’ in Dallas.”

    22  CE1792. How Gopadze could determine Marina’s sincerity is not clear, as this interview was supposedly conducted by Gregory alone.

    23  John Armstrong has speculated that, in the Soviet Union, Marina Oswald was part of various “honey trap” scenarios directed at foreign officials, and complications related to this activity in Leningrad in 1959 resulted in her relocation to Minsk, where she would later meet Oswald. Armstrong notes during this time, a number of foreigners would marry Soviet women, bring them back to their home country, and then promptly face divorce proceedings. Marina began separating herself from Oswald, and sharing stories of physical abuse, within four months of their arrival in the United States.

    24  The only confirmation of the “Oswald rifle” at the Neely house was from Jeanne de Mohrenshildt, who allegedly saw it during their final visit just before Easter 1963. But in her first statement on the subject, to representatives of the State Department in Haiti December 1963, de Mohrenschildt said the rifle sighting associated with Oswald happened in the Fall of 1962.

    25  If this is what indeed happened, the fact “box camera” could have been known to Gregory, or shared with Gregory by Gopadze during their briefing ahead of the session with Marina. If Marina’s “recovered memories” were the result of coaching, it would not necessarily be in the form of specific lies to parrot. Presenting purported evidence or sharing “established” information with the suggestion that her “cooperation” would help to clarify, could set out a blueprint of what to say, while making it appear less a lie and more a reaction or embellishment to information she has been assured was true. Marina’s testimony is full of asides which seem to refer to such a practice.

    26  There are several differing stories told by both Marina Oswald and Marguerite Oswald. John Armstrong’s Harvey and Lee, pp. 497-498 reviews these stories.

    27  Much later, when the inscription on the back of the de Mohrenschildt backyard photo came to light, a presumption was made that Lee Oswald made habit of inscribing certain prints of backyard photos because, allegedly, he was proud of the image. But an inscription addressed to his young daughter on a backyard photo is difficult to believe, as it is so perverse.

  • Ed Souza, Undeniable Truths


    I was looking forward to Ed Souza’s book on the JFK case. Souza has had a long career in the field of law enforcement. He has served as a police officer, a homicide investigator, and today he works as an instructor. It’s always good to get a viewpoint on the JFK case from a man who has spent his professional life in the field of forensics. For the simple reason that, in the normal course of murder investigations, the myriad anomalies that appear all over the JFK case, don’t occur. Therefore, I was eager to see how a professional in the ranks would confront them. As Donald Thomas showed in his book Hear No Evil, the previous course of some law enforcement professionals had been to avoid or discount those anomalies at all costs. To the point of revising the strictures of previous professional practice.

    I

    At the beginning of his book, Undeniable Truths: The Clear and Simple Facts Surrounding the Murder of President John F. Kennedy, I was pleased by Souza’s approach. And also on the evidence he was relying upon to prove his points. For example, in his introduction he reveals that, unlike some other previous investigators, Souza had actually visited Dallas more than once. While there he took many photographs with which he illustrates his book. And from his experience there on the ground, he had concluded “one man with a rifle could not have committed this crime alone.” He then comments that the sixties turned out to be the “decade of death”, not just for three important and progressive leaders – John Kennedy, Martin Luther King, and Bobby Kennedy – but also for the United States as we knew it. Most people would agree, the author is off to an auspicious start.

    Souza opens Chapter 1 by proclaiming that neither the Dallas Police nor the Secret Service fulfilled their first professional duty at the venue of the crime. Neither one of them secured the crime scene. The Texas School Book Depository was not immediately locked down. And the Secret Service actually took a pail and sponge to the presidential limousine at Parkland Hospital. (p. 1, all references to e book version.) He also notes that for the official version to be true, with Oswald firing from behind President Kennedy, the mass of blood and tissue from Kennedy – or a large part of it – should have gone forward, onto the rear of the front seat, and the backs of the two Secret Service agents in front of him. Yet, once one looks at the extant photos of the limousine, much of this matter seems to be behind the president and beside him. (p. 3) Souza writes that things like this strike him as odd. Because in all the years he investigated homicides for the LAPD, he never encountered the laws of physics violated as in the JFK case. (p. 5)

    He continues in this vein by saying, if the official version is true – that is, all the shots coming from the rear – then why was the back of Kennedy’s head blown out? (ibid) And, beyond that, why is the president’s face intact? (p. 9) He brings up a point that has received scant attention. If one goes to Dealey Plaza and looks at the kill zone from, say, a block or two away from the side, the angle from the sixth floor to the first shot seems too steep for what the Warren Commission says it is. And recall, in the FBI report on the autopsy, the angle of the back wound into Kennedy is registered as 45 degrees, or more than twice the dimensions the Commission says it is. (p. 7) And like Ryan Siebenthaler, and Doug Horne, Souza brings up the possibility that there may have been more than one wound in Kennedy’s back. (Click here and scroll down) He completes Chapter 1 by bringing up two more salient points. First, from his military records, Oswald had no training at all in aiming at and hitting moving targets. (p. 10) Secondly, there appears to be a time lapse between when Kennedy experiences his throat wound and the instant that John Connally is being hit for the first time. (He could have added here, that in the intact film – with the excised frames restored – it appears that JFK is hit before he disappears behind the Stemmons Freeway sign.)

    Again, so far, so good. These all seem to me to be truths that are pretty much backed up by the evidentiary record. And they contravene the official story.

    In Chapter 2, Souza now begins to hone in on the medical evidence, an aspect of the case that has become a real thorn in the side of Warren Commission advocates. He begins by quoting some of the Parkland Hospital witnesses, those who saw Kennedy immediately after the assassination in the emergency room. Dr. Gene Coleman Akin said that the throat wound appeared to be one of entrance, and the rear of Kennedy’s skull, at the right occipital area, was shattered. He further added that this head wound had all the earmarks of being an exit wound. (pp. 19-20) Nurse Diana Bowron talked about a large hole in the rear of Kennedy’s skull. (p. 23) Dr. Charles Carrico also witnessed a large, gaping wound in the right occipital/parietal area that was 5-7 centimeters in diameter, and was more or less circular in shape. (pp. 24-25)

    As Milicent Cranor has pointed out, Kemp Clark is an important witness. For the simple facts that he was a neurosurgeon and he officially pronounced Kennedy dead. Souza dutifully quotes Clark as describing a large, avulsive wound in the right posterior part of the skull, with cerebral and cerebellar tissue being damaged and exposed. (pp. 26-28)

    Souza concludes this part of his case with Margaret Hencliffe and Ronald Jones. Nurse Hencliffe stated that the bullet hole in the neck was an entrance wound. Doctor Jones also stated the neck wound was one of entrance and the rear head wound was an exit. Or to be explicit, Jones said: “There was a large defect in the backside of the head as the president lay in the cart with what appeared to be brain tissue hanging out of his wound ….” (p. 32)

    In summing this all up, the author states that twenty witnesses in Dallas said there was a hole in the back of Kennedy’s head. Further, at least seven of these witnesses saw cerebellum, which means the wound in the rear of the skull extended low in the head. Not only does this indicate a shot from the front, but if Kennedy had been shot from the rear, there would have been an exit in the front of the skull. Yet, on the autopsy photos, there is no such wound. (p. 33)

    From here, Souza now goes to the civilian witnesses in Dealey Plaza. He begins with two deceptive quotes from the Warren Report. The first is this one: “No credible evidence suggests that the shots were fired from the railroad bridge over the triple underpass, the nearby railroad yards, or any other place other than the Texas School Book Depository.”

    The second one is as follows: “In contrast to the testimony of the witnesses who heard and observed shots from the Depository, the Commission’s investigation has disclosed no credible evidence that any shots were fired from anywhere else.” (p. 42)

    Souza calls both of these statements lies. He then lists several witnesses who proffered evidence of shots from the front, specifically the grassy knoll: Sam Holland, Richard Dodd, patrolman J. M Smith (who really is not a civilian), James Simmons, Austin Miller, and , of course, the capper to all of this, the railroad crane worker, Lee Bowers. Bowers, of course, goes beyond giving evidence of shots from the front. With his observations of the phased timing of three cars coming in behind the picket fence and in front of the railroad yard, Bowers may have actually seen some of the preparations for the hit team operation. (See pp. 43-50)

    Souza then lists witnesses who say the second and third shots were fired almost on top of each other. And some of these men are police officers – Seymour Weitzman and Jesse Curry – and one was an unintended victim; John Connally. Others he lists as indicating shots came from the front are either spectators or part of the motorcade: Bill and Gayle Newman, Dave Powers, Ken O’Donnell, and J.C. Price. He notes that Powers and O’Donnell, worked for Kennedy, and were intimidated into changing their testimony. Price actually saw a man running from the fence to the TSBD, and was not called as a witness by the Commission. (See pp. 50 ff.)

    Again, all of this is fine. Like a responsible legal investigator, Souza has collected valid physical evidence from the crime scene, linked it with the autopsy evidence, and then corroborated it with witness statements. Its been done before, but Souza performs it with skill and brio and he brings in a few witnesses others have ignored.

    II

    Unfortunately, we have now reached the high point of the book. And we are only about twenty per cent into the text. For here, in my view, Souza now makes a tactical and strategic error. He shifts gears ever so slightly. He now begins to try and go one step up the investigative ladder. That is, how did the actual operation work? For about the next fifty pages the book now becomes a decidedly mixed bag – which the first fifty pages were not. Also, mistakes now begin to creep into the book – mistakes which should have been rather easily detected if a proofreader or fact checker had been employed.

    Let us begin with the better material. In order to show that something was going on inside the TSBD, the author uses witnesses like Arnold Rowland, Carolyn Walther and Toney Henderson to reveal the possibility that there may have been more than one gunman in the building Oswald worked in, and that they may have been elsewhere in the Texas School Book Depository. Most readers are familiar with Rowland and Walther, who both say they saw suspicious persons elsewhere than the sixth floor. Henderson said she saw two men on the sixth floor about five minutes before the shooting, and one had a rifle. We know it was five minutes before the shooting because she said an ambulance had just left the front of the building. This had to have been the transport for the man who had the epileptic seizure. And that occurred at 12:24 PM (p. 59)

    Souza then moves to the presence of Secret Service officers in Dealey Plaza post-assassination, when in fact none were actually there at that time. He uses law enforcement witnesses like DPD patrolman Joe Smith and Sgt. D. V. Harkness to demonstrate this point. And he culminates his case against the Warren Commission by using Chief of Police Jesse Curry to criticize the incredibly bad autopsy given to President Kennedy. (p. 117)

    But in this section of the book, the author now begins to do two things that will mar the rest of the work. He begins to rely on some rather dubious witnesses – who he apparently does not know are dubious. And he also begins to make some errors. Concerning the former, it is one thing to use a dubious witness, but if one is going to do so, one must be willing to shoulder the load of rehabilitating him or her. Souza does not do that. Therefore, when he used the rather controversial Gordon Arnold, and coupled that with the even more controversial Badgeman photo, I began to frown. (Click here for a brief expose of this controversy. Click here for a discussion of the Gordon Arnold debate.)

    He then mentioned the testimony of a man whose evidence he did not footnote. He calls him Detective De De Hawkins. Souza says this officer met two men in suits outside the TSBD who said they were from the Secret Service. (see p. 69) I had never seen this name anywhere. So I went searching for it. I could not find it in the Warren Report. I could not find it in Walt Brown’s The Warren Omission, which lists every single witness interviewed by the Commission. I began to panic when I could not find him in Michael Benson’s quite useful encyclopedia Who’s Who in the JFK Assassination. After looking in Ian Griggs’ book No Case to Answer and Jim Marrs’ Crossfire I was about to give up, since those books are strong on the Dallas Police aspect. I then decided to look at the late Vince Bugliosi’s behemoth Reclaiming History, which, although not a good book, has a very good index to its over two thousand pages of text. I came up empty again. Either Souza made a serious error, or he found someone who no one else has found. If the latter, he should have noted the interview.

    But if this was a mistake, it’s not the only one in the book. Not by a long shot. On page 89, Souza begins a brief discussion of the controversy between FBI agent Vince Drain and DPD officer J. C. Day about a print being found on the alleged rifle used in the assassination – except, it’s not, as Souza writes, a fingerprint, but a palm print. On page 95 of his book, he puts quotation marks around words attributed to Pierre Finck discrediting the magic bullet. When I looked up his source, the words were not in quotes; they were a paraphrase. (Benson, p. 137)

    In Chapter 6, properly entitled “The Autopsy Cover Up”, Souza makes three errors in the space of about one page. He says the autopsy doctors wrote that the president had a small hole in the upper right rear of his skull, which was an entrance wound. The hole was in the lower part of the right rear. He then says that there was a large hole in the right front part of the president’s head. According to the autopsy, it’s on the right side of the head, forward and above the ear. He also says that Dr. Charles Crenshaw was the first attending physician at Parkland Hospital to work on the president. (p. 100) But in looking at Crenshaw’s book, Trauma Room One, one will read that, before Crenshaw ever got inside the emergency room, Malcolm Perry and Chuck Carrico had already placed an endotracheal tube down the president’s throat. (Crenshaw, p. 62) Once Crenshaw got there, Perry made an incision for a tracheotomy.

    It was in this chapter that I felt that Souza began to lose control of his subject. Since the release of Oliver Stone’s film JFK, there has been a deluge of books and essays published on the medical aspects of the Kennedy case. In fact, Harrison Livingstone quickly published a sequel to High Treason called High Treason 2. David Lifton’s Best Evidence, the book and DVD, was back on the shelves.

    Why? Because, Stone, for the first time, exposed a large public audience to the utter failure of the Kennedy pathologists. Largely relying on the devastating testimony of Dr. Pierre Finck at the trial of Clay Shaw in New Orleans, hundreds of thousands of viewers now began to see that President Kennedy’s autopsy was not meant to find the cause of death. Because the pathologists were controlled by the military, neither Kennedy’s head wound nor his back wound was tracked for transience or directionality. For many people, including the autopsy doctors, it was a shocking thing to witness.

    Now, some of this subsequently published material on the autopsy material has been good and valuable. But there has been so much of it that it is easy to lose track of where the weight of the evidence lies. For example, Souza uses Paul O’Connor to say there was no brain in Kennedy’s skull to remove. (Souza p. 102) Yet many witnesses at Parkland Hospital said that, although Kennedy’s brain was damaged, a sizable portion of it was still present. And James Jenkins, among several others, who was at Bethesda that night, says about two thirds of it was intact. Here, Souza is relying on an outlier, not the weight of the evidence. (For a catalog of these witnesses see James DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, p. 137) Further, Souza seems overly reliant on the work of Lifton. This was understandable decades ago, but today, there are several other authors who have done very good work on the medical side of the JFK case e.g. Milicent Cranor, David Mantik, Gary Aguilar. I could find none of these very respectable names in Souza’s book. I don’t understand why they aren’t there.

    III

    And to me, from here on in, the bad begins to outweigh the good in Undeniable Truths. Thus rendering the book’s title ironic.

    In Chapter 7, in a discussion of the attempted shooting of General Edwin Walker, Souza calls him a “former right-wing radical.” In 1963, Walker was anything but a “former” extremist. He then says the Walker shooting happened “just prior to the assassination ….” (Souza, p. 113) I think most people would say that a time-span of nearly eight months is not “just prior” to the assassination. According to the work of Secret Service authority Vince Palamara, the presidential motorcade route was not finally decided upon by the Secret Service and Dallas Mayor Earl Cabell’s office. (Souza, p. 115) It was decided upon by the Secret Service, and a small delegation from the White House, including advance man Jerry Bruno and presidential assistant Ken O’Donnell.

    From approximately this point on, Souza now begins to try and dig into the how, why, and who behind the assassination. And for me, the more he tried to do this, the more his book dissipated. This kind of exploration has to be handled quite gingerly, for the simple fact that the Kennedy assassination literature is not formally peer reviewed. Further, there is no declassified library for the likes of Sam Giancana or H. L. Hunt. One therefore has to be very discerning, scholarly and careful in picking over this evidence. It constitutes a giant swamp with large areas of quicksand beneath. To put it mildly, I was disappointed that Souza exhibited very little discernment in this part of his book.

    One startling example: he actually takes the book Double Cross by Chuck Giancana seriously as a source. This 1992 confection was clearly a commercially designed project; one that was meant to capitalize on the giant national controversy created by Oliver Stone’s film. And the idea that Sam Giancana was behind the JFK murder is simply a non-starter today. That book is currently considered a fairy tale. Yet Souza uses it as a source, and even recommends it to the reader. (See pp. 183, 295)

    Souza also considers the long series made by British film-maker Nigel Turner, The Men Who Killed Kennedy, as “one of the best documentaries on this subject.” (See pp. 300-02) I could hardly disagree more. Moreover, Souza heartily recommends Turner’s segment in the series called “The Guilty Men”, which featured none other than Barr McClellan. Apparently Souza missed the fact that in McClellan’s book, Blood. Money and Power, the author had Oswald on the sixth floor of the depository firing a shot at Kennedy, which elsewhere Souza says Oswald could not have done, because Oswald was not on the sixth floor. (p. 165)

    Souza is so enamored with the untrustworthy and irresponsible Nigel Turner that he can write, “It is a clear and solid fact that Malcolm Wallace’s fingerprint was found in the so-called sniper’s nest on the sixth floor ….” (p. 223) No, it is not such a fact. And, with state of the art computer scanning, Joan Mellen will show that in her upcoming book. But further, Souza is so uncritical about the Kennedy literature that he does not even take Turner to task for buying into the discredited Steve Rivele’s French Corsican mob concept in his first installment, and then switching horses and buying into Barr McClellan’s Texas/LBJ concept in his 2003 series. To me, Nigel Turner wasted one of the best opportunities anyone ever had in the Kennedy field to get a large segment of the truth in this case out to the public. Instead, Turner settled for the likes of Tom Wilson, Judy Baker, Rivele, Barr McClellan, et al. But Souza stands by this dilettante and poseur. And I shouldn’t even have to add the following: by this part of the book, Souza is also vouching for the likes of Madeleine Brown.

    If you can believe it, Souza says that Howard Hunt operated out of 544 Camp Street in 1963. (Souza, p. 175) This is a ridiculous overstatement. There is some evidence that Hunt was in New Orleans to set up the Cuban Revolutionary Council with Sergio Arcacha Smith, but that was not in 1963. (William Davy, Let Justice be Done, p. 24) And the idea that he “operated” Guy Banister’s office in 1963 is completely divergent from the adduced record. Yet Souza is so feverish in his conspiratorial invention that he doesn’t realize he is also writing that Sam Giancana enlisted Guy Banister in setting up Oswald. (See p. 182) That is due to his reliance on Chuck Giancana and Double Cross. How “all in” is Souza with this facetious book? He also quotes Giancana as saying that he knew George DeMohrenschildt, and the Chicago mobster enlisted George in helping to set up Lee Harvey Oswald. If someone can show me any evidence of this outside of the Chuck Giancana fantasy, I would like to see it.

    Now, right on this same page, and in this same section, Souza – in a book on the JFK case – groups Howard Hunt with Richard Nixon as potential players in the JFK case. Like the work of John Hankey, who Souza is now beginning to resemble, the author bases this simply on the fact that Hunt was one of the burglars caught at the Watergate complex in 1972. Souza then quickly shows that he is as circumspect on Watergate as he is on the overview of the JFK case. For he now says that Nixon ordered the Watergate break-in. Like many of his weighty disclosures, he does not footnote this. Probably because there is simply no credible evidence ever found by either the court system or the Senate Watergate Committee that Nixon did any such thing. Souza then compounds this by writing that Charles Colson was one of the planners of the break-in who Nixon hung out to dry. Again, there has never been any credible evidence adduced to substantiate this claim.

    I don’t have to go any further do I? As the reader can see, a book that started out promising, obeying the laws of criminal forensics, has now all but sunk in the lake of specious Kennedy assassination folklore. Souza’s book now began to remind me of nothing more than that monumental, nonsensical and misleading tract commonly called the Torbitt Document, more precisely entitled Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal. As I argued in the second edition of Destiny Betrayed, that pamphlet looks today like a deliberate attempt at misdirection. It was designed to confuse and to stultify by amassing a large number of names and agencies in front of the reader and stirring them up in a blender. The problem being that there was very little, if any, connective tissue to the presentation, and even less genuine underlying evidence. (See Destiny Betrayed, second edition, pp. 323-24)

    I can assure the reader that I am not exaggerating by drawing that comparison. Just how unsuspecting is Souza? Because Chuck Giancana used Dallas police officer Roscoe White in his fable Double Cross, Souza uses White as one of the assassins in Dealey Plaza! (See page 187) The whole Roscoe White matter was exposed as another financially motivated fraud back in the nineties in an article entitled “I Was Mandarin” in Texas Monthly (December 1990). And that was not the only place it was exposed. Apparently, Souza was not aware of these exposures. Or if he was, he wanted to keep the mythology alive. Either way, it does not reflect very well on his professional scholarship or the quality of his book.

    As I have often said, what we need today is more books based upon the declassified files of the Assassination Records Review Board. And any book that does not utilize those records to a significant degree should be looked upon with an arched eyebrow. I have also said that, if everyone killed Kennedy – the Mob, LBJ, Nixon, the Dallas Police, the CIA – then no one killed Kennedy. Giving us a smorgasbord plot is as bad, maybe worse, than saying that Oswald killed Kennedy. It leads to a false conclusion that, in its own way, is just as pernicious as the Warren Commission’s.

    About the first fifty pages of Undeniable Truths is pretty much undeniable. The next fifty pages are a decided mixture of truth and question marks. Most of the last 200 pages do not at all merit the title. In fact, that part is, in large measure, nothing more than conjecture. And much of that conjecture is ill-founded.

  • Gerald Hill and the Framing of Lee Harvey Oswald

    Gerald Hill and the Framing of Lee Harvey Oswald


    [Please note: All references to Dale Myers’ book With Malice in the essay below is to the 2013 (Kindle) edition, which this writer reviewed on the CTKA.net website. Due to the overall length of the essay, segments of the essay have been removed from the text below, and will be made available on this writer’s blog in due time].


    I first wrote about my suspicions concerning DPD Sergeant Gerald Lynn Hill on my blog in November, 2012. My inspiration for writing about Hill’s activities on the day of President Kennedy’s assassination came about after reading through the research of Lee Farley and Duke Lane posted on John Simkin’s Spartacus education forum.

    On the day of President Kennedy’s assassination, Gerald Hill was the only DPD officer who was on the sixth floor of the Texas School book depository building following the assassination, was allegedly at the murder scene of DPD officer J.D. Tippit (as I explain in the essay, it is doubtful that he ever was at the murder scene), was at the Texas theater when Oswald was arrested for Tippit’s murder, and was inside the unmarked DPD car which escorted Oswald to DPD headquarters following his arrest. Finally, and most significantly of all, Hill had possession of the revolver (WCE 143) which Oswald allegedly used to kill Tippit with, inside the car as Oswald was escorted to DPD headquarters (as explained in this essay under the subheading “The framing of Oswald inside the Theater,” Hill had by all likelihood framed Oswald for Tippit’s murder).

    It is also this writer’s belief that Hill was one of the two officers inside DPD squad the car seen by Earlene Roberts, the housekeeper of the rooming house located at 1026 North Beckley, where Oswald was allegedly living at the time of the assassination (researcher Lee Farley has made the case that it was actually Larry Crafard who was living at the rooming house at the time of the assassination. See the thread entitled “A House of Cards?” on Greg Parker’s research forum). What follows is a much more detailed and thorough discussion of Gerald Hill’s activities on the day of the assassination than what was previously written on this writer’s blog. It is this writer’s firm belief that Hill framed Oswald for Tippit’s murder, after he (or one of his fellow conspirators from the DPD) obtained the revolver used to kill Tippit from Tippit’s real murderer. Let’s begin by discussing Hill’s presence on the sixth floor of the TSBD; where Dallas deputy Sheriff Luke Mooney discovered spent shell casings from a rifle. Although the commonly accepted belief is that Gerald Hill was present on the sixth floor when Mooney discovered the spent shell casings, as this writer hopes to demonstrate below, Hill was actually on the sixth floor before Mooney ever got there.

    Hill and the Texas School Book Depository

    Shortly following Oswald’s arrest at the Texas Theater, Hill was interviewed by Bob Whitten of KCRA radio in Sacramento, California. According to Dale Myers, this was at about 2:30 pm (With Malice, Chapter 8). Hill told Whitten that “The first call that I got was that the President had been shot and that the shot had come from the Texas School Book Depository. They sent me down there” (WCD 1210, page 3). When Hill testified before the Warren Commission on April 8, 1964, he explained that he heard whom he felt certain was DPD inspector J. Herbert Sawyer state that the building from which the shots were fired from had been located, and for help to be sent (WC Volume VII, pages 44 and 45). The transcripts of channel two of the DPD radio reveal that Sawyer requested help between 12:41 pm and 12:43 pm (WCE 705/1974). Hill went on to tell the Warren Commission that after he heard Sawyer’s broadcast, he “…went back to the personnel office and told [Captain W.R. Westbrook] that inspector Sawyer requested assistance at Elm and Houston Streets. The Captain said, ‘Go ahead and go.’ And he turned to another man in the office named Joe Fields and told him to get on down there” (ibid, page 45).

    Captain Westbrook testified before the Warren Commission on April 6, 1964. During his testimony, Westbrook claimed that “I can’t recall whether or not it was the dispatcher’s office, but I think it was – somebody in the dispatchers Office had told us they needed more men at the Texas School Book Depository Building, so I sent the men that were in my Office, which were then Sergeants [Henry] Stringer and Carver, and Possibly Joe Fields and McGee, if they were in there – it seems like McGee was, and I think – I sent them to the building…” (ibid, page 110). Not only did Westbrook neglect to mention sending Hill to the TSBD, he failed to confirm Hill’s claim that he (Hill) had told him that more help was needed at the TSBD. Westbrook also neglected to confirm Hill’s claim when he was interviewed by author Larry Sneed (Sneed, No More Silence, page 313). Although this doesn’t necessarily mean that Hill was lying, given the evidence discussed further on in this essay, he most likely was.

    According to the transcripts of the DPD radio communications, at approximately 12:48 pm, Hill informed the dispatchers on channel one of the Police radio that he and DPD officer Jim M. Valentine were en route to Elm and Houston, code 3; meaning officer Valentine had the lights and siren of his squad car on as they proceeded there (WCE 705/1974). On the day of the assassination, Valentine was assigned squad car 207 (WCE 2645). Jim Ewell, who was a reporter for the Dallas Morning News, was with Hill and Valentine as they proceeded to the assassination scene (WC Volume VII, page 45). In his book on Tippit’s murder, Dale Myers writes that Valentine’s squad car arrived in front of the TSBD at approximately 12:55 pm (With Malice, Chapter 3). In his endnotes, Myers sources this claim to KRLD-TV tape 8, KDFW-TV Collection of the Sixth floor museum at Dealey Plaza.

    Although Hill told the Warren Commission that Valentine’s car “ran into a traffic jam on Elm [Street],” there is no corroboration for this claim by either Officer Valentine or Jim Ewell. In fact, Ewell was quoted in Kent Biffle’s article Eye Witnesses to Tragedy as saying that Valentine “…drove us at break-neck speed to the book depository”, and made no mention of running into a traffic jam on Elm (click here to read Biffle’s article). The reader should also consider that when Ewell was interviewed by Larry Sneed, he told Sneed that Valentine “…drove us back from east to west on the most circuitous route I can recall, and we were back there at the [TSBD] probably in less than two minutes,” and again neglected to mention anything about running into a traffic jam on Elm (Sneed, No More Silence, page 6). Although Ewell’s claim that Valentine drove his squad in a circuitous route tends to confirm Hill’s claim that they did run into a traffic jam; the important point to keep in mind is that Ewell’s recollection places Valentine’s car outside the TSBD sooner than 12:55 pm.

    If Hill informed the DPD dispatchers that he and Valentine were en route to Elm and Houston just as soon as Valentine’s car started to travel out of the DPD basement, then by Ewell’s recollection, it probably arrived outside the TSBD at approximately 12:51 pm. As this writer discusses further on in this essay, there is yet another reason why Myers’ claim that Valentine’s car arrived outside the TSBD at approximately 12:55 pm is not to be trusted. Reader’ should keep in mind that there can be doubt that Hill arrived at the TSBD inside Valentine’s squad car, as film footage shows Hill exiting the car just as it arrives (click here, and go to the 14 minute 50 second mark). The footage reveals that as Hill opens the right front door of the squad car, the number 207 can be seen printed on the door.

    In his aforementioned interview with Bob Whitten, Hill explained that after he arrived at the TSBD, he went into the building with a couple of Dallas county deputy Sheriffs (WCD 1210, page 3). During his testimony before the Warren Commission, Hill claimed that upon his arrival at the TSBD, he first conferred with inspector Sawyer (WC Volume VII, page 45). He then claimed that; “…Captain [Will] Fritz and two or three more detectives from homicide, a boy named Roy Westphal, who works for the special service bureau [of the DPD], and a couple of uniformed officers, and a couple of [Dallas county] deputy sheriffs came up” (ibid). The two homicide detectives who accompanied Captain Fritz to the TSBD (after he was ordered to report there by DPD chief Jesse Curry) were Elmer L. Boyd and Richard M. Sims. In their report concerning their activities on the day of the assassination, Sims and Boyd wrote that they arrived at the TSBD at approximately 12:58 pm (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 4, Item 5). This was confirmed by Lt. T.L. Baker in his own report, and by Sims when he testified before the Warren Commission (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 5, Folder 5, Item 4), (WC Volume VII, page 159).

    When Captain Fritz testified before the Warren Commission, he also confirmed that they arrived outside the TSBD at approximately 12:58 pm (WC Volume IV, page 204). Therefore, if Hill was telling the truth, he conferred with inspector Sawyer for approximately seven minutes prior to entering the TSBD! According to the aforementioned report by Sims and Boyd, they had taken an elevator up the TSBD with Lt. Jack Revill of the DPD special services bureau and Westphal. When Revill testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that he went to the TSBD with Westphal and detectives V.J. Brian and O.J. Tarver (WC Volume V, page 34). During his own testimony before the Warren Commission, Brian confirmed that he went to the TSBD with Revill, Westphal, and Tarver (ibid, page 48). When Westphal was interviewed by author Larry Sneed, he also confirmed that he went to the TSBD with the aforementioned detectives (Sneed, No More Silence, page 327).

    Although Hill never claimed during his testimony before the Warren Commission that Revill, Tarver, and Brian were with Westphal when he allegedly observed Westphal, this doesn’t necessarily mean he was lying when he said he that he had seen Westphal. However, readers should keep in mind that when Revill and Brian testified before the Warren Commission, neither of them mentioned seeing Hill outside the TSBD after they arrived. Hill told the Warren Commission that after he walked into the TSBD, he had gone up the building inside the passenger elevator located at the front of the building (WC Volume VII, pages 45 and 46). Hill also implied during his testimony that he went up the passenger elevator with two Dallas county deputy Sheriffs; one of whom was allegedly Luke Mooney (ibid, page 45). As a matter of fact, during his subsequent interviews with researchers Jeff Meek and Larry Sneed, Hill more or less confirmed that he entered the front of the building with Mooney (Sneed, No More Silence, page 293), (click here to listen to Hill’s interview with Meek). However, this was a lie.

    In his report to Sheriff Bill Decker on November 23, 1963; Mooney wrote that he had taken a freight elevator (which was located at the rear of the TSBD), and that he rode it to the second floor with two female employees of the TSBD (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323). Mooney confirmed this during his testimony before the Warren Commission on March 25, 1964 (WC Volume III, pages 283 and 284). Mooney also specifically told the Warren Commission that he entered the building through the rear entrance (ibid). Not only does Mooney’s testimony contradict what Hill stated, but Hill made absolutely no mention of being on the elevator with two female employees when he testified, or during his subsequent interviews with Jeff Meek and Larry Sneed. Hill also told the Warren Commission that he went up the building in the passenger elevator to what he thought was either the fifth or sixth floor, and made no mention of having first stopped on the second floor (WC Volume VII, page 45). This writer should also point out that Hill was unquestionably mistaken about going to either the fifth or sixth floor on the passenger elevator, as it only went up to the fourth floor (WC Volume III, page 272).

    Mooney also wrote in his report to Sheriff Decker (and then verified when he testified before the Warren Commission) that as he proceeded up the rear staircase from the second floor of the TSBD, he first stopped on the sixth floor and then went up to the seventh floor (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323), (WC Volume III, page 284). Hill, on the other hand, implied during his testimony before the Warren Commission that he and Mooney went directly to the seventh floor (WC Volume VII, page 46). During his interview with Larry Sneed, Hill remarked that “…we went up the stairs to the seventh floor because no one had told us that the sixth floor was where the shots were fired from at the time” (Sneed, No More Silence, page 293). Readers should also bear in mind that during his testimony, Counsel David Belin told Hill that when he had spoken to him (Hill) prior to his testimony, he told him that the name of the other Dallas deputy Sheriff who had accompanied him and Mooney into the building was named Boone (WC Volume VII, page 45).

    Belin was undoubtedly referring to Eugene Boone; one of the Dallas county deputy Sheriffs who found the rifle Oswald allegedly used to assassinate the President (WC Volume III, page 293). Hill also implied during his testimony that the second Dallas deputy Sheriff who was allegedly with him also went with him to the seventh floor; after which the spent shell casings were found (WC Volume VII, page 46). However, when Boone testified before the Warren Commission on March 25, 1964, he claimed that he went to the sixth floor of the TSBD after Mooney had already discovered the spent shell casings (WC Volume III, page 292). In fact, Boone stated that; “…I didn’t know [Mooney] had found them” (ibid). As pointed out previously, Hill testified on April 8, 1964. Therefore, Belin would probably have known that Boone went to the sixth floor after Mooney discovered the spent shell casings. But even if he didn’t, why would he tell Hill that Boone was the other deputy Sheriff who had accompanied him inside the building?

    In this writer’s opinion, it is entirely feasible that Belin and the Warren Commission knew that Hill was on the sixth floor of the TSBD before Mooney (or anyone else for that matter) got there, and was covering up for Hill’s lie! Hill also told the Warren Commission that when he reached the seventh floor of the building “…there were the two deputy Sheriffs and I and one uniformed Officer up there” (WC Volume VII, page 45). However, during his subsequent interviews with Jeff Meek and Larry Sneed, Hill claimed that detective Roy Westphal was also with him on the seventh floor (Sneed, No More Silence, page 293). Hill’s exact words to Sneed were “…a plain clothes officer named Roy Westphal, a uniformed officer whose name I’ve forgotten, Deputy Sheriff Mooney, and another deputy Sheriff and I all went toward the seventh floor as fast as we could” (ibid).

    Hill went on to tell the Warren Commission that “In the middle of the floor on the seventh floor there was a ladder leading up into an area they called the penthouse, which was used mainly for storage. [Roy] Westphal went up this ladder, I know, and the uniformed officer went up it. The rest of us were checking around the boxes and books” (WC Volume VII, page 46). Although a diagram of the seventh floor in WCD 496 shows that the ladder led up to the roof of the TSBD, as researcher Jerry Dealey explains in the article Giving the Dealey Plaza sewer Troll a ‘Lift’, former DPD Paul Wilkins claimed that the ladder led into an attic. The obvious implication of Hill’s testimony is that Westphal and the “uniformed officer” were the only two who had searched the storage area on the seventh floor when he was there. However, Mooney wrote in his report to Sheriff Decker that after he went to the seventh floor he was “…assisting in searching it out and crawled into the attic opening and decided it was too dark and came down to order flash lights” (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323).

    He went on to tell the Warren Commission that after he went to the seventh floor he “…approached officers [Sam] Webster and [Billy Joe] Vickery. They were up there in this little old stairway there that leads up into the attic. So we climbed up in there and looked around right quick. We didn’t climb all the way into the attic, almost into it” (WC Volume III, page 284). Although Mooney’s testimony in this regard is somewhat inconsistent with what he wrote in his report (namely that he had crawled into the attic space), the important point to keep in mind is that Mooney contradicted Hill’s claim that Roy Westphal and the “uniformed officer” were the only two who went up the ladder/staircase which led into the attic space. We should also keep in mind that Mooney’s claim that his fellow deputy Sheriffs Sam Webster and Billy Joe Vickery (Victory) were with him on the seventh floor contradicts Hill’s claim that he was only with Mooney and another deputy Sheriff on that floor.

    As for Roy Westphal, when he was interviewed by Larry Sneed, he claimed “…when we went into the [TSBD], our reasoning was to search from the top downward since we didn’t know if the man might still be in the building. As we went up the elevator, I met Sergeant [Don] Flusche, and we were among other officers who got up in the attic looking for the suspect” (Sneed, No More Silence, page 327). At the time of the assassination, Sergeant Flusche was a uniformed DPD officer assigned to the northeast patrol area (WC Volume XIX, Batchelor exhibit 5002). During his own interview with Larry Sneed, Flusche claimed he searched the attic of the TSBD with Roy Westphal and a uniformed officer named W.C. Flowers; and that this was evidently after both the spent shell casings and the rifle had been discovered on the sixth floor (Sneed, No More Silence, pages 457 and 458).

    Flusche told Sneed that “We conducted a pretty thorough search of the sixth floor and then went up into the attic of [the TSBD], which was also the seventh floor. There was some thought that the scuttle hole was open up there, and for some reason the manager or somebody in that building thought that was strange, so [Roy] Westphal, [W.C.] Flowers, and I conducted that search” (ibid). Flusche then added; “There was nothing there at all, but it was real strange that, with all these federal people and other folks that were standing around, we were the only three that would go up [into the attic]” (ibid). The “federal people” to whom Flusche was referring to were probably the ATF agents who had entered the TSBD following the assassination. Several researchers also believe that the “officers” Luke Mooney claimed he encountered whilst ascending the stairs to the sixth floor (and who he believed were deputy Sheriffs), were in fact ATF agents (WC Volume III, page 284).

    Although Flusche recalled that he, Westphal, and Flowers had conducted the search of the attic area whilst other Officers were present, consider that Flusche also (more or less) told Sneed that Captain Will Fritz and Lt. John Carl Day were not present on the sixth floor when DPD Officer Paul Wilkins pointed out the location of the rifle which was discovered on that floor (Sneed, No More Silence, pages 458). However, Lt. Day indicated during his testimony before the Warren Commission that he was on the sixth floor before the rifle had been discovered (WC Volume IV, page 253). Furthermore, Westphal told Sneed that they had searched the attic before the rifle had been found (Sneed, No More Silence, page 328). It is therefore apparent to this writer that Flusche’s recollection was most likely in error. Nevertheless, both Westphal and Flusche claimed that they were not the only two officers who had searched the attic, and that Hill was lying when he told the Warren Commission that only one “uniformed officer” went up the ladder into the attic space with Westphal.

    But then how could Hill have known that Westphal went up the ladder and searched the attic? Consider that in his report to DPD captain W.P. Gannaway (dated March 5, 1963) concerning the whereabouts of former DPD officer Harry N. Olsen, Westphal listed Hill as the source of information pertaining to Olsen’s whereabouts (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 18, Folder 9, Item 17). Since it is evident that Hill was acquainted with Westphal prior to his Warren Commission testimony, he could easily have learned from Westphal after speaking to him that he (Westphal) went up the ladder into the attic. Suffice it say, Hill’s claim that only one uniformed officer went up the ladder with Westphal was contradicted by both Westphal and Flusche; with the implication being that Hill was merely guessing when he testified that only one uniformed officer went up the ladder as he didn’t witness this for himself.

    Hill told the Warren Commission that after he and the two deputy Sheriffs went down to the sixth floor, one of them yelled out “here it is” (or words to that effect), after the spent shell casings had been discovered (WC Volume VII, page 46). However, in his report to Sheriff Decker, Mooney indicated that he was by himself when he went down to the sixth floor (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323). During his testimony before the Warren Commission, Mooney explained that he went down to the sixth floor ahead of deputy Sheriffs Sam Webster and Billy Joe Vickery (Victory), and that they came down behind him. Although Mooney told Sneed during his interview with him that he was alone when he went up to the seventh floor, the important point to keep in mind is that he again neglected to claim that he was with one other deputy Sheriff when he went down to the sixth floor (Sneed, No More Silence, page 226).

    Hill then told the Warren Commission that he “…asked the deputy Sheriff to guard the scene”, and then shouted down to the street from an open window for the DPD crime lab to be sent up to the sixth floor (WC Volume VII, page 46). A photograph taken by Dallas Times Herald photographer Darryl Heikes, and a photograph taken by Dallas Times Herald staff photographer William Allen, show Hill leaning out of the first window to the west of the so-called sniper’s nest window on the Sixth floor of the TSBD (click here to view the photograph taken by Allen). Two photographs taken by freelance photographer Jim Murray also show Hill leaning out of the aforementioned window (click here to view those photographs). The problem with Hill’s claim is that there is no corroboration from anyone who claimed to be on the sixth floor at the same time Luke Mooney discovered the spent shell casings that Hill shouted down to the ground for the DPD crime lab to be sent up.

    As a matter of fact, Mooney wrote in his report to Sheriff Decker (and then verified during his testimony before the Warren Commission) that after he discovered the spent shell casings, he leaned out of the same window from where the shots were allegedly fired, and yelled down to Decker and Captain Fritz for the crime lab to be sent up (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323), (WC Volume III, pages 284 and 285). Hill never mentioned during his testimony or during his subsequent interviews with Jeff Meek and Larry Sneed that Mooney yelled out of the window for the crime lab to be sent up. Although there are no known photographs which show Mooney leaning out of the sixth floor window, Allan Sweatt, the chief criminal deputy for the Dallas Sheriff’s office, wrote in his own report to Sheriff Decker that Mooney “…stuck his head out of the 5th floor window and the Northeast corner of the building [TSBD] and stated he had found some spent cartridge cases…” (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323).

    Hill and the Discovery of the Shell Casings

    Despite being mistaken about which floor (and corner) of the TSBD Mooney was on when he stuck his head out of the window, the fact remains that Sweatt confirmed that Mooney called down to the street following the discovery of the spent shell casings. Readers should also keep in mind that deputy Sheriff Ralph Walters also wrote in his report to Sheriff Decker that Mooney had leaned out of the window that the spent shell casings were found (ibid). Although Walters claimed that he was on the sixth floor of the TSBD with Mooney when Mooney found the spent shell casings, this writer should point out that Mooney never mentioned that Walters was with him when he made the discovery. Whilst some might argue that since none of the photographs showing Hill leaning out of the window shows Mooney also leaning out of the window, somehow proves that Hill was on the sixth floor prior to Mooney, it is entirely feasible (although not likely in this writer’s opinion) that if Hill leaned out of the window after Mooney, all three of aforementioned the photographers only managed to photograph him.

    Whilst others might argue that there would be no reason for Hill to lean out of the window and yell down to the street for the crime lab to be sent up after Mooney had done so, it is entirely feasible that Hill was concerned that no one had heard Mooney. Hill also told the Warren Commission that; “Not knowing or not getting any indication from the street that they heard me, I asked the deputies again to guard the scene and I would go down and make sure that the crime lab was en route” (WC Volume VII, pages 46 and 47). The problem is that neither Mooney nor any other deputy sheriff (or any DPD officer for that matter claimed that they were asked by Hill) to guard the scene. In fact, Dallas deputy sheriff Harry Weatherford wrote in his report to Sheriff Bill Decker that it was he (Weatherford) who asked Mooney to “…preserve the scene for the crime lab” (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323). Weatherford also wrote in his report that he was searching the sixth floor as Mooney found the spent shell casings (ibid).

    Hill’s statements during his testimony also imply that he was alone with Mooney and the other deputy sheriff when Mooney discovered the spent shell casings; and was also alone with the two deputy sheriffs when he (Hill) yelled down to the street from the window for the crime lab to be sent up. On the contrary, Mooney wrote in his report to Sheriff Decker that after he yelled out of the window, deputy Sheriffs Sam Webster, Billy Joe Vickery/Victory, and A.D. McCurley went to where Mooney had discovered the spent shell casings and guarded that spot until the DPD crime lab officers arrived (ibid). During his testimony, Mooney confirmed that after he called down to the street; “…Officers Vickery and Webster, they came across and later on several other deputies -I believe Officers McCurley, A.D. McCurley, I believe he came over” (WC Volume III, page 285). Although there doesn’t appear to be any report by either Webster and Victory/Vickery, in his own report to Sheriff Decker, McCurley wrote that he was on the sixth floor when Mooney “hollered” that he had found the spent shell casings (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323).

    The significance of the above statements is that there were more than two Deputy Sheriffs on the sixth floor of the TSBD when Mooney discovered the spent shell casings. This writer should also point out that during his interview with Larry Sneed, Hill claimed that after Mooney discovered the spent shell casings; “I told all the other officers that were [on the sixth floor] not to touch anything and that we needed to get the crime lab” (Sneed, No More Silence, page 294). Although Hill’s claim implies that there were actually more than two deputy sheriffs (and perhaps even DPD officers) on the sixth floor at the time the spent shell casings were found by Mooney, he most likely said this to Sneed after learning that there were actually more than two deputy Sheriffs on the sixth floor when Mooney found the spent shell casings. Readers should keep in mind that there is no confirmation from anyone that Hill told the other deputies/officers who were present on the sixth floor following Mooney’s discovery not to touch anything.

    Hill also told the Warren Commission that after he allegedly got to the back of the TSBD to go down to the ground and “…make sure the [DPD] crime lab was en route”, Captain Fritz and his men were coming up on the elevator, and that he informed Fritz about the discovery of the spent shell casings and that he was going to make sure the crime lab was en route (WC Volume VII, page 47). But this was yet another lie by Hill! When detective Elmer Boyd testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that he was on the seventh floor with detective Richard Sims and Fritz when someone said that the spent shell casings were found on the sixth floor (WC Volume VII, page 121). During his own testimony before the Warren Commission, Sims claimed that Fritz and Boyd were on the seventh floor of the TSBD when someone “called” them to the sixth floor after the spent shell casings had been found (WC Volume VII, page 183).

    Although Boyd and Sims didn’t actually write in their report concerning their activities on the day of the assassination that Fritz was on the seventh floor of the TSBD when “…someone yelled that some empty hulls had been found on the sixth floor”, their report nevertheless does imply that Fritz was with them (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 4, Item 5). It is also perhaps worth keeping in mind that Lt. T.L. Baker also implied in his own report that Fritz was with Sims and Boyd on seventh floor when the spent shell casings were found (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 5, Folder 5, Item 4). As for Fritz, this writer should point out that when he testified before the Warren Commission, he never actually stated that he was on the seventh floor with Sims and Boyd when he was told that the spent shell casings were found. However, his testimony nevertheless implies that he was with Sims and Boyd when he was told about the discovery (WC Volume IV, pages 204 and 205).

    Did Hill Lie about his location?

    The important point to keep in mind is that Fritz never claimed that he was told about the spent shell casings as he was coming up on the elevator. Suffice it to say, there is an utter lack of corroboration for Hill’s claim that he told Fritz about the spent shell casings from Sims, Boyd, and Fritz himself. What all of the evidence discussed so far demonstrates is that Hill told a number of lies, and that there is no confirmation from anyone; except for one DPD detective as far as this writer is aware, that Hill was on the sixth floor at the time the spent shell casings were officially discovered by Deputy Sheriff Luke Mooney.

    When detective V.J. Brian testified before the Warren Commission on May 13, 1964, he made the following claim with regards to the discovery of the spent shell casings; “Well, a police sergeant, Jerry Hill, hollered, I was on the opposite side of the sixth floor, hollered that he had, this is where he shot from, and shells were laying there, and I walked from where I was at over to the other corner of the building and looked, and that is about the extent of my investigation there because they called the crime laboratory and everybody else to get down there and they got an officer to guard the place and not let nobody get around and we went on searching the building” (WC Volume V, pages 48 and 49). Although Brian claimed that he was on the sixth floor with Hill when the spent shell casings were discovered, there are problems with his credibility.

    When chief counsel J. Lee Rankin asked Brian what he observed, and how many spent shell casings he had seen, Brian gave the following startling response; “I am going to guess” (ibid, page 49). Evidently perplexed by Brian’s response, Rankin told him; “We don’t want you to guess. If you can tell us your recollection, that is all” (ibid). Brian then proceeded to explain to Rankin that; “Well, the first time I went over there [where the spent shell casings were], I believe I saw two [shells], but I am not sure, but I went back again later and there were three shells there” (ibid). Although this writer believes that there may have been only two spent shell casings discovered on the sixth floor, it is beyond the scope of this essay this discuss this possibility. However, if there were two spent shell casings found on the sixth floor, then Brian (along with his fellow DPD Officers and Dallas deputy Sheriffs) were coerced into claiming that there were three.

    Even if we are to believe that there actually were three spent shell casings discovered on the sixth floor, why did Brian feel the need to tell Rankin that he was going to guess at how many he observed after seeing three of them? One plausible explanation is that Brian actually wasn’t on the sixth floor when (and after) the spent shell casings were discovered. But then why would Brian claim that he heard Gerald Hill holler that the spent shell casings were found? In this writer’s opinion, it was because the DPD had knowledge that Hill wasn’t on the sixth floor when Mooney found the spent shell casings, and was one of the two officers inside DPD squad car 207 outside the rooming house on 1026 North Beckley at approximately 1:00 pm. As this writer explains further on in this essay, the DPD had probably come to suspect that Hill was one of the two officers inside the car after officer Jim M. Valentine claimed that he handed Hill the keys to the car to him after being told by Hill to do so.

    Therefore, Brian may have been coerced by one or more of his superiors in the DPD into claiming that Hill was on the sixth floor when Mooney discovered the spent shell casings. But if this really was the case, the obvious question is why didn’t other DPD officers also claim that Hill was on the sixth floor? Whilst we can speculate why that was the case, the fact remains that the Brian was (apparently) the only DPD Officer who claimed to be on the sixth floor with Hill when the spent shell casings were discovered; and incredibly testified that he was going to guess at how many he had seen. As for how Brain learned that three spent shell casings were (allegedly) found, he could easily have learned this from his fellow officers.

    Furthermore, although Brian never explained whether Hill had “hollered” at the other officers who were present on the sixth floor, or out of a window, readers should keep in mind that Hill never claimed during his testimony before the Warren Commission (or during his subsequent interviews with Jeff Meek and Larry Sneed) that he had hollered at the other officers who were allegedly on the sixth floor with him that the spent shell casings were found. Suffice it to say, it is this writer’s belief that Brain is not to be considered a credible witness, and inadvertently claimed that he was going to guess how many spent shell casings were found as he was under pressure from lying under oath. Let’s now look into the issue of what time Deputy Sheriff Luke Mooney discovered the spent shell casings.

    According to Dale Myers, Mooney and the DPD found the spent shell casings at 12:58 pm (click here to view Myers’ timetable of the events following the assassination). However, there is a huge problem with this theory. First of all, as stated previously in this essay, Mooney told the Warren Commission that after he discovered the spent shell casings he leaned out of the same window from where the shots were fired, and yelled down to the ground for the crime lab to be sent up. As this writer has also stated previously, Captain Fritz and detectives Sims and Boyd arrived at Dealey Plaza at about 12:58 pm, and that at the time Mooney discovered the spent shell casings, they were on the seventh floor of the TSBD. Mooney on the other hand wrote in his report to Sheriff Decker (and then verified during his testimony before the Warren Commission) that he observed Captain Fritz and Sheriff Decker standing outside the TSBD when he leaned out of the window (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323), (WC Volume III, page 284).

    Aside from the fact that Fritz was on the seventh floor when he was advised that the spent shell casings were discovered, there are several other problems with Mooney’s claim that Fritz and Decker were both outside the TSBD at the time he leaned out of the window. First of all, in his own (undated) report concerning his activities following the assassination, Sheriff Decker made no mention of seeing or hearing Mooney as he leaned out of the window, claiming instead that he was informed of Mooney’s discovery after he had spoken to his chief criminal deputy, Allan Sweatt (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323). Sweatt confirmed in his own report to Decker that he had spoken to him after he observed Mooney lean out of the window, and made no mention of Decker standing near him at the time Mooney leaned out of the window.

    In their aforementioned report concerning their activities on the day of the assassination, detectives Elmer Boyd and Richard Sims wrote that Sheriff Decker went from Parkland hospital to the TSBD with them and Captain Fritz in their car following the assassination (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 4, Item 5). Both Sims and Boyd verified this when they testified before the Warren Commission (WC Volume VII, pages 121 and 159). Although Decker didn’t mention in his report that he had gone to the TSBD from Parkland hospital with Fritz, he nevertheless wrote that their inside a car belonging to the homicide division of the DPD (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323). In fact, Decker wrote in his report that Fritz arrived outside the TSBD after he did (ibid). But if this were true, then Mooney would have discovered the spent shell casings before 12:58 pm; which, as this writer explains below, is an absurd belief.

    Given the fact that Decker was approximately 66 years old at the time of the assassination, it is entirely possible that he had simply forgotten that he had gone to the TSBD with Fritz (WC Volume XII, page 43). As for Mooney, it is apparent that he was mistaken (or perhaps lying) when he claimed that Fritz and Decker were standing outside the TSBD when he leaned out of the window. The reader should keep in mind that Hill told the Warren Commission that after arriving at the TSBD and conferring with inspector Sawyer “…Captain [Will] Fritz and two or three more detectives from homicide, a boy named Roy Westphal, who works for the special service bureau [of the DPD], and a couple of uniformed officers, and a couple of [Dallas county] deputy sheriffs came up” (WC Volume VII, page 45).

    When was Hill on the Sixth Floor?

    Since Captain Fritz arrived outside the TSBD at about 12:58 pm, Hill’s testimony places him (Hill) outside the TSBD at that time. So if Mooney really did find the spent shell casings at 12:58 pm as Myers postulates, then Hill either lied about being on the sixth floor with Mooney, or he lied about being outside the TSBD with Fritz at about 12:58 pm. The only other alternative explanation is that Hill was on the sixth floor of the TSBD after Mooney discovered the spent shell casings. However, if this truly was the case, this writer is at a loss to explain why Hill would lie under oath before the Warren Commission that he was on the sixth floor with Mooney when he found the spent shell casings. Moreover, as discussed throughout this essay, Hill was outside the rooming house at 1026 North Beckley at approximately 1:00 pm, and therefore, he couldn’t have been on the sixth floor of the TSBD after 12:58 pm.

    According to the transcript of the recordings of channel one of the DPD radio (dubbed Sawyer exhibit B), at approximately 1:12 pm, inspector Sawyer informed the Police dispatchers that “We have found empty rifle hulls on the fifth floor [of the TSBD]…” (WC Volume XXI, Sawyer EX B). But according to the following two transcripts, the transmission from Sawyer at approximately 1:11 pm reads; “On the 3rd floor of this book company down here, we found empty rifle hulls…” (WCE 705/1974). Hill informed the Warren Commission that after he allegedly told Captain Fritz about the discovery of the spent shell casings, he went outside and advised inspector Sawyer of the discovery (WC Volume VII, page 47). Hill also took credit for advising Lt. John Carl Day of the DPD crime lab that the shots had been fired from the sixth floor of the TSBD (ibid). But this was another demonstrable lie by Hill.

    When Lt. Day testified before the Warren Commission on April 22, 1964, he claimed that it was inspector Sawyer who directed him to the sixth floor of the TSBD (WC Volume IV, page 249). Another problem with Hill’s claim is that he testified that he told Lt. Day about the spent shell casings before he told Sawyer (WC Volume VII, page 47). When detective Robert Studebaker (who arrived at the TSBD with Day) testified before the Warren Commission on April 6, 1964, he claimed that they arrived at the TSBD at about 1:15 pm (ibid, page 138). Studebaker also claimed that the spent shell casings weren’t found yet when they arrived on the sixth floor; even though he stated that they were directed to the sixth floor upon there arrival (ibid, page 139). However, in his report to deputy DPD chief George L. Lumpkin on January 8, 1964, Lt. Day wrote that he arrived at the TSBD with Studebaker at 1:12 pm, and verified that they arrived there at “about” 1:12 pm (WCE 3145), (WC Volume IV, page 249).

    Lt. Day also wrote in his report (and verified during his testimony before the Warren Commission) that the spent shell casings had been found upon their arrival on the sixth floor (ibid). Even if Day and Studebaker had arrived at the TSBD closer to 1:15 pm than 1:12 pm, the transcripts of channel two of the DPD radio show that the spent shell casings were found prior to their arrival. As for inspector Sawyer, when he testified before the Warren Commission, he failed to confirm that it was Hill who told him about the discovery of the spent shell casings. According to Sawyer; “somebody inside the building” reported the discovery to him (WC Volume VI, page 322). Unfortunately, Sawyer didn’t clarify whether he meant that it was reported to him by an officer/deputy Sheriff who came out of the building and told him, or if it was by an officer/deputy Sheriff who leaned out of a window and yelled down to the street. In the writer’s opinion, by stating that it was “reported” to him, Sawyer was implying that it was the former.

    Even if we are to believe that Mooney discovered the spent shell casings at 12:58 pm, and that it was indeed Hill who informed Sawyer about it after he went outside the building, we must also believe that it somehow took Hill about thirteen minutes for him to go to the window and shout down to the street for the crime lab to be sent up after seeing the spent shell casings for himself, head towards the back of the building and inform Captain Fritz about the discovery, then head outside and inform Lt. Day and inspector Sawyer about the discovery, and for Sawyer to then inform the DPD dispatchers about it. Keep in mind that according to Hill’s own testimony (and his subsequent interviews with Jeff Meek and Larry Sneed), there wasn’t any lengthy delay in his going down and out of the TSBD to inform Sawyer about the discovery (WC Volume VII, pages 46 and 47), (Sneed, No More Silence, page 294). This writer should point out that news reporter Jim Ewell told Larry Sneed that when Hill leaned out of the window “…he had what was thought to be Oswald’s little fried chicken lunch. It was in a little pop box,” and that Hill was explaining to everyone on the ground that the assassin had been eating fried chicken (ibid, pages 6 and 7).

    Consider that if Hill really was concerned about whether anybody down on the street heard him shout out that the crime lab should be sent up, then he naturally wouldn’t have taken his time to head down and out of the building. However, for the sake of argument, let’s assume it took Hill two minutes to go to the window to yell down to the street after hearing Mooney yell out that he found the spent shell casings (and after finding what was thought to be the assassin’s lunch), one minute yelling down to the street for the crime lab to be sent up, one minute to then head to the back of the building and inform Fritz about it, then three minutes to reach the front entrance of the building, how do we account for the remaining six minutes? Are we to honestly believe that Hill would waste time lingering inside the building when he was allegedly concerned that nobody heard him shout out that the crime lab should be sent up? Are we also to honestly believe that if, for example, Sawyer was conferring with another officer(s), that Hill would wait a while before interrupting to tell him about this important discovery?

    Finally, are we to honestly believe that after Hill allegedly informed Sawyer about the discovery that Sawyer would actually wait for over a minute before informing the dispatchers? In this writer’s opinion, none of these explanations are viable. What’s even less viable (and in this writer’s opinion, absurd) is that if Mooney discovered the spent shell casings prior to 12:58 pm, it took Hill even longer to inform Sawyer of the discovery! Readers should keep in mind that according to Donald Willis, in two emails to researcher Tony Pitman, WFAA-TV cameraman Tom Alyea (who filmed DPD officers and Dallas county deputy Sheriffs as they searched the sixth floor of the TSBD) claimed that the spent shell casings were discovered at 12:55 pm (click here). Partial confirmation for Alyea’s claim comes from this list of photographs taken in Dealey Plaza on the day of the assassination, in which it is stated that at approximately 12:55 pm, a photograph captured by William Allen of the Dallas Times Herald shows; “Sheriff [is] waving out of sixth floor window [of the TSBD] next to ‘the’ window.”

    Also according to the list, at approximately 12:55 pm, freelance photographer Jim Murray captured two photographs showing a “Policeman on [the] 6th floor [of the TSBD] yelling out window and & pointing to 6th floor window.” There can be very little doubt that the photographs in question are the photographs showing Gerald Hill yelling out of the window next to the so-called sniper’s nest window; which this writer provided links to above. This writer should also point out that according to the aforementioned list of photographs, it is stated that Sheriff Decker was photographed in Dealey Plaza as early as 12:39 pm. However, a search through Robin Unger’s excellent collection of the various photographs taken in Dealey Plaza on the day of the assassination reveals that the man believed to be Decker was in fact Deputy Sheriff Buddy Walthers; who bore a resemblance to Decker.

    Hill and Alyea

    When Luke Mooney testified before the Warren Commission, he stated that as he went down to the sixth floor; “some news reporter, or press, I don’t know who he was – he was coming up with a camera” (WC Volume III, page 284). As Alyea was the only cameraman who took film footage of the sixth floor as it was being searched, there can be no doubt that Mooney was referring to him. This writer should point out that Hill made no mention of seeing any cameraman on the sixth floor when he testified before the Warren Commission and during his subsequent interviews with Jeff Meek and Larry Sneed. Although Mooney’s testimony seems to suggest that Alyea first learned of the discovery of the spent shell casings when he was on the sixth floor of the TSBD, he made no mention of this during a filmed interview in 1964 (click here to view the interview). As a matter of fact, the evidence discussed in this essay shows that this wasn’t the case, and that he probably first learned about it after seeing and/or hearing Hill yell down from the sixth floor window.

    But if this was the case, Alyea didn’t mention this during his aforementioned interview. According to the transcripts of channel one of the DPD radio communications, between 12:55 pm and 1:04 pm, Sgt. David V. Harkness told the Police dispatchers to send the crime lab to the TSBD (WC Volume XXI, Sawyer Exhibit No. A), (WCE 705/1974). Whilst there is no way for this writer to be certain, it is nevertheless this writer’s estimation that Harkness made his transmission between 12:58 pm and 12:59 pm. If Hill yelled out of the window at approximately 12:55 pm (taking no more than a minute to do so), took two minutes to arrive outside the building after leaving the window, then took a minute to inform Harkness (or an Officer who informed Harkness) about the “discovery” of the spent shell casings, then Harkness could easily have made his transmission between 12:58 pm and 12:59 pm. Readers should note that Hill was filmed speaking to news reporters outside the TSBD (this can be viewed here at about the 2 hour 21 minute mark).

    In the essay entitled The Gun That Didn’t Smoke, Walter F. Graf and Richard R. Bartholomew write that a shadow cast on the bricks to the west of a window on the southeast corner of the TSBD (seen in a photograph taken by Jim Murray) shows that Hill leaned out of the window at 1:03 pm (click here to read the essay). Whilst the author’s seem certain that this was the case, if Luke Mooney discovered the spent shell casings at 12:58 pm or before, and if Harkness’ aforementioned transmission was due to Mooney leaning out of the window, we must believe that Hill (who was allegedly concerned about making sure the crime lab was sent up following the discovery of the spent shell casings) either took five minutes to open the window and yell down to the street, or took well over a minute trying to get the attention of his fellow Officers in the noisy and crowded street below. Keep in mind that Hill never claimed that there was a delay in his opening the window, and then leaving the building.

    In his book Pictures of the Pain, Richard Trask explains that ” [William Allen and Jim Murray] took photos of cops toting shotguns on Houston Street looking up at the building, and of Sergeant Hill motioning out of a sixth-floor window shortly before 1:05 pm. when the [spent] shell casings were discovered” (Trask, Pictures of the Pain, page 546). Trask also writes that “… two frames [from Jim Murray’s camera show] Sergeant Gerald Hill yelling out of a sixth floor window at around 1:00 just after spent shells had been located under the corner window to which he is pointing” (ibid, page 502). Trask appears to be implying that Hill yelled out of the window closer to 1:05 pm than 12:55 pm. However, given his commitment to the belief that Oswald (acting alone) assassinated the President and then shot Officer Tippit, readers are cautioned against believing Trask, as he undoubtedly wouldn’t want his readers to think that Hill could have been one of the two officers outside “Oswald’s” rooming house inside the DPD squad car seen by Earlene Roberts at approximately 1:00 pm, and that by implication, was involved in Tippit’s murder with Oswald.

    As this writer has discussed above, Sheriff Decker (most likely) arrived at the TSBD at about 12:58 pm. In his November 23, 1963, report concerning his activities on the day of the assassination, Mooney wrote that as he was searching the railroad yards “…Sheriff Bill Decker came up and told me and Officers Sam Webster and Billy Joe Victory to surround the [TSBD] building” after which he entered the building (WC Volume XIX, Decker Exhibit No. 5323). This would mean that Mooney was on the sixth floor of the TSBD sometime after 12:58 pm. When Mooney testified before the Warren Commission, he stated that “another officer” told him that Decker wanted the TSBD to be covered, and that this was after he had been in the railroad yards for “…only a few seconds” (WC Volume III, page 283). Mooney didn’t specify how long he had been searching the railroad yards prior to being instructed to “surround” the TSBD.

    Despite his latter claim when he testified before the Warren Commission four months after he wrote his report, Mooney (more or less) claimed that Sheriff Decker had spoken to him in person. It is also entirely possible that Mooney had simply misremembered how long he had been searching the railroad yards prior to entering the TSBD. Although Decker never mentioned in his own report that he had spoken to Mooney, Webster, or Victory/Vickery following his arrival at the TSBD, this doesn’t necessarily mean that he didn’t. But could Mooney have been referring to deputy Sheriff Buddy Walthers, who resembled Decker? Whilst this is possible, it is nevertheless unlikely that Mooney could have mistaken Walthers for his own Sheriff. Secondly, Walthers never claimed in his own report to Decker (or when he testified before the Warren Commission) that he had relayed instructions to his fellow officers to cover/surround the TSBD (WC Volume XIX, Decker Exhibit No. 5323), (WC Volume VII, page 546).

    It is also important to keep in mind that in their report concerning their activities on the day of the assassination, detectives Sims and Boyd wrote that the spent shell casings were found at “about 1:15 pm,” and that “Deputy Sheriff Luke E. Mooney said he found them and left them lay as they were” (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 4, Item 5). Similarly, detective B.L. Senkel wrote in his own report that he “…got to the sixth floor [of the TSBD] about 1:10 pm,” and that “The empty hulls were found at [the] window about 1:15 pm” (ibid, Folder 12, Item 1). Mooney told the Warren Commission that “…it was approaching 1 o’clock. It could have been 1 o’clock” when he found the spent shell casings, but acknowledged that he didn’t look at his watch to determine the time (WC Volume III, page 285).

    As pointed out previously, the transcripts of channel two of the DPD radio recordings show that inspector sawyer reported over the radio that the spent shell casings were found at approximately 1:11 pm. Given all of the evidence discussed above, it is apparent to this writer that Mooney’s discovery of the spent shell casings was responsible for Sawyer’s transmission. If it took the officer who reported the discovery to Sawyer approximately two minutes from the time he left the sixth floor to the time he spoke to Sawyer, then Mooney found the spent shell casings at approximately 1:09 pm. Suffice it to say, aside from one DPD detective who is not a credible witness, there is an utter lack of support for Hill’s claim that he was on the sixth floor at the time Mooney found the spent shell casings. On a final note, Steve Pieringer, a Fort Worth News reporter, reported the following from outside the TSBD: “Jerry Hill of the Dallas Police department just yelled out a window… Apparently they’ve found some shells there in that room in the Texas School book depository building” (see When The News Went Live in Google books).

    There can be no doubt that Pieringer reported this, as film footage (which can be viewed here) confirms that he did. As for Pieringer’s claim that others were with Hill when he yelled out of the window, this may have been an assumption on Pieringer’s part. Alternatively, Hill may have yelled out words to the effect “We have found empty shells on this floor.” It is this writer’s belief that the purpose of Hill yelling out of the window was to ensure that there would be witnesses to the fact that he was on the sixth floor when the discovery of the spent shell casings was allegedly made, and that he wasn’t outside the rooming house at 1026 North Beckley in DPD squad car 207. If Hill framed Oswald for Tippit’s murder, then it stands to reason that he was also involved in President Kennedy’s assassination, and that by all likelihood, he would have known in advance from which floor of the TSBD the shots would have been fired at the President. As for Hill’s claim that he and a deputy Sheriff found the spent shell casings during his interview with Bob Whitten, he could easily have learned from one or more DPD Officers at Police headquarters prior to his interview with Whitten that Mooney had discovered the spent shell casings (WCD 1210, page 3).

    According to Google Maps, if Hill left the TSBD at approximately 12:58 pm, and travelled to the rooming house at 1026 North Beckley via Commerce Street; by this writer’s calculation, at an average speed of 50 mph, Hill could have arrived there at approximately 1:01 pm. Hill told the Warren Commission that he travelled to the Tippit murder scene with Sgt. Calvin “Bud” Owens, and assistant Dallas district attorney, William F. Alexander (WC Volume VII, page 47). Although Alexander verified that this was the case, and although the recordings of the DPD radio communications (available on John McAdams’ website here) show that Hill was using Owens’ radio identification number when speaking over the radio, as I will explain in detail on my blog, this was a fabrication by the DPD to cover-up for Hill’s presence outside the rooming house. I will also discuss Hill’s activities (and demonstrable lies) from the time he left the TSBD, to the time he arrived at the Texas Theater (click here to read through my discussion of Earlene Roberts’ credibility).

    The Framing of Oswald inside the Theater

    We now come to the main crux of the essay: The framing of Oswald inside the Theater by Hill. As far as this writer is aware, the first two researchers who made the case that Hill was guilty of framing Oswald were Lee Farley and Duke Lane. Before reading what follows, readers are encouraged to first read through this writer’s discussion of the notion that Oswald tried to shoot Officer Nick McDonald using the revolver (WCE 143) he allegedly used to kill Tippit (see under the subheading VI: Closing in, in part 1 of this writer’s review of With Malice). As this writer explains, the notion that Oswald tried to shoot McDonald was a fabrication by the DPD in order to portray Oswald as a desperate man who had just murdered Tippit in cold blood, and was willing to murder another police officer to avoid being arrested. This writer also discussed the allegation that Oswald purchased the gun via mail order.

    The official story is that after Officer McDonald disarmed Oswald, detective Bob Carroll took “Oswald’s” gun and stuck it into his belt before leaving the Theater. After Oswald was placed into the unmarked DPD car assigned to detective Carroll and his partner Kenneth Lyon, Carroll allegedly handed the gun to Gerald Hill, who was sitting to Carroll’s right in the front of the car. Following their arrival at DPD headquarters, Hill relinquished possession of the gun to Lieutenant T.L. Baker of the homicide and robbery bureau. There can be absolutely no doubt that Hill had possession of the gun following Oswald’s arrest, as he was filmed showing it to news reporters shortly following their arrival at DPD headquarters (this can be viewed here at about the 2 hour 24 minute mark). Hill was also photographed inside the Theater during Oswald’s arrest; and identified himself in that photograph when he testified before the Warren Commission (WC Volume VII, page 50). What follows is an in depth discussion of the likelihood that Hill had possession of “Oswald’s” revolver prior to his arrival at the Theater.

    According to Dale Myers, Bob Carroll was photographed outside the Texas Theater (by Stuart L. Reed) holding onto “Oswald’s” revolver with his right hand (With Malice, Chapter 6). But what Myers doesn’t tell his readers is that Carroll claimed that he placed “Oswald’s” gun inside his belt before exiting the Theater. In his December 4, 1963, report to DPD Chief Jesse Curry concerning Oswald’s arrest, Carroll wrote; “…I observed a pistol with the muzzle pointed in my direction. I grabbed the pistol and stuck it in my belt and then continued to assist in the subduing of Oswald. After Oswald was handcuffed we were instructed by Captain W.R. Westbrook to take him directly to the City Hall. We [then] removed Oswald from the theatre” (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 12).

    When Carroll testified before the Warren Commission on April 3, 1964, he confirmed that he placed “Oswald’s” gun into his belt prior to leaving the theater. Carroll told Counsel Joseph Ball; “I saw a pistol pointing at me so I reached and grabbed the pistol and jerked the pistol away and stuck it in my belt, and then I grabbed Oswald” (WC Volume VII, page 20). Further on during his testimony, Carroll claimed that “After I took the pistol, I stuck it in my belt immediately” (ibid, page 22). When Carroll was called back to testify on April 9, 1964, he stated that “The first time I saw [WCE 143], it was pointed in my direction, and I reached and grabbed it and stuck it into my belt… At the time, I was assisting in the arrest of Lee Harvey Oswald” (ibid, page 24). Carroll then stated that he “…jumped and grabbed the gun… [then] Stuck it in my belt,” and that after leaving the Theater he “…released the pistol to Sgt. Jerry Hill” (ibid, pages 24 and 25).

    Given what Carroll wrote in his report and what he stated during his testimony, the gun he was photographed holding outside the Theater was not “Oswald’s” revolver (the photograph can be viewed here). When one closely examines the photograph showing Carroll holding onto the gun, it is apparent that the barrel of the gun Carroll was holding onto was longer than the barrel of “Oswald’s” gun (this writer returns to the issue of whose gun Carroll was holding further on in this essay). In the meantime, let’s consider all of the evidence which contradicts the notion that Carroll had possession of Oswald’s revolver inside the Theater. In his December 2, 1963, report to Chief Curry concerning Oswald’s arrest, Officer Ray Hawkins wrote the following; “[Oswald] had reached in his belt for a gun, and Officer McDonald was holding his right hand with the gun in it. Officer [Thomas Alexander] Hutson had entered the row behind [Oswald], and grabbed him around the neck and held him up. Sergeant G.L. Hill then took the gun” (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 18).

    As the reader can see, Hawkins claimed that it was Hill who took the gun. When Hawkins testified before the Warren Commission on April 3, 1964, he explained why he thought this was the case. According to Hawkins; “…Oswald and McDonald had both fallen down into the seat, and very shortly after I got [to where they were], a gun was pulled, came out of Oswald’s belt and was pulled across to their right, or toward the south aisle of the theatre. Officer McDonald grabbed the pistol, and the best I can remember, Sergeant Hill, who had gotten there, said, ‘I’ve got the gun,’ and he took the gun and we handcuffed Oswald” (WC Volume VII, page 94). Hawkins then went on to explain that “… [Oswald and McDonald] had gotten back into the seat and Officer Hutson had grabbed Oswald from behind and Officer [Charles] Walker had him by the left arm and the gun went across and McDonald had grabbed him by the right hand and Sergeant Hill grabbed the gun and at this time I handcuffed his left hand” (ibid).

    Bob Carroll testified before the Warren Commission prior to Hawkins on the very same morning. After apparently realising that Hawkins’ testimony contradicted his; in so far as Carroll grabbing the gun was concerned, counsel asked Hawkins if Carroll was involved in the scuffle with Oswald. Hawkins response was; “Well, I’m sure Bob was in there. I couldn’t say where he was exactly or – I do remember Sergeant Hill being there, and I believe he said, ‘I’ve got the gun.’ I think I read an account of where Bob Carroll may have had the gun, but I was under the impression it was Sergeant Hill. I’m sure Bob was there, but I don’t know exactly – It was all happening pretty fast” (ibid). It should be apparent to the reader that Hawkins seemed adamant that it was Hill who had grabbed “Oswald’s” gun after he allegedly pulled it out of his belt. Let’s now look at the evidence which supports Hawkins’ belief.

    In his report to Chief Curry, Carroll wrote that “We put Oswald into [the car] and drove directly to the City Hall. While en route to the City Hall, I released the pistol to Sgt. Jerry Hill” (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 12). During his initial testimony before the Warren Commission, Carroll reiterated that he had handed “Oswald’s” gun to Hill after the car had left the front of the Theatre; “…after we got into the car and pulled out from the theatre over there, I gave [the gun] to Jerry Hill, Sgt. Jerry Hill” (WC Volume VII, page 22). When Carroll was called back to testify before the Warren Commission on April 9, 1964, counsel David Belin asked him whether he had given the gun to Hill before or after he had started the car. Carroll stated that it was after (ibid, page 25). When Belin asked Carroll how far he had driven the car prior to giving the gun to Hill, Carroll replied “I don’t recall exactly how far I had driven,” thus indirectly confirming that he had given the gun to Hill after the car had pulled away from the Theater (ibid).

    On December 5, 1963, Hill wrote his own report to Chief Curry concerning Oswald’s arrest. In his report, Hill claimed that “As Officer [Bob] Carroll started to get into the car, he pulled [out] a snub-nosed revolver from his belt and handed it to me” (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 23). Hill testified before the Warren Commission on April 8, 1964. During his testimony, Hill stated that “As [Carroll] started to get in the car, he handed me a pistol, which he identified as the one that had been taken from the suspect in the theatre” (WC Volume VII, page 54). Hill then remarked that “[Carroll] apparently had [the gun] in his belt, and as he started to sit down, he handed it to me. I was already in the car and seated” (ibid). After counsel David Belin asked Hill what transpired inside the car after Carroll had allegedly given “Oswald’s” gun to him, Hill stated “We mostly got the car in motion…” after which he explained to Belin the route which Carroll took after pulling out from in front of the Theater (ibid, page 56).

    As the reader can see, Bob Carroll insisted that he had given the gun to Hill after he had driven the car away from the front of the Theater. Hill, on the other hand, insisted that Carroll had given the gun to him before the car pulled away from the Theater, and as Carroll started to get into the car. It should be obvious to the reader that the recollections of both men cannot be correct. Hill also told the Warren Commission that as Carroll handed him the gun, he asked Carroll if the gun belonged to him (ibid, page 54). But this is absurd, for what possible reason would Hill have for believing that Carroll would pull out his own gun from his belt and hand it over to him following Oswald’s arrest? It is also worth bearing in mind that in his memorandum to DPD Captain W.P. Gannaway on the day of the assassination, Carroll wrote that after he grabbed the gun he “…kept in my possession until I later released it to Jerry Hill,” and made no mention of giving it to him inside the car (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 4, Folder 2, Item 52). .

    When Hill was interviewed by the FBI on June 11, 1964, he stated that “…at the time Oswald was seized in the Texas Theatre he was attempting to pull [his] gun from his clothing” (WCE 2011). As discussed in part 1 of this writer’s review of With Malice, several officers such as Charles Walker and Thomas Hutson claimed that Oswald did pull out the gun. Hill also told the FBI that “[Oswald’s] gun was seized by B.K. Carroll and M.N. McDonald in Hill’s presence and was wrenched away from Oswald and handed to Sergeant Hill” (ibid). Although Hill’s remark doesn’t necessarily contradict his initial claim that Carroll handed him the gun inside the car, in this writer’s opinion, his remark nevertheless implies that he was given the gun whilst he was still inside the Theater.

    When Hill was interviewed by Eddie Barker of CBS television in the year 1967, he explained to Barker the events which allegedly transpired inside the Theater with regards to Oswald’s arrest. Hill told Barker that “…as soon as we got the handcuffs on [Oswald] and got him up, [Bob] Carroll was going to be the first man that maneuvered with him, and – and had both hands on Oswald inside the theatre – and was gonna have to have both hands on him, so he handed me the revolver which I struck in my belt, and it made the trip in that position” (the transcript of Hill’s interview with Barker can be read here). Further on during the interview, Hill explained that “…as we got [Oswald] handcuffed, and got him to his feet, and started to move with him, Detective Carroll, Bob Carroll, who’s one – gonna be one of the officers that made the first wing of the point – and was gonna have to move out before I’d do it, and as we started to move, he turned around and handed me this snub-nosed 38… [He] said this was the prisoner’s gun. And I stuck it in my belt, under my coat. And then I put my hands on Oswald, and we started out of the theatre.”

    Note this discrepancy: Hill’s claim that Carroll handed him the revolver whilst they were still inside the Theater contradicts both Carroll’s and Hill’s initial claim that he was given the gun inside the car. During his interview with Jeff Meek in 1976, Hill avoided discussing how and when Carroll allegedly gave him the revolver. However, when Hill was interviewed by Larry Sneed, he claimed that Carroll had handed him the revolver as he got into the car; and verified that this was before they drove away from the front of the Theater (Sneed, No More Silence, page 298). If Hill had simply forgotten when Carroll had given him the revolver by the time Eddie Barker interviewed him in 1967, then it stands to reason that he would have stated he couldn’t remember when it was given to him. The fact is that he never did.

    Readers should also bear in mind that the idea that Hill had simply forgotten when he was given the revolver during his interview with Barker ignores the fact that officer Hawkins stated that it was Hill who had shouted out “I’ve got the gun” during the scuffle with Oswald, and also ignores the fact that his claim that Carroll had given him the gun inside the car before they drove away from the Theater was contradicted by Carroll. This writer should also point out that neither Hill nor Carroll provided an explanation as to why Carroll allegedly handed “Oswald’s” gun to Hill in their reports to Chief Curry or when they testified before the Warren Commission. However, one possible explanation for why Carroll handed Hill the gun was because Hill was his superior, and because he was going to drive the car. The problem is that Carroll’s own claim that he had given Hill the gun after he pulled away from in front of the Theater undermines the latter possibility.

    The Plot Thickens

    Let’s now take into account the following contradictions between the statements of Hill and Carroll. Consider that in his report to Chief Curry, Hill wrote that after Carroll had handed him the gun; “He stated this was the suspect’s gun and that he had obtained it from Officer McDonald immediately after the suspect was subdued” (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 23). Although it is this writer’s opinion that it is perfectly reasonable to believe that Carroll thought at the time that the gun he grabbed belonged to Oswald, Hill’s claim that Carroll told him he had obtained it from McDonald immediately after Oswald was subdued was most certainly a lie. First of all, Carroll never wrote in his report to Chief Curry that he obtained the gun from McDonald; and as pointed out previously, Carroll wrote that he grabbed the gun and placed it into his belt; and then continued to assist in subduing Oswald (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 12).

    Secondly, when Carroll initially testified before the Warren Commission on April 3, 1964, he was asked if he knew who was holding onto the gun when he grabbed it. Carroll’s response was; “I don’t know, sir. I just saw the pistol pointing at me and I grabbed it and jerked it away from whoever had it and that’s all, and by that time then the handcuffs were put on Oswald” (WC Volume VII, page 20). When Carroll was called back to testify on April 9, 1964, he was again asked if he knew who had the gun when it was pointed in his direction. Carroll remarked that he didn’t (ibid, page 24). Many years later, during a filmed interview, Carroll proclaimed (in so many words) that the gun he grabbed inside the Theater was in Oswald’s hand (click here to view the interview). But if this truly was the case, Carroll wouldn’t have had any reason to lie to the Warren Commission. Therefore, he either misremembered or lied when he proclaimed during the filmed interview that it was Oswald who had the gun in his hand.

    As for why Carroll didn’t know who was holding onto the gun he grabbed, when Officer Thomas Alexander Hutson testified before the Warren Commission, he admitted that; “The lights were down. The lights were on in the theatre, but it was dark,” and that “Visibility was poor” (WC Volume VII, pages 30 and 31). When Captain W.R. Westbrook testified before the Warren Commission, he stated that “…the lights were on very dim [inside the Theater]” (ibid, page 112). The aforementioned photograph showing Hill inside the Theater during Oswald’s arrest confirms that the lighting inside the Theater was poor. In his report to Chief Curry, Hill also wrote that after he heard an Officer (undoubtedly McDonald) shout out “I’ve got him!,” he “…ran inside the lower floor of the theater and saw several officers attempting to restrain [Oswald],” and that “Someone yelled that [Oswald] had a pistol and then as I joined the other officers in attempting to complete the arrest, I heard someone else say they had the gun” (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 23).

    Hill’s remark implies that heard someone yell out that they had the gun before Oswald was subdued. He then wrote that along with Officers McDonald, Hutson, Hawkins, Walker, Carroll, K.E. Lyon, Paul Bentley, and FBI agent Robert M. Barrett, he had “…succeeded in subduing [Oswald]” and that “…while the other officers held [Oswald], Officer Ray Hawkins and I handcuffed [him]” (ibid). When Hill testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that just before he got to where Oswald was, he heard somebody yell “Look out, he’s got a gun,” and that with the assistance of the aforementioned Officers, Oswald was subdued “…to the point where we had control of him and his legs pinned and his arms pinned… And Hawkins and I handcuffed him while the others held him” (WC Volume VII, page 50).

    When Johnny Calvin Brewer, the shoe store manager who allegedly witnessed Oswald duck into the Theater without paying, testified before the Warren Commission on April 2, 1964, he claimed that he heard someone holler “He’s got a gun” (ibid, page 6). Brewer explained that before he heard this, he had seen a gun “…come up and – in Oswald’s hand, a gun up in the air” (ibid). But as discussed in part 1 of this writer’s review of With Malice, this was most certainly a lie (see under the subheading VI: Closing in). Aside from Hill and Brewer, this writer knows of no other officer (or witness) who claimed that they heard someone yell out that Oswald had a gun. This writer is also unaware of any officer/witness who took credit for yelling out that Oswald had a gun. Whilst Brewer and Hill are not credible witnesses, it is nevertheless possible that one of the other officers or witnesses did yell out words to the effect “Look out, he’s got a gun,” for as this writer explains below, Oswald likely grabbed Officer McDonald’s gun out of self-defence.

    What’s of particular significance is Hill’s claim that as he joined the other officers involved in Oswald’s arrest, he allegedly; and “coincidentally,” heard someone say that they had “the gun.” Apart from Hill, the only other two officers who could have shouted out that they had “the gun” were Nick McDonald and Bob Carroll; as they were the only two officers who wrote in their reports to Chief Curry (and then told the Warren Commission) that during the scuffle with Oswald inside the Theater, they had possession of “Oswald’s” revolver. However, as far as this writer is concerned, neither one of them ever proclaimed that they shouted out that they had the gun. It is also important to bear in mind that Hill didn’t identify either one of them as the officer who said they had the gun. On December 3, 1963, detective John B. Toney wrote his own report to Chief Curry on what he allegedly witnessed during the scuffle with Oswald inside the Theater. In his report, Toney explained that he heard one of the Officers state “I have the gun,” but didn’t identify who the Officer was (Dallas Municipal archives Box 2, Folder 7, Item 43).

    Toney went on to explain that after he heard this, Oswald was subdued and then handcuffed (ibid). In his own report to Chief Curry on December 3, 1963 concerning Oswald’s arrest, Captain W.R. Westbrook wrote that as he “…reached the row of seats where the arrest was in progress, several officers were struggling with [Oswald]. Detective Bob Carroll said that he had [Oswald’s] gun. [Oswald] was overpowered and handcuffed” (ibid, Item 50). When Westbrook testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that after he observed Oswald and McDonald fighting “I yelled about three or four times, ‘Has somebody got his gun,’ and finally some officer – I don’t know which one it was – says, ‘Yes, I have the gun’” (WC Volume VII, page 112). Whilst it is entirely conceivable that after grabbing the gun pointing in his direction, Bob Carroll yelled out that he had it, Westbrook’s testimony doesn’t necessarily contradict Officer Hawkins’ claim that it was Hill who said that he had the gun. Although detective Toney’s claim that heard one of the officers state that “I have the gun” is more consistent with Westbrook’s claim than Hawkins’ claim, it is entirely possible that Hawkins (or perhaps Toney) misremembered exactly what was said.

    On a further note, although Westbrook testified that he didn’t know who the officer was that stated “Yes, I have the gun,” it is entirely possible he simply forgot that it was Bob Carroll. This writer should point out that several researchers, such as Ian Griggs, have argued that Westbrook may also have been involved in President Kennedy’s assassination. If this was the case, then it stands to reason that he was also involved in framing Oswald for Tippit’s murder; and may have lied in his report that Carroll stated that he had the gun in order to help conceal the fact that it was actually Hill who said he had the gun. What’s intriguing is that Hill told the FBI that he had transferred to the personnel bureau of the DPD (which was under Westbrook’s command) in October, 1963, the same month in which Oswald obtained his employment at the TSBD (WCD 4, page 308). Although this may be nothing more than a coincidence, it is nevertheless intriguing.

    This writer should also point out that during his interview with Larry Sneed; Westbrook claimed that he had seen Bob Carroll “…reach out and grab [the gun]” (Sneed, No More Silence, page 315). However, since Westbrook made absolutely no mention of this in either his report concerning Oswald’s arrest and when he testified before the Warren Commission, his latter claim to Sneed should be taken with a grain of salt. Although Westbrook’s report implies that Oswald was subdued after Carroll said he had the gun, he may have misremembered exactly when Carroll said he had the gun. Suffice it to say, aside from Captain Westbrook, no other DPD officer wrote/indicated in their report to Chief Curry (or told the Warren Commission) that Carroll said he had the gun after he grabbed it.

    Ironically enough, Hill’s own claim in his report that Carroll told him he obtained the gun from McDonald immediately after Oswald was subdued, contradicts his claim that as he “…joined the officers in attempting to complete the arrest, I heard someone else say they had [Oswald’s] gun,” as this implies that Oswald was subdued after Hill allegedly heard someone say they had the gun. The reader should also bear in mind that during his interview with Bob Whitten shortly following Oswald’s arrest, Hill remarked that after McDonald approached Oswald “…all seven of us got into a fight and finally got him subdued and handcuffed – disarmed then handcuffed” (WCD 1210, page 4).

    The implication of Hill’s remark is that Oswald was disarmed after he was subdued, and that since Carroll wrote in his report to Chief Curry that he continued to assist in subduing Oswald after he grabbed the gun, he couldn’t have been the officer allegedly heard by Hill. In the report he wrote out for Chief Curry on the day of the assassination, Hill explained; “…after a struggle in which [Oswald] resisted violently he was disarmed and handcuffed,” thus implying that Oswald disarmed after he was subdued (WCD 87, 196). Hill also remarked that Oswald was subdued, disarmed, and handcuffed (in that order) during a filmed interview with news reporters on the day of the assassination (this can be viewed here at about the 1 hour and 56 minute mark).

    Let’s now look into the possibility that McDonald may have yelled out that he had Oswald’s gun, as Hill joined the scuffle. In an article written for the Associated Press on the day following the assassination, McDonald took sole credit for disarming Oswald (John Armstrong Baylor research collection, tab entitled: McDonald). McDonald also took sole credit for disarming Oswald in the report he wrote to Chief Curry on December 3, 1963 and when he testified before the Warren Commission on March 25, 1964 (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 32.)It stands to reason that McDonald would have said that he had the gun as soon as he disarmed Oswald. Although McDonald implied in his report that he had disarmed Oswald after officers Charles Walker, Thomas Hutson, and Ray Hawkins joined him in the scuffle with Oswald, when he testified before the Warren Commission he claimed that; “By the time all three of these officers [Walker, Hutson, and Hawkins] had got there, I had gotten my right hand on the butt of [Oswald’s] pistol and jerked it free [from his hand]” (ibid).

    McDonald also claimed during his interview with Lloyd Shearer in 1964 that he had disarmed Oswald prior the time Hutson, Walker, and Hawkins and joined him in the scuffle with Oswald (see The Man Who Captured Lee Oswald by Lloyd Shearer). But contrary to McDonald’s claim, Walker, Hutson, and Hawkins all wrote in their reports to Chief Curry (and then verified when they each testified before the Warren Commission) that they joined McDonald in the scuffle before Oswald was allegedly disarmed (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Items 18, 25, and 47). As pointed out previously, Hill wrote in his report to chief Curry that he joined the officers (not officer) who were scuffling with Oswald, and indicated during his testimony before the Warren Commission that McDonald, Walker, Hutson, and Hawkins were scuffling with Oswald before he joined in the scuffle (ibid, page 52).

    Although their accounts on when Hill joined them differ, both Hutson and Hawkins confirmed that it was after they (along with Officer Walker), had reached Oswald and McDonald as they were scuffling (ibid, pages 33 and 94). Therefore, if McDonald’s claim that he disarmed Oswald before Walker, Hutson, and Hawkins reached them is correct, and if Hill was being truthful when he wrote in his report that he heard “someone” say they had “Oswald’s” gun as he joined the scuffle, then McDonald couldn’t have been the Officer whom he allegedly heard make this claim. Furthermore, despite the fact that McDonald took sole credit for disarming Oswald; after which he allegedly handed the revolver to detective Bob Carroll, Officer Walker told the Warren Commission that as Oswald still had the gun in his hand “…a detective, I don’t recall who it was, there were so many [officers] around by that time, the area was bursting with Policemen, and it appeared to me that he reached over and pulled the gun away from everybody, pulled it away from everyone, best I can recall” (ibid, page 40).

    The reader should also consider that according to Officer Hutson; “The gun was taken from [Oswald’s] hand by Officer McDonald and somebody else. I couldn’t say exactly” (ibid, page 32). However, in his December 3, 1963, report to Chief Curry, Hutson wrote that McDonald had disarmed Oswald, and didn’t give credit to any other officer for disarming Oswald (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 25). As this writer has pointed out above, detective Carroll claimed that as he was standing in the south aisle of the Theater, he observed a gun pointing in his direction and grabbed it from whoever had it; and that Officer Hawkins testified that the gun was pulled across towards the south aisle of the Theater, as Oswald was allegedly holding it in his hand. On the contrary, Hutson testified that the gun was pointing towards the screen of the Theater, which was to the east (ibid). Similarly, Walker testified that the gun was “…pointed slightly toward the screen, what I call” (ibid, page 39).

    Dallas Deputy Sheriff Buddy Walthers; who allegedly witnessed Oswald’s arrest inside the Theater, wrote in his report to Sheriff Bill Decker on the day of the assassination that he “…saw Officer Carroll of the Dallas Police Department standing on the other side of the melee of people and I could see a gun on the floor with 2 or 3 hands on it and I reached into this melee and pulled up on the people and I believe it was Officer Carroll who reached down and got this gun. I am not positive it was Officer Carroll, but I believe it was, however, there was such a swarm of officers at this time, it was hard to determine” (WC Volume XIX, Decker Exhibit No. 5323). Although Walthers verified during his Warren Commission testimony that he thought it was Carroll who got the gun “away from the hands,” he omitted that the gun was on the floor when Carroll allegedly reached and grabbed it (WC Volume VII, page 548). However, former Dallas deputy Sheriff Bill Courson told Larry Sneed that Walthers arrived at the Theater after Oswald was arrested (Sneed, No More Silence, page 486).

    On a similar note, former Dallas deputy Sheriff Roger Craig wrote in his manuscript When They Kill a President that Walthers didn’t enter the Theater. On the day of the assassination, FBI agent Robert M. Barrett also wrote a report on what he allegedly witnessed inside the Theater. According to Barrett; “One of the officers took a .38 caliber snub-nose revolver out of Oswald’s right hand and handed it to Detective [Bob] Carroll” (WCD 5, page 85). Further on in his report, Barrett wrote that “Later at Police headquarters… I was told by Officer McDonald that when he first approached Oswald, [he] attempted to pull the weapon from his shirt, at which time McDonald grabbed the gun with both of his hands. McDonald stated that Oswald did pull the trigger once, but that the gun did not fire” (ibid). Whilst Barrett’s account tends to corroborate McDonald’s claim that he disarmed Oswald, the reader should nevertheless bear in mind that nowhere in his report did Barrett state that he actually observed McDonald disarm Oswald and then hand the gun to Bob Carroll; or that he heard either one of them say that they had “Oswald’s” gun.

    If the recollections of Officer Walker and deputy Sheriff Buddy Walthers are to be believed, then McDonald didn’t disarm Oswald as he claimed; and therefore, he couldn’t have said that he had Oswald’s gun. If officer Hutson’s recollection is to be believed, then McDonald didn’t disarm Oswald on his own. Officer Hawkins’ recollection is also at odds with McDonald’s; as Hawkins claimed that Oswald had the gun in his hand when it was “pulled across” towards the south aisle of the Theater, whereas McDonald told the associated press on the day following the assassination that he “…got the pistol out of [Oswald’s] hand and another officer, Bob Carroll, reached me and took the pistol from me” (John Armstrong Baylor research collection, tab entitled: McDonald). However, in his report to Chief Curry, McDonald wrote that he “…brought the pistol away still holding the butt and pointing it to the floor at [arm’s] length away from anyone… I recognized Officer Bob Carroll and handed the pistol to him” (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 32). When McDonald testified before the Warren Commission, he confirmed that he had given the gun to Carroll (WC Volume III, pages 300 and 301).

    As discussed previously in part 1 of this writer’s review of With Malice, during a filmed interview with WFAA-TV on the day following the assassination, McDonald claimed that after he approached Oswald and ordered him to stand up, Oswald said “This is it.” Such a remark implies that Oswald realized he was caught and was allegedly surrendering himself. But in his report to Chief Curry (and during his testimony before the Warren Commission), McDonald claimed that Oswald said “Well, it’s all over now” after he approached him and ordered him to stand up (see the subheading entitled VI: Closing in in part 1 of this writer’s review of With Malice). As the two expressions sound nothing alike, it is apparent that McDonald was fabricating. With that in mind, his claim that he had removed WCE 143 from Oswald’s hand should be taken with a grain of salt. Although, as pointed out above, FBI agent Bob Barrett wrote in his report that “someone” took what he described as being WCE 143 out of Oswald’s hand, he also wrote that he heard Oswald yell in a loud voice “Kill all the sons of bitches” (WCD 5, page 84).

    But as also discussed in part 1 of this writer’s review of With Malice, there is absolutely no corroboration for Barrett’s claim that Oswald said this by any of the officers who either participated in or witnessed Oswald’s arrest, or by anyone else who witnessed Oswald’s arrest. It is therefore apparent that Barrett was involved in incriminating Oswald for Tippit’s murder, and therefore, his claim that someone had taken WCE 143 out of Oswald’s hand is not to be believed. Suffice it to say, there is no credible evidence that McDonald disarmed Oswald and then said that he had the gun, or that after Bob Carroll grabbed the gun which was pointing in his direction, he (Carroll) said that he had the gun. It is therefore apparent to this writer that Hill wrote in his report to Chief Curry that he heard someone say that they had the gun as he joined the rest of the officers in the scuffle with Oswald, to try and conceal the fact that he was the officer who said that he had the gun!

    Should the above not be sufficient to convince the reader that Carroll didn’t give WCE 143 to Hill after Oswald was arrested, then the reader should also consider the following evidence. In his report to Chief Curry, Hill wrote that; “I retained [the] gun in my possession until approximately 3:15 pm, Friday, November 22, 1963, when in the presence of Officers Carroll and McDonald, I turned [it] over to Detective T.L. Baker of the Homicide and Robbery bureau” (Dallas Municipal archives Box 2, Folder 7, Item 23). But when Carroll testified before the Warren Commission on April 3, 1963, he remarked that he didn’t recall “…seeing the gun or the bullets turned over to anyone by Hill” (WC Volume VII, page 23). When Carroll was called back to testify before the Warren Commission on April 9, 1963, he informed Counsel David Belin that he placed the initials B.C. on the inside of the butt of WCE 143 when he was inside the personnel office of the DPD with Hill on the day of the assassination (ibid, page 25).

    However, the reader should bear in mind that not only did Carroll fail to mention that he marked the gun during his initial testimony on April 3, 1963, and in his report to chief Curry, but he also failed to mention that he marked the gun in the memorandum which he wrote to Captain W.P. Gannaway on the day of the assassination! (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 4, Folder 2, Item 52). Whilst this doesn’t necessarily mean that Carroll didn’t mark the gun on the day of the assassination, the lack of mention by Carroll in his memorandum to Captain Gannaway and in his report to Chief Curry that he marked it, nevertheless raises doubt that he did. The reader should also bear in mind that when Officer Ray Hawkins was asked if he observed McDonald mark the gun after he went to the DPD personnel bureau, Hawkins remarked; “Yes, sir; McDonald, and I believe Sergeant Hill marked it or possibly Bob Carroll. There were, I believe, two people who marked it” (WC Volume VII, page 95).

    Hawkins’ belief that Carroll may have marked the gun was probably due to the fact that he thought he “…read an account of where Bob Carroll may have had the gun…” (ibid, page 94). The important point to keep in mind is that he never testified that he had seen Carroll mark the gun. During his testimony before the Warren Commission, Captain Westbrook claimed that after the gun was brought into his Office; “It was marked by Officer Jerry Hill and a couple or three more…” (ibid, page 118). It is apparent that Westbrook seemed confused as to how many Officers had marked the gun, and never once mentioned that Carroll was one of the Officers. In assessing his credibility, it is also perhaps worth considering that despite seeing the light gray zipper jacket (which Tippit’s killer discarded) laying on the ground in the parking lot behind the Texaco service station on Jefferson Blvd., Westbrook testified that he was “guessing” as to exactly where the jacket was found (ibid, page 117).

    When did Carroll mark the gun?

    As for the other officers who were involved in or witnessed Oswald’s arrest, none of them mentioned in their reports to Chief Curry that they had seen Carroll mark the gun on the day of the assassination (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7). In fact, detectives Paul Bentley, K.E. Lyon, John Toney, E.E. Taylor, Marvin Buhk, Sgt. Henry Stringer, Lt. Elmo Cunningham, Officer E.R. Baggett and others, were never called to testify before the Warren Commission. Although Bentley, Toney, Cunningham, and Captain Westbrook were interviewed by Larry Sneed, none of them mentioned seeing Carroll mark the gun. Though, in his report to Chief Curry on December 3, 1963, detective Bentley remarked that he (Bentley) had “initialled” the gun. Suffice it to say, the evidence discussed previously indicates that Bob Carroll did not have possession of WCE 143 inside the Theater. It is this writer’s belief that Hill (or perhaps even Captain Westbrook) coerced Carroll into claiming that he grabbed WCE 143 during the scuffle with Oswald inside the Theater, and that he then turned it over to Hill inside the car.

    Still, the Officer identified by Dale Myers as Bob Carroll was photographed outside the Theater holding onto what appears to be a revolver in his right hand. As discussed previously, by Carroll’s own claim that he allegedly placed WCE 143 inside his belt before he exited the Theater, the gun he was holding was not WCE 143. But then whose gun was it? Whilst this writer thought that the gun may have been his own, during his aforementioned filmed interview, Carroll stated that after he allegedly got the gun out of Oswald’s hand and placed it into his belt, he then placed his own gun into his holster, after he which he “popped [Oswald] one upside his head”. Although Carroll didn’t specifically mention that he had placed his own gun into his holster whilst he was still inside the Theater; the very next thing he mentioned after placing “Oswald’s” gun into his belt was that he had placed his own gun into his holster. Besides, with Oswald subdued, handcuffed, and then escorted outside the Theater by his fellow Officers, there would have been no need for Carroll to be holding his own gun outside the Theater.

    In this writer’s opinion, the gun Carroll was holding outside the Theater most likely belonged to Officer McDonald. If Oswald was framed for Tippit’s murder, then there can be no doubt that he was lured to the Texas Theater. As discussed in part 1 of this writer’s review of With Malice, by all likelihood, Oswald thought that he was to make contact with someone inside the Theater (see under the subheading VI: Closing in). Consider that if Hill framed Oswald, there can be little doubt that Oswald was provoked into starting a fight with the Officer(s) who approached him inside the Theater; to enable Hill to join the scuffle and then pretend that he had taken the gun used to kill Tippit from Oswald’s person. The reader should keep in mind that McDonald told the associated press on the day following the assassination that Oswald “…hit me a pretty good one in the face with his fist” (John Armstrong Baylor research collection, tab entitled: McDonald). Although the accounts by the DPD Officers and witnesses inside the Theater concerning which fist Oswald used to punch McDonald in the face differ, there can be little doubt that Oswald did punch him.

    Since McDonald was the first Officer to approach Oswald inside the Theater, the reader should consider the possibility that it may have been McDonald’s role to provoke Oswald into a fight! Although this writer cannot offer a definitive explanation as to how McDonald might have provoked Oswald, he may have pressed his own gun against him in order to intimidate him into thinking that he was going shoot him, and that out of self-defence, Oswald punched him in the face. It is this writer’s belief that after stunning McDonald with his punch, Oswald grabbed McDonald’s gun and aimed it away from him towards the south aisle of the Theater. For reasons discussed in part 1 of this writer’s review of With Malice, there can be little doubt that Ray Hawkins lied when he told the Warren Commission that Johnny Calvin Brewer pointed out Oswald to him inside the Theater (see under the subheading VI: Closing in). Nevertheless, his claim that the gun was “pulled across…toward the south aisle of the theatre” is consistent with Bob Carroll’s claim that he had seen a gun pointing his direction, as he was standing in the south aisle of Theater (WC Volume VII, pages 20, 24, and 94).

    As this writer has pointed out previously, Hawkins wrote in his report to Chief Curry that Oswald “…had reached in his belt for a gun” and then told the Warren Commission that the gun “came out of Oswald’s belt.” However, he may have only stated this after being told by McDonald (and his fellow Officers) that Oswald had pulled the revolver out of his belt. On the other hand, like his fellow Officers, it’s possible that Hawkins was lying in order to implicate Oswald. Although Hawkins told the Warren Commission that he had seen WCE 143 at the personnel bureau of the DPD following Oswald’s arrest, it is entirely possible that due to the poor lighting conditions inside the Theater at the time of Oswald’s arrest (as discussed above) he was unable to see exactly what it looked like at the time (WC Volume VII, page 95). This writer should also point out that McDonald confirmed Hawkins’ claim that McDonald and Oswald had fallen down into the seats after they started fighting in his report to Chief Curry and when he testified before the Warren Commission (WC Volume III, page 300).

    In assessing whether or not McDonald was involved in provoking Oswald into a fight as part of the frame-up (and whether or not Oswald had grabbed McDonald’s gun after assaulting him), we should also take the following into account. In his article for the associated press on the day following the assassination, McDonald wrote that after Oswald was allegedly pointed out to him by a man sitting near the front row of the Theater, he spoke to two people sitting in about the middle row of seats, and that he was “crouching low” and holding his gun “in case any trouble came” as he allegedly wanted to be ready for it as he approached Oswald (John Armstrong Baylor research collection, tab entitled: McDonald). Curiously, McDonald made no mention of holding onto his gun as he approached Oswald in his report to Chief Curry, or when he testified before the Warren Commission. During a filmed interview with Eddie Barker of CBS in which he demonstrated to Barker how he allegedly disarmed Oswald, McDonald was asked if he had his gun drawn as he was inside the Theater. McDonald’s response was; “No I didn’t” (click here to view the footage).

    McDonald also neglected to mention holding onto his gun during his interview with researcher Jeff Meek. In his own book Oswald And I, McDonald wrote that his gun remained strapped inside his holster as he started walking towards Oswald (McDonald, Oswald And I, Chapter 10). If McDonald did in fact use his gun to provoke Oswald into a fight; and if this was the gun which Bob Carroll removed from Oswald’s hand, then McDonald’s reluctance to mention holding onto it as he approached Oswald in his report, when he testified before the Warren Commission, during his subsequent interviews, and why he then wrote in his own book that his gun remained strapped inside his holster as he approached Oswald is understandable. It is also intriguing that Officer Hawkins told the Warren Commission that after McDonald had approached Oswald, he heard McDonald say “…I’ve got him,’ or ‘This is it,’ or words to that effect” (WC Volume VII, page 93). When asked if he heard Oswald say anything, Hawkins response was “Not at that time; no, sir; I did not” (ibid).

    As mentioned previously, when McDonald was interviewed by WFAA-TV on the day following the assassination, he claimed that Oswald said “This is it” after he approached him, only to claim later on that Oswald actually said “Well, it’s all over now”. We should keep in mind that if McDonald was involved in framing Oswald for the murder of one of his fellow Officers, he undoubtedly would have been feeling nervous, and would have been under quite a bit of stress. With that in mind, could McDonald have inadvertently said “This is it” to Oswald after he approached him, only to claim that it was in fact Oswald who said “This is it” to him out of fear that one or more of his fellow Officers (and witnesses) heard him say this to Oswald?

    Although this writer believes that this is certainly possible, there is a complete lack of corroboration for Hawkins’ belief that it was McDonald who said “This is it” (or words to that effect) after he approached Oswald from any of his fellow Officers and witnesses. However, as pointed out below, there is reason to believe that Hawkins was slightly more honest than his fellow Officers. We should also consider the possibility that perhaps McDonald told Hawkins sometime following Oswald’s arrest that he heard Oswald say “This is it” to him, and that Hawkins was simply confused as to whom he allegedly heard say this (though this writer doubts this possibility). Furthermore, given all of the evidence discussed in this essay, there is good reason to believe that Hill coerced McDonald into claiming that Oswald said “This is it” to him after he approached him. Consider that during his interview with Bob Whitten of KCRA radio on the day of the assassination, Hill told Whitten that “…just as McDonald got to [Oswald] he jumped up and yelled ‘This is it’” (WCD 1210, page 4).

    Hill also claimed that Oswald said “This is it” in the report he wrote to Chief Curry on the day of the assassination (WCD 87, page 196). However, in the report, Hill wrote that Oswald said “This is it” before he got up out of his seat (ibid). When Hill testified before the Warren Commission, he was asked if he heard Oswald “…make any statement of any kind”, to which he responded “Not any distinguishable statement that I can specifically recall” and that “Later in the course of trying to piece this thing together for a report, I believe it was McDonald and [Thomas] Hutson that stated, and we put it in the report that way, that the suspect yelled, ‘This is it’” (WC Volume VII, page 51). But contrary to Hill’s claim that Hutson may have told him that Oswald said “This is it”, Hutson made no such claim in his report to Chief Curry, and told the Warren Commission that he didn’t remember anybody say anything (ibid, page 32), (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 25).

    Whilst one might think that Hill had misremembered that Hutson told him that Oswald said “This is it”, when we take into account all of the demonstrable lies told by Hill; and all of the evidence which indicates that he framed Oswald, it should be apparent that Hill was also lying when he claimed that he thought Hutson said Oswald yelled “This is it.” Still, it is intriguing that Hill claimed that he thought Hutson stated that Oswald said “This is it.” It is also intriguing that Hutson told the Warren Commission that after Oswald was disarmed “…Sgt. Jerry Hill came up and assisted as we were handcuffing [Oswald]” (WC Volume VII, page 33). This raises the possibility that Hutson himself may have been involved in framing Oswald. Should one believe that Hutson stated this because the DPD knew that Hill was complicit in framing Oswald, and had coerced Hutson into stating that Hill “came up” after Oswald was disarmed, then there can be no doubt that Officer Hawkins would also have been coerced into concealing Hill’s complicity, and that it is highly unlikely that he would claim that it was Hill who said “I’ve got the gun.”

    Whilst there is absolutely no solid evidence that McDonald was involved in framing Oswald, we should also keep the following in mind. Towards the end of his telephone interview with Hill in the year 1976, Jeff Meek asked Hill if McDonald was still working for the DPD. Hill tried to discourage Meek from interviewing McDonald by telling him that McDonald “…likes to get paid to discuss the thing, I think.” We should also keep in mind that McDonald’s wife, Sally, who was also interviewed by Lloyd Shearer, claimed that after she had heard that a DPD Officer was shot near the Oak Cliff area of Dallas, she spoke to McDonald on the phone. After McDonald told her that he was okay, she apparently wanted to speak to another officer to ensure that this was the case. The officer to whom McDonald handed the phone was Hill. This was verified by McDonald in his own book (McDonald, Oswald And I, Chapter 11). Whilst this doesn’t prove in any way that McDonald was involved with Hill in framing Oswald, it nevertheless seems that McDonald was relying on Hill for what he might say following Oswald’s arrest.

    But regardless of whether or not McDonald was involved with Hill in framing Oswald, Hill (or perhaps Captain Westbrook) had likely coerced McDonald into claiming that after he allegedly disarmed Oswald; he had given “Oswald’s” gun to Bob Carroll. Returning now to the question of whether the gun Carroll was photographed holding outside the Theater was in fact McDonald’s, a photograph of McDonald’s gun shows that it had a silver color; and it is described as being chrome-plated (click here to view a photograph of the gun). On a further note, the barrel of McDonald’s gun was described as being four inches in length. The photograph taken by Stuart L. Reed of Carroll holding the gun in his right hand (which can be viewed here at Robin Unger’s excellent website) shows that it also had a silver color. In his blog post entitled The Tippit Murder: Why Conspiracy Theorists Can’t Tell the Truth about the Rosetta Stone of the Case Against Lee Harvey Oswald, Dale Myers has posted a copy of the aforementioned photograph, which shows that the gun had a darker color than the one posted at Unger’s website.

    As explained previously, Myers misled the readers of his book by telling them that Carroll was holding onto WCE 143; without once mentioning that Carroll actually claimed that he stuck the gun into his belt prior to leaving the Theater. Myers is also well known for his confabulations concerning the ludicrous single bullet theory (see here for example). In light of those (proven) confabulations, it is possible that Myers tampered with the photograph to make the gun look more like WCE 143. Researcher Stan Dane, from Greg Parker’s research forum, was kind enough to provide this writer with a blow up of Carroll holding onto the gun (see below). Dane told this writer that Carroll may have been holding the gun by the barrel. Although this is an intriguing possibility, it nevertheless appears to this writer as though Carroll was actually holding the gun by its handle; with the barrel pointing to the ground. The reader will have to judge for him/herself.

    Although it appears to this writer as though the barrel of the gun Carroll was holding onto is longer than the barrel of McDonald’s gun, they nevertheless appear to have the same color. Besides, for all of the reasons discussed previously, the gun most likely was McDonald’s. Should the reader still doubt that Carroll was a liar who would lie about giving WCE 143 to Hill, then consider that when Carroll testified before the Warren Commission, he was asked if had seen someone with their arm underneath Oswald’s chin, tilting his head back in order to close his mouth. Carroll remarked that he didn’t remember seeing this, and that he was “…directly in front of Oswald, and I say ‘directly’ – just almost right in front of him and there were two people, I know, one [on] each side of him had him by his arms, but I did not see anyone holding his mouth or trying to keep his mouth shut” (WC Volume VII, pages 20 and 21).

    But this was a lie, as the aforementioned photograph of Carroll holding onto the gun shows him standing behind Oswald, and looking directly at him as the officers escorting him are covering his mouth using Officer Charles Walker’s hat; with detective Paul Bentley holding Oswald beneath his chin with his left hand. In fact, the photograph shows no plain clothed Officers who were in front of Oswald (reporter Jim Ewell can be seen on the far right of the photograph looking in the direction of Oswald). As this writer has discussed previously, by all likelihood, Gerald Hill framed Oswald for the murder of Officer Tippit. It is this writer’s belief that after learning that Carroll had grabbed McDonald’s gun during the scuffle with Oswald, he saw this as an opportunity to try and conceal the fact that he pretended to have taken WCE 143 from Oswald by shouting out that he had the gun. Therefore, he coerced McDonald into claiming that after he disarmed Oswald, he gave “Oswald’s” gun to Carroll, and that he also coerced Carroll into claiming that he had given “Oswald’s” gun to him inside the car.

    Although Officer Hawkins implied in both his report to Chief Curry and during his testimony before the Warren Commission that he had seen Hill grab the gun out of Oswald’s hand, he never actually claimed that this was the case. Besides, if Hill actually had taken WCE 143 out of Oswald’s hand after Oswald pulled it out of his belt; he would have had absolutely no reason to conceal this fact. It is therefore obvious that Hawkins didn’t see Hill take a gun out of Oswald’s hand, but probably assumed that he did since he heard him say, words to the effect; “I’ve got the gun.” As for why he didn’t see Carroll take the gun, this can probably be accounted for by the fact that he was busy trying to handcuff Oswald. It is also curious that Hawkins recalled hearing Hill say “I’ve got the gun” as opposed to “I’ve got his gun.” Although detective Toney’s recollection differed slightly, he also recalled hearing someone say “the gun,” as opposed to “his gun.” The reader should also keep in mind that according to the transcripts of the DPD radio recordings, after Hill reported over the radio that they had the suspect, he then stated that they had “…him and the gun” (WCE 705/1974).

    Although this doesn’t prove anything, it nevertheless suggests that Hill knew that the gun wasn’t Oswald’s when he said that he had it. Whilst some might believe that it was McDonald who had WCE 143 with him when he went to the Theater and then tried to plant it on Oswald, such a belief ignores all of the evidence discussed above that Carroll had taken a different gun out of Oswald’s hand during the scuffle. On a further note, although some might argue that Hill really did remove WCE 143 from Oswald during the scuffle, only to coerce McDonald into claiming that Oswald had pulled the gun out and attempted to shoot him (after which he gave the gun to Carroll) as part of the DPD’s ploy to portray Oswald as a guilty man, such a belief ignores the likelihood that he picked up Tippit’s killer from the rooming house at 1026 North Beckley using DPD squad car 207, and other incriminating evidence.

    One must also ignore all of the evidence that a mock-up wallet containing identification for Oswald and his alleged alias, Alek James Hidell, was left in the vicinity of the Tippit murder scene to incriminate Oswald as part of the frame up (see part 2 of this writer’s review of With Malice, under the subheading IX: Hints and allegations). Most researchers are probably aware of the allegation that Oswald allegedly tried to shoot McDonald inside the Theater with WCE 143 after he allegedly shot Tippit. Hill, McDonald, Carroll, and Hawkins told the Warren Commission that they observed what appeared to be a nick/indentation on the primer of one the bullets, which was allegedly caused by the firing pin of the revolver (WC Volume III, page 301), (WC Volume VII, pages 23, 55, and 96), Hill also wrote in his report to Chief Curry that one of the bullets had what he referred to as “a hammer mark on the primer” (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 23). Officers Walker and Hutson indicated in their reports to Chief Curry that they heard the revolver misfire, and verified this when they testified before the Warren Commission (ibid, Items 25 and 47), (WC Volume VII, pages 32 and 39).

    Theater patrons John Gibson and George Applin jr. also told the Warren Commission that they heard the gun misfire (ibid, pages 72 and 89). On the other hand, Officer Ray Hawkins told the Warren Commission; “I heard something that I thought was a snap. I didn’t know whether it was a snap of a pistol – I later learned that they were sure it was. I didn’t know whether it was a snap of the gun or whether it was in the seats someone making the noise” (ibid, page 94). Hawkins’ apparent belief that the snapping sound may have been from the seats is supported by Johnny Brewer, who told the Warren Commission that he “heard a seat pop up” before Oswald was arrested (ibid, page 5). According to FBI agent Cortlandt Cunningham, the indentation on the bullet could not have been produced by the firing pin of WCE 143. Cunningham told the Warren Commission that; “There was no indication, from an examination, that the nick had been so caused by a firing pin. First of all, it is in the wrong position, it is not in the center of the primer. And, also, a microscopic examination of that nick gave no indication that it was made by a firing pin” (WC Volume III, page 460).

    Given Cunningham’s findings, the indentation was probably placed on the primer of the bullet by the DPD. Could Hill have placed it there? Although Hill claimed that he didn’t hear the so-called misfiring of the gun, he told the Warren Commission that about the time they got Oswald subdued and handcuffed, Officer Hutson asked him if he heard “the gun click” (WC Volume VII, page 52). Therefore, by Hill’s own admission, he knew that Hutson thought he heard the gun misfire. When Hill was interviewed by Bob Whitten at about 2:30 pm on the day of the assassination, he claimed that “Oswald’s” gun had been turned over to Captain Fritz (WCD 1210, page 4). But as also pointed out above, Hill wrote in his report to Chief Curry that he gave the revolver to Lieutenant T.L. Baker at approximately 3:15 pm. If Hill’s latter claim is to be believed, and if Dale Myers claim that Hill’s interview with Whitten took place at about 2:30 pm is accurate, then Hill lied to Whitten. The reason for his lie may have been due to the fact that he was about to place the indentation on the bullet!

    Readers should also keep in mind that during an interview with news reporters on the day of the assassination, Hill began complaining that Oswald “…wouldn’t even admit that he pulled the trigger on the gun in the theatre” following his arrest (WCE 2160). During his interview with Bob Whitten, Hill remarked that “[Oswald], I understand, has resorted to violence before and possibly shot another policeman somewhere” (WCD 1210, page 5). It would seem that Hill was trying to reinforce the notion that Oswald had murdered Tippit. When the FBI questioned Hill about the aforementioned remark, he informed them that the basis for the statement was “…hearsay from an unrecalled source at the [DPD] during the interrogation of Lee Harvey Oswald by the [DPD] following his arrest on November 22, 1963” or that he may have heard from an “unrecalled” source at the DPD that “… Oswald may have been asked during his interrogation by the [DPD] if he ever shot another Police Officer” (FBI 105-82555 Oswald HQ File, section 197, pages 162 and 163).

    Hill then assured the FBI that the above statement was “…strictly ‘third hand’ and he, of his own knowledge, had no basis for the statement” (ibid, page 163). When the FBI questioned Captain Fritz about Hill’s remark, he informed them that he never heard about anyone mentioning this (ibid, page 164). Given all of the evidence pointing to Hill’s complicity in framing Oswald, there is little doubt in this writer’s mind that Hill was lying. The final piece of evidence against Hill which the reader should take into account is from film footage of his interview with news reporters following Oswald’s arrest. One of the news reporters asked Hill if he thought Oswald was the same man who shot Officer Tippit. Hill smiles, looks down, and is momentarily at a loss for words (this can be viewed here at about the 59 minute 40 second mark). One can’t help but wonder what he found so amusing about being asked whether he thought Oswald shot Tippit. Of course, if Hill knew that Oswald was innocent (because he framed him), then this would certainly explain his reaction! Evidently, Hill couldn’t help himself.

    Hill’s possible motive

    Although this writer can speculate as to what Hill’s motive was for his involvement in the assassination, Tippit’s murder, and for framing Oswald; Hill was probably the only person who could have stated with absolute certainty as to what it was. However, consider that during his interview with Bob Whitten, Hill remarked; “[Oswald] did admit in the interrogation a while ago that he was an active communist… he won’t admit anything other than he was a communist…” (WCD 1210, page 5). According to the transcript of Hill’s interview, he also allegedly stated “…and when we got down here and started to frisk him, the only thing [Oswald] said was ‘When I told you I was a communist I told you everything I’m going to tell you,’ or words to that effect…” (ibid). However, according to the actual recording of Hill’s interview (which can be heard here), he stated; “…and when we got down here [Oswald] was talking to [Captain] Fritz and then the only thing he said is ‘When I told you I was a communist I told you everything I’m going to tell you,’ or words to that effect…”

    When Hill testified before the Warren Commission, he stated that it was Captain Westbrook who told him that Oswald admitted to being a communist, and that “This is strictly hearsay. I did not hear this myself” (WC Volume VII, page 59). However, Westbrook never claimed in his report to Chief Curry or when he testified before the Warren Commission that Oswald admitted to being a Communist. As a matter of fact, during a filmed interview in New Orleans, Oswald declared that he wasn’t a communist, even though he did declare that he was a Marxist (click here to listen to the interview). Readers should also consider that none of the DPD Officers, FBI agents, USSS agents, including U.S. Postal inspector Harry Holmes (who were involved in interrogating Oswald following his arrest), ever claimed in their reports concerning the interrogations (or when they testified before the Warren Commission) that Oswald admitted to being a communist. In fact, Captain Will Fritz, Postal inspector Harry Holmes, and USSS inspector Thomas Kelly all claimed that Oswald admitted to being a Marxist when he was interrogated, but made no mention of Oswald admitting to being a Communist (Warren Report, Appendix XI, WC Volume IV, page 228, WC Volume VII, page 298).

    It is therefore apparent to this writer that Hill was lying when he claimed that Oswald admitted to being a communist; and that he was eager to portray Oswald as being one. Many researchers of the assassination (including this writer) believe that President Kennedy was killed because those with extreme right wing political beliefs considered him a threat to the anti-Communist beliefs of the United States. Hill’s eagerness to portray Oswald as a communist suggests that he also held extreme right wing political beliefs, and that this may have been his motive for his involvement in the assassination; and for framing Oswald for Tippit’s murder. It is also this writer’s belief that certain individuals connected to U.S. intelligence agencies (such as the CIA) were involved in the assassination. Unfortunately, this writer has been unable determine whether Hill was connected to any of these intelligence agencies.

    In conclusion, this writer does not believe for even a nanosecond to have proven that Gerald Hill was guilty of framing Lee Harvey Oswald for the murder of Officer J.D. Tippit. However, it is nevertheless this writer’s belief that the evidence discussed throughout this essay demonstrates that this was the case. Still, there are many questions regarding Hill’s complicity. Such as why he identified the spent shell casings discarded by Tippit’s killer as being from an automatic weapon if he framed Oswald with the revolver (these issues are discussed here on this writer’s blog). This writer also explains that contrary to the belief of many conspiracy advocates, WCE 143 was the gun used to kill Tippit. Furthermore, in a follow up essay, this writer will make the case that Crafard was Tippit’s killer, and that he was arrested in the balcony of the Texas Theater and taken out through the rear of the Theater, where he was then placed into a DPD jail cell. But even if the reader doesn’t agree with this writer’s contention that Crafard killed Tippit, and that Hill framed Oswald inside the Theater, this writer nevertheless hopes that the reader will maintain an open mind.

    Acknowledgements

    I would like to thank researchers Greg Parker, Lee Farley, Jim DiEugenio, and Stan Dane for all the help and support they have given me. I especially would like to thank researcher Steven Duffy for generously providing me with information contained in Judy Bonner’s book Investigation of a Homicide, information contained in former DPD Officer Nick McDonald’s book, Oswald And I, and with information contained in Richard Trask’s book, Pictures of the Pain. As both Bonner’s and McDonald’s books are very rare to obtain, I owe a huge debt of gratitude to Steven for all of his help.

    Click here to read through the writer’s response to questions, feedback, and criticisms concerning the essay. The reader may also be interested in reading through this writer’s essay on former DPD Captain, William Ralph Westbrook here

  • Dale Myers, With Malice (Part 2)


    The following is Part Two of a review of the 2013 Kindle edition of Dale Myers’ book With Malice.


    VIII: Proof positive

    Myers dedicates this chapter to a discussion of Tippit’s autopsy, and the physical evidence against Oswald such as the revolver allegedly used to kill Tippit, and the bullets and the spent shell casings. He also discusses the fingerprints found on Tippit’s squad car, and the light gray jacket discarded by the killer in the parking lot behind the Texaco Service station. Myers quotes from DPD captain Will Fritz’s interrogation report where he allegedly asked Oswald where he had obtained the revolver, to which Oswald allegedly replied that he bought it in Fort Worth, Texas (With Malice, Chapter 8). Fritz allegedly asked this question during an interrogation on Saturday November 23, 1963. But in order to believe Fritz, including the FBI and USSS agents who were present during Oswald’s interrogations, one must ignore all of the evidence discussed throughout this review that the DPD had framed Oswald for Tippit’s murder, and that the FBI and the USSS also wanted Oswald to be found guilty. As far as the USSS is concerned, consider that several researchers such as Ian Griggs have explained that the USSS was by all likelihood involved in coercing Howard Brennan into claiming that he was at a DPD line-up, during which he allegedly identified Oswald as the man he saw in the so-called sniper’s nest window on the sixth floor of the TSBD (Griggs, No Case To Answer, page 91).

    It is Myers’ contention that Oswald ordered the revolver from Seaport Traders Inc., Los Angeles, California, on January 27, 1963, under the name A.J. Hidell, and then had it shipped to his P.O. Box in Dallas which was under his real name (ibid). To begin with, Myers simply has no qualms about Oswald having ordered the revolver using an alias, only to have it delivered to his P.O. Box which was under his real name. Obviously, the purpose of Oswald allegedly using an alias to purchase the gun was to hide the fact that he (Oswald) was purchasing it. So then why would he have it shipped to a P.O. box under his real name? Does that not defeat the purpose of having purchased a revolver using an alias? Myers admits that it is not known whether the application for P.O. Box 2915 (to which the revolver was allegedly shipped) listed A.J. Hidell as someone entitled to receive mail at that box (ibid). Myers then uses the Warren Commission testimony of postal inspector Harry Holmes, during which Holmes stated that the portion of the P.O. Box application which listed others entitled to receive mail at the same P.O. Box was discarded in accordance with postal regulations, after the box was closed in May, 1963 (ibid). Myers also uses Holmes’ testimony to explain that regardless of who is entitled to receive a package at a P.O. Box, a notice is placed inside the P.O. Box, and the person who has rented that particular P.O. Box can then take the notice to a window and is given the package.

    Contrary to what Myers wants the reader to believe, Holmes has been caught lying on these issues. As author Jim DiEugenio explains, postal regulation No. 355.111 dictates that; “Mail addressed to a person at a P.O. box who is not authorized to receive mail shall be endorsed ‘addressee unknown’ and returned to the sender where possible” (DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, pages 60 and 61). Furthermore, according to postal regulation 846.53h, it was customary for the post office to retain the application forms for the P.O. boxes for two years after the box was closed (ibid, page 61). In assessing Holmes’ credibility, the reader should also bear in mind that Holmes was an FBI informant (John Armstrong Baylor collection, tab entitled: Harry Holmes). On November 26, 1963, a memorandum was sent from Alan Belmont to William Sullivan stating that the FBI’s report on the assassination is to; ” … settle the dust, in so far as Oswald and his activities are concerned, both from the standpoint that he is the man who assassinated the President, and relative to Oswald himself and his activities and background, et cetera.” (Church Committee: Book V, page 33). By helping to cement Oswald’s guilt as Tippit’s murderer, the FBI (much like the DPD) could then use Tippit’s murder as evidence that Oswald was more than capable of assassinating the President in cold blood. As an FBI informant, Holmes would only be too happy to help out in that regard. In fact, as Jim DiEugenio explains, Holmes subservience to the FBI was so extreme that his family actually contacted the JFK Lancer group and told them to try and understand his behaviour in this regard (DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, page 61). Predictably, none of this is mentioned by Myers.

    Myers also cites the testimony of Heinz Michaelis, the office manager of George Rose and company, as evidence that a balance of $19.95 plus a $1.27 shipping charge was collected from Oswald under the name Hidell, and allegedly shipped to P.O. Box 2915 on March 20, 1963 (ibid). However, as author Jim DiEugenio explains, the Railway Express Agency was required to send a postcard to Oswald’s P.O. Box informing him to pick up the revolver (DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, page 104). But there is no proof, or even evidence, that a postcard was ever sent to Oswald’s P.O. Box (ibid). This is a very odd hole in the evidence trail. Another requirement was that a 5024 form be filled out by Oswald for the revolver. But again, there is no proof that this was done (ibid). There is also no proof of a signed receipt by Oswald (as Hidell) for the revolver; or that he ever produced a certificate of good character to pick-up the revolver as required by the law (ibid). Again, these serious lacunae are glossed over by Myers. In a normal criminal case, they would not be.

    Finally, although Myers mentions in his endnotes that the rifle Oswald allegedly used to assassinate President Kennedy was also shipped to the same P.O. Box, he nevertheless omits that both the rifle and revolver were shipped to Oswald’s P.O. Box on the same day; even though they were ordered over a month apart and from different suppliers! Namely, one supplier (Klein’s Sporting Goods) was from Chicago and the other (Seaport Traders) was from Los Angeles. As it defies the odds that such a thing occurred, Myers is careful not to point this fact out to his readers. Readers should bear in mind that no ammunition for the revolver was found by the DPD at the rooming house at 1026 North Beckley where Oswald was allegedly living at the time of the assassination. Although a holster (WCE 144) was allegedly found at the rooming house by the DPD, researcher Lee Farley has demonstrated that it was actually Larry Crafard who was living at the rooming house and not Oswald! (See the thread entitled A House of Cards? on Greg Parker’s research forum Reopen Kennedy Case).

    Naturally, Myers also uses the Warren Commission testimony of Marina Oswald as evidence that Oswald actually owned the revolver allegedly used to kill Tippit (With Malice, Chapter 8). Unfortunately for him, Marina Oswald has been exposed as an incredibly compromised witness by a multitude of researchers. For one thing, Marina initially denied that Oswald ever used the name Hidell (WCE 1789). However, when she testified before the Warren Commission in February 1964, she now claimed that she first heard of the name Hidell, “When he [Oswald] was interviewed by some anti-Cubans, he used this name and spoke of an organization.” (WC Volume I, page 64). She was referring to Oswald’s debate with Ed Butler of INCA and anti-Castro Cuban Carlos Bringuier on William Stuckey’s radio show on August 21, 1963. The problem is the name Hidell was never mentioned during the debate by anyone (WC Volume XXI, Stuckey Exhibit No. 3).

    When Marina testified before the Warren Commission on June 11, 1964, she now claimed that she signed the name “A.J. Hidell” on the Fair Play for Cuba Committee card (WCE 819), which Oswald allegedly had in his possession when he was arrested in New Orleans on August 9, 1963! (WC Volume V, page 401). It should be obvious to any intellectually honest researcher that Marina was being pressured into being less than honest.

    In assessing Marina Oswald’s credibility as a witness, the reader should also bear in mind that according to Oswald’s brother Robert, Marina may have been deported back to Russia if she didn’t co-operate with the FBI (WC Volume I, page 410). Marina also admitted during her testimony before the Warren Commission that a representative from the United States immigration service had advised her that it would be better for her to help the FBI, in the sense that she would have more rights in the United States (WC Volume I, page 80). Although she testified that she didn’t consider this a threat, the mere fact that she had been advised she would have more rights in the United States if she co-operated should send the message to researchers that she would even lie to obtain those rights (ibid). Marina Oswald also testified that she initially ” … didn’t want to say too much” to evidently protect her husband (WC Volume I, page 14). However, Marina’s friend Elena Hall told the Warren Commission that she didn’t think that Marina ever actually loved her husband, and would apparently belittle him (WC Volume VIII, page 401). Such a revelation undermines the notion that Marina lied to protect her husband. None of these problems with Marina Oswald’s credibility as a witness is ever discussed by Myers.

    But if Myers use of Marina Oswald as a witness isn’t bad enough, then consider that he also cites the book Passport to Assassination, by KGB Colonel Oleg Maximovich Nechiporenko, as evidence that Oswald owned the revolver allegedly used to kill Tippit. According to Nechiporenko, Oswald pulled out a Smith and Wesson revolver inside the Soviet embassy in Mexico City (With Malice, Chapter 8). Sadly for Myers, it has been demonstrated by several competent authors that Oswald was impersonated inside the Soviet embassy in Mexico City; and that he probably never even travelled to Mexico City as postulated by the Warren Commission (see Jim DiEugenio’s long discussion of Oswald’s alleged trip to Mexico City). Finally, as many researchers have explained, the so-called backyard photographs (WCE 133-A and B) of Oswald which show him with the rifle he allegedly used to assassinate the President, and the revolver which he allegedly used to kill Tippit, are very likely ersatz.

    Another piece of evidence cited by Myers as proof that Oswald owned the revolver allegedly used to kill Tippit is the holster (WCE 142). This was discovered in the rooming house on 1026 North Beckley Avenue where Oswald was said to be living at the time of the assassination. However, as previously mentioned, researcher Lee Farley has demonstrated the likliehood that Oswald didn’t live there as claimed. In the final paragraph of his discussion of Oswald’s alleged ownership of the revolver, Myers writes; “There can be little doubt that Oswald owned the 0.38 caliber Smith and Wesson revolver pulled from his hand in the Texas Theater” (With Malice, Chapter 8). In light of everything discussed previously in this review about the revolver, this is a tremendously fatuous statement to make. Still, the question remains as to why the FBI would want to forge the order coupon for the revolver using the name Hidell instead of Oswald? Although this reviewer cannot provide a definitive answer, perhaps the FBI believed that this is precisely what Oswald would have done to try and conceal from them that he had ordered a rifle and revolver. Bear in mind that the FBI were well aware of Oswald when he returned from the Soviet Union, but were not aware that Oswald (allegedly) used the name Alek James Hidell as an alias prior to his arrest in New Orleans on August 9, 1963. Therefore, the FBI probably thought they could sell the idea that since Oswald knew the FBI was keeping an eye on him, he would use an alias they weren’t aware of at the time to order both the rifle and revolver.

    On the night of the assassination, FBI agent Vincent Drain confiscated several pieces of evidence against Oswald, such as the Mannlicher Carcano rifle he allegedly used to murder the President. Included amongst the evidence confiscated were the revolver (WCE143) and the bullet removed from Tippit’s body at Methodist Hospital after he was pronounced dead (WCD 81, page 448). However, what the DPD did not release to the FBI were the four spent shell casings discarded by Tippit’s killer, and the three bullets removed by Dr. Earl Rose at Parkland Memorial Hospital during Tippit’s autopsy. The omission of the shell casings is significant, as the unique markings of the breech face and the firing pin of the revolver could be used to determine whether the shell casings were fired from the revolver in question; which the FBI eventually determined was the case (WC Volume III, page 466).

    The implication is that the DPD were concerned that the shell casings were not actually fired from “Oswald’s” revolver. In his endnotes, Myers acknowledges that the DPD did not release the shell casings to the FBI on the night of the assassination, but writes that; “At the time of the submission [of the evidence to the FBI], the Dallas Police had no reason to believe that the bullet and revolver would not be sufficient to connect Oswald’s pistol to Tippit’s death.” But the DPD surely must have known that the markings from the firing pin and breech face of the revolver could be used to determine whether the spent shell casings were fired from the revolver, and therefore, they should have released them to the FBI along with the revolver.

    As FBI agent Cortlandt Cunningham told the Warren Commission, the bullet the DPD released to the FBI on the night of the assassination (WCE 602) was too mutilated, and that; “There were not sufficient microscopic marks remaining on the surface of this bullet, due to the mutilation, to determine whether or not it had been fired from this weapon [WCE 143].” (ibid, page 475) Cunningham also testified that unlike WCE 602, the other three bullets removed from Tippit’s body and head (WCE 603, 604, and 605) did bear microscopic marks for comparison purposes (ibid). As any ballistics expert will be able to confirm, the most mutilated bullet will be the hardest in determining whether it had been fired from a particular gun. Whilst the DPD may not have known just by looking at WCE 602 that it was the most mutilated bullet, a photograph of WCE 602 shows that its nose is bent out of shape. Furthermore, the DPD may have thought that by releasing all four of the bullets to the FBI on the night of the assassination, they would have had a better chance of determining that the bullets had been fired from a different gun.

    But is there actually an innocent explanation for why the DPD initially only released WCE 602 to the FBI? According to Myers, after Dr. Earl Rose had removed the three bullets from Tippit, he gave them to DPD detective Frank J. Corkery. Corkery then delivered them to Captain Will Fritz. When FBI agent Vincent Drain questioned Fritz as to why the DPD had not released these three bullets to the FBI on the night of the assassination, Fritz told Drain that a detective had placed the bullets in his (Fritz’s) files, and had not made a record of their location. Although Myers considers Fritz to be an honest officer who would not deliberately conceal evidence, let’s consider one example which suggests otherwise.

    As every researcher of the assassination is probably aware, DPD officer Marrion Baker and TSBD superintendent Roy Truly allegedly spotted Oswald inside the second floor lunchroom of the TSBD within ninety seconds of the assassination. But contrary to this belief, Baker made no mention of an encounter with Oswald inside the lunchroom in his first day affidavit, writing instead that he had encountered a man walking away from the stairway on either the third or fourth floor of the TSBD (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 1, Item 4). In fact, as researcher Sean Murphy has convincingly demonstrated, Oswald was most likely standing outside the TSBD (on top of the front entrance steps), when the shots were fired at the President! (The Education Forum, thread entitled; Oswald leaving TSBD?).

    Although Roy Truly provided an affidavit to the DPD on November 23, 1963, in which he claimed they had encountered Oswald inside the lunchroom, DPD detective Marvin Johnson wrote in his report to Chief Curry that Officer Baker had encountered a man he ” … later identified as Lee Harvey Oswald … ” on about the fourth floor of the TSBD, walking away from the stairway (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 5, Folder 5, Item 26). However, this was a lie by Johnson, as Baker did not claim in his affidavit that Oswald was the man he encountered; even though, as researcher Greg Parker has pointed out, Baker had to pass by Oswald at DPD headquarters when he made out his affidavit. Johnson’s lie was one which was repeated by Captain Fritz in his note to Chief Curry, where he claimed that Baker had stopped Oswald on either the third or fourth floor, whilst he (Oswald) was coming down the stairs (Papers of Capt. Will Fritz: Note from J.W. Fritz to Jesse Curry of 23 December 1963).

    When Fritz testified before the Warren Commission, he explained that Truly or someone else had told him while he was still at the TSBD that Truly and Baker had “met” Oswald on the stairway, but then added; ” … our investigation shows that he [Baker and/or Truly] actually saw him in a lunchroom … ” (WC Volume IV, page 213). Fritz then claimed that Oswald had told him when he was being interrogated that he was eating his lunch in the lunchroom (ibid).

    Despite what one may believe about where Officer Baker had actually accosted Oswald, Fritz’s claim that Baker had encountered Oswald when Oswald was coming down the stairs was a lie. In this reviewer’s opinion, the most viable explanation for this lie was to make it seem like Oswald was coming down from the sixth floor of the TSBD after allegedly assassinating the President. With all this in mind, it seems very likely that Fritz (and others) would conspire to release only one of the bullets removed from Tippit’s body to the FBI on the night of the assassination, to minimize the chances of the FBI determining that Tippit was shot by a gun other than WCE 143. Although this reviewer is not aware of when the bullets were supposedly handed to Captain Fritz by detective Corkery, it was presumably on the night of the assassination after Dr. Rose had concluded the autopsy on Tippit’s body.

    As probably every researcher is also aware, three of the bullets removed from Tippit were of the Winchester Western brand, and one bullet was of the Remington Peters brand. However, only two of the spent shell casings discarded by Tippit’s killer were of the Winchester Western brand, and the other two were of the Remington Peters brand. This has led conspiracy advocates to believe that the actual shell casings discarded by Tippit’s killer were substituted to help incriminate Oswald; a point of view which this reviewer shares. Myers explanation for this discrepancy is that there were actually five shots fired at Tippit, with one Remington Peters bullet missing him and going astray, and one Winchester Western shell casing being discarded but not handed over to the DPD (With Malice, Chapter 8). Myers admits that the number of shots heard, and the sequence in which they were fired, varied from one witness to another, but then used Ted Callaway’s belief that he heard a total of five shots to bolster the notion that there were indeed five shots fired at Tippit.

    According to Myers, “Over the course of six separate interviews, Callaway has consistently reported hearing five shots coming from the direction of Tenth and Patton [Streets].” (ibid). When Myers interviewed Callaway in 1996, Callaway explained that when he was questioned by the DPD, he informed them that he had heard five shots (ibid). What Myers doesn’t point out to his readers is that when Callaway (allegedly) wrote out his affidavit to the DPD on the day of the assassination, he merely claimed that he heard “some” shots (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 2, Item 1). Whilst some will argue that by “some” shots Callaway could easily have meant that he really heard five shots, why wouldn’t he have just said so in his affidavit? Taking into account all of the aforementioned problems with Callaway as a witness, and the likelihood that he was coaxed into identifying Oswald as Tippit’s killer, it also seems likely that he was coaxed into claiming that he had heard five shots as a way of explaining the aforementioned discrepancy between the bullets and the spent shell casings. The first interview, during which Callaway claimed that he had heard five shots, appears to be his interview with the USSS on December 3, 1963 (WCD 87, page 552). The DPD released the four spent shell casings allegedly discovered at the Tippit murder scene to FBI agent Vincent Drain on November 28, 1963 (WCD205, page 206). Therefore, if the authorities had realised before Callaway’s interview with the USSS that there was a discrepancy between the discarded shell casings and the bullets removed from Tippit’s body, they could have coerced him into claiming that he had heard a total of five shots.

    Another problem with using Callaway to explain a missed shot (which Myers evidently wants to ignore), is that Callaway claimed that he heard two shots fired, followed by three more shots in rapid succession (With Malice, Chapter 8). However, Myers also wants his readers to believe that Jack Tatum heard two or three shots fired, followed by a single shot to Tippit’s head after a slight pause (ibid). So if Tatum is correct, then Callaway’s “recollection” must be in error; and as this reviewer has discussed previously, Tatum’s claim that he witnessed Tippit being shot is not to be trusted. Suffice it to say, Myers cannot have it both ways. This reviewer should also point out that Frank Griffin, who allegedly witnessed Tippit being shot, told Myers during an interview in 2004 that he ” … vividly recalled hearing five gunshots … ” However, Griffin also claimed that he heard the five shots fired “equally spaced” (With Malice, Chapter 8). But if Griffin’s “recollection” is correct, then Jack Tatum’s own “recollection” can’t be true. Griffin also claimed that he saw Oswald fleeing the scene of the murder after the shots were fired (see the thread entitled FRANK GRIFFIN – TKS WITNESS CLAIMS BEFORE 2010? on John Simkin’s Education Forum).

    In his endnotes, Myers writes that Griffin remained silent about what he witnessed because his father, Johnnie Frank Griffin, was murdered after he testified before a grand Jury concerning what he witnessed when Alabama attorney General- elect Albert Patterson was murdered, and evidently feared that he may share the same fate as his father. But as Myers admits, there are several discrepancies between what he told Myers in 2004 and what appeared in his own book in 2008; though he assures us that most of these discrepancies are “minor and of no consequence.” On the contrary, given the discrepancies between his interview with Myers and what he wrote in his book, including the lack of any credible evidence that five equally spaced shots were fired at Tippit, Griffin’s claim that he heard five equally spaced shots and then observed Oswald should be not be considered credible.

    To bolster the notion that one “discarded” shell casing was not recovered, Myers quotes from the interviews of witnesses B.M. (Pat) Patterson, and Harold Russell, both of whom said they witnessed Tippit’s killer come down Patton Street and turn West onto Jefferson Blvd. (With Malice, Chapter 8). Patterson informed the FBI that the killer; “stopped still, ejected the cartridges, reloaded the gun, and then placed the weapon inside his waistband.” (ibid). Russell informed the FBI on February 23, 1964 that; “the man [gunman] unloaded the gun, jammed it in his pants under his belt and disappeared down Jefferson Boulevard.” (ibid). But Myers omits information from his discussion which contradicts what he’s trying to sell to his readers. First of all, in his initial interview with the FBI on January 21, 1964, Russell only stated that the killer was attempting to either reload the gun or place it into his belt. There was no mention of the killer unloading the gun (WC Volume XXI, Russell exhibit A). When Russell was interviewed by the FBI on February 23, 1964, he also claimed that he was put into a DPD squad car by officers to point out the area where he had last seen the killer; even though he made no mention of being put into a squad car in his interview with the FBI one month before (WCD 735, page 270). This is yet another example of how Russell’s story evolved over time.

    With regards to Patterson, during his initial interview with the FBI on January 22, 1964, he made no mention of the killer stopping to eject shells from his gun (WC Volume XXI, Patterson exhibit A). In an affidavit to the FBI on August 25, 1964, Patterson now allegedly claimed that the killer had stopped, ejected cartridges, and then reloaded the gun (WC Volume XXI, Patterson (B.M.) exhibit B). Patterson also allegedly told the FBI on August 26, 1964, that he saw the killer cross over to the North side of Jefferson Blvd (thus implying that the killer went down to the south side of Jefferson Blvd.) after he had stopped (ibid). However, Patterson’s latter claim that the killer had stopped to eject empty shells from the gun is not corroborated by Lewis, Russell, Warren Reynolds, Ted Callaway, and Sam Guinyard. In fact, Harold Russell told the FBI during his interview with them on February 23, 1964, that the killer was ejecting the shells as he was “hurrying down” Patton Street. In light of all of the above, there is no good reason to believe that Tippit’s killer had discarded one or more spent shell casings from the revolver as Russell and Patterson allegedly claimed he did during their latter interviews with the FBI. Besides, if Russell and Patterson really did see the killer discard empty shell casings from the revolver, why didn’t they inform the DPD Officers present at the Tippit murder scene of this observation, or why wouldn’t they have picked up the empty shell casings and hand them to the DPD officers?

    Myers also quotes from his interviews with Barbara and Virginia Davis in 1996 and 1997, during which they told him that their father-in-law, Louis Davis, had discovered a spent shell casing a short time after Tippit’s murder; which was allegedly similar to the ones which the Davis sister-in-laws discovered and gave to the DPD (With Malice, Chapter 8). Louis Davis allegedly kept it as a souvenir. However, given the aforementioned problems with the Davis sister-in-laws as witnesses, and the likelihood that they were coaxed into identifying Oswald as Tippit’s killer, their story that a fifth shell casing was discovered by their father-in-law should not be trusted. Even Myers admits that; “Whether the shell [allegedly found by Louis Davis] was one ejected by Tippit’s killer is likely to remain a mystery” (ibid).

    Suffice it to say, there is no credible evidence that more than four shell casings were discarded by Tippit’s killer, or that more than four shots were fired. There is no evidence that any bullets hit one of the houses in the vicinity of the Tippit murder scene, or anything else such as the road surface. The only other explanation for a missing bullet which this reviewer can think of is that for some bizarre reason, Tippit’s killer had fired a shot in the air. However, the eyewitness statements do not support such an assertion. Despite Myers attempt to explain the discrepancy between the shell casings and the bullets, the fact remains that there is no credible evidence that one Remington Peter’s bullet had missed Tippit, and that one Winchester Western shell casing was unaccounted for. All alternative explanations for this discrepancy are also pure speculation.

    There is yet another problem with the spent shell casings which Tippit’s killer allegedly discarded. As most researchers are probably aware, DPD Officer Joe Mack Poe, who was at the Tippit murder scene with his partner Leonard Jez, informed the FBI on July 6, 1964, that he marked the two spent shell casings which were given to him by Domingo Benavides with the initials J.M.P. (WCE 2011). The problem is that Poe’s mark from the two shell casings are curiously missing, and Myers wants his readers to believe that Poe didn’t mark the shells as he claimed. Conspiracy advocates, on the other hand, believe that Poe missing marks are due to the shell casings being substituted for the ones he marked. When Poe testified before the Warren Commission on April 9, 1964, counsel Joseph Ball asked him if he put any markings on the shell casings, to which Poe responded; “I couldn’t swear to it; no, sir.” (Volume VII, page 68). When Ball again asked Poe if he made a mark on the shells after showing them to him, Poe explained; “I can’t swear to it; no, sir.”, but then claimed; “There is a mark. I believe I put on them, but I couldn’t swear to it. I couldn’t make them [the marks] out anymore.” (ibid, page 69). In other words, Poe was implying that he did mark the shells, but was unable to recognise them on the shells he was shown.

    According to Myers, the fact that Poe was reluctant to swear that he had marked the shells, raises the question of whether Poe had marked the shells as he claimed (With Malice, Chapter 8). However, consider that if Poe was an honest police officer who really did mark the shells, but now couldn’t make out his marks on any of the shells shown to him whilst testifying under oath, then his reluctance to swear that he had marked the shells is perfectly understandable. One thing which Myers never bothers to mention in his book is Poe’s interview with author Henry Hurt in 1984. According to Hurt, Poe told him that he was “absolutely certain” that he had marked the shells, and explained that he couldn’t be certain of a single other instance during his twenty eight years as a police officer when he failed to properly mark evidence (Hurt, Reasonable Doubt, page 153). Poe also told Hurt that prior to his testimony before the Warren Commission; he was interviewed by the FBI concerning the shell casings (ibid). However, this reviewer has been unable to locate such an interview.

    Poe also informed Hurt that he “felt certain” that the shell casings entered into evidence were the ones at the scene and that perhaps the reason he couldn’t find his marks was because somebody else had placed their mark on top of his (ibid). Clearly, Poe was implying to Hurt that the shell casings were not switched. After examining the shell casings at the National Archives, Hurt informed Poe that he wasn’t able to find any evidence that this was the case, to which Poe indignantly responded; “I [have] talked to you all I’m going to talk to you. You already got your mind made up about what you’re gonna say. I know what the truth is.” and then abruptly hung up the phone (ibid, page 154). The fact that Hurt included this indignant response from Poe speaks well for Hurt’s credibility on this issue. Hurt also explains that in each of the spent shell casings he examined; “at least 50 percent of the surface area around the inside rim has no marking at all, leaving ample space for even additional identifying marks.” (ibid).

    In an apparent attempt to discredit Poe, Myers quotes from his interview with detective Jim Leavelle in 1996. According to Myers, Leavelle claimed that Poe told him (Leavelle) that he didn’t remember marking the shells, and that Poe only told the FBI that he marked the shells because he was ” … afraid he would get in trouble for failing to mark evidence.” (With Malice, chapter 8). As previously mentioned, Leavelle informed the Warren Commission that ” … the only time I had connections with Oswald was this Sunday morning [November 24, 1963]. I never had [the] occasion to talk with him at any time …”, but then lied to Myers when he claimed he had interrogated Oswald on Friday shortly following his arrest. Evidence discussed below further demonstrates Leavelle’s duplicity. Although Myers doesn’t state that he absolutely believes Leavelle, merely writing that “In retrospect, Leavelle’s explanation has a sense of truth about it”, the fact that Myers uses someone such as Leavelle to discredit Poe, whilst ignoring Poe’s interview with Henry Hurt (even though he quotes from Hurt’s book elsewhere), is yet another example of Myers’ lack of objectivity. Readers should also keep in mind that Leavelle is a dyed in the wool supporter of Oswald’s guilt, who wrote the following blurb for Myers’s book; ” … Dale Myers has finally cut through the veneer of insinuations and innuendos applied by the conspiracy buffs for the past thirty odd years. He has cleared up the points of confusion brought on by the rumors and hearsay that had no basis in facts.” Therefore, it should come as absolutely no surprise to any honest researcher that Leavelle would proffer Poe not marking the spent shells.

    Myers also speculates that due to the presence of DPD Sgt “Pete” Barnes at the Tippit murder scene, allegedly “a few minutes” after Benavides had handed Poe the two spent shell casings, Poe may have handed the shell casings to Barnes without marking them (With Malice, Chapter 8). Whilst Myers is free to speculate as much as he wants, the fact remains that Poe insisted he had marked the two shell casings given to him by Benavides. Then again, we cannot know with absolute certainty that Poe did mark the shell casings. In fact, perhaps the best argument against the shell casings being switched (ironically) came from Sgt. Gerald Hill. When Hurt interviewed Hill in 1984, Hill explained that if the spent shell casings discovered at the Tippit murder scene had been switched, then Poe’s marks would have been forged onto the shell casings (Hurt, Reasonable Doubt, page 155).

    Myers also briefly discusses the issue of Sgt “Pete” Barnes identification of the shell casings which were given to him at the murder scene by Officer Poe. As Myers explains, Barnes ultimately decided that Poe gave him the spent shell casings designated by the FBI as Q-74 and Q-77; which Myers claims were both of the Remington Peters brand (With Malice, Chapter 8). According to his interview with the FBI on June 15, 1964, Barnes had located his mark (this being the letter B) on the aforementioned shell casings (WCE 2011). However, when he testified before the Warren Commission on April 7, 1964, Barnes claimed that the two shell casings he was given were actually Q -74 and Q-75. Myers actually admits that this was the case in his book (With Malice, Chapter 8). Barnes also told the Warren Commission that he placed the letter B ” … the best that I could, inside the hull of Exhibit 74 -I believe it was Q-74 and Q-75 … “ (WC Volume VII, page 275).

    In his demeaning article on researcher Don Thomas’ work on the Tippit murder, Myers explains that Barnes’ mark, “a crude letter B”, can be seen on the inside of the spent shells casings designated Q-74 and Q-77. Myers then went on to explain that this means Barnes did mark the spent shell casings after Poe had given them to him (see the blog post The Tippit Murder: Why Conspiracy Theorists Can’t Tell the Truth about the Rosetta Stone of the Case Against Lee Harvey Oswald on Myers’ blog). Curiously, this explanation is absent from Myers’ book. Although Barnes may very well have placed this crude looking B (which actually looks like the letter D) inside the spent shell casings, this reviewer discusses below that Barnes lied about the fingerprints discovered on Tippit’s squad car in order to conceal the possibility that Oswald didn’t shoot Tippit. Therefore, it is entirely conceivable that Barnes deliberately placed his crude looking mark inside the spent shell casings which the DPD had substituted for the ones which were actually discarded by Tippit’s killer after he shot Tippit, in order to make it appear as though there was no substitution for the spent shell casings.

    Myers writes that; “Two of the four shells recovered at the [Tippit murder] scene have a clear, unbroken chain of custody and were proven to have been fired in Oswald’s revolver to the exclusion of all other weapons” (With Malice, Chapter 8). Myers is referring to the two spent shell casings allegedly discovered by the Davis sister-in-laws shortly following Tippit’s murder, which they then gave to the DPD. Of course, Myers’ explanation ignores all of the aforementioned evidence (including evidence discussed further on) that the spent shell casings recovered from the vicinity of the Tippit murder scene were switched. Myers also discusses the allegations that Tippit’s killer was actually armed with an automatic handgun. The first report that Tippit’s killer was armed with an automatic handgun was from DPD Officer Howell W. Summers, whom reported over the DPD radio that an “eyeball” witness claimed the killer was armed with an automatic (WCE 705/1974). Although Myers believes this witness was Ted Callaway; as discussed previously, there is very good reason to believe that Callaway didn’t actually observe Tippit’s killer; and that the witness could have been the elusive B.D. Searcy.

    In any event, this reviewer should point out that Ted Callaway told Myers during an interview in 1996 that the reason he allegedly thought the killer was armed with an automatic was because; “he [the gunman] had his pistol in a raised position and his left hand going to the pistol. My sidearm was a forty-five. When I was in the Marine corps, and I’d used that same motion before in pushing a loaded magazine up to the handle of a forty-five, you know? And so, when they [the DPD] asked me what kind of gun that he had I told them it was an automatic; on account of that motion.” (With Malice, Chapter 8). No matter whom one might believe was the witness who provided Officer Summers with the information that the killer was armed with an automatic, the witness may have been mistaken if he didn’t get a really good view of the weapon, and if he thought the shots were fired in rapid succession. Keep in mind that the recollections of how many shots, and the sequence in which they were fired at Tippit, were recalled differently by the witnesses who heard the shots. Therefore, it doesn’t necessarily mean that the gun used to kill Tippit was an automatic if a particular witness recalled hearing the shots fired rapidly.

    The second claim that the spent shell casings found in the vicinity of the Tippit murder scene were fired from an automatic was by Sgt. Gerald Hill. Hill broadcast the following message over the DPD radio at approximately 1:40 pm; “The shell at the scene indicates that the suspect is armed with an automatic .38 rather than a pistol.” (WCE 705/1974). As this reviewer will explain in the upcoming essay on Hill, Hill had by all likelihood framed Oswald for the murder of Officer Tippit, and that Hill only claimed that the spent shell casings were fired from an automatic handgun to divert suspicion away from himself. Unlike many other conspiracy advocates, this reviewer believes that the revolver Oswald allegedly had in his possession was the gun used to kill Tippit. Shortly following Oswald’s arrest at the Texas Theater, Gerald Hill was filmed showing reporters the revolver and the live rounds removed from the revolver. As Myers explains in his book, the bullets removed from Officer Tippit were of the 0.38 special caliber and had five lands and five grooves with a right twist; which are the class characteristics of the barrel of WCE 143 (With Malice, Chapter 8). The bullets removed from Tippit’s body also had microscopic scratches similar to those found on the test bullets fired from the revolver (ibid). Finally, the bullets removed from Tippit’s body showed signs of gas erosion, which results from the bullets being fired through the barrel of a gun where the diameter of the barrel is slightly larger than the diameter of the bullets; as was the case with the “Oswald” revolver (ibid).

    In his endnotes, Myers discusses the DPD’s alleged discovery of five Winchester Western cartridges inside Oswald’s front left pants pocket following his arrest. The cartridges were allegedly discovered by detective Elmer Boyd, as Boyd and his partner, detective Richard Sims, allegedly searched Oswald just prior to the first line-up (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 4, Item 5). Sims confirmed that the cartridges were removed from Oswald’s left front pants pocket when he testified before the Warren Commission (WC Volume VII, page 173). However; there are several problems with this alleged discovery. First of all, when Gerald Hill was interviewed by Eddie Barker in 1967, he claimed that Oswald was frisked inside the theater, but made no mention of any live rounds of ammunition being found in Oswald’s pants pocket (read Hill’s interview with Barker). Although Hill denied during his testimony before the Warren Commission that Oswald was searched by the arresting officers after he was handcuffed, his denial may have been to conceal the fact that after Oswald was searched, they had failed to discover the five cartridges in his pants pocket (WC Volume VII, page 66). If this was the case, then Hill had probably forgotten that he was meant to deny during his interview with Barker that Oswald was searched shortly following his arrest at the theater.

    Secondly, as researcher Gil Jesus explains on his website, the five rounds of ammunition allegedly removed from Oswald’s pants pocket show corrosion which is consistent with the cartridges having spent a considerable amount of time in either a gun belt or a bullet slide; neither of which were found amongst Oswald’s possessions. Jesus claims that police departments were known to use gun belts and bullet slides; and concludes, based on this assertion, that the five cartridges had originated from the DPD (Read more.) The reader should also keep in mind that the DPD didn’t release the five cartridges to the FBI until November 28, 1963; thus there was more than enough time to fabricate the discovery of the cartridges inside Oswald’s pants pocket (WCD 205, page 206). Finally, consider that, at the time detective Boyd allegedly discovered the five cartridges inside Oswald’s pants pocket, detective Sims had allegedly discovered a bus transfer inside Oswald’s shirt pocket. However, when DPD Chief Jesse Curry was asked by a reporter on the day following the assassination how Oswald had travelled to “the other side of town”, Curry replied that; “We have heard that he [Oswald] was picked up by a negro in a car”, but made no mention of a bus transfer being found in Oswald’s pocket (WCE 2146). Furthermore, researcher Lee Farley has demonstrated that Oswald’s alleged bus ride following the assassination was a likely fabrication (see the thread entitled Oswald and Bus 1213 on John Simkin’s education forum). Therefore, this is more evidence that the DPD would falsify evidence against Oswald.

    In the endnotes to his book, Myers acknowledges that several officers who participated in Oswald’s arrest had observed what appeared to be a nick from the firing pin on one of the live rounds inside the revolver allegedly removed from Oswald inside the theater. This included officers Nick McDonald, Bob Carroll, Gerald Hill, and Ray Hawkins. As Myers also acknowledges, when FBI agent Courtlandt Cunningham testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that there was no evidence that the firing pin of the revolver had hit the bullet (WC Volume III, page 460). In fact, the nick was offset from the centre of the bullet’s primer (ibid). Myers is at a loss to explain what had actually caused the nick. One explanation is that it was put there by the DPD, after perhaps learning from Officers Charles Walker and Thomas Hutson that they heard what they allegedly thought sounded like the snap of the revolver’s hammer (Dallas Municipal archives Box 2, Folder 7, Items 25 and 47). This reviewer will be further discussing the nick on the live round in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill.

    This reviewer should point out that Officer Ray Hawkins told the Warren Commission that “I didn’t know whether it was a snap of the gun or whether it was in the seats someone making the noise” (WC Volume VII, page 94). When Johnny Brewer testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed ” … we heard a seat pop up, but couldn’t see anybody” (ibid, page 5). Therefore, the snapping sound may have been from one of the seats during the scuffle with Oswald, just as Hawkins evidently thought that it might have been. Based on all of the evidence discussed previously, it is this reviewer’s belief that the DPD switched the four spent shell casings found in the vicinity of the Tippit murder scene with spent shell casings they had removed from “Oswald’s” revolver after they fired four live rounds from it. For those who doubt that the DPD could have done this, keep in mind that the revolver was returned to them by the FBI on November 24, 1963, and as stated previously, the DPD released the four spent shell casings to the FBI on November 28, 1963 (WCD 5, page 161), (WCD 205, page 206).

    Following his discussion of the ballistics evidence, Myers moves onto a discussion of the fingerprints found on Tippit’s squad car, which were photographed by DPD Sgt. W.E. “Pete” Barnes. As Myers explains, Barnes testified before the Warren Commission that he was told that Tippit’s killer had come up to the right side of Tippit’s squad car, and had possibly placed his hands there (With Malice, Chapter 8). Although Myers admits that Barnes testified that none of the fingerprints found on the car were of value, he nevertheless omits that Barnes also claimed that; “No legible prints were found” after Counsel David Belin asked him; “Were you able to find any identifiable prints?” (WC Volume VII, page 274). (See the photographs of the fingerprints found on Tippit’s squad car.) Looking at the photographs, it is apparent that Barnes was lying when he said that no legible prints were found, as the ridge patterns of some of the fingerprints are distinguishable.

    Furthermore, Myers explains that Herbert Lutz, a senior crime scene technician for Wayne County, Michigan, U.S.A, with twenty six years of experience as a latent fingerprint examiner, had examined the fingerprints found on Tippit’s squad car, and that Lutz; ” … was of the opinion that one person was probably responsible for all of them” (With Malice, Chapter 8). Myers then explains that Lutz believed the ridges and furrows of the fingerprints obtained from the top of the right side passenger door of Tippit’s squad car were consistent with the fingerprints obtained from the right front fender of the car (ibid). Significantly, Myers explains that Lutz compared a fingerprint from Tippit’s squad car, which Lutz identified as being created by the “right-middle index finger”, with the print from Oswald’s right-middle index finger on one of his fingerprint cards (ibid). Based on his examination, Lutz concluded that the fingerprints taken from Tippit’s squad car were not Oswald’s (ibid). But if none of the fingerprints from Tippit’s squad car were legible, as Sgt. “Pete” Barnes testified, then how was an experienced latent fingerprint examiner like Lutz able to determine that the aforementioned print was not caused by Oswald’s right middle index finger?

    Furthermore, if the fingerprints from Tippit’s squad car were not “legible”, then Lutz would surely have said so. Although Barnes never stated how many years of experience he had photographing and dusting for fingerprints during his testimony before the Warren Commission, he nevertheless stated that he had been doing photography work for the crime scene search section of the DPD since the year 1956, and that he had also been personally making Paraffin tests since that same year (WC Volume VII, pages 272 and 279). Therefore, it is apparent that Barnes also had seven years of experience photographing and dusting for fingerprints by the time Tippit was killed. With that in mind, it is inconceivable that Barnes could possibly believe that the prints from Tippit’s squad car were not legible. As stated previously, Barnes testified before the Warren Commission that he was told that Tippit’s killer had come up to the right side of Tippit’s car, and had possibly placed his hands on there. Therefore, it is apparent that Barnes and the DPD wanted to conceal evidence that showed Oswald might be innocent of killing Tippit. Myers must surely be aware of this fact, but by omitting the fact that Barnes testified there were no legible prints found on Tippit’s squad car, he can pretend that this was not the case.

    Of course, the question remains as to whether or not Tippit’s killer did in fact place his hands on the right side of Tippit’s squad car. As Myers explains, witness Jimmy Burt claimed that Tippit’s killer had placed his hands on the right side of the car, as he leaned down and talked to Tippit through the window (With Malice, Chapter 8). In his endnotes, Myers references this claim to Burt’s interview with Al Chapman in 1968. However, Myers also explains that Jack Tatum “specifically recalls” that as he drove past Tippit’s squad car, the killer had both of his hands inside his zipper jacket as he spoke to Tippit (ibid). As this reviewer has discussed previously, it is quite unlikely that Tatum actually witnessed Tippit being shot as he proclaimed; and was coerced into claiming that he had. Thus, his claim that Tippit’s killer had both of his hands in his pockets may have been to dispel the notion that the fingerprints found on the right door of Tippit’s squad car belonged to Tippit’s real killer. By the same token, Jimmy Burt’s claim that he observed Tippit’s killer place his hands on the right side of Tippit’s squad car should also be taken with a grain of salt; as Burt made no mention of having seen the killer talking to Tippit through the window during his interview with the FBI on December 15, 1963, (WCD 194, page 29).

    One other witness who claimed she saw Tippit’s killer lean over and place his hands on the right door of Tippit’s squad car was Helen Markham. Although Myers mentions that Markham demonstrated to the DPD officers at the Tippit murder scene how the killer had leaned on the passenger (right side) door of Tippit’s squad car as he spoke through the “cracked vent window” in chapter five, he curiously omits this from his discussion of the fingerprints in chapter eight. When Markham testified before the Warren Commission, she stated that the killer had placed his arms; “On the ledge of the window” (WC Volume III, page 307). In fact, during a television interview, Markham demonstrated that the killer had placed both of his hands on the top of the window ledge as he leaned over to talk with Tippit (See the footage.) Yet, all of the fingerprints in question were (allegedly) removed from the outside of the right front door.

    If Tippit’s killer had placed his hands on the outside of the right front door of Tippit’s squad car; then the killer (by Hubert Lutz’s examination of the fingerprints) was not Oswald. Although Markham was consistent with her claim that she observed Tippit’s killer place his hands on the right front door of Tippit’s squad car, this reviewer should point out that given the angle from which she observed Tippit’s killer as she was standing on the northwest corner of the tenth and Patton street intersection, and given her overall lack of credibility as a witness, Markham’s claim that Tippit’s killer had placed his hands on top of the window ledge should not be taken too seriously. In conclusion, given that there is no credible eyewitness account that Tippit’s killer was responsible for the fingerprints found on the right side of Tippit’s squad car, the lack of Oswald’s prints on the squad car shouldn’t be used as proof that Oswald didn’t shoot Tippit.

    The final piece of evidence which Myers uses to convict Oswald for Tippit’s murder is the light gray zipper jacket (WCE 162) which the killer discarded in the parking lot behind the Texaco Service station located on Jefferson Blvd. The DPD allegedly discovered the jacket under the rear of a car in the parking lot (With Malice, Chapter 8). It is alleged that Tippit’s killer discarded the jacket to alter his appearance. This reviewer has no qualms with that assertion. Myers uses Marina Oswald’s testimony before the Warren Commission as evidence that the light gray jacket was owned by Oswald, but once again neglects to inform his readers of the problems with Marina’s credibility. Although Myers acknowledges that the jacket had the size M (Medium) printed in its collar, he never mentions that Oswald wore size small shirts and sweaters (WCD 205, pages 162 and 163). In light of this fact, it makes little sense that Oswald would be wearing a size medium jacket.

    The DPD discovered that the light gray jacket had a dry cleaner tag inside it with the number B 9738. This was broadcasted over the DPD radio at about 1:44 pm (CE 705/1974). The jacket also contained the laundry mark “30” in its collar (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 9, Folder 4, Item 5). Myers admits that the FBI had canvassed hundreds of dry cleaners in Dallas and New Orleans; and that they were unable to determine if any of them had served Oswald, or had even used a laundry tag identical to the one found inside the jacket (With Malice, Chapter 8). In fact, the FBI also claimed that none of Oswald’s other clothing contained a dry cleaners or laundry mark that could be associated with the laundry tag of the light gray jacket (ibid). Although Myers states that none of Oswald’s belongings contained any dry cleaning tags, a pair of Khaki-colored trousers and a Khaki long-sleeved shirt which belonged to Oswald, contained laundry tags bearing the number “03230”. However, this is not identical to the laundry mark or dry cleaning tag found on the light gray jacket. Finally, even Myers admits that Marina Oswald told the FBI that she could not recall if Oswald ever sent the light gray jacket to a dry cleaner; but that she recalled hand washing them herself (ibid).

    Myers admits that the eyewitness recollections of what color the jacket that Tippit’s killer was wearing varied from one witness to another, and that Earlene Roberts, the housekeeper at the rooming house on 1026 North Beckley where Oswald was allegedly living at the time of the assassination, gave differing accounts of what color the jacket the man (whom she thought was Oswald) was wearing as he left the rooming house (With Malice, Chapter 8). Oswald had allegedly returned to the rooming house following the President’s assassination, and left after allegedly retrieving the jacket and the revolver used to kill Tippit. When Roberts testified before the Warren Commission, she explained that as “Oswald” was leaving the rooming house, he was zipping up a jacket (WC Volume VI, page 439). When Counsel Joseph Ball showed Roberts the light gray jacket, she claimed that the jacket which “Oswald” was wearing when he left was a darker colored jacket (ibid). However, Myers explains that when Roberts was interviewed on radio during the afternoon of November 22, 1963, she “accurately described” the jacket “Oswald” was wearing when he left as a “short gray coat” (With Malice, Chapter 8).

    Whilst Roberts may certainly have been describing the light gray jacket found in the parking lot behind the Texaco Service station, this reviewer has previously pointed out that researcher Lee Farley has explained that it was actually Larry Crafard (and not Oswald) who was living at the 1026 North Beckley rooming house at the time of the assassination. Therefore, it may well have been Crafard whom Roberts observed entering and then leaving the rooming house with the jacket. In fact, as Greg Parker has explained to this reviewer, researcher Mark Groubert believes the jacket Crafard was wearing when he was photographed by the FBI on November 28, 1963, was from the same manufacturer of WCE 162; namely Maurice Holman of Los Angeles, California (See the thread entitled The Stevenson Incident and the Assassination on Greg Parker’s research forum).

    There are also problems with the discovery of the jacket. To give one example, the Warren report states that the jacket was discovered by DPD captain W.R. Westbrook (WCR, page 175). However, this was a lie! When Westbrook testified before the Warren Commission, he stated that as the jacket was still lying on the ground, it was pointed out to him by “someone”; whom he thought might have been a DPD Officer (WC Volume VII, page 115). In fact, Westbrook testified that the jacket was pointed out to him after the false alarm at the Jefferson Branch Library (ibid). But according to the transcripts of the DPD radio recordings, an unidentified Officer (whom Myers believes was motorcycle officer J.T. Griffin) broadcasted the discovery of the jacket at approximately 1:25 pm (WCE 705/1974). According to the same transcripts, Officer Charles Walker broadcasted on the radio that he had seen whom he thought was Tippit’s killer entering the Jefferson Branch Library at approximately 1:35 pm! So unless the Officer(s) who discovered the jacket decided to leave it lying on the ground for over ten minutes following its discovery, Westbrook lied when he said it was lying on the ground when it was pointed out to him. Myers mentions none of this to his readers.

    Myers asks the reader; “If Oswald didn’t kill Tippit, what happened to his [Oswald’s] jacket?” He then cites an a FBI lab report, dated December 3, 1963, in which it is stated that dark-blue, gray-black, and orange-yellow cottons fibers were found in the debris removed from the inside areas of the sleeves of the jacket, and that the fibers “match” in their microscopic characteristics to the fibers from the shirt (WCE 150) which Oswald was wearing when he was arrested inside the Texas theater. However, this finding is nowhere to be found in the Warren Report, and it was not mentioned by Paul Morgan Stombaugh, the FBI’s hair and fiber examiner, when he testified before the Warren Commission. In his endnotes, Myers explains that in a letter he wrote in the year 1998 to former Warren Commission counsel, David Belin, he asked him why this alleged finding was not used by the Commission. According to Myers, Belin’s response was that there was “overwhelming” evidence to tie Oswald to the Tippit shooting, such as the “positive” identification of Oswald as the killer by witnesses, and the ballistics evidence. Belin went on to explain that the “experts” retained by the commission determined that individual fibers are not unique, and that apparently he didn’t believe that the quality of the fiber evidence was as good as the ballistics identification of the spent shell casings allegedly recovered from the Tippit murder scene as having been fired from “Oswald’s” revolver. In spite of Belin’s explanation to Myers, it seems incredibly odd to this reviewer that the Warren Commission would never mention this alleged finding.

    Myers naturally believes that the fibres allegedly found inside the sleeves of the light gray jacket are authentic, and that they weren’t placed there by either the DPD or the FBI. However, this ignores all of the previously discussed evidence that the spent shell casings discovered at the Tippit murder scene were switched to ensure that the shell casings would be ballistically matched to the revolver which Oswald allegedly had in his possession when he was arrested. It also ignores all of the previously discussed evidence that the eyewitnesses were coaxed by the DPD into identifying Oswald as Tippit’s killer; and the aforementioned memorandum from Alan Belmont to William Sullivan on November 26, 1963. On his website, researcher Pat Speer explains that the DPD had likely planted fibers from the shirt Oswald was wearing when he was arrested onto the butt end of the rifle discovered on the sixth floor of the TSBD (Read more.) Such a notion reinforces the belief that it was the DPD who planted fibers from that shirt into the sleeves of the light gray jacket.

    Should the reader remain unconvinced that the DPD wanted Oswald to be found guilty of Tippit’s murder, then consider the following from Ted Callaway’s testimony before the Warren Commission. Callaway explained to Counsel Joseph Ball that when he and Sam Guinyard were waiting to view the line-up of Oswald, detective Jim Leavelle told them; “When I show you these guys [in the line-up], be sure, take your time, see if you can make a positive identification … .. We want to be sure, we want to try to wrap him [Oswald] up real tight on killing this officer. We think he is the same one that shot the President. But if we can wrap him up tight on killing this officer, we have got him” (WC Volume III, page 355). Sam Guinyard, who allegedly viewed the line-up with Callaway, denied during his testimony that any DPD Officer had said anything to them before they viewed the line-up (WC Volume VII, page 400). Cecil McWatters; the bus driver who also allegedly viewed the line-up of Oswald with Callaway, also failed to confirm that any DPD Officer had said anything to them before they viewed the line-up.

    Despite the lack of corroboration by Guinyard and McWatters, during an interview with author Joseph McBride, Leavelle claimed that captain Fritz told him to ” … .go ahead and make a tight case on him [for Tippit’s murder] in case we have trouble making this one on the presidential shooting.” (McBride, Into the Nightmare, pages 235 and 236) Not only do these statements imply that the DPD were determined that they wanted Oswald to be convicted for both Tippit’s murder and the President’s assassination, but that they would also fabricate evidence to ensure that such was the case. One could rightly ask why Callaway would want the Warren Commission to know that the DPD wanted Oswald to be found guilty of Tippit’s murder if he was coerced by them into identifying Oswald as the killer. This reviewer can think of two alternative reasons. Perhaps Callaway was under a fair amount of pressure (and nervous) when testifying, and therefore, he didn’t realize the implication of what he told the Commission. On the other hand, perhaps Callaway, feeling guilty for helping to implicate Oswald, wanted to give the Commission a clue that he was coerced into identifying Oswald by the DPD. One could also ask why Callaway, and indeed all the other witnesses who had been coerced into identifying Oswald, wouldn’t eventually confess that they had been coerced into identifying Oswald as Tippit’s killer. In this reviewer’s opinion, it was probably because they didn’t want to expose themselves as liars who helped convict an innocent man for murder.

    Myers concludes this chapter with the following remarks: “The physical case against Oswald is impressive. When combined with his actions, there seems little doubt he killed J.D. Tippit.” But as this reviewer has demonstrated throughout this review, this is hyperbole of the first order. Myers then writes; “But before drawing any conclusions, it’s important to consider some of the claims that challenge the notion of Oswald as perpetrator.”

    IX: Hints and allegations

    Throughout this chapter, Myers discusses many of the allegations made by conspiracy advocates concerning Tippit’s murder. For the purpose of this review, I will only be discussing two of the allegations which Myers writes about in his book. According to Myers; ” … many claims have been proven to be groundless, but some hold just enough intrigue to make us wonder if there really isn’t more to the whole story” (With Malice, Chapter 9). The first allegation which Myers discusses is the discovery of a wallet in the vicinity of the Tippit murder scene containing identification for Oswald and his alleged alias, Alek James Hidell. The wallet can be seen in film footage by WFAA-TV cameraman Ron Reiland, as it is shown to DPD captain George M. Doughty by Sgt. Calvin “Bud” Owens (ibid). A third person, believed to be Captain Westbrook, reaches for the wallet with his left hand, just as Reiland’s footage of the wallet concludes (ibid).

    The allegation surfaced when former FBI agent James Hosty wrote in his book Assignment Oswald that captain Westbrook had shown FBI agent Robert M. Barrett a wallet allegedly found at the Tippit murder scene which contained identification for Oswald and Hidell; and had asked Barrett if the FBI knew anything about Oswald and Hidell (ibid). However, Myers writes that when he interviewed Barrett in 1996, Barrett told him that he wasn’t shown any of the identification inside the wallet, but that Westbrook merely asked him if he knew who Lee Harvey Oswald or Alek James Hidell were, as he held the wallet in his hand (ibid). In fact, Myers explains that Barrett was adamant that he was asked about the names at the Tippit murder scene (ibid). But contrary to Barrett’s claim, identification for Hidell was allegedly found inside Oswald’s wallet after he was arrested inside the Texas Theater. After Oswald had been placed into an unmarked DPD car to be taken to DPD headquarters, detective Paul Bentley removed a wallet from Oswald’s pants pocket (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 4).

    If both accounts are true, then the implication is that Tippit’s killer left the wallet containing identification for Oswald and Hidell after he killed Tippit to incriminate Oswald. The only other explanation is that for some bizarre reason, Oswald was carrying two wallets with him when he shot Tippit, and then he (unbelievably) left one of them behind which had identification for Hidell in it. However, it makes little sense that Oswald would be carrying two wallets on his person; let alone that he would have identification for Hidell in his wallet on the day he allegedly used a rifle he ordered under that name to assassinate the President. According to Myers, Barrett also told him that a witness claimed that Tippit’s killer had handed Tippit a wallet through the right front passenger window of his squad car (With Malice, Chapter 9). However, the identity of this so-called witness is unknown. As this reviewer has discussed previously, Barrett wrote in his report on the day of the assassination that he heard Oswald yell in a loud voice; “Kill all the sons of bitches!” inside the Texas Theater as he was scuffling with DPD Officers (WCD 5, page 84). But as stated previously, Barrett was almost certainly lying about this, as no other witness or DPD Officer involved in Oswald’s arrest ever claimed that Oswald yelled out “Kill all the sons of bitches!” This then raises the possibility that Barrett was lying when he said that Captain Westbrook had asked him at the Tippit murder scene if he knew who Oswald and Hidell were; in order to reinforce the notion that Oswald was Tippit’s killer.

    Myers’ contention is that Barrett had simply misremembered where he was when Westbrook asked him if he knew who Hidell and Oswald were, and that the wallet which Paul Bentley removed from Oswald’s pocket en route to DPD headquarters contained identification for both Oswald and Hidell (With Malice, Chapter 9). Myers explains that Barrett failed to mention the wallet in his report which he wrote on the day of the assassination, and that he had failed to mention the wallet again when he testified before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence Activities in 1975 (ibid). This also raises the possibility that Barrett lied when he claimed that Westbrook asked him if he knew who Oswald and Hidell were to counter all the claims that Oswald wasn’t Tippit’s murderer. On the other hand, perhaps Barrett didn’t mention the wallet in his report on the day of the assassination because he had assumed that the DPD would have mentioned it to the media, and that the officers present at the Tippit murder scene would have mentioned it in their own reports. Hence, Barrett may have thought that there would be no point of him mentioning it in his own report. Alternatively, Barrett may have neglected to mention it if he had observed/heard one of the DPD Officers broadcast the discovery of the wallet with identification for Oswald and Hidell over the police radio at the Tippit murder scene. Although no such transmission exists in the transcripts of the DPD radio recordings, this transmission may have been removed from the recordings to hide the fact that Oswald had been framed for Tippit’s murder.

    Rather than simply speculating whether Barrett lied, or even misremembered where he was when Captain Westbrook asked him if he knew who Oswald and Hidell were, let’s consider all of the evidence which supports Barrett’s claim; evidence which Myers either omits, distorts, or buries in his endnotes.

    But first, it’s important to keep in mind that several disinformation shills such as Vincent Bugliosi and David Von Pein have argued that the wallet filmed by Ron Reiland belonged to Tippit. However, Myers explains that in the year 2012, he was shown photographs of Tippit’s wallet which; ” … clearly show that Tippit’s black billfold was different in style than the one depicted in the WFAA-TV film footage [by Ron Reiland]” (ibid). The bottom line is that Tippit’s wallet was definitely not the wallet which Reiland filmed. Myers also explains that in the year 2009, he interviewed reserve Sgt. Kenneth Croy, the first officer to arrive at the Tippit murder scene. Croy told Myers that after he arrived at the murder scene, he recovered Tippit’s revolver and a billfold (wallet) which he thought had seven different ID’s in it; but that none was for Oswald. In fact, Myers writes that Croy was “particularly adamant” that there was no identification for Oswald in the wallet (ibid). However, researcher Jones Harris told George Bailey that when he (Jones) interviewed Croy in 1990, Croy claimed that he didn’t examine the contents of the wallet (See George Bailey’s review of With Malice on his blog).

    Croy told Myers that a witness claimed that Tippit’s killer threw the wallet away as he fled. However, Myers explains that no witness has come forward saying that the killer discarded a wallet as he fled (With Malice, Chapter 9). But if Croy’s recollection was correct, then it would seem that Oswald wasn’t Tippit’s killer, as there was no identification for Oswald inside the wallet. Croy also told Myers that Tippit’s killer picked up Tippit’s revolver then threw it away; and that it was allegedly found with the wallet a short distance from the murder scene (ibid). But contrary to Croy’s recollection, when he testified before the Warren Commission, he said that; “There was a report that a cab driver [William Scoggins] had picked up Tippit’s gun and had left, presumably”, but made no mention of a witness who allegedly saw the killer toss Tippit’s revolver (WC Volume XII, page 202). In fact, it was allegedly Ted Callaway who had picked-up Tippit’s revolver from the ground, and then placed it on the hood of Tippit’s squad car (WC Volume III, page 354). Furthermore, T.F. Bowley claimed that he had taken Tippit’s gun from the hood of Tippit’s car, and placed it inside the car (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 3, Item 14). Suffice it to say, Kenneth Croy’s forty six year old recollections are not particularly credible.

    In his endnotes, Myers explains that assassination researcher John Armstrong wrote in his book Harvey and Lee that when researcher Jones Harris interviewed Kenneth Croy in the year 2002, Croy told him that an unidentified civilian had handed him a wallet “later found to contain identification for Lee Harvey Oswald and Alex Hidell.” Myers then reminds his readers that Croy told him during his interview in the year 2009 that the wallet didn’t contain identification for Oswald. According to researcher George Bailey, Harris told him that when he interviewed FBI agent Robert Barrett, he asked Barrett why didn’t mention the wallet in his report. Harris claimed that Barrett replied; “What was the point Mr. Harris, after all, the man is dead” (See George Bailey’s review of With Malice on his blog). Although it is not clear from reading Bailey’s review whether Barrett was referring to Oswald or Tippit when he allegedly told Harris ” … after all, the man is dead”, if he was referring to Oswald, either Barrett was mistaken or lying (or perhaps Harris was lying), as Oswald was very much alive when Barrett wrote out his report on the day of the assassination (WCD 5, page 84). Suffice it to say, it would be foolish to consider what Harris told Bailey (including what Croy allegedly told Harris for that matter) as being unquestionably reliable.

    During a filmed interview, former FBI analyst Farris Rookstool claimed that Kenneth Croy informed him that he had recovered Oswald’s wallet at the murder scene. (See the interview of Rookstool.) Robert Barrett was also interviewed, and again insisted that he was asked about Oswald and Hidell at the Tippit murder scene. Croy’s claim to Rookstool that he recovered Oswald’s wallet contradicts what Croy allegedly told Myers in 2009. Given all of the contradictions between the statements which Croy allegedly made to the aforementioned researchers, this reviewer takes everything Croy allegedly had to say about the wallet with a grain of salt. Also, readers are encouraged to read through Lee Farley’s discussion of Croy’s credibility in the thread entitled Kenneth Hudson Croy at Greg Parker’s research forum.

    Myers explains to his readers that a number of people who were at the scene “in the first moments”, such as Jack Tatum, Ted Callaway, and ambulance attendant Eddie Kinsley and Clayton Butler, insisted that no wallet was found near Tippit’s body (With Malice, Chapter 9). However, as this reviewer has discussed previously, Tatum and Callaway should not be regarded as credible witnesses, as they were most likely coerced into identifying Oswald as the killer. With this mind, if a wallet containing identification for Oswald was really found at the Tippit murder scene (which would imply that Oswald was framed for the murder), then perhaps Callaway and Tatum were also coerced into saying that no wallet was found. As for Kinsley and Butler, Myers explains that the only thing they reported seeing lying near Tippit’s body was his revolver (ibid). Of course, this doesn’t discount the possibility that the wallet with identification for Oswald and Hidell may have been found on the right side of Tippit’s squad car.

    When Myers interviewed former DPD Officer Joe Mack Poe in 1996, Poe told him that to his knowledge, no wallet was found at the scene (ibid). However, given the controversy created by his missing marks from two of the spent shell casings recovered at the murder scene, Poe may only have said that to Myers to avoid stirring up another controversy. Myers also interviewed Poe’s partner, Leonard Jez, and he also claimed that he knew nothing about a wallet being found at the murder scene (ibid). However, in his endnotes, Myers explains that when Jez had attended a conference for JFK assassination researchers on November 20, 1999, he allegedly told researcher Martha Moyer that Oswald’s wallet had been found at the Tippit murder scene! According to Myers, Moyer told him in an email exchange in December, 2012, that she was listening to Jez as he was talking about his experiences at the Tippit murder scene during the conference banquet, when she asked him whose wallet was found there. Moyer also explained to Myers that she thought Jez said he heard the names Oswald and Hidell mentioned as the wallet was being examined at the scene. When Moyer asked Jez if he was certain that a wallet containing identification for Oswald was found at the murder scene, Jez told her (without smiling); “Missy, you can take it to the bank!”

    Myers attempts to discredit what Jez allegedly told Moyer by noting that during the morning of the conference when Jez was interviewed on camera, he claimed that he didn’t remember seeing a wallet. Myers then smugly writes that “more importantly”; Moyer’s account is at odds with what Jez told him (Myers) during his interview with him in 1996. Namely that he didn’t know anything about a wallet being found. However, Jez may have only said this to Myers, because at the time, Jez may not have known that James Hosty had published Barrett’s allegation that the wallet discovered in the vicinity of the murder scene contained identification for Oswald and Hidell in his book Assignment Oswald, and didn’t want to start a controversy over it. Furthermore, as researcher John Armstrong explains in his book, a confidential source who knows Jez claimed that Jez doesn’t want to be formally interviewed on the issue of the wallet, but he told her (the confidential source); “You can bet your life that was Oswald’s wallet.” (Armstrong, Harvey and Lee: How the CIA framed Oswald, pages 856 and 857). Revealingly, Myers doesn’t mention this information; even though he did mention the allegation that Croy was given a wallet containing identification for Oswald and Hidell which was on the same page of Armstrong’s book!

    If Jez didn’t want to be formally interviewed on the issue of the wallet, as the confidential source claims, then this could explain why Jez didn’t tell the audience at the JFK assassination conference that a wallet containing identification for Oswald and Hidell was examined at the Tippit murder scene. As for why he would later tell Martha Moyer about the wallet; perhaps after learning (sometime prior to the conference) that Barrett claimed a wallet containing identification for Oswald and Hidell was found in the vicinity of the murder scene, Jez felt comfortable enough to tell someone about it to get it off his chest. The reader should keep in mind that in the endnotes to his book, Myers wrote that after the first edition of his book was published in 1998, he gave Jez a copy of the book. Therefore, it would seem that Jez learned about Barrett’s allegation from reading Myers book. The end result is that two independent sources claimed that Jez told them it was Oswald’s wallet which was found at the murder scene, and although Jez referred to the wallet as belonging to Oswald, he naturally would have assumed this to be the case if he heard Oswald’s name mentioned as the contents of the wallet were being examined.

    In addition to Robert Barrett, Kenneth Croy, and Leonard Jez, evidence that the DPD were examining a wallet containing identification for Oswald and Hidell at the murder scene comes from Julia Postal, the Texas theater cashier. In her interview with the FBI on February 27, 1964, Postal claimed that the Officers who were arresting Oswald identified him to her by calling out his name (WCD 735, page 265). However, the official story is that Oswald’s wallet was removed from Oswald’s left hip pocket after he was taken out of the theater, and that the DPD didn’t broadcast over the radio that Oswald was missing from the TSBD after the superintendent, Roy Truly, had informed Captain Fritz of this fact. But if the DPD had discovered identification for Oswald in the wallet being examined at the Tippit murder scene with his photograph on it, then this would explain how they knew his name was Oswald.

    Myers acknowledges in his endnotes that Postal told the FBI that Oswald’s name was called out by the arresting officers. But Myers explains that in her interview with the USSS on December 3, 1963, she made no mention of the “onsite identification” (WCD 87, page 819). Myers also explains that in her affidavit to the DPD on December 4, 1963, Postal claimed that “Later on I found out that the man’s name, who the officers arrested at the Texas Theater, was Lee Harvey Oswald.” (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 3, Item 21). Finally, Myers writes that when Postal testified before the Warren Commission, she explained that; ” … the officers were trying to hold on to Oswald – when I say ‘Oswald’, that man, because as I said, I didn’t know who he was at that time … ” (WC Volume VII, pages 12 and 13). Whilst all of this true, the fact that Postal didn’t inform the USSS that she heard Oswald’s name being called doesn’t actually contradict what she told the FBI.

    As for what Postal said in her affidavit to the DPD, Postal may have only claimed that she found out later on that Oswald was the man who was arrested, if the DPD had coerced her into saying so. Think about it. If the DPD wanted to hide evidence that a wallet containing identification for Oswald was found in the vicinity of the Tippit murder, they would coerce Postal into not mentioning that Oswald’s name was called out before his wallet was removed from his pocket. But then why would Postal inform the FBI that Oswald’s name was called out? In this reviewer’s opinion, it is entirely conceivable that Postal forgot that she was not to mention it when she was interviewed by the FBI. If the DPD had learned that she did tell the FBI, then they would have reminded her not to mention it when she testified before the Warren Commission. This could explain why she stated during her testimony that she didn’t know who he was at the time.

    Myers explains that after Oswald was arrested, Sgt. Gerald Hill was ” … the first person on record talking about Oswald’s wallet” (With Malice, Chapter 9). During a television interview recorded by NBC-TV, a reporter asked Hill; “What was his [Oswald’s] name on the billfold?” (WCE 2160). The reporter surely meant to ask Hill what the name inside the billfold was. Hill responded that it was Lee H. Oswald (ibid). Myers acknowledges this in his book, but omits that Hill never told the reporters that the name Hidell was also found inside the wallet. When Hill testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that after detective Paul Bentley removed Oswald’s wallet from his pants pocket, he called out Oswald’s name from the wallet (WC Volume VII, page 58). He went on to say that Bentley called out another name which he couldn’t remember, but that it was the same name (Hidell) that Oswald “bought the gun under”, and that Hidell sounded like the name her heard Bentley call out (ibid). But despite allegedly knowing at the time he was questioned by reporters that the name Hidell was inside Oswald’s wallet when Oswald was arrested, Hill only mentioned the name Oswald.

    Myers writes that when detective Paul Bentley was interviewed on the day following the assassination by WFAA-TV, he stated that he obtained Oswald’s identification from his wallet (With Malice, Chapter 9). However, what Myers omits is that Bentley was specifically asked during that interview what kind of identification Oswald had in his wallet. Bentley responded that he obtained Oswald’s name from a Dallas public Library card, and that he thought Oswald had a driver’s license, credit cards, and “things like that”, but made absolutely no mention of any identification for Hidell being discovered! (See the interview.) In fact, Bentley also made no mention of identification for Hidell being found in Oswald’s wallet in his arrest report to Chief Curry; the same report in which he wrote that he had obtained Oswald’s name from his wallet en route to police headquarters (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 4). When the FBI interviewed Bentley on June 11, 1964, he allegedly admitted that he removed a Selective Service System, Notice of Classification Card; and a United States Marine Corps Certificate of Service Card, both bearing the name Alek James Hidell from Oswald’s wallet (WCE 2011). Despite whether or not Paul Bentley actually informed the FBI that he did remove these cards from Oswald’s wallet, it is utterly inconceivable that Bentley would not remember one day following the assassination that he had found identification for Hidell inside of Oswald’s wallet.

    Myers informs his readers that detective Bob Carroll also testified before the Warren Commission that he recalled two names being mentioned inside the unmarked DPD car which took Oswald to Police headquarters (With Malice, Chapter 9). However, Myers does not inform his readers that Carroll made no mention of this in his arrest report to Chief Curry. In fact, none of the five Officers who were with Oswald inside the car; Bob Carroll, Kenneth Lyon, Gerald Hill, Paul Bentley, and Charles Walker mentioned anything about identification for a second name being found inside of Oswald’s wallet (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Items 4, 12, 23, 28, and 47). Though granted, the fact that none of the five officers mentioned in their reports that identification for a second name was found inside Oswald’s wallet, doesn’t necessarily mean that no identification for a second name was found.

    It is also noteworthy that Dallas DA Henry Wade didn’t mention that identification bearing the name Hidell was found inside of Oswald’s wallet during his press conferences on November 22 and 23, 1963. In fact, Wade first mentioned the Hidell name on Sunday, November 24, when he told reporters that Oswald had ordered the rifle allegedly used to assassinate President Kenney under that name (WCE 2168). According to Mark Lane’s testimony before the Warren Commission, Henry Wade’s office had released the name “A. Hidell” on November 23, 1963, after the FBI had “indicated” that Oswald had ordered the rifle under that name (WC Volume II, page 46). However, it would seem that Lane was in error, as Wade apparently didn’t tell reporters about the name Hidell until Sunday November 24, 1963. Myers does not point this out to his readers.

    On the day following the assassination, DPD chief Jesse Curry informed reporters that the FBI had the money order which Oswald allegedly used to order the rifle under the name “A. Hidell” (WCE 2145). However, Curry did not inform the reporters that identification for Hidell was found in Oswald’s wallet after he was arrested. In fact, Curry claimed that he didn’t know if Oswald had ever used the name Hidell as an alias before (ibid). Myers does not mention this to his readers. In that same press conference, Curry explained that this evidence would be shown to Oswald by Captain Will Fritz, but gave no indication that Fritz was already aware of the fact that the rifle was ordered using the name A. Hidell (ibid). When Fritz testified before the Warren Commission, Counsel Joseph Ball asked him if he had questioned Oswald on the day of the assassination about ” … this card which he [Oswald] had in his pocket with the name Alek Hidell?”, to which Fritz responded that he did (WC Volume IV, pages 221 and 222). When Chief Curry testified before the Warren Commission, he indicated that he had spoken to Captain Fritz on the day of the assassination following Oswald’s first interrogation (WC Volume IV, page 157).

    If identification for Hidell was found in Oswald’s wallet, then presumably, Fritz would have informed Curry of that fact. And if he did, it is inconceivable that Curry would not have informed the reporters that identification for the same name which Oswald allegedly used to order the rifle was not found in his wallet following his arrest. However, it’s possible that since a connection between the name Hidell and the money order for the rifle had not yet been established on the day of the assassination, Fritz may not have informed Curry that identification for Hidell was found in Oswald’s wallet. Therefore, it should not be assumed that just because Curry didn’t inform the reporters that identification for Hidell was found in Oswald’s wallet, Oswald actually didn’t have such identification in his wallet.

    The reader should keep in mind that in his report to Chief Jesse Curry, detective Paul Bentley claimed that he turned Oswald’s identification over to Lt. T.L Baker of the homicide and Robbery bureau (Dallas Municipal archives Box 2, Folder 7, Item 4). According to Myers, when he interviewed Lt. Baker in the year 1999, Baker told him that; “The Officers [who brought Oswald from the Texas Theater] handed [the wallet] to me and I left it on Captain Fritz’ office desk for just a couple of minutes. I asked that two officers stay with him in the interrogation room because all our Officers were out at the time. So then, I went back in Captain Fritz’ office and I started going through his billfold [wallet] and I came across two sets of identification -Hidell and Oswald” (With Malice, Chapter 9). Baker then went to explain that Oswald told him his real name was Oswald; and that he then turned the wallet over to Captain Fritz (ibid).

    What Myers doesn’t tell his readers is that, contrary to what Baker told him in 1999, Baker never once mentioned in his lengthy report to Chief Curry that there was identification for Hidell inside Oswald’s wallet (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 5, Folder 5, Item 4). Also, despite telling Myers that; “all our [homicide and Robbery bureau] Officers were out”, Baker wrote in his report that Oswald was being held inside the interrogation room by detectives Guy “Gus” Rose and Richard Stovall, both of whom were homicide detectives (ibid). As stated previously, detectives Rose and Stovall confirmed in their own report to Chief Curry that they were with Oswald; and confirmed this when they testified before the Warren Commission (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 1, Item 3), (WC Volume VII, pages 187 and 228).

    Myers writes; “Two officers remembered Oswald’s wallet and identification being in close proximity to the suspect shortly after his arrival at Police headquarters.” He then names Charles Walker and Jim Leavelle as the two officers, but never tells his readers that the two officers to whom Baker was referring to in his aforementioned interview were almost certainly Gus Rose and Richard Stovall; and that Baker was mistaken when he told Myers thirty six years later that all of the homicide and Robbery Bureau officers were “out” (With Malice, Chapter 9). The reader should keep in mind that although Rose and Stovall both testified that they found identification for Hidell inside of Oswald’s wallet when they spoke to him, they made no mention of any such identification being found in their report to Chief Curry (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 1, Item 3). When Rose testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that after Oswald was asked what his name was, he told him that it was Hidell (WC Volume VII, page 228).

    But when Richard Stovall (who was in the interrogation room with Oswald and Rose) testified before the Warren Commission, he stated that Oswald said his name was Lee Oswald ” … as well as I remember.” (ibid, page 187). Both men cannot be correct, and it is inconceivable that they could have confused one name for the other, as the two names sound nothing alike. It also makes no sense that Oswald would admit that he was Hidell if he had allegedly ordered the rifle used to assassinate the President under that name; let alone that he would be carrying identification for Hidell in his wallet on the day he allegedly used that rifle to murder the President. The reader should also keep in mind that both Rose and Stovall testified that they found a card inside Oswald’s wallet which said “A. Hidell” (WC Volume VII, pages 187 and 228). However, the Selective Service System, Notice of Classification Card; and the United States Marine Corps Certificate of Service Card which Oswald allegedly had inside of his wallet when arrested bore the name “Alek James Hidell”, and not “A. Hidell”

    When Officer Charles Walker testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that after he had escorted Oswald from the Texas theater; “I sat down there [in the interrogation room], and I had his pistol, and he had a card in there with a picture and the name A.J. Hidell on it.” (WC Volume VII, page 41). It is apparent that by “Pistol”, Walker actually meant wallet. Therefore, he either misspoke, or the transcription of his testimony was in error. Walker also stated that after he allegedly asked Oswald if Hidell was his real name, Oswald told him that it wasn’t (ibid). If both Walker and Richard Stovall were telling the truth, then it’s fairly obvious that Gus Rose was lying when he told the Warren Commission that Oswald said his name was Hidell. Myers acknowledges that Walker told the Warren Commission he had Oswald’s wallet, but also cites Walker’s interview with the HSCA, during which Walker stated that he remembered taking Oswald’s wallet out of his pants pocket, and that he had found a card inside it with the name Hidell on it (With Malice, Chapter 9).

    There can be little doubt that Walker was lying when he said that he had Oswald’s wallet, and that he found a card inside it with the name Hidell on it. First of all, as stated previously, detective Paul Bentley was interviewed on the day following the assassination by WFAA-TV, and stated that he obtained Oswald’s wallet en route to police headquarters; and verified this in his report to DPD Chief Jesse Curry. Secondly, Gerald Hill testified before the Warren Commission that it was Bentley who had removed Oswald’s wallet from his hip pocket (WC Volume VII, page 58). Thirdly, as even Myers indirectly acknowledges in his book, Walker made no mention of obtaining Oswald’s wallet in his own report to Chief Curry (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 47).

    The reader should also bear in mind that detective Gus Rose told the Warren Commission that two uniformed Officers had brought Oswald into the interrogation. However, it is an established fact that Charles Walker was the only uniformed Officer who brought Oswald into the interrogation room (WC Volume VII, page 228). Rose also stated that he didn’t know if the officer (Charles Walker) who brought Oswald into the interrogation room had Oswald’s wallet or not (ibid). However, during a television documentary, Rose claimed that it was he who had removed Oswald’s wallet from his pants pocket; despite making no such claim when he testified before the Warren Commission! (Dealey Plaza Echo, Volume 13, Issue 2, page 3). It should be readily apparent to any intellectually honest researcher that both Walker and Rose were lying; and that there is no good reason to believe either one of them when they claimed that Oswald had identification for Hidell in his wallet when he was arrested. Myers avoids Rose, but he simply cannot bring himself to admit that Walker was lying. In fact, how desperate must Myers be to cite both Walker’s claim that he had Oswald’s wallet; and the evidence which actually contradicts it in order to assure his readers that Oswald had identification for Hidell in his wallet? In this reviewer’s opinion, Myers desperation is almost humorous.

    When Myers interviewed Jim Leavelle in the year 1996, Leavelle claimed that Oswald’s wallet was still in the interrogation room when he allegedly arrived to question Oswald following his arrest (With Malice, Chapter 9). Leavelle claimed that he remembered seeing an identification card with Oswald’s name, but apparently, he couldn’t remember if there was any identification for Hidell (ibid). Once again, Myers neglects to inform his readers that Leavelle testified before the Warren Commission that he had not spoken to Oswald prior to the morning of Sunday November 24, 1963; and was therefore likely lying to Myers when he said that he had questioned Oswald (WC Volume VII, page 268). During his testimony, Leavelle claimed that when Oswald was interrogated on the morning of Sunday November 24, 1963, inspector Thomas Kelly of the USSS asked Oswald; “Well, isn’t it a fact when you were arrested you had an identification card with his [Hidell’s] name on it in your possession?” (ibid, page 267). According to Leavelle, Oswald admitted that he did, and that when inspector Kelly asked Oswald; “How do you explain that”, Oswald responded with words to the effect; “I don’t explain it.” (ibid, page 268). However, in his report on Oswald’s interrogation, inspector Kelly made no mention of asking Oswald about any identification card bearing the name Hidell (Warren report, Appendix XI: Reports relating to the interrogation of Lee Harvey Oswald at the Dallas Police department).

    In fact, U.S. Postal inspector Harry Holmes, who was also present at the Sunday morning interrogation, wrote in his own report on the interrogation that it was Captain Fritz who had asked Oswald about the Selective service card bearing the name Hidell (ibid). According to Holmes, Oswald indignantly told Fritz; “I’ve told all I’m going to about that card … . You have the card … . you know about it as much as I do” (ibid). When Holmes testified before the Warren Commission, he stated that when Captain Fritz asked Oswald about the card with the name Hidell on it, Oswald allegedly responded; “Now, I have told you all I am going to tell you about that card in my billfold … . You have the card yourself, and you know as much about it as I do.” (WC Volume VII, page 299). What’s noteworthy is that unlike in his interrogation report, Holmes claimed that Oswald admitted to having the card in his wallet.

    But if this were true, then surely Holmes would have mentioned it in his report. Furthermore, Oswald’s claim that Fritz knew as much about the card as he did implies (in so many words) that Oswald actually didn’t know anything about the card. With this mind, it is apparent to this reviewer that Holmes was lying when he told the Warren Commission that Oswald admitted to having the card in his wallet. But if the rest of what Holmes claimed concerning the Selective Service card bearing the name Hidell is true, then it is apparent that Jim Leavelle was lying when he testified that it was USSS inspector Thomas Kelly who had asked Oswald about the card, and was also lying when claimed that Oswald admitted to Kelly that he had it in his wallet. Not that it matters to Myers.

    But to gain a broader understanding of how the authorities lied about Oswald having the selective service card with the name Alek James Hidell in his wallet following his arrest, the reader should consider the following. According to the report by Lt. T.L. Baker to DPD Chief Curry, Oswald was interrogated twice on the day following the assassination. The first interrogation began at approximately 10:30 am, and the second at approximately 6:30 pm (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 5, Folder 5, Item 4). FBI agent James Bookhout and Inspector Thomas Kelly of the USSS were present during both interrogations (ibid). According to Bookhout’s report on the morning interrogation, Oswald admitted to Captain Fritz that he had carried this card in his wallet, but that he declined to stated that he wrote the signature of Hidell on the card (Warren report, Appendix XI: Reports relating to the interrogation of Lee Harvey Oswald at the Dallas Police department). Bookhout repeated this when he testified before the Warren Commission (WC Volume VII, page 310).

    In his own report concerning that interrogation, Thomas Kelly made no mention of Oswald admitting that he carried the card, stating instead that Oswald refused to discuss it after both Bookhout and Captain Fritz allegedly asked Oswald for an explanation of it (Warren report, Appendix XI: Reports relating to the interrogation of Lee Harvey Oswald at the Dallas Police department). If Oswald really did admit to carrying the card in his wallet, then surely Kelly would have no reason not to mention this in his report. On the other hand, if Fritz didn’t actually ask Oswald if he carried the card in his wallet, then both Bookhout and Kelly were lying in their reports. Either way, both men could not have been telling the truth.

    It is also noteworthy that in that same report, Clements omits that a United States Marine Corps Certificate of Service Card with the name Alek James Hidell was found inside Oswald’s wallet. This reviewer should also point out that although DPD detectives Walter E. Potts and B.L. Senkel mentioned in their own reports to chief Curry that upon arrival at the rooming house on 1026 North Beckley, they checked the registration book for a person named Hidell, what’s significant is that none of the officers who claimed to have handled Oswald’s wallet (Bentley, Walker, Rose, Stovall, and Baker) mentioned in their own reports that any identification bearing the name Hidell was found inside his wallet (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 9, Item 32), (ibid, Box 3, Folder 12, Item 1).

    Myers explains that ultimately, three wallets were catalogued by the FBI as being part of Oswald’s property (With Malice, Chapter 9). Myers lists them as a brown billfold, found in the residence of Ruth Paine (with whom Oswald’s wife Marina was living with at the time of the assassination) by the DPD, a red billfold also found by the DPD in the residence of Ruth Paine, and the wallet Oswald had in his left hip pocket when he was arrested at the Texas theater (ibid). In his endnotes, Myers states that a fourth wallet described as; “black plastic with an advertisement that reads: ‘Waggoner National Bank, Vernon, Texas.’”, which was given to Oswald by his mother Marguerite, was allegedly found on Marina Oswald’s bedroom dresser following the assassination. This wallet was catalogued by the USSS. Myers states that neither the brown or red billfolds discovered in the residence of Ruth Paine resembled the wallet being handled by DPD Officers at the Tippit murder scene (With Malice, Chapter 9). However, Myers also states that the wallet removed from Oswald’s left hip pocket following his arrest does resemble the wallet being examined at the Tippit murder scene (ibid).

    After obtaining permission from the national archives, Myers took photographs of the wallet Oswald had when he was arrested, and compared them with the film footage of the wallet being examined at the Tippit murder scene. According to Myers, both wallets were “apparently” made of leather, both had a photo picture sleeve area covered with a leather flap, both had a snap and a metal band mounted on the photo flap, and both had a zipper for the area holding paper money (ibid). Myers concludes that the wallet examined by the DPD is not the wallet which was removed from Oswald’s hip pocket following his arrest at the Texas Theater. According to Myers, the wallet which was examined at the Tippit murder scene is ” … thinner and considerably more worn than Oswald’s arrest wallet”, and the metal band on the wallet which was examined at the Tippit murder scene covers the leather flap “edge to edge”, whereas Oswald’ wallet has a metal band which is “shorter and centered” (ibid). Myers adds that the corners of the leather flap of the wallet which was examined at the Tippit murder scene are square, whereas the corners of the leather flap of Oswald’s are “rounded”; and that surface imperfections which are “visible” on the wallet examined at the Tippit murder scene are not seen on Oswald’s wallet (ibid).

    This reviewer is unable to tell by comparing film footage of the wallet examined at the Tippit murder scene to photographs of the wallet removed from Oswald’s left hip pocket, whether the former wallet is considerably more worn and has surface imperfections not seen on the latter wallet. However, it appears that Myers is correct in stating that the wallet examined at the Tippit murder scene is thinner, and has a different metal band and leather flap than Oswald’s wallet. Therefore, it is also this reviewer’s opinion that they are two different wallets. Myers states that Captain Fritz kept the wallet removed from Oswald’s left hip pocket until November 27, 1963, when he released it to FBI agent James Hosty (ibid). Indeed, there is a receipt for a billfold and for 16 cards and pictures taken from Oswald following his arrest (Dallas Municipal archives Box 15, Folder 2, Item 61). Myers writes that Hosty photographed Oswald’s wallet and other items prior to them being shipped to Washington for analysis (With Malice, Chapter 9). In his endnotes, Myers references this claim to pages 79 and 80 of Hosty’s book, Assignment Oswald. Myers explains that on the day following the assassination, Captain Fritz sent Oswald’s wallet and its contents to the DPD crime lab for photographs to be made (ibid). This is based on the crime scene search section form, which lists 16 miscellaneous pictures, Identification cards, and the wallet to be photographed (Dallas Municipal archives Box 7, Folder 2, Item 23).

    Although Myers writes that the wallet itself was not photographed, in his endnotes, he explains that a 1966 Police report describing evidence pertaining to the assassination states that the wallet was photographed. According to the report, the aforementioned items were brought to the DPD crime lab by homicide detective Richard Sims. However, Myers states that no photograph of the wallet was found ” … among any of the official records.” The fact that the DPD apparently took no photographs of the wallet, and the fact that Captain Fritz released the wallet to FBI agent James Hosty five days following the assassination, has led to speculation that perhaps the wallet which was given to Hosty was the one found in the vicinity of the Tippit murder scene. Although this reviewer doesn’t dismiss that possibility, it seems unlikely that Fritz would actually give that wallet to the FBI if he wanted to conceal its existence.

    In this reviewer’s opinion, the weight of the evidence strongly suggests that the wallet which was examined by DPD Officers at the Tippit murder scene contained identification for Oswald and his alleged alias, Alek James Hidell. It is also this reviewer’s opinion that the wallet did not belong to Oswald, but was a mock-up wallet left behind by Tippit’s real killer in order to frame Oswald for the murder. When FBI agent Manning Clements testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that the Selective Service System, Notice of Classification Card with the name Alek James Hidell allegedly found in Oswald’s wallet following his arrest was “obviously fictitious”, as it had a photograph on it (WC Volume VII, page 321). Therefore, if Oswald had ordered the rifle he allegedly used to assassinate the President under the name Hidell, why would he be carrying in his wallet a fake card with a photograph of him (and with the name Hidell on it) on the day of the assassination, when the only purpose it served was to incriminate him?

    Myers speculates that perhaps it was either Ted Callaway’s or Williams Scoggins’ wallet the police were examining, as both men went after the killer with Tippit’s revolver, and then returned to the murder scene. But Myers admits that neither one of them claimed that their wallet was examined by the DPD (With Malice, Chapter 9). Myers states that if a wallet containing identification for Oswald and Hidell was really found; “It certainly would have been trumpeted by the world press that very afternoon, held up for the world to see by the Police that weekend, and served as prima facie evidence in the Warren Commission’s case against Lee Harvey Oswald.” (ibid). Myers then snidely remarks; “Even conspiracy theorists who fancy the wallet filmed by WFAA-TV as a plant, left behind by Tippit’s ‘real’ killer, would have to admit that police would have no reason to hold back the discovery of a discarded wallet with Oswald’s name in it the night of the assassination; and even less reason for the press to ignore such an important detail.” (ibid).

    In his blog post chastising Farris Rookstool (and others), Myers also snidely remarked that; “Anyone with a brain knows that if Oswald’s wallet had been found at the Tippit murder scene it would have been printed in every newspaper and broadcast on every radio and television station in America before the end of the day, Friday, November 22, 1963” (see the blog post entitled JFK Assassination Redux: The best and the worst of 50th Anniversary Coverage on Myer’s blog). By the same token, anyone with a brain, aside from perhaps Myers, must understand that after the President of the United States of America was arrogantly gunned down in full public view in broad daylight, Captain Fritz and the DPD would have been under a tremendous amount of pressure to find those responsible for the crime. If Fritz and the DPD were unable to find those responsible, they would undoubtedly have faced severe embarrassment. Therefore, they had to place the blame on someone! That someone was Lee Harvey Oswald. When Captain Fritz testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that after TSBD superintendent, Roy Truly, allegedly informed him that Oswald was missing from the building, he “immediately” left the TSBD as he ” … felt it important to hold that man [Oswald]” (WC Volume IV, page 206). Fritz also explained that he wanted to check to see if Oswald had a criminal record, and that after learning that Oswald was arrested for Tippit’s murder, he wanted to ” … prepare a real good case on the officer’s [Tippit’s] killing so we would have a case to hold him [Oswald] without bond while we investigated the President’s killing where we didn’t have so many witnesses” (ibid, page 207).

    Evidently, from the time he left the TSBD to the time he arrived at police headquarters, Captain Fritz had determined that Oswald was President Kennedy’s assassin. By implicating Oswald for Tippit’s murder, Fritz and the DPD could portray Oswald as a homicidal maniac who was not only capable of assassinating the President, but that he shot Tippit because he thought the DPD suspected he killed the President, and wanted to avoid being arrested. However, after learning that Oswald’s wallet was removed from his hip pocket following his arrest, and that a wallet bearing identification for Oswald was also discarded in the vicinity of the Tippit murder scene, an experienced detective like Fritz would surely have realised that Oswald was framed for Tippit’s murder, and quite possibly for the President’s assassination as well. But Captain Fritz and the DPD needed Oswald to be found guilty for both crimes, so that they could then inform the public (and the entire world for that matter) that President Kennedy’s assassin was caught.

    Therefore, the decision was made that the wallet left behind to implicate Oswald for Tippit’s murder would be concealed. By the account of FBI agent Robert Barrett, the last known person who handled the discarded wallet was Captain W.R. Westbrook. It is with little doubt that as soon as Captain Westbrook arrived at Police headquarters, he would have turned over the discarded wallet to Captain Fritz, or to one of Fritz’s men to give it to him. Although Westbrook wrote in his report to DPD Chief Jesse Curry, and also informed the Warren Commission that he asked Oswald what his name was inside the Texas Theater following his arrest, he may have only stated this to cover up the fact that he already knew what his name might be from the contents of the discarded wallet (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 50), (WC Volume VII, page 113).

    But is there other evidence which supports the contention that the DPD were determined early on that Oswald was both President Kennedy’s assassin, and Tippit’s murderer? As it turns out, there is. When Johnny Brewer testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that one (or more) of the officers yelled out to Oswald; “Kill the President, will you.” (WC Volume VII, page 6). When Julia Postal testified before the Warren Commission, she claimed that she overheard an officer using the telephone inside the box office of the theater say “I think we have got our man on both accounts” (ibid, page 12). Although Postal only wrote in her affidavit to the DPD that some officer said; “I’m sure we’ve got the man that shot officer Tippit”, she may have been coerced into not making any statements that the DPD were determined from the time Oswald was arrested that he was also President Kennedy’s assassin; as they may have thought that people would suspect they would falsify evidence against Oswald to implicate him for the President’s assassination as they didn’t have evidence at the time that the Mannlicher Carcano rifle allegedly used to murder the President belonged to Oswald (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 3, Item 21).

    Myers also spends several pages discussing the attempted murder of Tippit murder witness, Warren Reynolds. On the night of January 23, 1964; two days following his initial interview with the FBI, Reynolds was shot in the head by a .22 caliber rifle inside the basement of Johnny Reynolds Motor Company (WCD 897, page 417). As Myers explains, the man suspected of shooting Reynolds was Darrell Wayne Garner. (With Malice, Chapter 9). Garner had been at Johnny Reynolds Motor Company on Monday January 20, 1964, and had gotten “extremely upset” with Warren Reynolds when Reynolds refused to buy a 1957 Oldsmobile which Garner was trying to sell (WCD 897, page 418). Garner had boasted to his sister-in-law that he had shot Reynolds, but then claimed that he only said this because he wanted her to think that he was a “big shot” (ibid).

    Nancy Jane Mooney, who allegedly worked at Jack Ruby’s carousel club as a stripper, provided Garner an alibi for the time of the shooting; and apparently committed suicide by hanging herself with her toreador slacks in her jail cell on February 13, 1964, after she was arrested by the DPD for disturbing the peace (ibid). Although many researchers believe that Mooney was killed because she provided Garner an alibi for the time Reynolds was shot, an acquaintance of Mooney’s named William Grady Goode claimed that she had attempted suicide on two occasions (WCD 897, page 420). Readers should also keep in mind that the DPD had allegedly determined that a .22 caliber rifle removed from the home of Garner’s mother was not the rifle used to shoot Reynolds (ibid, page 419).

    Prior to being shot, Reynolds informed the FBI that although he believed Oswald was Tippit’s killer ” … he would hesitate to definitely identify Oswald as the individual [he observed].” (With Malice, Chapter 9). Reynolds suspected that he was shot because he had observed Tippit’s killer; a belief which is shared by many researchers (ibid). When Reynolds testified before the Warren Commission, he now claimed that in his own mind, Oswald was Tippit’s killer (ibid). However, given his belief that he was shot because he had observed Tippit’s killer, Reynolds’ latter claim to the Warren Commission should not be considered reliable; as he may have thought that he would be shot at again (and killed) if he didn’t identify Oswald as the killer.

    Many researchers, such as Robert Groden, have suggested that witness Domingo Benavides was also targeted by the conspirators because he failed to identify Oswald as Tippit’s killer. As Myers explains, in February, 1965, Edward (Eddie) Benavides, who was Domingo Benavides’ brother, was allegedly shot and killed in a Dallas tavern by accident; after he was caught in the middle of an argument inside the tavern (ibid). Many researchers have alleged that Edward Benavides was shot because he was mistaken for Domingo, and that he was shot in February, 1964. This then allegedly caused Domingo to tell the Warren Commission when he testified on April 2, 1964, that Tippit’s killer resembled Oswald.

    But in spite of the allegation that Eddie Benavides was shot in February, 1964, Dallas county death records show that Edward Benavides was shot and killed in February, 1965! (John McAdams’ website: The Not-So-Mysterious Death of Eddie Benavides). According to a Dallas Morning News article dated February 17, 1965, witnesses to Edward Benavides’ death claimed that he was not involved in the fight inside the bar, but was seeking cover when he was shot (ibid). Furthermore, if Domingo Benavides was truly fearful that he would be shot if he didn’t identify Oswald as Tippit’s killer, then why didn’t Benavides positively identify Oswald as the killer, instead of merely informing the Warren Commission that Oswald looked like the killer? (WC Volume VI, page 452).

    In his discussion of whether Edward Benavides was shot because he was mistaken for his brother, Myers reminds his readers that Benavides allegedly told his boss, Ted Callaway, that he didn’t actually see Tippit’s killer (With Malice, Chapter 9). But as this reviewer has explained previously, Myers conceals evidence from his readers which indicates that Callaway’s claim is not to be trusted. But despite his misrepresentation, Myers then has the smugness to write that: ” … this book shows that much of Benavides’ story, including his identification of the gunman, was embellished after the fact.” (ibid).

    The reader should keep in mind that John Berendt from Esquire magazine wrote that after Benavides had changed jobs, the man who replaced him in his job, and who allegedly resembled him, was also shot (Esquire, August, 1966). Berendt also wrote that, amongst other things; “Threats had become a daily occurrence”, and that Benavides’ father-in-law had also been shot at (ibid). However, it is not known whether any of this is related to the fact that Benavides had initially failed to positively identify Oswald as Tippit’s killer. But Myers mentions none of this.

    X: Profile of a killer

    We now come to what is probably the most asinine chapter of Myers’ book. Myers begins by explaining to his readers that the Tippit murder scene ” … clearly fits the profile of a disorganized murder” (With Malice, Chapter 10). He explains that a disorganized crime scene ” … is one in which the crime was committed suddenly and with no plan for deterring detection.” He then writes that; “In a disorganized crime scene, the victim is usually left in the position in which he was killed. No attempt is made to conceal the body. Fingerprints, footprints and physical evidence are usually left behind at the crime scene providing police with plenty of evidence” (ibid). He references these findings to an FBI law enforcement bulletin entitled; Crime Scene and Profile Characteristics of Organized and Disorganized Murders, and to a book by a forensic psychiatrist named John Marshall McDonald entitled; The Murderer and His Victim (published in 1986). Continuing on, Myers writes that; “Tippit was caught off guard by his murderer and was left in the street where he fell … The killer then fled, unloading his gun and dropping incriminating evidence [the spent shell casings] at the scene” (ibid). As discussed previously, if Oswald was framed for Tippit’s murder, then it only makes perfect sense that the real killer would leave behind the spent shell casings hoping that the authorities would be able to determine that they had been discarded from the revolver which Oswald allegedly had in his possession when he was arrested at the Texas Theater.

    Quoting Herbert Lutz, whose police work included extensive work in the field of criminal personality profiling, Myers writes; “Another clue to the murderer’s desperation is seen in the quickness with which the gunman reloads. This indicates that he feels he will need his weapon again almost immediately. In other words, he doesn’t feel the threat [to him] has been totally eliminated by the death of Officer Tippit.” (ibid). Of course, Lutz’s explanation to Myers ignores all of the evidence that Oswald was framed for Tippit’s murder. Once again referring to John Marshall McDonald’s book The Murderer and His Victim, Myers writes that; “The murderer of a disorganized crime scene was likely below average intelligence and a high school dropout. If he served in the armed forces he may have been discharged within a few months. He has a menial job and a poor work record. He does not own a car and may be unable to drive, so he rides a bicycle or relies on public transportation. He is a sloppy dresser and a loner of solitary interests such as watching television or reading books. He lives alone or with his parents. He may have a physical handicap or a speech impediment and has a poor self- image” (ibid).

    In yet another attempt to link Oswald to Tippit’s murder, Myers writes that like the above character profile, Oswald was a high school dropout, with an employment history of menial jobs ” … none of which lasted long”, who didn’t own a car and instead used public transportation “religiously”, had a small number of friends and was living alone at the time of the assassination (ibid). He also writes that Oswald took a hardship discharge from the U.S. Marines, had a “voracious appetite for reading”, but allegedly suffered from Dyslexia; which Myers believes was the cause of his reading, writing, and spelling problems (ibid). However, much of the above can be accounted for by Asperger’s syndrome; an autism spectrum disorder which was apparently first recognized in the United States as a separate disorder in 1994 (Cognitive -Behavioral Therapy for Adult Asperger Syndrome, by Valerie L. Gaus).

    Readers are encouraged to read through the research of Greg Parker on the likelihood that Oswald had Asperger’s Syndrome, and to spend some time researching Asperger’s syndrome themselves (Readers are also encouraged to read through researcher Allen Lowe’s comments concerning this discussion on Greg Parker’s research forum.) Although expert opinions on whether a person with Asperger’s syndrome is likely to commit a crime such as murder vary, in the book The Complete Guide to Asperger’s Syndrome, author Tony Attwood explains that; “Experience has indicated that people with Asperger’s Syndrome who have committed an offence have often been quick to confess and justify their actions” (this information can be found through a Google search of Attwood’s book). Although it will probably never be known with certainty whether Oswald had Asperger’s Syndrome, researchers should not solely rely on Myers’ narrow minded evaluation of Oswald’s habits and personality traits. But on the issue of Oswald’s so-called hardship discharge from the U.S. Marines, many researchers such as Jim DiEugenio have shown that it was nothing but an utter sham, so that it is truly laughable that Myers would use it to try and portray Oswald as a “disorganized” murderer.

    Like every supporter of the lone assassin theory before him, Myers believes that after Oswald left the TSBD building, he first attempted to return to the rooming house on 1026 North Beckley avenue (where he was allegedly living) by first boarding the bus driven by Cecil McWatters, but then riding in the cab driven by Cab driver William Whaley after McWatters’ bus allegedly became jammed in traffic (With Malice, Chapter 10). However, as researcher Lee Farley has thoroughly demonstrated, both the bus ride and cab ride stories were fabricated by the DPD (see threads entitled; Oswald and cab 36 and Oswald and bus 1213 on John Simkin’s education forum). Myers portrays Oswald as a man desperate to escape the TSBD following the assassination, but he nevertheless believes that Oswald stayed inside the rooming house for over two minutes after he allegedly returned there and retrieved “his” revolver (With Malice, Timetable of events). But if Oswald was a man desperate to avoid capture by the DPD, it seems likely that he would have left the rooming house in less than a minute.

    In a pathetic attempt to again portray Oswald as a guilty man to his readers, Myers writes; “Unlike an innocent man, Oswald did not cooperate with [the] police upon capture” (With Malice, Chapter 10). In this reviewer’s opinion, this statement is laughable. Does Myers honestly believe that after being assaulted by DPD Officers inside the Texas Theater, and after having his face forcibly covered by officer Charles Walkers’ hat outside the Theater (as shown in a photograph taken by Stuart Reed), and after the humiliation he faced with bystanders shouting out words such as “Kill the dirty ‘Sob’” (as detective Bob Carroll wrote in his report to Chief Jesse Curry), that Oswald (guilty or not) would be acting friendly towards the police? Myers then explains that when detective Jim Leavelle allegedly questioned Oswald shortly following his arrest, Leavelle asked him about shooting Tippit, to which Oswald allegedly remarked; “I didn’t shoot anybody” (ibid). According to Leavelle, Oswald’s remark that he didn’t shoot “anybody”, as opposed to saying that he didn’t shoot “the cop” or “that officer”, was an indication to him that Oswald knew that the DPD were also going to accuse him of assassinating the President (ibid). However, Myers once again fails to inform his readers that when Leavelle testified before the Warren Commission, he denied questioning Oswald prior to the morning of Sunday November 24, 1963; and that Leavelle was likely dissimulating when he claimed later on that he had questioned Oswald.

    Myers also spends several pages discussing the question of whether or not Oswald could have reached the Tippit murder scene from the rooming house at 1026 North Beckley in time to shoot Tippit. Although Myers places the time of Tippit’s murder at approximately 1:14.30 pm, as this reviewer has explained previously, Tippit was most likely shot at about 1:06 pm. Although Earlene Roberts told the Warren Commission that “Oswald” arrived at the rooming house circa 1:00 pm, and then left after spending “about 3 or 4 minutes” inside his room, when she was interviewed by KLIF radio on the afternoon of the assassination, she claimed that “Oswald” had “rushed in -and got a short gray coat and went on back out in a hurry” (WC Volume VI, page 438). Roberts’ claim suggests that “Oswald” did not spend about three to four minutes inside the rooming house, but had left much sooner. If the person whom Roberts thought was Oswald (entering the rooming house) was in fact Tippit’s actual murderer, it seems highly unlikely that he would spend over a minute inside the house before leaving to murder Tippit. Bear in mind that witnesses such as William Lawrence Smith and Jimmy Brewer claimed that Tippit’s killer was walking west along Tenth Street when he confronted Tippit, and that as this reviewer has explained previously, there is no credible evidence that Tippit’s killer was walking east.

    When the FBI timed how long it would have taken Oswald to have walked the assumed 0.8 mile (approximately 1.29 km) distance from the rooming house to the Tippit murder scene, they determined that it would have required twelve minutes to cover that distance (WCE 1987). However, as Myers more or less explains, the FBI had assumed that Tippit’s killer was initially walking east and not west along Tenth Street when he confronted Tippit (With Malice, Chapter 10). This reviewer will be discussing the issue of whether or not Oswald could have made it to the Tippit murder scene at about 1:06 pm to shoot Tippit in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill. It is also worth pointing out that Myers admits, in so many words, that no witnesses have ever come forward claiming that they had seen Oswald going towards the Tippit murder scene on foot (ibid).

    According to former assistant Dallas district attorney William F. Alexander, the DPD were unable to determine whether Oswald had travelled towards the Tippit murder scene by a bus or a cab from the rooming house (ibid). Myers then writes that; “If Oswald did hitch a ride, it apparently had to come from the private sector”, and that if an “innocent citizen” had given Oswald a lift, he or she would not have come forward and admitted this “for obvious reasons” (ibid). Indeed, if one or more persons had given Oswald a lift form the rooming house towards the Tippit murder scene; they almost certainly would have been embarrassed to publicly admit that they had given the alleged murderer of a police officer a lift. Besides, they may have feared that the DPD might charge them as accessories to Tippit’s murder. Myers also snidely remarks that; ” … it’s difficult to imagine any believable scenario that has conspirators picking up Oswald at his room, only to discharge him a short distance later” (ibid). First of all, this belief assumes that Oswald actually was living at the rooming house on 1026 North Beckley Avenue at the time of the assassination. Secondly, it dismisses the likelihood that DPD squad car 207 was outside the rooming house at the time “Oswald” was inside, just as Earlene Roberts told the FBI when they interviewed her on November 29, 1963, that it was (WCE 2781). As this reviewer will explain in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill, Hill had (by all likelihood) commandeered DPD squad car 207, and that he and another DPD Officer picked up Tippit’s murderer from the rooming house, and then dropped him off somewhere to the east of where Tippit was shot.

    But despite the question of whether or not Oswald could have made it on time to shoot Tippit, Myers writes that; ” … one thing is certain; eyewitness testimony and physical evidence proves Oswald’s presence on Tenth Street” (With Malice, Chapter 10). He then reminds his readers that Helen Markham, William Scoggins, Ted Callaway, Sam Guinyard, and the Davis sister-in-laws all identified Oswald as the killer from the DPD line-ups. But as this reviewer has previously explained, none of these identifications should be considered credible. Myers then adds that Warren Reynolds, Harold Russell, and B.M. “Pat” Patterson all subsequently identified Oswald as the man they observed from photographs. Although (as discussed previously) Reynolds informed the FBI when they interviewed him on January 21, 1964, that he thought Oswald was the man he observed coming down Patton street, but would hesitate to definitely identify Oswald as the man, his later “certainty” that it was Oswald should not be considered credible, as he informed the FBI that he thought he was shot on January 23, 1964, due to the fact that he had observed the gunman (WCE 2587). Therefore, he may have only claimed that Oswald was the man he observed out of fear of being shot again.

    Although Harold Russell “positively” identified Oswald as the man he observed when he was interviewed by the FBI on January 21, 1964, Russell’s “positive” identification may have been influenced by the fact he had seen Oswald’s face on television and in the Newspapers following his arrest for Tippit’s murder and the President’ assassination (WC Volume XXI, Russell exhibit A). There can be little doubt, as explained in this review, that Tippit’s actual killer would have resembled Oswald somewhat, and after seeing Oswald’s face on television and in the newspapers in connection with Tippit’s murder, Russell may have convinced himself that Oswald was indeed the man he observed. Whilst some researchers may believe that the two FBI agents who interviewed Russell fabricated Russell’s “positive” identification of Oswald as the man he observed, readers should keep in mind that those same two FBI agents also interviewed witness L.J. Lewis on the same day they interviewed Russell, and claimed that Lewis told them that he ” … would hesitate to state whether the individual [he observed] was identical with Oswald” (WC Volume XX, Lewis (L.J.) exhibit A).

    As for B.M. (Pat) Patterson, Myers omits that in his interview with the FBI dated August 25, 1964, Patterson claimed that he couldn’t recall being shown a photograph of Oswald when he was interviewed by the FBI on January 22, 1964 (WC Volume XXI, Patterson (B.M.) exhibit B). However, when Patterson was interviewed by the FBI on August 26, 1964, he was allegedly shown two photographs of Oswald, and claimed that Oswald was “positively and unquestionably” the same person he had observed coming down Patton Street (ibid). But as discussed previously, in that same interview, Patterson allegedly claimed that Oswald had stopped still and removed spent shell casings from the revolver; even though this is not what he claimed in his initial interview with the FBI (WC Volume XXI, Patterson (B.M.) exhibit A). Readers should also keep in mind that Warren Reynolds, Harold Russell, L.J. Lewis, Ted Callaway, and Sam Guinyard never claimed that they had seen Tippit’s killer stop still and then remove spent shell casings from the revolver. Therefore, Patterson’s interview with the FBI should not be considered credible. Even if we are to believe that Patterson had simply forgotten that he had been shown a photograph of Oswald (and identified him as the man he had observed) in his initial interview with the FBI, he may have been influenced in a similar way to Harold Russell into believing Oswald was the man he had observed.

    Mary Brock, who observed Tippit’s killer going north towards the parking lot behind the Texaco service station located on Jefferson Blvd., was interviewed by the FBI on January 21, 1964, and told them that the man who went past her was Oswald (WC Volume XIX, Brock (Mary) exhibit A). However, she may also have been influenced in a similar way to Harold Russell into believing Oswald was the man she observed. Readers should keep in mind that her husband, Robert Brock, who was with her and also observed Tippit’s killer head north towards the parking lot, failed to identify him as Oswald when he was interviewed by the FBI on the same date (WC Volume XIX, Brock (Robert) exhibit A). Another witness who later on claimed that Oswald was Tippit’s killer was William Arthur Smith. When the FBI interviewed Smith on December 12, 1963, he informed them that he was ” … too far away from the individual [who shot Tippit] to positively identify him” (WCD 205, page 243). When Smith testified before the Warren Commission, he now claimed that Oswald was Tippit’s killer. However, he also stated that he only saw the side and back of “Oswald” as he was running away (WC Volume VII, page 84). Furthermore, although Smith “identified” WCE 162 as the jacket the killer was wearing during his testimony, he told the FBI that the killer was wearing a “light brown” jacket (WCD 205, page 243). It seems apparent to this reviewer that Smith was coerced into identifying Oswald as the killer when he testified before the Warren Commission, and therefore, his claim that Oswald was Tippit’s killer should be taken with a grain of salt.

    Despite Murray Jackson’s ridiculous explanation for why he allegedly ordered Tippit to move into the central Oak Cliff area, the discovery of the wallet bearing identification for Oswald and Hidell in the vicinity of the Tippit murder scene is strong evidence that Oswald was framed for Tippit’s murder, and that Tippit was lured to Tenth Street to be shot. Although several researchers are of the opinion that Tippit attempted to contact the DPD dispatchers at approximately 1:08 pm (per WCE 705) because he had just encountered a suspect, it seems highly unlikely that he did try to contact the dispatchers, as the last thing the conspirators would have wanted was for Tippit to become suspicious. As for how Tippit was lured to Tenth Street, this reviewer can only speculate that perhaps one of the DPD conspirators, such as Gerald Hill, told Tippit (for example) that he was to meet up with a confidential informant along Tenth Street who would be wearing a light gray jacket so that Tippit would be able to recognise him, and that the “informant” would have confidential information to give him “related” to a DPD investigation. Keep in mind that Helen Markham told the Warren Commission that Tippit was driving “real slow” along Tenth Street (WC Volume III, page 307). Similarly, William Scoggins told the Warren Commission that Tippit was driving “Not more that 10 or 12 miles [an] hour, I would say” (ibid, page 324). It is almost as if Tippit was looking to meet up with someone.

    After Tippit spotted his would be killer wearing the light gray jacket, he probably called him over through the cracked vent window of his squad car, and asked him if he was the man he was to meet up with. If the statements by Helen Markham and Jimmy Burt are to be believed, the killer then leaned down to talk to Tippit through the front right window with his hands on the door. In this reviewer’s opinion, the killer probably told Tippit to step outside of his car so that they could talk, and as Tippit got to the hood of the car, the killer shot him. Several witnesses such as T.F. Bowley and Ted Callaway claimed that Tippit’s gun was out of his holster when he was lying down on the ground (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 3, Item 14), (WC Volume III, page 354). According to Murray Jackson, Tippit usually walked with his hand on the butt of his gun, “western style” (With Malice, Chapter 4). Therefore, if Tippit had seen his killer pull out the revolver used to kill him, he probably had enough time to pull out his own revolver before he was shot.

    In yet another apparent attempt to reinforce the notion that Oswald shot Tippit, Myers explains that Oswald’s brother Robert wrote in his book; Lee: A Portrait of Lee Harvey Oswald By his Brother, that Oswald had once made the remark “That dumb cop!” about a police officer who had given Robert a ticket for running a red light (With Malice, Chapter 10). Myers then explains that William Scoggins recalled hearing Tippit’s killer mutter the words “poor dumb cop” or “poor damn cop” as he went by his cab (ibid). Another explanation for why Tippit’s killer would have snidely muttered the words “poor dumb cop” is because he thought Tippit was “dumb” for unwittingly allowing himself to be lured to Tenth Street and then be shot.

    One mystery about Tippit’s murder which remains to be answered is why Tenth Street was chosen by the conspirators as the location to murder Tippit? First of all, we should keep in mind that several witnesses have indicated through their statements that Tippit was a frequent visitor to neighbourhood in which he was killed. When Jimmy Burt was interviewed by the FBI, he claimed that he recognised Tippit as an officer who frequented the neighbourhood, and that the residents of that area knew him by the name “friendly” (WCD 194, page 29). When Mark Lane interviewed Aquilla Clemmons, he asked her if she knew Tippit. Clemmons remarked; “Yes, I saw him … many times” (See Lane’s interview with Clemmons.) When William Scoggins testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that he wasn’t paying too much attention to Tippit as he went by his parked cab because he ” … just used to see him [Tippit] every day … ” (WC Volume III, page 325).

    Most interesting of all, Virginia Davis stated during her testimony that Tippit’s car was parked ” … between the hedge that marks the apartment house where he [Tippit] lives in and the house next door” (WC Volume VI, page 468). Although Tippit certainly didn’t live in that house, Davis’s statement clearly implies that Tippit (for some reason) was a frequent visitor to that particular house. Myers explains that when he interviewed Virginia Davis in 1997, she “recalled how nervous she was” when she testified before the Warren Commission, and that what she probably meant to say was that Tippit’s car was parked between the hedge that marked the apartment house where “we” were living in at the time of Tippit’s murder, and the house next door (With Malice, Chapter 9). She also allegedly told Myers that she had never known or seen Tippit prior to time he was shot (ibid).

    The reader should keep in mind that when Myers interviewed former DPD Officer Tommy Tilson in 1983, Tilson claimed that Tippit was having an affair with a waitress who lived in the house directly in front of where he was killed (ibid). However, Tilson is also well known for his ludicrous allegation that he had seen a man come down the grassy slope from the railroad tracks on the West side of the triple underpass, then throw something into the back seat of a black car, and then took off, with Tilson chasing after him (The Dallas Morning News, Ex-officer suspects he chased ‘2nd gun’, by Earl Golz). Although Tilson’s daughter, Judy Ladner, “verified” her father’s allegation, there is absolutely no independent corroboration for Tilson’s tale (ibid). Furthermore, there doesn’t appear to be any independent corroboration for Tilson’s claim that Tippit was having an affair with a waitress who allegedly lived in the house directly in front of where he was killed; and therefore, Tilson should not be considered a reliable witness.

    As for Virginia Davis, although this reviewer believes that she is a compromisedwitness, it is entirely possible that she did misspeak when she testified before the Warren Commission. Finally, whilst we may never know why Tippit was specifically lured to Tenth Street to be shot, it was nevertheless in close proximity to the rooming house in which Oswald was allegedly living in at the time of the assassination. Thus, the conspirators probably thought that with a wallet left behind bearing identification for Oswald and his alleged alias Hidell, the DPD would be convinced that Oswald could easily have traversed the distance from the rooming house to Tenth Street.

    Perhaps the most important question pertaining to Tippit’s murder is if Oswald didn’t shoot Tippit, then who did? Although shills such as David Von Pein believe that researchers who doubt that Oswald murdered Tippit are under an obligation to provide an answer to that question, the reality is that they are under no obligation whatsoever. Just consider that when a defendant appears in court in the U.S. for a crime, the presiding judge doesn’t tell the defence attorney(s) that he/she must find out who actually committed the crime, otherwise their client will be found guilty for the crime for which they have been charged. With that said (and as stated previously), in an upcoming essay, this reviewer will make the case that Tippit’s killer could have been Larry Crafard.

    Throughout this review, this reviewer has explained how Myers omits, distorts, or buries evidence in his endnotes which contradicts or undermines his contention that Lee Harvey Oswald shot and killed DPD Officer, J.D. Tippit. Although this reviewer doesn’t pretend to have explained/demonstrated beyond any doubt that Oswald didn’t shoot Tippit, this reviewer can state beyond any doubt that With Malice is not the definitive book on Tippit’s murder! Not by a long shot. It is a thoroughly deceptive book with a strong bias against any notion that someone other than Oswald killed Tippit. The truth is that many who praise the book e.g. Vince Bugliosi, David Von Pein, care not one iota about the truth behind Tippit’s murder or President Kennedy’s assassination. Their only interest is in upholding the myth that Oswald murdered both Tippit and the President. According to Von Pein; ” … Myers leaves no room here for even the slimmest sliver of doubt with regard to the question at hand: ‘Who Killed Officer Tippit?’” Recall, Von Pein is fond of calling hard working and honest researchers such as Jim DiEugenio “kooks”. He cannot bring himself to admit that Myers cherry picks evidence which bolsters the notion that Oswald shot Tippit. According to David Reitzes, Myers has; ” … done, in essence, what all the king’s horses and all the king’s men couldn’t: closed the Tippit case.” But as this reviewer has explained throughout this review, nothing could be further from the truth.

    September 27, this year, will mark the 50th anniversary of the day the Warren Report was released for the public to read. After all these years, it is time for people interested in learning the truth behind the tragic events of November 22, 1963, to stop paying attention to these disinformation shills.

    Acknowledgements

    I would like to thank researchers Jim DiEugenio, Greg Parker, Lee Farley, Steven Duffy, Martin Hay, and Robert Charles-Dunne for all the help and advice they have given me. With all of the disinformation out there concerning Tippit’s murder and President Kennedy’s assassination, even after 50 years, we need honest and hardworking researchers such as them more than ever.


    Go to Part 1

     

  • Dale Myers, With Malice (Part 1)


    The following is a review of the 2013 Kindle edition of Dale Myers’ book With Malice.

    Commonly used abbreviations throughout this review:

    DPD = Dallas Police department
    WCD = Warren Commission document
    FBI = Federal Bureau of Investigation
    Sgt. = Seargent
    USSS = United States Secret Service
    Lt. = Lieutenant
    WCE = Warren Commission exhibit


    For the 50th anniversary of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy and the murder of Dallas Policeman J.D. Tippit, Dale Myers decided to publish an updated version of his book on Tippit’s murder entitled, With Malice. The updated book contains new text, photographs and maps pertaining to Tippit’s death. I had never read With Malice before, and it was only at the insistence of Jim DiEugenio that I decided to review the updated book. As anyone who is familiar with Myers knows, his contention is that Lee Harvey Oswald murdered Tippit in cold blood, after allegedly assassinating the President. As I hope to explain throughout this review, the notion that Oswald shot Tippit is utterly absurd. But before getting to the book itself, it is first important to outline some of the reasons why Dale Myers is not to be trusted when it comes to both Tippit’s murder and President Kennedy’s assassination.

    As most researchers of the JFK assassination are probably aware, Myers has claimed to have proven through his 3-D animation of President Kennedy’s assassination that the single bullet theory is actually true. However, as researchers such as Milicent Cranor, Bob Harris, and Pat Speer have shown, Myers’ work is highly deceptive. Speer’s comprehensive analysis of the statements of the ear/eye witnesses to the assassination has demonstrated beyond a reasonable doubt that the majority of ear/eye witnesses didn’t hear the so-called single bullet shot, and that the shot(s) to Governor Connally did not originate from the sixth floor of the Texas School book depository. Myers is also known for his support of the ludicrous notion that the first shot missed the President’s limousine, and caused the injury to bystander James Tague. Contrary to this belief, Tague always denied that the first shot was responsible for the cut to his left cheek. In fact, following the airing of Max Holland’s utterly fallacious documentary, The Lost Bullet, in which Holland claimed Tague’s injury was caused by the first shot, Tague indignantly exclaimed; “Holland is full of crap. One thing I know for sure is that the first shot was not the missed curb shot. Another thing I am positive about is that the last shot was the missed shot. You may not want to believe the Warren Commission’s final findings, but you can believe the 11 witnesses who state it was the last shot that missed.” (Read Tague’s remark). Although Tague was not always certain whether it was the second or third shot he heard which caused his injury, his confusion is understandable given that like the majority of ear/eye witnesses, he claimed that the next two shots he heard were fired in rapid succession (WCD 205, page 31). The fact that Myers pretends this theory is true in spite of Tague’s adamant denial, speaks poorly for his credibility as a researcher.

    Then there is Myers’ interview with John Kelin in 1982. During that interview, Kelin asked Myers what he thought about Oswald, to which Myers responded with the following remark; “…First off, I don’t think Lee Harvey Oswald pulled the trigger.” Myers also said that as far as saying Oswald is guilty, “…I find that extremely hard to believe”. However, most revealing of all was his denial that Oswald had shot Tippit; namely that “I think I will be able to show, beyond a reasonable doubt, that Oswald was not the killer of J.D. Tippit.” Researcher and author Jim DiEugenio once asked what had caused Myers to suddenly believe that Oswald hard murdered Tippit? Although we may never know the real answer to that question, it hardly matters. However, in this reviewer’s opinion, it was most likely due to Myers fondness for many of the DPD Officers he had interviewed, such as former DPD dispatcher Murray James Jackson. In fact, as this reviewer demonstrates below, Myers shows favouritism towards these very same officers.

    Although there are some people who believe that With Malice is the definitive book on Tippit’s murder, nothing could be further from the truth. Myers omits many facts and pieces of evidence which tend to exonerate Oswald as Tippit’s killer. Myers also shows favouritism towards witnesses who support Oswald’s guilt (even though, as I will explain, they lack credibility). In the introduction to his book, Myers also quotes many of Tippit’s family members and friends who dismiss the notion that Tippit was somehow involved in a conspiracy to murder either President Kennedy or Oswald. For example, Myers quotes Marie Frances Gasway, Tippit’s widow, who said the following during an interview in 2003: “The conspiracy stuff is so untrue, so totally unfounded.” (With Malice, Introduction). Quoting Tippit’s youngest son, Curtis Tippit, Myers writes: “People want sensationalism. Mom’s been abused by conspiracy theories and tabloid publications… Too many people want to cling to a false history, believing my father was in on something with Jack Ruby… Really it’s all kind of silly and funny” (ibid).

    Although it is perfectly understandable that Tippit’s family and friends want to feel a sense of closure by believing that the man who allegedly murdered Tippit was arrested by the DPD, it is nevertheless important that an honest analysis of the evidence and facts pertaining to his murder be presented to current and future researchers of that case. Furthermore, given the shame and embarrassment any allegation that Tippit was somehow involved in a conspiracy would bring to his family members and friends, it is also perfectly understandable that they would vehemently deny any such allegations. Readers should keep in mind that since writing several articles on Tippit’s murder on my blog, I have since changed my mind on a number of issues, and have come to realize that I had also made a number of mistakes and misjudgements.

    I: The search begins

    Myers begins his above titled Chapter 1 with the following sentences: “Lee Harvey Oswald murdered J.D. Tippit. The Dallas Cops believed it. The newspapers reported it. The Warren Commission made it official and the House Select Committee on Assassinations reaffirmed it.” (With Malice, Chapter 1). Myers and his fellow Warren Commission defenders scoff at the idea that the DPD and the Dallas district attorney’s Office could have helped frame Oswald for the murders of President Kennedy and J.D. Tippit. In fact, Myers snidely writes the following: “It was claimed [by Warren Commission critics] that Oswald was framed by a zealous Police force” (ibid). Thanks to Dallas district attorney Craig Watkins, we now know that with Henry Wade as District Attorney of Dallas, the DPD was one of the most corrupt Police departments in the entire United States; something which Myers and his ilk want to pretend isn’t true. To give the reader one example of just how bad the DA’s Office and the DPD were, let’s take the case of James Lee Woodard. Woodard was an African American man who spent twenty seven years in prison for a murder he didn’t commit. As it turned out, Henry Wade’s Office had withheld evidence from Woodard’s defence attorney which exonerated him as the killer. According to Michelle Moore, the President of the Innocence Project of Texas’ “…we’re finding lots of places where detectives in those cases, they kind of trimmed the corners to just get the case done”. She also added; “Whether that’s the fault of the detectives or the DA’s, I don’t know.” (Readers are strongly encouraged to read through this article, to see for themselves just how corrupt Wade’s Office and the DPD were).

    As for why the DA’s Office and the DPD would want to frame Oswald, just consider the following. The president of the United States of America (the most powerful man in the world) was gunned down in broad daylight and in full public view. Naturally, the entire United States, including the leaders of foreign countries, were anxiously waiting to learn who was responsible for the crime. Since the assassination of a sitting President was not a federal crime in 1963, the DPD had jurisdiction, and were undoubtedly under a tremendous amount of pressure to find those responsible, in order to avoid embarrassment for not being able to identify those responsible. Naturally, the DPD also had to find those responsible for the murder of one of their own policemen. As many researchers of the assassination have pointed out, a wallet bearing identification for Oswald and his alleged alias, Alek James Hidell, was discovered in the vicinity of the Tippit murder scene. This allegation first appeared in the book by former FBI agent James Hosty entitled Assignment Oswald. Myers dismisses the idea such a wallet was left behind to incriminate Oswald. But as this reviewer explains later on in this review, there is very good reason to believe that this was the case.

    It’s important to keep in mind that with a wallet left behind to incriminate Oswald, the DPD had a viable suspect for Tippit’s murder. The DPD could then use Tippit’s murder to portray Oswald as a violent man who was capable of assassinating the President. In fact, Warren Commission counsel David Belin once remarked that: “Once the hypothesis is admitted that Oswald killed patrolman Tippit, there can be no doubt that the overall evidence shows that Lee Harvey Oswald was the assassin of John F. Kennedy”. (ibid). To say that such a belief is narrow-minded would be an understatement. Myers also makes several demeaning comments against those who refuse to believe that Oswald shot Tippit. For example, Myers writes that; “Many eyewitness accounts of the [Tippit] shooting were twisted to exonerate Oswald” (ibid). The readers of this review can make up their own minds on whether or not this is the case. Myers also writes that; “Lee Harvey Oswald murdered Officer J.D. Tippit. There can no longer be any doubt about that”, and that no matter what role Oswald had in the President’s assassination “…Oswald’s guilt in the Tippit shooting must be hereafter considered a historic truth.” (ibid). In light of all the evidence to the contrary, to say that Oswald’s guilt in the Tippit murder must be considered a historic truth is almost absurd. However, Myers can make that claim, because he omits a lot of the evidence which tends to exonerate Oswald.

    II: The quiet cop

    In this chapter, Myers discusses Tippit’s life from his childhood, his high school years, his service in the United States Army as a paratrooper, on to his career as a DPD Officer. Myers portrays Tippit as a good and honest cop, killed in the line of duty. In his discussion of Tippit’s Army experiences, Myers explains that it had “…made deep impressions…” Namely that Tippit’s friends recalled that he would be startled by any loud noise and that he was “…still a little nervous…” (With Malice, Chapter 2). What Myers omits however, is that Tippit’s DPD personnel files contain evidence that he may possibly have been unstable. (Reopen Kennedy case forum, thread entitled: J.D Tippit: the perfect DPD recruit). In his discussion of Tippit’s career as a DPD Officer, Myers explains that since joining the DPD as an apprentice Policeman in July, 1952, Tippit was an “exemplary” Police Officer (With Malice, Chapter 2). However, Myers also mentions that in 1955, Tippit had received several reprimands for not appearing in court as ordered (ibid). In order to bolster his claim that Tippit was a good and honest Police Officer, Myers quotes several of Tippit’s fellow Police Officers, such as Tippit’s supervisor, Calvin “Bud” Owens, who vouched for this (ibid). Even if these claims are true, it has little bearing on whether Tippit was lured to Tenth Street to be shot and killed. The evidence for that lies in the fact that a wallet was left behind to incriminate Oswald for his murder. Furthermore, the DPD would naturally want to avoid making claims to the contrary, as any such claims could lead to speculation that Tippit was somehow involved in a conspiracy; and bring about embarrassment to the DPD.

    III: The final hours

    In this chapter, Myers relates to the readers the final hours of Tippit’s life; from the time he left his home at 6:15 am, to the time he was shot and killed on Tenth Street in the central Oak Cliff area of Dallas (With Malice, Chapter 3). The issues which Myers deals with here include why Tippit was in central Oak Cliff when he was killed, the sighting of Tippit at the Gloco Service station located at 1502 North Zangs blvd., the sighting of a DPD squad car which Earlene Roberts, the house keeper at 1026 North Beckley where Oswald was allegedly living at the time of the assassination, a car she claimed was outside the rooming house when “Oswald” was inside following the assassination, and finally, Tippit’s alleged presence at the Top Ten records store a few minutes prior to his death. Myers writes that; “Tippit wished he could have seen the President, whom he had voted for and admired.” (ibid) Whilst that may be true, it is this reviewer’s belief that it has little (if any) bearing on his death. Myers also relates to his readers the all too familiar tale that Howard Brennan was sitting directly across from the TSBD on Elm Street, when he allegedly observed Oswald firing the shots at President Kennedy (ibid). But what Myers doesn’t tell his readers is that the Zapruder film shows beyond any doubt that Brennan was sitting directly across Houston Street, and that Brennan was lying when he said he sitting directly across from the TSBD.

    In his discussion of whether or not Earlene Roberts had really seen a DPD squad car outside of the rooming house, Myers does everything he can to discredit her story. When Roberts was interviewed by the FBI on November 29, 1963, she told them that the number of the car she observed outside the rooming house was 207 (WCE 2781). As Myers explains, that particular car was assigned to DPD Officer Jim M. Valentine, and which took DPD Sgt. Gerald Hill and Dallas Morning News reporter Jim Ewell to Dealey Plaza from Police headquarters. As this reviewer will explain in an upcoming essay on Gerald Hill, Hill had by all likelihood commandeered car 207 from Officer Valentine, and was one of the two Officers inside the car when it was seen by Roberts outside of the rooming house. In that same essay, this reviewer will discuss Myers’ narrow minded attempt to discredit Roberts.

    On the day of the assassination, Tippit was assigned to patrol district 78 (testimony of Calvin Bud Owens, WC Volume VII, page 80). However, the patrol district in which Tippit was killed (district 91) was assigned to a DPD Officer named William Duane Mentzel (WCE 2645). Tippit and another Officer named Ronald C. Nelson were allegedly ordered to move into the central Oak Cliff by DPD dispatcher Murray Jackson at approximately 12:45 pm (WCE 705/1974). According to DPD chief Jesse Curry, the central Oak Cliff area included patrol district 91 (WCD 1259, page 3). According to the map of the DPD patrol districts, it stands to reason that districts 92, 93, 94, 108, and 109 which were adjacent to district 91 were also part of the central Oak Cliff area (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 7, Folder 10, Item 2). Although Jackson was never called to testify before the Warren Commission, during a filmed interview with Eddie Barker from CBS, he explained that he had ordered Tippit into the central Oak Cliff area because “We [the dispatchers] were draining the Oak Cliff area of available Police Officers….” (See the interview). Myers accepts that this was the case, and writes that Jackson told him during an interview that he had ordered Tippit into the central Oak Cliff area because Tippit had once helped him out during an incident with seven drunk teenagers, and that allegedly feeling that he could once again rely on Tippit, Jackson ordered Tippit into the Oak Cliff area to “help him [Jackson] again…. to cover Oak Cliff” (With Malice, Chapter 3).

    But contrary to Jackson’s claim, there is very good reason to believe that he never ordered Tippit and Nelson to move into the central Oak Cliff area. In the first transcript of channel one of the DPD radio recordings (Sawyer exhibit B), the order to send Tippit and Nelson into the central Oak Cliff area is curiously missing. Myers doesn’t mention this to his readers. In that very same transcript, the channel one dispatchers (Jackson and Clifford Hulse), allegedly broadcast the following message over the DPD radio at approximately 12:43 pm; “Attention all squads in the downtown area code three [lights on and sirens blazing] to Elm and Houston with caution.” (Sawyer exhibit B, page 398). Myers acknowledges this in his timetable of the events which occurred on the day of the assassination, but hides from his readers the fact that according to the next transcript which the DPD had provided to the FBI on March 20, 1964, the dispatchers had actually broadcast the following message: “Attention all squads, report to [the] downtown area code 3 to Elm and Houston, with caution.” (WCE 705).

    Whilst it certainly makes more sense that only the squads in the downtown area would be dispatched to the assassination scene, thereby leaving all the “outer” area squads in their assigned districts in the event a crime such as a robbery were to occur, the exact same transmission appears in the next transcript on the DPD channel one and two radio recordings (WCE 1974). On July 21, 1964, DPD chief Jesse Curry furnished the FBI a copy of the “original” tape recordings of the DPD radio traffic, which were reviewed by an agent of the FBI at the DPD (ibid). If the transmission “Attention all squads, report to [the] downtown area code 3 to Elm and Houston, with caution” was not recorded on the tapes, then the FBI would surely not have allowed it to be placed into the new transcript. Confirmation that the dispatchers had actually ordered all squads and not only the squads in the downtown area to proceed to Elm and Houston comes from DPD chief Curry himself. In a letter to the Warren Commission on July 17, 1964, Curry wrote; “…between 12:37 p.m. and 12:45 p.m., the dispatcher requested all squads to report to Elm and Houston in the downtown area, code 3” (WCD 1259, page 3). Curry then added; “It might further be pointed out that Officer Tippit remained on his district until the dispatcher had requested all squads to report to Elm and Houston…” (ibid). But perhaps most significantly of all, Jackson himself confirmed that all squads had been dispatched to Elm and Houston Streets in his filmed interview with Eddie Barker in 1967. According to Jackson; “…we immediately dispatched every available unit [squad] to the triple underpass where the shot was reported to have come from.” Myers mentions none of this to his readers.

    In light of all of the above, the notion that Jackson was only concerned that the Oak Cliff area was being “drained’ of available DPD Officers when all squads had been ordered to Elm and Houston seems strained. Jackson’s next transmission to Tippit was at approximately 12:54 pm, when he asked Tippit if he was in the Oak Cliff area (WCE 705/1974). Tippit allegedly responded that he was at Lancaster and Eighth. Jackson then allegedly instructed Tippit; “You will be at large for any emergency that comes in.” Keep in mind that the alleged order to Tippit and Nelson was to move into the central Oak Cliff area. On the day of the assassination, districts 93 and 94 were assigned to Officer Holley M. Ashcraft, and districts 108 and 109 were assigned to Officer Owen H. Ludwig (WCE 2645). Although the tape recordings of channel one of the DPD radio reveal that the dispatchers sent Ashcraft to Inwood road and Stemmons expressway to cut traffic (Listen to the recording), and although Ludwig was allegedly guarding the front of the Sheraton-Dallas-Hotel, Jackson never bothered to try and contact William Mentzel on the radio, who was on a lunch break at approximately the time of the assassination (ibid). None of the transcripts of the DPD radio communications show that Jackson had attempted to contact Mentzel; and the notion that Jackson would order Tippit and Nelson to move into the central Oak Cliff without even once bothering to contact Mentzel to ensure that Mentzel was patrolling his assigned districts (91 and 92) is also strained (ibid). Again, Myers does not mention to his readers that Jackson never bothered to contact Mentzel by the DPD radio.

    Finally, there is the fact that despite being allegedly ordered to move into the central Oak Cliff area, Ronald Nelson proceeded to Dealey Plaza, and even told the dispatcher that he had gone there at approximately 12:52 pm (WCE 705/1974). But despite disobeying Jackson’s order, we are supposed to believe that he had the audacity to then ask the dispatchers if they wanted him to go over to the Tippit murder scene (ibid). Myers explains that after Jackson allegedly ordered Tippit and Nelson to move into the central Oak Cliff area, Tippit responded; “I’m at Kiest and Bonnieview”, and Nelson allegedly responded that he is “…going North of Marsalis, on R.L. Thornton” (With Malice, Chapter 3). What Myers doesn’t mention is that the aforementioned alleged responses by Tippit and Nelson do not appear in either WCE 705 or Sawyer exhibit B. They first appear in WCE 1974. Myers also writes that Nelson told the dispatchers that he was at the South end of the Houston Street Viaduct (ibid). However, according to both WCE 705 and WCE 1974, the Officer who made the transmission was actually B.L. Bass; and that Bass had identified himself to the dispatchers by his radio number (101).

    When author Henry Hurt interviewed Nelson in 1984, he asked him; “Did you get the call to go to central Oak Cliff” (Hurt, Reasonable Doubt, page 162). After first telling Hurt that he wasn’t sure what he meant by his question, he then said “I had rather not talk about that” (ibid). According to Hurt, Nelson apparently considered that information to be worth some money (ibid). Myers explains that Nelson had declined a request for an interview with him (With Malice, Chapter 3). Nelson’s reluctance to be interviewed may have been due to the fact that he actually wasn’t ordered to move into the central Oak Cliff area, and that his explanation to Hurt that it was worth some money was just an excuse to discourage Hurt from talking about it with him. Suffice it to say, the notion that Tippit and Nelson were ordered to move into the central Oak Cliff area is dubious, and the transcripts and tape recordings of the DPD radio communications were in all likelihood altered to make it appear as though they actually were sent into the central Oak Cliff area.

    Obviously, the DPD had to provide an explanation for what Tippit was doing there; hence Jackson was coerced into claiming that he had sent them into central Oak Cliff. In this reviewer’s opinion, the DPD claimed that Nelson was also sent into central Oak Cliff so that they wouldn’t make it appear obvious that they were covering up for Tippit’s singular presence there. But did Jackson also have a personal reason for lying about Tippit’s presence in central Oak Cliff? As it turns out, there is. Jackson told Henry Hurt during an interview with him that he was a very close personal friend of both Tippit and his family (Hurt, Reasonable doubt, page 162). As any reasonable person would be able to understand, Tippit’s unauthorised presence in central Oak Cliff would have led to rumours which would probably be upsetting for his family members. Jackson may have thought that by claiming he had ordered Tippit to move into the central Oak Cliff area, he would be sparing Tippit’s family members of these upsetting rumours.

    In his timetable of events which occurred on the day of the assassination, Myers writes that Tippit was at the GLOCO (Good luck Oil Company) service station, located on 1502 North Zangs Blvd., apparently watching traffic “coming out of downtown.”, from about 12:56 pm to 1:06 pm (With Malice, Timetable of events). In the endnotes, Myers cites David Lifton’s interview with a photographer named Al Volkland, who told him that he was well acquainted with Tippit, and that he had seen him at the service station. Volkland’s claim of seeing Tippit there was allegedly confirmed by his wife; and both claimed that they observed Tippit at the service station 10 or 20 minutes following the assassination. Furthermore, J.B. “Shorty” Lewis and Emmett Hollingshead, who were employed at the service station, and Tom Mullins who was the owner of the station at the time of the assassination, also claimed they had seen Tippit there (With Malice, Chapter 3).

    In his endnotes, Myers also cites the Ramparts magazine article by David Welsh, in which Welsh wrote that Lewis, Hollingshead, and Mullins claimed Tippit was at the service station for about ten minutes, between 12:45 pm and 1:00 pm. However, Myers explains that in an interview with him in 1983, Hollingshead claimed that he had seen Tippit at the service station before the President was assassinated. Myers also claims that in an interview with him in 1983, Lewis said that other employees of the service station had seen Tippit there, and not him. Myers offers no source for why he believes Tippit arrived at the service station at 12:56 pm, and as this reviewer explains below, there is compelling evidence that Tippit was actually shot at about 1:06 pm. If Tippit really was at the service station, his presence there is a mystery. Whilst Myers doesn’t believe that Tippit was at the service station by 12:45 pm, and that he only moved into the central Oak Cliff area following the alleged order by Murray Jackson to do so, he nevertheless ignores all of the compelling evidence that Jackson didn’t order Tippit to move into the central Oak Cliff area.

    According to the DPD radio transmission transcripts, Murray Jackson asked Tippit for his location at approximately 1:03 pm, but received no response (WCE 705/1974). However, Myers writes that as the dispatchers were trying to determine the location of Officer A.D. Duncan, a garbled transmission was made that had the tonal characteristics of other “known” transmissions made by Tippit (With Malice, Chapter 3). In his endnotes, Myers explains that the transcripts describe the alleged transmission by Tippit as “more interference”, which is true (WCE 705/1974). In fact, according to the transcripts of the DPD radio communications, the interference was due to “…intermodulation similar, according to [the] Dallas Police Department, to that most often originating from the Dallas Power and light company” (ibid). Given Myers skewed conclusion driven agenda , as demonstrated throughout this review, readers are cautioned against believing much of what Myers writes. According to Myers, Tippit was at the Tip Top Records store at 1:11 pm, where he was allegedly trying to place a phone call to someone (With Malice, Chapter 3). However, given that Tippit didn’t respond to Jackson at 1:03 pm, Tippit was probably in the store at this point in time. If Tippit really was in the store trying to call someone, it remains a mystery as to who it was, and why he was trying to call him/her.

    IV: Murder on Tenth Street

    Myers now discusses Tippit’s murder on Tenth Street, and the events that followed. It is Myers contention that Tippit was shot at approximately 1:14.30 pm (With Malice, Chapter 4). Myers writes that the tape recordings of the DPD radio communications show that Domingo Benavides had attempted to inform the DPD dispatchers of Tippit’s death at 1:16 pm, as the tape recordings show that he began “keying” Tippit’s microphone at that time; and had been doing so for about one minute and forty one seconds. Based on the eyewitness account of Ted Callaway , Myers then speculates that Tippit was probably shot ninety seconds prior to Benavides attempt to contact the dispatcher (ibid). However, let’s look at all the evidence that Myers ignores to reach his conclusion that Tippit was shot at about 1:14.30 pm. To begin with, Myers never informs his readers that according to WCE 705, T.F. Bowley, who had arrived at the murder scene shortly following Tippit’s death, reported Tippit’s death just prior to 1:10 pm! In WCE 1974 however, the time of Bowley’s transmission was noted as being made at about 1:19 pm.

    Bowley claimed in his affidavit to the DPD that when he arrived at the Tippit murder scene, he looked at his watch and it read 1:10 pm. He also claimed that the first thing he did was to try and help Tippit, and then informed the DPD dispatchers that Tippit was shot (Dallas municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 3, Item 14). Assuming that Bowley took no more than a minute to try and help Tippit before informing the dispatchers of the shooting, the actual time of Bowley’s arrival would have been approximately 1:09 pm. Nevertheless, both WCE 705 and Bowley’s watch place Tippit’s death sooner than Myers time of 1:14.30. Myers deals with Bowley’s watch reading 1:10 pm in his endnotes, where he writes that no one determined whether Bowley’s watch was accurate on the day of the assassination. Whilst we will probably never know just how accurate Bowley’s watch was, WCE 705 places Bowley’s transmission at about 1:10 pm, which is fairly consistent with Bowley’s claim his watch read 1:10 pm after he arrived.

    In his endnotes, Myers also deals with the allegation by Mrs. Margie Higgins, who lived 150 feet east of and across the street from where Tippit was shot. As Myers writes, Mrs. Higgins told author Barry Ernest that she was watching the news, when the announcer stated that the time was 1:06 pm (Ernest, The Girl On The Stairs, page 90). Mrs Higgins told Ernest that she then checked the clock on top of the TV, which confirmed that the time was 1:06 pm, and that it was at that point when she heard the shooting. Myers tries to discredit Mrs Higgins’ claim by telling his readers that, “A review of archival recordings of all three networks broadcasting that afternoon in Dallas failed to verify her [Mrs Higgins’] recollection.” Myers then adds “In fact, none of the networks broadcast a time check at 1:06 p.m. as she claimed.” Although this review cannot verify whether this is true or not, readers are once again cautioned against taking Myers word for it, for this reviewer demonstrates throughout this review that Myers is not a candid or balanced researcher. Readers should also keep in mind that Mrs. Higgins’ claim is consistent with Helen Markham’s claim in her affidavit that she was standing on the corner of Tenth and Patton Streets at approximately 1:06 pm when Tippit was shot (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 1, Item 18).

    Both Markham’s and Mrs Higgins’ claims are also consistent with the fact that Markham told FBI agent Robert M. Barrett that when she left the Washateria of her apartment to catch her bus, she noticed the time shown on the clock of the Washateria was 1:04 pm (WCD 630). Markham explained to Barrett that she was attempting to call her daughter on the Washateria phone (ibid). The FBI determined that it would have taken Markham about two and a half minutes to reach the intersection of Tenth and Patton Streets, which means Markham would have arrived at the intersection close to 1:07 pm (ibid). Myers acknowledges in his book that Markham reportedly left the Washateria at 1:04 pm, but claims that Markham “probably” didn’t leave the Washateria before 1:11 pm, and speculates that this was perhaps the case because of her “eagerness” to contact her daughter by phone (With Malice, Chapter 4). In his endnotes, Myers snidely writes that in order to believe the statements by Markham, Higgins, and Bowley of when Tippit was killed; “…one would have to believe that Tippit lay dead in the Street for eight to twelve minutes before anyone notified [the] Police.” But only by ignoring the fact that WCE 705 places the time of Bowley’s radio transmission at approximately 1:10 pm can Myers make this claim and think that he can get away with it.

    Myers writes that the Dudley Hughes Funeral home, which had dispatched the ambulance which took Tippit’s body to Methodist hospital, was informed of the shooting at 1:18 pm by the DPD, and that Dudley M. Hughes Junior, who took the call from the DPD at the funeral home, allegedly filled out an ambulance call slip which was time stamped 1:18 pm (With Malice, Chapter 5). Myers references this call slip to an essay by researchers George and Patricia Nash in The New Leader entitled: The Other Witnesses (John Armstrong Baylor collection, tab entitled: George & Patricia Nash). However, the call slip itself doesn’t appear to be amongst the Dallas Municipal archives collection, and taking into account all of the evidence which contradicts the notion that the funeral home received the call at 1:18 pm, this piece of evidence should be considered unreliable. Of course, it is entirely likely that if the ambulance call slip actually exists, the DPD had falsified it in order to bolster the notion that Tippit was shot close to 1:18 pm; and thereby allowing Oswald plenty of time to reach Tenth and Patton in order to shoot Tippit after he allegedly left the rooming house at 1026 North Beckley.

    Readers should keep in mind that justice of the peace, Joe B. Brown, filled out an authorisation permit for an autopsy to be performed on Tippit’s body, and in that permit, Brown noted that Tippit was pronounced dead on arrival at Methodist hospital, and noted the time of death as 1:15 pm (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 24, Item 2). Although there is conflicting evidence for the time Tippit was pronounced dead at Methodist hospital, researcher Martin Hay discovered that in a supplementary offense report by DPD Officers R.A. Davenport and W.R. Bardin, Dr. Richard Liguori pronounced Tippit dead at Methodist Hospital at 1:15 pm (ReopenKennedycase forum, thread entitled: Question Concerning Time). Given the fact that (according to WCE 705) T.F. Bowley’s transmission to the DPD dispatchers was at approximately 1:10 pm, and given all of the aforementioned evidence which supports the notion that Tippit was shot prior to 1:10 pm and then taken to Methodist Hospital where he was most likely pronounced dead at 1:15 pm, Myers assertion that Tippit was shot at 1:14.30 pm is simply not tenable.

    According to WCE 705, Tippit allegedly tried to contact the DPD dispatchers twice at approximately 1:08 pm. However, these alleged transmissions are curiously missing from WCE 1974; and instead, there appears to be two garbled transmission from DPD Officers with the radio numbers 58 and 488. Although some researchers believe that the alleged call by Tippit at circa 1:08 pm is proof that Tippit was still alive at that time, and that he was attempting to report that he had just encountered a suspect, there is good reason to believe that this alleged call was added into the transcript by the DPD. Consider that with Helen Markham’s first day affidavit, the DPD would have realised that Tippit was killed at approximately 1:06 pm. It is this reviewer’s opinion that the DPD took advantage of the fact that there were two garbled transmissions at about 1:08 pm, and claimed that it was Tippit to make it appear as though he was alive after 1:06 pm.

    As far as Tippit’s alleged attempts to report that he had just encountered a suspect are concerned, the discovery of the wallet containing identification for Oswald and Hidell in the vicinity of the Tippit murder scene strongly implies that Tippit was lured to Tenth Street to be shot. With this in mind, the last thing the conspirators would surely have wanted was for Tippit to become suspicious. Therefore, it seems very unlikely that Tippit actually attempted to report that he had encountered a suspect. Myers never mentions that WCE 705 shows that Tippit attempted to contact the dispatchers, writing instead that: “A check of the Dallas Police tapes revealed that Tippit did not notify the dispatcher that he was stopping to question the man on Tenth Street” (With Malice, Chapter 4). It is this reviewer’s belief that Myers never mentions Tippit’s alleged attempts to contact the dispatchers, because he was probably concerned that his readers would think that Tippit had stopped “Oswald” at about 1:08 pm; and by implication, was also shot at this time.

    This reviewer would also like to point out that when T.F. Bowley reported the shooting to the DPD dispatchers, Murray Jackson allegedly responded by calling out Tippit’s radio number (78), because according to Myers, Tippit was “…thought to be the only available patrol unit in the Oak Cliff area.” (ibid) By ignoring all the evidence that the DPD radio traffic tape recordings have been altered, Myers can pretend that Jackson really did call for Tippit.

    Furthermore, in an apparent attempt to explain why Jackson immediately thought of calling for Tippit instead of William Mentzel, Myers writes in his endnotes that Mentzel, and another officer named Vernon R. Nolan, were sent to a traffic accident at about 1:11 pm. Curiously, there is nothing within WCE 705 and WCE 1974 that Mentzel was sent to a traffic accident.

    Another issue which Myers discusses in this chapter is the direction in which the killer was walking when he was spotted by Tippit. Based on the observations by William Lawrence Smith, Jimmy Burt, Jimmy Brewer, and William Scoggins, Myers concludes that Tippit’s killer was initially walking west (ibid). This reviewer agrees. However, readers should keep in mind that in his interview with the FBI on December 15, 1963, Burt made no mention of seeing Tippit’s killer at all (WCD 194, page 29). Based on the statements of witnesses Helen Markham and Jack Ray Tatum, Myers speculates that Tippit’s killer then turned around and was walking east when he observed Tippit’s squad car approaching, and that this is what caused Tippit to pull over to the curb and question his soon to be killer (ibid). According to Myers: “The eyewitness accounts depict the suspect traveling in two conflicting directions, with the key moment of change occurring just east of Tenth and Patton” (ibid). But as even Myers ironically notes at the end of this chapter, Helen Markham told the USSS on December 2, 1963, that she first observed Tippit’s killer on the sidewalk after Tippit had pulled his squad car to the curb (ibid). Myers also notes that on March 17, 1964, Markham told FBI agent Robert M. Barrett that she had first seen Tippit’s killer as Tippit passed the intersection of Tenth and Patton (ibid). When Markham testified before the Warren Commission, she claimed that she saw Tippit’s killer crossing Patton street (heading east), and about to step up onto the curb (WC Volume III, page 307).

    Not only do Markham’s statements directly contradict Myers assertion that the killer changed direction just east of Tenth and Patton, but given her overall unreliability as a witness, her claim that she had observed Tippit’s killer walking east should not be considered credible. Also, consider that in her affidavit to the DPD, she made no mention of which direction Tippit’s killer was walking when she first observed him (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 1, Item 18). According to researcher John Armstrong, a barber named Mr Clark claimed he had also seen Tippit’s killer walking west along Tenth Street, and that he would bet his life that the man he saw was Oswald However, Clark does not count as a witness to seeing Tippit’s killer walking west along Tenth Street, because he claimed he saw the man in the morning, whereas Tippit was most certainly there after 1:00 pm in the afternoon (John Armstrong Baylor research collection, tab entitled: 10th St. Barber shop).

    Myers also explains to his readers that a Mrs Ann McCravey (believed to be Mrs Ann McRavin who allegedly lived at 404 east Tenth Street) claimed that she had seen Tippit’s killer running (With Malice, Chapter 4). Although McRavin didn’t specify which direction she had seen Tippit’s killer running, Myers writes that given her vantage point; “…Tippit’s killer could only have been running in a westerly direction [when she saw him]…” (ibid). But contrary to McRavin’s claim, no other witness is on record saying that Tippit’s killer was running, and given the evidence that Tippit was lured to Tenth Street to be shot, it seems highly unlikely that his killer would have been running and making himself appear suspicious to Tippit. Therefore, if she really did see Tippit’s killer, her claim that he was running should not be considered credible.

    As far as Jack Tatum is concerned, there is good reason to believe that he may be a phony witness used not only to help incriminate Oswald for Tippit’s murder, but to also help explain the presence of a suspicious red Ford at the Tippit murder scene. When Tatum was interviewed by HSCA investigators on February 1, 1978, he claimed that after he witnessed Tippit being shot in the head, he sped off in his car, and made no mention of having returned to the murder scene (HSCA report, Volume XII, page 41). In fact, when Tatum was asked if there was anything he wished to add to the statement he made to investigators Jack Moriarty and Joe Bastori, he replied; “At this time I can’t think of anything.” (John Armstrong Baylor research collection, tab entitled: Jack Tatum). However, when Myers interviewed Tatum in 1983/84, Tatum now began to aggrandize his story and his importance in it. He now claimed that he had gone back to the Tippit murder scene, and had taken Helen Markham to a policeman (With Malice, Chapter 4). Evidently, by the time Myers had interviewed him, Tatum had experienced a case of memory improvement. It is also noteworthy that during a telephone interview on March 18, 1986, Tatum allegedly stated that he had taken Markham to the police station to give evidence (John Armstrong Baylor research collection, tab entitled: Jack Tatum). However, this allegation is dubious. As Myers acknowledges in his book, Markham was taken to DPD headquarters by an officer named George W. Hammer (With Malice, Chapter 7). According to the transcripts of the DPD radio communications, Hammer was indeed the officer who took Markham to DPD headquarters (WCE 705/1974).

    Whilst Myers and his ilk will probably argue that the interviewer was in error, the truth is that no intellectually honest researcher should assume that this was the case, and then argue that Tatum definitely didn’t make such a claim. Readers should also bear in mind that Tatum didn’t come forward as a witness shortly following Tippit’s murder because he allegedly thought that there were enough witnesses, and that he didn’t think he could “add anything” (John Armstrong Baylor research collection, tab entitled: Jack Tatum). During his aforementioned telephone interview, Tatum also claimed that he was concerned about rumors of a conspiracy, and in particular a Mafia one; and that this may have been another reason for him remaining quiet (ibid). Perhaps the most significant detail about Tatum is that he was employed by the Baylor Medical Centre in Dallas, which, according to researcher William Kelly, had received funds from both the U.S. Army and the CIA for the heinous MK/ULTRA research, between the years 1963 and 1965 (John Simkin’s education forum, thread entitled: Frank Kaiser). As many researchers have pointed out, the CIA has been involved in the cover-up of Oswald as President Kennedy’s assassin. Therefore, the possibility exists that the CIA may have been involved in coercing Tatum into identifying Oswald as Tippit’s killer in order to bolster the notion that he was President Kennedy’s assassin. Whilst this reviewer feels certain that Myers will dismiss this as ridiculous, it nevertheless remains a possibility.

    When Domingo Benavides testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that a man in a red colored Ford had stopped and pulled over following the shooting, and that he never saw him get out of his car (WC Volume VI, page 463). During his interview with John Berendt from Esquire magazine, Benavides claimed that the car he had seen was red colored Ford with a white top, and that it came back to the Tippit murder scene a few minutes following the shooting (John Armstrong Baylor research collection, tab entitled: Igor Vaganov). Jack Tatum claimed that the car he was driving in when he arrived at the Tippit murder scene was a red colored 1964 model Ford Galaxie 500 (With Malice, Chapter 10). Whilst Myers readily accepts that the car Benavides had seen belonged to Jack Tatum, several researchers are of the opinion that it actually belonged to Igor Vaganov, who quite possibly played a role in Tippit’s murder (see the thread entitled Igor Vaganov on John Simkin’s Education Forum). Whilst this reviewer believes that the driver of the red Ford was quite possibly Igor Vaganov, it is also this reviewer’s opinion that Tatum was quite likely pushed into saying that he was the man driving the red Ford to help dispel the notion that the car belonged to Vaganov. As for why Tatum wasn’t coerced into coming forward sooner with his tale, this reviewer cannot offer an explanation. On a final note, Tatum may have been coerced into saying that Oswald was walking east to make it appear as though Tippit had stopped “Oswald” because he had turned around after seeing Tippit approaching in his squad car; just as Myers contends.

    V: Search for a killer

    Myers now explains to the readers the search for Tippit’s killer by the DPD, beginning with the discovery of the spent shell casings on the sixth floor of the TSBD by Dallas County deputy Sheriff, Luke Mooney (With Malice, Chapter 5). Myers believes that DPD Sgt. Gerald Hill was on the sixth floor when Mooney discovered the spent shell casings. But as this reviewer will explain in an upcoming essay on Hill, there is very good reason to believe that Hill was on the sixth floor of the TSBD before Mooney discovered the spent shell casings. Myers writes that the first officer to arrive at the Tippit murder scene was Kenneth Hudson Croy, who was a sergeant in the DPD reserves (With Malice, Chapter 5). According to Myers, the next Officer to arrive at the scene was Howell W. Summers, arriving about one minute after Kenneth Croy, circa 1:20 pm. However, according to the transcripts of channel one of the DPD radio transmissions, Officer Summers informs the dispatchers that he is at the murder scene after 1:25 pm, and after Officers Joe M. Poe, Leonard E. Jez, and Sgt. Calvin “Bud” Owens report that they have arrived at the murder scene (WCE 705/1974).

    Now if Summers was the second Officer to arrive, he waited for over five minutes before telling the dispatchers he arrived, which seems ridiculous. Although this reviewer doesn’t know why Myers doesn’t point this out to his readers, the fact that he doesn’t speaks poorly for his credibility. But in order to bolster the notion that Summers was the second Officer to arrive, Myers writes in his endnotes that Officer Roy W. Walker, who broadcast the first description of Tippit’s killer at about 1:22 pm, told him during an interview in 1983 that when he (Walker) arrived at the murder scene, there were two Officers already there. One of the Officers would undoubtedly have been reserve Sgt. Kenneth Croy. However, the identity of the second Officer to arrive (if Walker’s recollection was accurate) remains an open question.

    According to both WCE 705 and 1974, at approximately 1:32 pm, DPD Officer Jerry Pollard informs the dispatchers on channel one of the DPD radio that; “They [witnesses] say he [the killer] is running west in the alley between Jefferson and Tenth [Streets]”. Myers explains that the two witnesses who gave this information to the DPD Officers were Jimmy Burt and William Arthur Smith (With Malice, chapter 5). In his endnotes, Myers sources this claim to Burt’s interview with Al Chapman in 1968. According to Burt’s interview with the FBI on December 16, 1963, Burt claimed that “…he ran to the intersection of 10th and Patton and when he [Burt] was close enough to Patton Street to see to the south he saw the man running into an alley located between 10th and Jefferson Avenue on Patton Street. The man ran in the alley to the right would be running west at this point.” (WCD 194, page 29). However, Burt was most certainly lying, as no less than four witnesses; Warren Reynolds, B.M. “Pat” Patterson, L.J. Lewis, and Harold Russell, claimed they observed the gunman turn west from Patton Street onto Jefferson Blvd. (With Malice, Chapter 4). When Burt was interviewed by Al Chapman in 1968, he claimed that he and William Arthur Smith “…got to the alley [between Tenth and Jefferson] and we kind of come to a stop and looked down the alley and we saw this guy down there. He was down almost to the next street.” (With Malice, Chapter 4). Myers then writes that Burt and Smith may have been the last two witnesses to see Tippit’s killer fleeing west along the alley behind the Texaco Service station located on Jefferson Blvd. (ibid).

    In his endnotes, Myers acknowledges the discrepancies between Burt’s remarks to the FBI and his remarks to Al Chapman, but tries to explain the discrepancy by stating that because of his police record, his trouble with the U.S. Military, and his alleged desire to withhold his identity from the DPD, Burt possibly “altered” his 1963 interview with the FBI to avoid “deeper” involvement in the case. However, this appears to be nothing but a pathetic attempt at trying to conceal the fact that Burt lied during his interview with Al Chapman, and that the so-called radio transmission by Officer Pollard was probably added into the recordings/transcripts of the DPD radio transmissions to dismiss the possibility that Tippit’s real killer was hiding inside the Abundant Life Temple, located on the corner of Tenth and Crawford Streets (this reviewer will elaborate on this in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill). Now if Burt really was concerned about all of the above as Myers claims, then why the heck would he lie to the FBI when he surely would have realized that he would be getting himself into more trouble? Myers also acknowledges in his endnotes that William Arthur Smith informed both the FBI and the Warren Commission that he and Burt did not follow the gunman, and also acknowledges that when he (Myers) interviewed Smith in 1997, Smith was unable to recall if they had followed the killer or not. Given all of the above, and despite what Myers wants his readers to believe, Burt should not be considered a credible witness.

    VI: Closing in

    Myers begins this chapter with a discussion of the false alarm at the Jefferson branch Library located on Marsalis and Jefferson streets, and concludes the chapter with Oswald’s arrest inside the Texas Theater. The person who triggered the false alarm at the library was Adrian Hamby, who worked there as a page (With Malice, Chapter 6). Hamby was approached by two plainclothes DPD “detectives”, and was allegedly told to go into the Library and inform management that a Police Officer was shot, and to have them lock all the doors and to not let anyone enter the Library until they secured the area (ibid). As Hamby was entering the Library, he was allegedly spotted by DPD Officer Charles T. Walker, after which Walker put a broadcast on the DPD radio that the suspect was in the library (WCE 705/1974). In his report to DPD Chief Jesse Curry, detective Marvin Buhk wrote that there were “Secret Service” men at the Jefferson Branch Library who informed DPD Officers at the Library that after Adrian Hamby came out of the Library, one of them claimed that Hamby was not the suspect (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 56).

    In his endnotes, Myers writes that detective Buhk was the only officer to mention Secret Service agents being at the Library. As far as this reviewer in concerned, Myers is correct. Myers also writes that the “Secret Service” man referred to by Buhk in his report was actually one of the two “lawmen” who instructed Hamby to go into the library and have all the doors locked. The fact of the matter is that there is no known evidence that any genuine Secret Service agents were present at the Jefferson Branch Library on the day of the assassination. Furthermore, the identity of the two men who spoke to Hamby has never been determined, and if they were DPD detectives, then surely their identity would be known to Buhk and others, and surely Buhk would not have referred to them as Secret Service agents. One alternative explanation is that the so-called Secret Service men may have been conspirators, who may have deliberately triggered the false alarm at the Library to pull the DPD Officers away from the Abundant Life Temple, where Tippit’s actual killer was perhaps hiding (this reviewer will be discussing this theory in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill). The possibility that these “Secret Service” men were conspirators is bolstered by the fact that several men who identified themselves as Secret Service men were present in Dealey Plaza shortly following President Kennedy’s assassination (readers are encouraged to read through this article on this reviewer’s blog). In his dismissal of the “Secret Service” men at the Library as being nothing sinister, Myers never mentions the fact that men identifying themselves as Secret Service men were present in Dealey Plaza.

    As perhaps every researcher of the JFK assassination is aware, Oswald was apprehended inside the Texas Theater after he allegedly tried to shoot Officer M. Nick McDonald with the revolver he supposedly used to murder Tippit. Myers’ discussion of the scuffle inside the theater with Oswald is perhaps the low point of his book, a considerable negative achievement. The author deliberately ignores evidence which contradicts the notion that Oswald had pulled out the revolver and tried to shoot Officer McDonald. Before entering the theater, Oswald was allegedly spotted by shoe store owner Johnny Calvin Brewer outside the lobby of his store on Jefferson Blvd., as he was allegedly trying to avoid the DPD (With Malice, Chapter 6). Brewer then allegedly observed Oswald duck into the theater behind Julia Elizabeth Postal, who was the cashier at the theater (ibid). Myers explains that Oswald had not paid for a ticket, and that Postal had seen Oswald “out of the corner of her eye” as he was coming towards the theater from the east (ibid). During her testimony before the Warren Commission, Postal claimed that she informed the DPD over the telephone that she hadn’t heard of Oswald’s description, but then described him as “ruddy looking.” (WC Volume VII, page 11).

    Towards the end of her testimony, counsel Joseph Ball showed Postal the shirt Oswald was wearing (WCE 150), when he was arrested inside the theatre. He asked her; “when he went in [to the Theater] was it [the shirt] tucked into his pants when he went in?” to which Postal responded; “No, sir; because I remember he came flying around the corner, because his hair was and his shirt was waving.”, and that “It [the shirt] was hanging out”! (ibid). So if Postal had merely seen “Oswald” out of the corner of her eye, how on Earth was she able to describe all of the above? The simple answer is that she did not see “Oswald” out of the corner of her eye, but actually got a good view of him. But, ironically, she also testified that she did not see him enter the theatre.

    Another pertinent piece of information which Myers omits is that when researcher Jones Harris allegedly interviewed Postal in 1963, Harris asked her if she had sold Oswald a ticket for the theater. Upon hearing the question, Postal burst into tears. When Harris asked her again if she had sold him a ticket, he received the same response. The obvious implication of Postal’s reaction is that she did sell a ticket to Oswald. Although this reviewer discusses evidence further on in this review which casts doubt on Harris’s credibility as far as the wallet containing identification for Oswald and Hidell is concerned, Postal’s own testimony as described above suggests that she did in fact sell Oswald a ticket. In fact, in both her affidavit to the DPD and in her interview with the FBI on February 29, 1964, she claimed that she had seen/noticed Oswald duck into the Theater (WCD 735, page 264), (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 3, Item 21) . As the reader can see, Postal is a problematic witness. And it appears to be that she did sell Oswald a ticket.

    Which makes Johnny Brewer problematic. Brewer testified that he had seen Oswald duck into the theater without paying for a ticket (WC Volume VII, page 4). However, he also testified that he had asked Postal if she sold him a ticket (ibid). When Counsel Joseph Ball enquired why Brewer had asked Postal if she sold Oswald a ticket, he said that he didn’t know! (ibid, page 5). The notion that Brewer would have to ask Postal if she had sold a ticket to Oswald, when he already knew the answer is far fetched. Brewer, along with Warren “Butch” Burroughs, who worked behind the concession stand inside the theater, then allegedly searched the theater to find Oswald (With Malice, Chapter 6). After they were unable to find him, Postal called the police (ibid). One important detail which Myers never mentions in his book is that Brewer told author Ian Griggs during an interview in 1996 that when he allegedly observed Oswald standing outside his store, there were two men from IBM in the store with him (Griggs, No Case to Answer, page 58). According to researcher Lee Farley, one of the two so-called “IBM men” was quite possibly Igor Vaganov (see the thread entitled Igor Vaganov on John Simkin’s education forum). This reviewer believes that Vaganov was likely one of the two “IBM” men in the store, and that the purpose of these two men was to alert Brewer that they had seen a man enter the theater with a gun looking like he was trying to hide from the police, so that Brewer would then alert the theater staff to call the DPD in order for Oswald to be arrested.

    Readers should keep in mind that when Warren Commission counsel David Belin asked Brewer how he found out about President Kennedy’s assassination, he testified that; “We were listening to a transistor radio there in the store…” (WC Volume VII, page 2). Belin however, didn’t both to ask Brewer who was in the store with him. Although Postal and Brewer were the two people who purportedly led the DPD to the Theater, the DPD never bothered to take affidavits from them on the day of the assassination. In fact, Postal and Brewer provided their affidavits to the DPD on December 4 and 6, 1963, respectively (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 3, Items 16 and 21). On the other hand, George Applin, who witnessed Oswald’s arrest inside the Texas Theater, provided the DPD an affidavit on the day of the assassination (Ibid, Folder 2, Item 3). Similarly, many of the people who witnessed the President’s assassination provided affidavits on the day of the assassination. Yet, incredibly, Postal and Brewer provided affidavits to the DPD over a week following the assassination. Curiously, there doesn’t appear to be an affidavit from Warren “Butch” Burroughs amongst the Dallas Municipal archives. Furthermore, according to both Warren Burroughs and a theater patron named Jack Davis, Oswald may have been inside the theater much sooner than when Brewer allegedly saw him outside his store at about 1:36 pm looking “funny/scared”

    After the police arrived at the Theater, the first Officer to approach Oswald as he was sitting down was Nick McDonald. Although Johnny Brewer was credited with pointing Oswald out to the DPD Officers inside the theater, Myers writes in his endnotes that the Dallas Morning News and the Dallas Times Herald published an article two days after the assassination, in which McDonald was quoted as saying; “A man sitting near the front, and I still don’t know who it was, tipped me [that] the man I wanted was sitting on the third row from the rear on the ground floor and not the balcony.” However, Brewer testified that he pointed Oswald out to the officers as he was standing on the stage of the theater (WC Volume VII, page 6) If McDonald’s account is true, then the obvious implication is that Brewer wasn’t the man who pointed Oswald out to the police. Myers evidently wants his readers to believe that the man was in fact Johnny Brewer, but doesn’t mention that Brewer was standing on the stage when he allegedly pointed Oswald out to the Officers.

    When Officer McDonald testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed he ordered Oswald to stand up, after which Oswald raised both of his hands and then allegedly yelled out “Well, it is all over now” (WC Volume III, page 300). Although McDonald also wrote in his arrest report to DPD Chief Jesse Curry that Oswald said “Well, it’s all over now”, this is not what McDonald initially claimed Oswald had said to him (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 32). When McDonald was interviewed by WFAA-TV on the day following the assassination, he explained that Oswald said “This is it” (See the video). What’s most telling about the interview is that McDonald looks down to the table and sounds nervous (both of which are indications of lying) as he explains that Oswald said “This is it”. Myers doesn’t mention this discrepancy to his readers. Furthermore, when McDonald was interviewed by Lloyd Shearer, he told Shearer that he heard Oswald say “Now, it’s all over” (Oakland Tribune Parade, March 8, 1964). When Gerald Hill testified before the Warren Commission, he informed Counsel David Belin that he thought McDonald and Officer Thomas Hutson (who was also involved in Oswald’s arrest), said that they heard Oswald say “This is it”; but that he didn’t hear this himself (WC Volume VII, page 51). However, when Hutson was asked by Counsel David Belin if he remembered hearing Oswald say anything, Hutson said that he didn’t (WC Volume VII, page 32). It would therefore seem that Hill may have been embellishing.

    When Ian Griggs interviewed Johnny Brewer in 1996, Brewer told him that he heard Oswald shout out “It’s all over”; or words to that effect (Griggs, No Case to Answer, page 64). But when Brewer testified before the Warren Commission, Brewer merely claimed that he heard some hollering, and that he couldn’t make out exactly what Oswald said (WC Volume VII, page 6). Contained within the John Armstrong Baylor collection is an interview with a little known witness named David. According to David, he was with a friend named Bob in the theater when Oswald was arrested (John Armstrong Baylor collection, tab entitled: ‘David’). Evidently, David and Bob are the two young boys spotted by Officer Thomas Hutson sitting at the rear of the theater (WC Volume VII, page 31). David claimed that when McDonald approached Oswald and asked him to stand-up, the only thing he recalled Oswald saying was words similar to “All right”, and made no mention of him saying anything else The reader should bear in mind that there doesn’t appear to be any direct corroboration for the presence of Bob and David in the theater when Oswald was arrested. Yet, none of the above is even mentioned by Myers.

    In his report to Dallas Sheriff Bill Decker, Deputy Sheriff Buddy Walthers, who also allegedly witnessed Oswald’s arrest, wrote that the only thing he heard Oswald say was “It’s all over” (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323). However, after reading through Walther’s report, it isn’t clear whether Walthers was saying Oswald said “it’s all over” before or after he was arrested; and as this reviewer will explain in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill, former Dallas deputy sheriffs Bill Courson and Roger Craig have disputed Walther’s claim that he was inside the theater when Oswald was arrested. Readers should keep in mind that none of the other officers involved in Oswald’s arrest, or theater patrons John Gibson and George Applin who witnessed his arrest, claimed they heard Oswald shout out either “This is it” or “Well, it’s all over now” as McDonald claimed.

    As Myers writes in his book, FBI agent Robert M. Barrett, who also witnessed Oswald’s arrest, claimed in the report he wrote out on the day of the assassination that Oswald shouted in a loud voice; “Kill all the sons of bitches!” (With Malice, Chapter 6). But what Myers doesn’t tell his readers is that no other witness to Oswald’s arrest said that they heard him shout out words similar to what Barrett claimed he did; and that Barrett was almost certainly lying. In conclusion, it is readily apparent that McDonald was lying when he claimed that Oswald said; “This is it” or “Well, it’s all over now”. It is utterly inconceivable that McDonald could have confused the expressions “This is it” with “Well, it’s all over now” as they sound nothing alike. But Myers cannot admit that McDonald (and Barrett for that matter) were lying; as their agenda is to convince researchers that Oswald was guilty of killing Tippit beyond any doubt. Readers are encouraged to read through this article on this reviewer’s blog, which further demonstrates that McDonald was a liar.

    We now come to the question of whether or not Oswald tried to shoot Officer McDonald after McDonald ordered him to stand up; and whether Oswald did in fact have a gun when he was arrested. Although Myers admits in his endnotes that McDonald told Eddie Barker from CBS that he prevented “Oswald’s” gun from firing when his hand was allegedly jammed between the primer of the gun and the hammer, he nevertheless omits that when detective Paul Bentley was interviewed by reporters on the day following the assassination, he claimed that he prevented it from firing! (WCE 2157). However, Bentley also claimed that “…we [evidently referring to McDonald] got a thumb or something in between the hammer and the firing pin so that it mashed the firing [of the gun]…” and that the hammer of the gun “just snapped slightly” (ibid). But despite being allegedly confused about who had prevented the gun from firing, Bentley then almost humorously said; “…my hand was across to prevent it from firing…we don’t know if it was my thumb, finger or hand. I got a bruised hand from it. I don’t know if it was the thumb or the finger.” (ibid). Even though a photograph taken inside the Texas theater shows Bentley standing to the right of Oswald as he is apparently being handcuffed, there is no corroboration from McDonald or anyone else that Bentley prevented the gun from firing as he described (see Gerald Hill Exhibit A). It is therefore probable that Bentley was lying.

    Myers writes in his endnotes that WFAA-TV cameraman, Tom Alyea, claimed that he had seen a bandaged wound on McDonald’s hand during a filmed interview, but that when Alyea wanted to film it, McDonald objected. Although this would seem to corroborate McDonald’s claim that his hand had been jammed between the hammer and the firing pin of the revolver, Alyea described it as looking like someone had jabbed an ice-pick into it. In other words, it didn’t appear as though it was caused by the hammer of a revolver. If McDonald already had this injury before the scuffle with Oswald, then perhaps this is what gave him the idea later on to claim that the hammer of the gun had struck the fleshy part of his hand. Also, given that McDonald made no mention of his hand preventing the gun from firing in either his report to DPD chief Jesse Curry or during his testimony before the Warren Commission, it is apparent he has a credibility problem. McDonald also testified that the four inch scar on his left cheek was made by “Oswald’s” revolver during the scuffle inside the theater (WC Volume III, page 300). However, according to FBI agent Robert M. Barrett, McDonald told him that the graze on his left cheek was caused by Oswald punching him in the face, and knocking him against the seat; and not by the gun (WCD 5, page 84). Myers does not mention this contradiction in his book.

    Although McDonald implies in his report to DPD Chief Jesse Curry that officers Ray Hawkins, Charles Walker, and Thomas Hutson were with him when Oswald allegedly pulled out the revolver from his belt, during his testimony before the Warren Commission, he claimed that he had already disarmed Oswald by the time the aforementioned Officers had arrived to assist him (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 32, WC Volume III, page 300). However, Hawkins, Walker, and Hutson all testified that Oswald had pulled the revolver out of his belt after they had arrived (WC Volume VII, pages 32, 39, and 94). Although McDonald took full credit for disarming Oswald, officer Hutson testified that McDonald and “somebody else” had taken the gun out of Oswald’s hand, but added that he “couldn’t say exactly” (ibid, page 32). Walker also testified that as several hands were on the gun, a detective “…reached over and pulled the gun away from everybody, pulled it away from everyone, best I can recall” (WC Volume VII, page 40). However, McDonald told the Warren Commission that after he had disarmed Oswald, he handed the gun to detective Bob Carroll (WC Volume III, page 301). When Carroll testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that he saw a gun pointing at him (towards the south aisle of the theater) and then grabbed it and jerked it away from whoever had it (WC Volume VII, page 20).

    Myers selectively quotes from the testimony of Officer Charles Walker before the Warren Commission, during which Walker claimed that after Oswald pulled the revolver from under his shirt, it was about waist high and pointed at about a forty-five degree angle (With Malice, Chapter 6). Walker also wrote in his report to Chief Curry that the gun was being waved around approximately waist high (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 47). Although Walker also testified that one the Officers had commanded Oswald to “let go of the gun”, to which Oswald allegedly responded “I can’t” (With Malice, Chapter 6). Whilst Myers has no problem using this claim by Walker, he nevertheless neglects to tell his readers that there is no corroboration for Walker’s claim; let alone that no officer is on record claiming that he had ordered Oswald to let go of the gun. Officer Hutson told the Warren Commission that Oswald was pointing the gun towards the theater screen when he allegedly heard the snap of the gun’s hammer, and that Oswald wasn’t aiming the gun at any Officer in particular (WC Volume VII, page 32). However, when McDonald was interviewed by Eddie Barker from CBS in 1964, he demonstrated to Barker that Oswald had allegedly aimed the gun at him (towards the south aisle of the theatre), and then the gun allegedly snapped as he and Oswald were down in the theater seats scuffling (See the footage).

    Hutson also testified that the only officer who could have come between the line of fire of the gun as it was allegedly aimed towards the screen was Ray Hawkins (ibid). Although Charles Walker testified that; “…Hawkins was in the general direction of the gun”, and that the gun was pointing slightly towards the theater screen, this is not what Hawkins claimed during his own testimony (WC Volume VII, page 39). Hawkins, who had approached Oswald and McDonald from the row of seats in front of them, testified that when the gun came out of Oswald’s belt “…it was pulled across to their right, or toward the south aisle of the theatre” and made no mention of the gun being aimed in the direction of the theater screen or towards him (WC Volume VII, page 94).

    When Johnny Brewer testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that he observed a gun in Oswald’s hand aimed “up in the air” (WC Volume VII, page 6). During his interview with Ian Griggs in 1996, he now claimed that Oswald was trying to shoot McDonald in the head (Griggs, No Case to Answer, page 64). Yet, none of the other witnesses and the arresting Officers, let alone Nick McDonald, claimed that this is what they had seen during the scuffle. Moreover, Brewer’s claim is directly contradicted by Charles Walker, who stated that the gun was pointed about waist high. In his report to Chief Curry, detective John B. Toney wrote that Oswald had a pistol in his right hand, with his right arm “pinioned” across McDonald’s left shoulder (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 43). It is also worth noting that Toney told author Larry Sneed many years later that he had seen a gun in “…someone’s hand over someone’s shoulder, and someone was holding the arm.” (Sneed, No More Silence, page 308). Not only do Toney’s remarks contradict what McDonald demonstrated to Eddie Barker in the aforementioned film footage, but none of Toney’s fellow officers offered corroboration for this claim.

    John Gibson, who was a witness to Oswald’s arrest, testified before the Warren Commission that as the DPD Officers walking along the aisles of the theatre, Oswald was standing in the aisle with a gun in his hand! (WC Volume VII, pages 71 and 72). When Counsel Joseph Ball asked him if any of the DPD Officers had a hold of it that time, Gibson testified that he didn’t believe so (ibid, page 72). Gibson’s account of what he allegedly witnessed is bizarre, for not one DPD Officer or any other witness claimed that Oswald was standing in the aisle with the gun in his hand as the Officers were walking along the aisles! Readers should keep in mind that the aforementioned self-proclaimed witness named David, claimed that Oswald pulled a gun, but didn’t see it until it was “taken away from him” It would therefore seem that David had merely assumed that Oswald pulled a gun, and as this reviewer will explain in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill, this was by all likelihood the case. As for Dallas deputy Sheriff Buddy Walthers, he wrote in his report to Sheriff Bill Decker that when he reached the scuffle with Oswald; “…I could see a gun on the floor with 2 or 3 hands on it…” (WC Volume XIX, Decker exhibit 5323). Walthers also wrote that he thought it was detective Bob Carroll who reached down to the floor and got the gun. But when Walthers testified before the Warren Commission, he was now “real sure” that it was Carroll who got the gun, and curiously left out that the gun was on the floor (WC Volume VII, pages 547 and 548).

    Let’s now look at the statements by witness George Jefferson Applin. In his first day affidavit to the DPD, he allegedly wrote that Oswald “…had his arm around the officer’s left shoulder and had a pistol in his hand” (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 2, Item 3). But in his affidavit to the USSS on December 1, 1963, Applin claimed that during the scuffle between Oswald and McDonald “…one of the two had a pistol in his right hand” (WCD 87, page 558). In other words, Applin was saying that he wasn’t sure who had a hold of the gun. In his interview with the FBI on December 16, 1963, Applin allegedly claimed that Oswald pulled out a gun and aimed it at McDonald’s head, and that he thought the gun was on McDonald’s shoulder when Oswald allegedly pulled the trigger (WCD 206, page 69). Aside from what Johnny Brewer told Ian Griggs in 1996, there is no corroboration for the claim that Oswald pointed the gun at McDonald’s head. By the same token, apart from what John Toney wrote in his report to DPD chief Jesse Curry and what he told author Larry Sneed, there is no corroboration from anyone, let alone from McDonald, that Oswald had placed the gun on McDonald’s shoulder. Therefore, the aforementioned statements Applin allegedly made to the FBI should be taken with a grain of salt.

    When Applin testified before the Warren Commission, he made no mention of seeing the gun on McDonald’s shoulder or that he had seen Oswald aim the gun at McDonald’s head. In fact, when Counsel Joseph Ball asked him who pulled out the revolver, Applin claimed; “I guess it was Oswald, because -for one reason, that he had on a short sleeve shirt, and I [had] seen a man’s arm that was connected to the gun.” (WC Volume VII, page 89). Although it isn’t clear, it seems that Applin thought that the man with the short sleeved shirt was the one who had the gun, and that he thought Oswald was wearing a short sleeved shirt. However, Oswald was arrested wearing a long sleeved shirt (WCE 150). Similarly, on the day of the assassination, McDonald was photographed wearing a long sleeved shirt as he was talking to Dallas Morning News reporter Jim Ewell. As far as Applin’s claim (in his first day affidavit) that he had seen Oswald with his arm around McDonald’s shoulder and with a gun in his hand is concerned, the reader should keep in mind that according to DPD Lt. E.L. Cunningham, the officer who took Applin’s affidavit was detective John Toney; the same John Toney who claimed that he had seen a gun in his Oswald’s hand with his right arm pinioned across McDonald’s left shoulder (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 15). Given the similarity between what Toney wrote in his report to Chief Curry and what Applin allegedly claimed in his affidavit, it is entirely conceivable that Toney altered what Applin actually told him.

    None of these many contradictions and inconsistencies between the statements by the aforementioned officers and witnesses is ever mentioned by Myers. Given the fact that he is a rabid advocate of Oswald’s guilt in the Tippit murder, Myers will probably dismiss all of the above contradictions and inconsistencies as being irrelevant. However, the truth is that no intellectually honest researcher would (or should) dismiss them as being irrelevant; and when they are taken in conjunction with all of the evidence discussed in this review that the DPD framed Oswald for Tippit’s murder, there is reason to believe that Oswald never had a revolver with him when he was arrested inside the theater. In a caption to one of the photographs taken outside the theater by Stuart Reed, as Oswald is being dragged towards a police car with his face covered by Charles Walker’s hat, Myers writes that detective Bob Carroll is holding onto Oswald’s revolver (With Malice, Chapter 6). Whilst the photograph does show Carroll holding onto a gun, his own statements rule out that this was “Oswald’s” revolver.

    In his report to DPD chief Jesse Curry, Carroll wrote that; “I grabbed the pistol and stuck it in my belt and then continued to assist in the subduing of Oswald” (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 12). When Carroll testified before the Warren Commission, he confirmed that; “…I saw a pistol pointing at me so I reached and grabbed the pistol and jerked the pistol away and stuck it in my belt and then I grabbed Oswald” (WC Volume VII, page 20). He further added that; “The first time I saw the weapon, it was pointed in my direction, and I reached and grabbed it and stuck it into my belt… At the time, I was assisting in the arrest of Lee Harvey Oswald” (ibid, page 24). By omitting these statements from his book, Myers deceives his readers. In the report he wrote out on the day of the assassination, FBI agent Robert M. Barrett stated that; “One of the Officers took a .38 Calibre snub nose revolver out of Oswald’s right hand and handed it to detective [Bob] Carroll”. However, as discussed previously, Barrett lied when he wrote in his report that he heard Oswald yell in a loud voice “Kill all the sons of bitches”, and therefore, his claim that someone handed Carroll “Oswald’s” gun should be taken with a grain of salt (WCD 5, page 84).

    On a further note, the gun which Carroll was photographed holding outside of the theater appears to have a longer barrel than “Oswald’s” revolver, with what appears to be sunlight reflecting off of the barrel towards the muzzle end. As for whose gun Carroll was holding outside of the theater, this review will discuss this issue in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill. In that same essay, this reviewer will be arguing that Hill framed Oswald for Tippit’s murder after he (or possibly one of his co-conspirators from the DPD) obtained the revolver Oswald allegedly had in his possession when arrested from Tippit’s real murderer. The reader should keep in mind that theater patron Jack Davis, told author Jim Marrs that Oswald had first sat next to him, but then got up and sat next to another person. (Crossfire, p. 353) In fact, Davis told Marrs that he thought it was strange that Oswald would sit right next to him inside a big theater with many seats to choose from (ibid). Warren “Butch” Burroughs told Marrs that Oswald had also sat next to a pregnant lady. Oswald’s actions imply that he thought he was to contact someone inside the theatre. And as many researchers, such as Greg Parker have noted, when Oswald was arrested, he had in his possession a torn box top with the label “Cox’s Fort Worth” printed on it, and that Oswald may have been using this to identify himself to the person he thought he was to meet inside the theater (see thread entitled Neely St Questions on John Simkin’s education forum).

    On a further note, the DPD took a list of the names of all the witnesses inside the theater after Oswald was arrested, but the list is now nowhere to be found. And the only two patrons who were interviewed concerning what they witnessed were John Gibson and George Jefferson Applin (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 35). In this reviewer’s opinion, the reason the list was made to disappear was to conceal the identity of any would be conspirators inside the theater. Keep in mind that officer McDonald was quoted by the Dallas Morning News and the Dallas Times Herald as saying that a man sitting in the front row of the theater pointed Oswald out to him as the man he was seeking. It is also worth keeping in mind that George Applin testified that he had told a man sitting in the back row of the theater; “Buddy, you’d better move. There is a gun”, and that after doing so, the man calmly remained seated and didn’t budge (WC Volume VII, page 91). Given the man’s behaviour, the possibility exists that he too may have had some involvement in Oswald’s frame-up.

    Let’s now examine what Oswald allegedly said after he was removed from the theater, words which disinformation shills like David Von Pein have used against him. The five officers who took Oswald to DPD headquarters were Bob Carroll, Kenneth E. Lyon, Gerald Hill, Paul Bentley, and Charles T. Walker. Oswald was sitting in the rear seat, with Bentley sitting to his left and Walker sitting to his right. Myers quotes from K.E Lyon’s reports to DPD chief Jesse Curry in which he claimed that whilst en route to Police headquarters, Oswald admitted to carrying a gun inside the theater (With Malice, Chapter 6). Detective Bob Carroll made this same claim in his own report to Chief Curry (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Item 12). Myers also quotes from Charles Walker’s Warren Commission testimony, where he claimed that Oswald admitted to carrying a gun inside the theater (ibid). However, Walker didn’t mention this in his report to Chief Curry.

    When Paul Bentley was interviewed by WFAA-TV on the day following the assassination, he also claimed that Oswald admitted to carrying a gun inside the theater. Given all the evidence presented in this review for Oswald being framed for Tippit’s murder, these statements should not be considered credible. The reader should also bear in mind that when Gerald Hill was interviewed by reporters shortly following Oswald’s arrest, he made no mention of Oswald admitting to carrying a gun inside the theater (WCE 2160). In fact, Hill complained that Oswald “…wouldn’t even admit he pulled the trigger on the gun in the theatre” (ibid). When Hill was interviewed by Bob Whitten of KCRA radio on the day of the assassination, he again neglected to mention that Oswald admitted to carrying a gun inside the theater; even though he did claim that Oswald allegedly said “This is it” after Officer McDonald approached him, and that Oswald admitted to being a communist (WCD 1210).

    Myers also quotes from Charles Walker’s testimony before the Warren Commission, during which Walker claimed that after Oswald was told that he was suspected of killing Tippit, Oswald made the remarks; “I hear they burn for murder” and “Well, they say it only takes a second to die” (With Malice, Chapter 6). Although Gerald Hill testified that Oswald made a statement similar to “You only fry for that” or “You can fry for that”, Hill made no mention of this to reporters on the day of the assassination, or during his interview with Bob Whitten (WC Volume VII, page 58). In fact, Hill told Whitten that when they had questioned Oswald inside the car about Killing Tippit, Oswald allegedly made the remark; “I don’t have to tell you all anything”, and made no mention of Oswald saying what both he and Walker claimed he did when they testified before the Warren Commission (WCD 1210). Furthermore, Hill made no mention of Oswald saying the above when he was questioned by reporters on the day of the assassination, telling them instead that Oswald “…did not make any definite statement other than demanding to see a lawyer and demanding his rights…” (WCE 2160).

    When detective Paul Bentley was interviewed by reporters on the night of the assassination, he told them that after Oswald was arrested, he just said “This is it, it’s all over with now” (WCE 2157). Similarly, when Bentley was interviewed the following day by WFAA-TV, he stated that Oswald was advised in the car that he was being placed in jail for suspicion of murdering Tippit; but made no mention of Oswald saying what Walker and Hill told the Warren Commission he did. There was also no mention of these alleged comments by Oswald in the arrest reports by Carroll, Lyon, Hill, Bentley, and Walker to Chief Curry (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 7, Items 4 , 12, 22, 28, and 47). During his testimony, Walker claimed that they never put the conversations they had with suspects in their reports to Chief Curry (WC Volume VII, page 42). However, the evidence discussed throughout this book suggests that Walker was deceptive.

    VII: A bird in the hand

    In this chapter, Myers discusses the events subsequent to Oswald’s arrival at DPD headquarters after his arrest. Myers writes that shorty following Oswald’s arrival at DPD headquarters, he was interrogated by detective Jim Leavelle; the homicide detective who was placed in charge of investigating Tippit’s murder (With Malice, Chapter 7). This is based on Myers’ interview with Leavelle, and was probably one of the most dishonest statements made in the book. When Leavelle testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that the first time he had ever sat in on an interrogation with Oswald was on Sunday morning, November 24, 1963 (WC Volume VII, page 268). In fact, when Counsel Joseph Ball asked Leavelle if he had ever spoken to Oswald before this interrogation, he stated; “No; I had never talked to him before”! (ibid) Leavelle then stated during his testimony that; “…the only time I had connections with Oswald was this Sunday morning [November 24, 1963]. I never had [the] occasion to talk with him at any time…” (ibid, page 269).

    There is also nothing in Leavelle’s own report to DPD chief Curry about him interrogating Oswald shorty following Oswald’s arrival at DPD headquarters on Friday (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 8, Items 1 and 2). Myers is undoubtedly aware that Leavelle testified that he didn’t speak to Oswald before Sunday, but chooses instead to deceive his readers. But let’s understand why Myers does this. It is evident throughout his book that Myers’ agenda is to portray Oswald as the man who killed Tippit, and that the DPD did not frame him for Tippit’s murder. Since Leavelle was the homicide detective put in charge of investigating Tippit’s murder, the last thing Myers would want to admit is that Leavelle was unreliable, or an outright liar. It should also come as no surprise that Myers cannot tell the truth about Leavelle, as he is not even capable of telling readers the truth about where Howard Brennan was sitting when he allegedly witnessed Oswald firing his rifle at the President. Whilst Myers never questions Leavelle’s integrity as a DPD Officer, the reader should keep in mind that when author Joseph McBride interviewed Leavelle, Leavelle told him that the President’s assassination was no different than a South Texas “nigger” killing (McBride, Into the Nightmare, page 240). This remark reveals that Leavelle was a racist who was not really concerned about who killed President Kennedy.

    Myers also deceives his readers by omitting that DPD detectives, Gus Rose and Richard Stovall, wrote in their report to Chief Curry that they had briefly spoken to Oswald after he had been brought into the homicide Office (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 1, Item 3). Rose and Stovall confirmed that they had briefly spoken to Oswald shortly following his arrival, when they testified before the Warren Commission (WC Volume VII, pages 187 and 228). In his report to Chief Curry, Lt. T.L. Baker wrote that Oswald was brought into the interrogation room, from where he was “being held” by detectives Rose and Stovall, and made no mention of Leavelle having interrogated Oswald (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 5, Folder 5, Item 4). Suffice it to say, this reviewer knows of no reason to believe that Leavelle had interrogated Oswald shortly following his arrival at DPD headquarters.

    Myers explains that following Oswald’s arrest, Lt. Colonel Robert E. Jones of the U.S. Army’s 112th Military intelligence group (MIG) learned that a man named A.J Hidell “…had been arrested or come to the attention of law enforcement agencies.” (With Malice, Chapter 7). Myers writes that colonel Jones checked the MIG indices and discovered that there was an index on Hidell which “cross-referenced” with a file on Oswald; who allegedly used the name Alek James Hidell as an alias (ibid). Jones then allegedly pulled the file on Hidell, and notified the San Antonio FBI Office that he had some information (ibid). Colonel Jones testified before the HSCA that military intelligence officials had opened a file on Oswald after they allegedly received a report from the New Orleans Police department that Oswald had been arrested in connection with his activities associated with the Fair Play for Cuba Committee (ibid). Whilst Myers apparently considers this to be the gospel truth, Australian researcher Greg Parker has pointed out that Mrs. Marcelle Madden, who worked for the identification division of the New Orleans Police department, informed the FBI agent John Quigley on November 26, 1963, that she had no identification record for a man named Alek James Hidell (Reopen Kennedy case forum, thread entitled Hidell: The frame was bold and ruthless). Although Myers doesn’t mention this to his readers, he does explain in his endnotes that Army intelligence “routinely” destroyed Oswald’s file.

    Myers then moves onto a discussion of DPD Captain Will Fritz, in which he praises Fritz’s legacy as the long-time Captain of the DPD’s Homicide and Robbery bureau. Myers writes that Fritz ran his department “with an iron fist”, and that under his command, the homicide bureau had a 90% success rate at solving murders (With Malice, Chapter 7). What Myers doesn’t mention to his readers is the horrible legacy of the DPD with Henry Wade as the district attorney of Dallas and Fritz as the department chief (as discussed previously). Myers also writes that; “For Captain Fritz, modern technology had no place in his squad room. A calm, disarming manner was his weapon.” (ibid). Evidently, this is Myers’ explanation for why Fritz never tape recorded any of his interrogations with Oswald. As the man who was charged with murdering the President of the United States of America, Fritz; along with the FBI and USSS agents who interrogated Oswald, should have tape recorded the answers Oswald gave to the various questions he was allegedly asked. There is simply no excuse for why the interviews were not tape recorded. Instead, researchers must rely on the typed summary reports by the interrogators, and their testimonies before the Warren Commission. Naturally, Myers doesn’t point this out to his readers.

    In his discussion of the credibility of Helen Markham as an eyewitness to Tippit’s murder, Myers admits that her statements are “…laced with inaccurate and inconsistent details” but omits other pieces of evidence which cast doubt on Markham’s reliability as a witness (ibid). For one thing, Myers writes that when Markham testified before the Warren Commission, she identified Oswald as the number two man in the line-up; but omits that Warren Commission Counsel Joseph Ball had asked her the following leading question during her testimony; “Was there a number two man in their [the line-up]” (WC Volume III, page 310). Ball asked Markham this question after she claimed that she didn’t recognise the men in the line-up from their faces, and had never seen any of them before. But after he asks her this question, she now testifies that she recognised Oswald “Mostly from his face.” (ibid, page 311). Markham also testified that she thought Ball wanted her to describe their clothing, which is allegedly why Markham claimed that she hadn’t previously seen any of the men in the line-up; even though he had not yet asked her that question! (ibid). It is obvious from reading Markham’s testimony that she was an unreliable witness. In fact, during a debate with Mark Lane, Joseph Ball once famously remarked that he thought Markham was “an utter screwball”. Myers does not note this to his readers.

    Myers also omits that when Markham was interviewed by FBI agent Bardwell Odum on the day of the assassination, she told him that the killer was about 18 years old, with black hair, and had a red complexion (WCD 5, page 79). However, Markham denied during her testimony before the Warren Commission that she told Odum the killer had a ruddy complexion. But despite her denial, during a filmed interview for the program The Men who Killed Kennedy, Markham explained that the killer had a ruddy (red) complexion (View Markham’s interview). Curiously, when Domingo Benavides testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that the killer’s skin looked “…a little bit ruddier than mine” (WC Volume VI, page 451). He also testified that the killer’s complexion was “…a little bit darker than average” (ibid). Yet, Oswald’s complexion did not appear to be ruddy/red or what can be described (in this reviewer’s opinion) as a little bit darker than average. The reader should also keep in mind that when Julia Postal testified before the Warren Commission, she claimed that the man who ducked into the theater looked ruddy to her (WC Volume VII, page 11). As Myers writes in his endnotes, Bernard Haire, the owner of Bernie’s hobby house which was located a few doors east of the Texas Theater, claimed he saw a man with a “flushed” appearance. This raises the distinct possibility that the man Haire saw was the same man Julia Postal observed ducking into the theatre. This reviewer will elaborate on this in the upcoming essay on Gerald Hill.

    Myers also takes a swipe at Mark Lane for (what he calls) badgering Helen Markham by asking her three times if she had ever told anybody that Tippit’s killer was short/stocky and had bushy hair (With Malice, Chapter 7). But at the same time, Myers apparently has no qualms about Warren Commission counsel David Belin repeatedly asking Virginia Davis if her sister-in-law, Barbara Davis, had telephoned the DPD before or after they had seen Tippit’s killer cut across their lawn (WC Volume VII, pages 455 to 468). Myers also never mentions that in the aforementioned film interview for The Men who Killed Kennedy program, Markham claimed that the killer was “a short guy”.

    Following his discussion of Markham, Myers moves on to a discussion of the identification of Oswald as Tippit’s killer in a line-up viewed by Ted Callaway and Sam Guinyard. Myers considers Callaway to be a reliable witness, writing that; “Ted Callaway has been one of the few Tippit witnesses whose story has remained accurate and unwavering for more than thirty-three years.” (With Malice, Chapter 8). Myers can pretend that Callaway is a reliable witness because he never notes the contradictions between the observations of Callaway and Guinyard, both of whom allegedly observed the killer fleeing south on Patton Street after Tippit was shot. At the time of the assassination, Callaway was the manager of the Harris Bros Auto sales at 501 East Jefferson Blvd, located on the northeast corner of the Patton Street/Jefferson Blvd. intersection (WC Volume III, page 352).

    Sam Guinyard testified that he worked there as a porter, and was polishing a car when he heard the shooting (WC Volume VII, page 395). According to Callaway’s testimony, Tippit’s killer crossed from the east side of Patton Street over to the west side of the street at a point just south of where William Scoggins cab was parked when Scoggins witnessed the shooting (Callaway marked this on WCE 537). In Chapter four of his book, Myers illustrates the killer’s flight path, along with the locations of Callaway and Guinyard when they allegedly saw him walking south on Patton Street; and the location of a third man named B.D. Searcy, who according to Callaway, was standing behind him when Tippit’s killer went by them (WC Volume III, page 354). Evidently, Myers based the killer’s flight path on WCE 735.

    According to Myers’ illustration, the killer had already crossed over to the west side of Patton Street when he went passed Sam Guinyard’s position. However, Guinyard testified that when he observed the gunman, he was on the east side of Patton Street, and he was about ten feet away from him when he observed him! (WC Volume VII, page 398). Guinyard further explained that the killer crossed over to the west side of Patton Street when he got to about five feet from the corner of the intersection of Patton Street and Jefferson Blvd. (ibid, page 397). Yet, Callaway testified, and illustrated on WCE 735, that the killer was already on the west side of Patton Street when he went by him (WC Volume III, page 353). Obviously, both men can not be correct.

    Callaway testified that he hollered at the gunman; “Hey man, what the hell is going on”, after which the gunman turned to look at him, shrugging his shoulders, and said something to him which Callaway claimed he couldn’t understand (ibid, pages 353 and 354). Callaway stated that he then told B.D. Searcy to keep an eye on the gunman and to follow him, after which he ran to the Tippit murder scene (ibid, page 354). On the contrary, Guinyard testified that it was Callaway who followed the gunman; “…trying to see which way he was going”, after which they allegedly went to the Tippit murder scene together (WC Volume VII, page 398). Furthermore, Guinyard made no mention of Callaway hollering at the killer, and the killer looking at Callaway and then saying something to him. When counsel Joseph Ball showed Guinyard the dark brown shirt Oswald was wearing when he was arrested at the Texas theatre, he testified that he saw Oswald wearing it as he came down Patton Street (ibid, page 400). Callaway on the other hand, testified that he couldn’t see this shirt! (WC Volume III, page 356). When Counsel Joseph Ball asked Guinyard if all the men in the line-up were about the same color, Guinyard exclaimed twice that; “…they wasn’t all about the same color.” (WC Volume VII, page 399). However, Oswald and the three men who were with him in the line-up; DPD detective Richard Clark, DPD detective William Perry, and DPD jail clerk Don Ables, were all Caucasians (see WCE 1054). If one is to believe that Guinyard’s eye sight was such that he was able to observe small differences in the skin tones of the four men in the line-up, one must simultaneously ignore all of the above contradictions between Callaway’s observations and his own.

    None of the above contradictions between the observations of Callaway and Guinyard, which raises serious questions about their credibility as witnesses, (and if they actually viewed Oswald in a line-up), are ever mentioned by Myers. Although the line-up allegedly seen by Callaway and Guinyard was conducted at approximately 6:30 pm on the night of the assassination, when Callaway was interviewed by FBI agent Arthur E. Carter on February 23, 1964, he told Carter that he recalled the line-up was conducted on the night after Tippit’s murder (WCD 735, page 262). In other words, Callaway was implying that the line-up was held on the night of November 23, 1963. However, Callaway would go on to testify that it was held on the night of the assassination. The reader should also bear in mind that when Domingo Benavides testified before the Warren Commission, he explained that after Callaway had gotten into William Scoggins cab to look for the killer with Scoggins, he asked him (Benavides) which way the killer went, but found out later on from Callaway that he did see the killer (WC Volume VI, page 452). If Callaway really did see the killer, he obviously had no reason to ask Benavides which way the killer went. Therefore, Benavides testimony strongly implies that Callaway never actually saw Tippit’s killer.

    Although Myers acknowledges in his endnotes that Benavides testified that Callaway asked him which way the killer went, he then uses Callaway and Jim Leavelle to discredit Benavides as a witness. According to Myers, during an interview in 1996, Callaway told him that Benavides confided to him that he didn’t actually see the gunman as he told the Warren Commission that he had (With Malice, Chapter 7). Myers also quotes from Jim Leavelle’s testimony where Leavelle claimed that; “I think he [Benavides] said he never saw the gunman actually…either that or he [Benavides] told me he could not recognise him, one or the other.” (ibid). Readers should also keep in mind that in his supplementary report on Tippit’s murder (evidently written on the day of the assassination), Leavelle wrote that Benavides didn’t see the killer (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 1, Folder 4, Item 3). Myers can pretend that Callaway and Leavelle are both trustworthy on this issue, because he never explains to his readers the serious credibility issues of both of these men It is apparent to this reviewer that Myers wants to discredit Benavides because he wants to maintain that both Callaway and Leavelle are credible witnesses.

    There are some issues with Benavides own credibility as a witness. For one thing, when Benavides testified before the Warren Commission, Counsel David Belin asked him if WCE 163 (the dark greyish blue jacket which Oswald allegedly wore to the TSBD on the morning of the assassination) was the jacket Tippit’s killer was wearing. To which Benavides responded; “I would say this looks just like it.” (WC Volume VI, page 453). However, Benavides had previously testified that the killer was wearing what appeared to be a light-beige jacket (ibid, page 450). In this reviewer’s opinion, Benavides could conceivably have mistaken the light gray jacket which the killer was wearing (WCE 162) as being a light beige color. Furthermore, the possibility that Belin was misquoted by the court reporter when he allegedly asked Benavides if WCE 163 was the jacket the killer was wearing cannot be ruled out.

    Benavides is also known for taking credit for notifying the DPD radio dispatchers that Tippit had been shot, when in fact it was T.F. Bowley who notified the dispatchers. Although this may seem as if Benavides lied to put himself in the spotlight, the fact is that T.F. Bowley was never called to testify before the Warren Commission. Many researchers, including myself, believe Bowley was avoided because according to his affidavit to the DPD, it was about 1:10 pm when he reported the shooting over the DPD radio; which was much too soon for the “official” time at which Tippit was shot (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 3, Item 14). Therefore, it seems likely that Benavides was coerced into taking credit for reporting the shooting over the radio. Although Benavides never positively identified Oswald as Tippit’s killer when he testified, he nevertheless claimed the killer looked like Oswald (WC Volume VI, page 452).

    Although it is this reviewer’s belief that Ted Callaway and Sam Guinyard never actually observed Tippit’s killer, there is one mystery concerning Callaway that remains. According to the DPD radio transcripts, Officer Howell W. Summers reports that he has an “…eyeball witness to the get-away man; that suspect in this shooting.” (WCE 705/1974). Summers then broadcasted the description of the suspect given to him by the witness over the radio. Although Myers claims that this witness was Ted Callaway, the distinct possibility exists that the witness was in fact B.D. Searcy, who worked at Harris Bros Auto Sales (WCD 735, page 261). Searcy is somewhat of an enigma, as there doesn’t appear to be any FBI and USSS interviews with him, and there also doesn’t appear to be an affidavit by Searcy to the DPD on what he heard and saw. Even though Ted Callaway told the FBI that both he and Searcy were standing on the front porch of the car lot, and even though Callaway was photographed standing on the front porch, there are no photographs depicting Searcy standing on the front porch (ibid, WCD 630, page 38). It is this reviewer’s opinion that Searcy was avoided because, unlike Callaway and Guinyard, he refused to be coaxed into identifying Oswald as Tippit’s killer. The reader should also bear in mind that even though Guinyard identified Oswald as the killer, there doesn’t appear to be an interview of him by the FBI and the USSS, and there doesn’t appear to be any photographs by the FBI showing where Guinyard was standing when he allegedly observed Oswald (WCD 630).

    Following his discussion of the identification of Oswald as Tippit’s killer by Callaway and Guinyard, Myers now moves onto the Davis sister-in-laws, Barbara and Virginia. Both of them allegedly identified Oswald as the killer in a DPD line-up on the evening of the assassination (With Malice, Chapter 7). The Davis sister-in-laws allegedly witnessed Tippit’s killer cut across the lawn of their apartment house, located on the southeast corner of the tenth and Patton Street intersection; emptying shells from the revolver as he did so. Myers writes that some critics have questioned the powers of observation of the two women because Barbara Davis testified before the Warren Commission that she observed the killer wearing a dark coat; even though he was actually wearing a light gray jacket (With Malice, Chapter 7). What Myers omits is that when counsel Joseph Ball asked her if Oswald was dressed the same in the police line-up as he was when she allegedly observed him after Tippit was shot, she replied; “All except he didn’t have a black coat on when I saw him in the line-up” (WC Volume III, page 347). In other words, Davis claimed that Tippit’s killer was wearing a black coat. It is incomprehensible to this reviewer that she could have mistaken or misremembered the light gray jacket (WCE 162) to be a black coat; and when she was shown the light gray jacket during her testimony, she refused to identify it (ibid). Contrary to what Myers wants us to believe, Davis’s testimony that the killer was wearing a black coat raises serious doubts about her credibility as a witness.

    Although Barbara and Virginia Davis allegedly observed the gunman together, they contradicted each other on a number of points. Barbara Davis testified that she called the DPD after the killer had gone out of sight (ibid, page 345). On the other hand, Virginia Davis was confused during her testimony as to whether Barbara called the DPD before or after they had seen the killer. Although Myers acknowledges this in his book, he nevertheless omits several other contradictions between their observations and recollections (With Malice, Chapter 7). For one thing, Barbara Davis testified she was standing on the front porch when the killer went by, whereas Virginia Davis testified that they both observed the killer through the front screen door; only to later on acknowledge that they were standing on the front porch when they saw the killer, just as she claimed in her affidavit to the USSS on December 1, 1963 (WCD 87, page 555). In that same affidavit she claimed that the killer was holding the gun in his left hand and unloading it into his right, and that she was lying down in bed with Barbara and her two children when she heard the shots (ibid).

    However, when she testified before the Warren Commission, she now claimed that the killer was holding the gun in his right hand and unloading it into his left, and that she was actually lying down on the couch when she heard the shots. Barbara Davis testified that she saw the killer cut across the middle of the yard of their apartment house, and illustrated this on WCE 534 (WC Volume III, page 344). However, Virginia Davis testified that the killer cut across the yard only about three feet from the sidewalk on Tenth Street (WC Volume VI, page 458).

    As far as the identification of Oswald in the line-up is concerned, Virginia Davis testified that she was the first to identify Oswald as the killer, and also testified that there were five men in the line-up; when in actual fact there were only four in total (WC Volume VI, page 462). However, when Barbara Davis testified, she took credit for being the first to identify Oswald as the killer (WC Volume III, page 350). Virginia Davis also testified that she went to the DPD to identify Oswald “…probably about 5:30”, which is ridiculous since according to the DPD, the line-up she and her sister-in-law allegedly viewed was conducted at approximately 7:55 pm (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 5, Folder 5, Item 4). Although Warren Commission defenders might argue that the contradictions between the two women’s recollections was due to one or both of them being nervous when they testified, the fact remains that all of the above raises doubts that they had seen the killer; or that they even viewed Oswald in a line-up, as both they and the DPD claimed. Myers actually writes in his book that Virginia Davis told him during an interview in 1997 that she was nervous when she testified before the Warren Commission (With Malice, Chapter 9)

    There is yet another piece of evidence which casts serious doubt on the credibility of the Davis sister-in-laws. Contained within the list of contacts for Jack Ruby is the name Leona Miller, with the telephone number WH3 – 8120 (WCD 717, page 6). When Barbara and Virginia Davis gave their affidavits to the DPD (allegedly on the day of the assassination), they listed their phone number as WH3 – 8120 (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 1, Items 20 and 22). Myers acknowledges this fact in his book, but dismisses its significance by writing that; “…apart from the phone number, there is no known connection between Leona Miller, Barbara Jeannette and Virginia Davis, and Jack Ruby.” (With Malice, Chapter 9). Contrary to what Myers would like us to believe, the fact that the phone number of two witnesses who contradicted each other on their observations of Tippit’s killer (despite both of them being certain that Oswald was the killer), and the fact that Barbara Davis believed that Tippit’s killer was wearing a black coat, raises the distinct possibility that the Davis sister-in-laws were ersatz witnesses used to implicate Oswald as Tippit’s killer. According to the testimony of Curtis Laverne Crafard (a.k.a Larry Crafard), Miller was apparently a girl who had phoned Ruby seeking employment at the Carousel club as a waitress (testimony of Curtis Laverne Crafard, WC Volume XIV).

    Curiously, there was a Leona Miller (married name Leona Lane) with whom Ruby was acquainted (WCD 1121, page 35). However, it is not known whether Miller (Lane) ever lived at the address the Davis sister-in-laws were living at when they allegedly observed Tippit’s killer. In my upcoming essay on Gerald Hill, this reviewer presents evidence that Tippit’s killer could in fact be Larry Crafard; which gives credence to the possibility that the Davis sister-in-laws were fake witnesses used to implicate Oswald. Though, truth be told, there is absolutely no solid connection between Jack Ruby, Larry Crafard, and the Davis sister-in-laws.

    On the day following Tippit’s murder, cab driver William W. Scoggins, along with cab driver William W. Whaley, were brought to the DPD to view Oswald in a line-up (With Malice, Chapter 7). Myers’ book contains a photograph by Jack Beers showing what he claims to be Scoggins and Whaley leaving the DPD homicide office to view the line-up (ibid). Scoggins told the Warren Commission that as the killer went past his cab, the killer looked back over his left shoulder, and that; “It seemed like I could see his face, his features and everything plain, you see.” (WC Volume III, page 327). Although Scoggins testified before the Warren Commission that he identified Oswald as Tippit’s killer in the line-up, he doesn’t mention this in his affidavit to the DPD on November 23, 1963 (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 1, Item 24). Myers doesn’t mention this to his readers. Myers also doesn’t mention that although DPD Lt. T.L. Baker wrote in his report to Chief Curry that Scoggins positively identified Oswald as Tippit’s killer in the line-up, detectives Marvin Johnson and L.D. Montgomery made no mention of this in their own reports to chief Curry. In fact, neither Johnson nor Montgomery mention in their reports that Scoggins viewed a line-up of Oswald (Dallas Municipal archives Box 5, Folder 5, Items 4, 26, 28, and 35).

    Although Myers admits that Scoggins told the Warren Commission that he had seen Oswald’s picture in the newspaper before he allegedly identified Oswald in the line-up as Tippit’s killer, he nevertheless omits that when Scoggins was reinterviewed by the FBI on November 25, 1963, he claimed that after viewing a photograph of Oswald, he was not certain that the man he observed fleeing from the Tippit murder scene was actually Oswald (WCD 5, page 77). The reader should bear in mind that when Scoggins testified, he claimed that some of the photos of Oswald shown to him by the FBI/USSS didn’t resemble Oswald, and that he may have picked the wrong photo (WC Volume III, page 335). However, according to his aforementioned interview with the FBI, Scoggins was only shown one photograph. Therefore, Scoggins was either lying, mistaken, or was actually referring to another interview.

    Scoggins also testified that he overheard William Whaley telling one (or more) of the cab drivers at the Oak Cliff cab company, for whom they were both employed, that he picked Oswald up at the Greyhound bus station, and then dropped him off at the 500 block of Beckley avenue in Oak Cliff (ibid, page 340). However, as researcher Lee Farley has demonstrated, Whaley did not give Oswald a ride to Oak Cliff in his cab, and that Scoggins was lying (see the thread entitled Oswald and cab 36 on John Simkin’s Spartacus education forum). It is also worth keeping in mind that despite hearing Tippit’s killer mumble either “Poor dumb cop” or “Poor damn cop” as he went by his cab, Scoggins never claimed that the killer’s voice was identical to Oswald’s (ibid, page 327), (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 2, Folder 1, Item 24). Finally, perhaps it’s also worth keeping in mind that even though Scoggins testified that he was “kind of crouched” behind his cab; and observed the killer through the windows of his cab, in his affidavit to the USSS on December 2, 1963, he claimed that he saw the killer after he (Scoggins) ran to the west side of Patton Street, opposite to his cab (WCD 87, page 553). In conclusion, much like Ted Callaway, Sam Guinyard, and the Davis sister-in-laws, William Scoggins is a witness whose credibility has question marks around it. Not that it matters to Myers.

    Many conspiracy advocates, past and present, have claimed that the Oswald line-ups were unfair. Although this reviewer shares that opinion, once it has been established that the witnesses were unreliable, and by implication, coaxed by the DPD to identify Oswald as the killer in the line-ups, the issue of whether the line-ups were fair or unfair becomes irrelevant. The contradictions between the alleged observations of Ted Callaway and Sam Guinyard are perhaps the best indication that witnesses were coaxed by the DPD to identify Oswald as Tippit’s killer, and once it is accepted that one or two witnesses were coaxed to identify Oswald as the killer, then logically, every eyewitness identification of Oswald as the killer in the DPD line-ups must be considered suspect. If Oswald was framed for Tippit’s murder by those responsible for the President’s assassination, then it only makes perfect sense that Tippit’s killer resembled Oswald, as they certainly would want any witness who saw the killer to think that it was Oswald.

    Towards the end of this Chapter, Myers discusses the paraffin tests used by the DPD to determine whether or not Oswald had fired a gun on the day of the assassination. Myers writes that; “…the lab report on the paraffin cast from Oswald’s right hand showed that the nitrate traces were not only positive, but ‘typical of the patterns produced in firing a revolver’. Such a finding suggests that, in this case, the presence of nitrates was the direct result of firing a handgun, and not due to the handling of some unknown nitrate-laced product.” (With Malice, Chapter 7). However, once again, Myers deceives his readers. For one thing, although he prints a sketch of the nitrates on Oswald’s right hand, he never explains that most of the nitrates were found on the palm side of the hand, and not on the back side of the hand where the nitrates from the revolver would have been deposited. Myers also omits that the FBI’s agent John Gallagher, who worked in the FBI’s laboratory in the physics and chemistry section, testified that; “No characteristic elements were found by neutron activation analysis of the residues which could be used to distinguish the rifle from the revolver cartridges.” (WC Volume XV, page 748 ). This further undermines the “finding” that the nitrate traces on the paraffin cast of Oswald’s hand are typical of the patterns produced by firing a revolver.

    In his discussion of the paraffin test, Myers also writes that the chemicals used in processing the nitrates will also react to nitrates found in urine, tobacco, cosmetics, kitchen matches, fertilizers and many other common items (ibid). Although Myers believes the paraffin tests applied to Oswald’s hands were valid, he never mentions that according to the report by DPD detectives Elmer Boyd and Richard Sims to Chief Curry, Sgt. W.E. “Pete” Barnes and detective John Hicks of the DPD crime lab applied the paraffin test to Oswald’s hands after Hicks had taken fingerprints from him! (Dallas Municipal archives, Box 3, Folder 4, Item 5). This was confirmed by Lt. T.L. Baker in his own report (ibid, Box 5, Folder 5, Item 4). Now if this true, it casts serious doubt on the validity of the tests, as Oswald’s hands would have been contaminated from the fingerprint ink, and washed afterwards to remove all ink. When Sgt. Barnes testified before the Warren Commission, he claimed that that he took palm prints from Oswald’s hands immediately before applying the paraffin test; only to quickly correct himself stating that it was done immediately after the paraffin test (WC Volume VII, page 284). However, Barnes’ correction should not be taken seriously, as evidence discussed below demonstrates that Barnes is not a credible witness. Readers should also keep in mind that when counsel David Belin asked Barnes during his testimony “Suppose I were to wash my hands between the time I fired it [WCE 143] and the time you took the paraffin test?”, Barnes claimed that this would “hurt the test” (WC Volume VII, page 280).

    In spite of all of his deceptions, Myers then has the audacity to write the following; “Every aspect of Tippit’s murder became the focus of relentless – and often unfair – criticism.”, adding that “Some doubters [critics] sought to exonerate Oswald of Tippit’s death by challenging the eyewitness accounts” (With Malice, Chapter 7). Yes, Dale. Shame on those of us who, unlike you, actually want to honestly point out the contradictions between the eyewitness accounts which raise serious doubts about their credibility. Suffice it to say, the readers can judge for themselves whether or not I have made unfair criticisms of the witnesses.


    Go to Part Two

  • Dale Myers, With Malice: Lee Harvey Oswald and the Murder of Officer J. D. Tippit


    Dale Myers and his “So-Called Evidence”

    Dale K. Myers wrote what I have described as “in effect, the Warren Report of the Tippit case.” Myers’s 1998 book, revised for the publication of a second edition in October 2013, gives away its agenda in its title, With Malice: Lee Harvey Oswald and the Murder of Officer J. D. Tippit. Like the Warren Commission, Myers begins by assuming Oswald’s guilt and then works backward to deploy a misleading array of what the accused man called “so-called evidence,” rather than investigating the case empirically to reach conclusions that are not preordained. During part of the thirty-one years I was working on my own investigation of the Tippit murder for my book Into the Nightmare: My Search for the Killers of President John F. Kennedy and Officer J. D. Tippit, published in June 2013 by Hightower Press, I sometimes found Myers’s work a useful foil and a source of documents and other data, much as researchers mine the commission’s twenty-six volumes for nuggets that contradict the report itself.

    But like material emanating from the commission, With Malice must be used with caution because of Myers’s bias and his flawed methodology, which tends to load opposing evidence into his lengthy end notes, there to be summarily dismissed and/or belittled rather than seriously examined. Anything Myers puts forth in his Oswald-did-it Tippit hagiography must be carefully checked against all other available information, a method serious researchers have learned to follow with any assertions and documents in these two murder cases. (Myers’s more widely seen work as a computer animator creating speciously constructed models that purport to show the bullet paths in Dealey Plaza displays his willingness to promote the commission’s single-bullet theory in pseudo-scientific mainstream documentaries.)

    Since Into the Nightmare was published, Myers has taken it upon himself to joust against a few of my arguments as part of “The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: New and Updated Books about the JFK Assassination,” his November 18, 2013, survey published on one of his two websites, Secrets of a Homicide. The other website Myers runs is jdtippit.com, a conduit not only to promote his book but also to serve the similarly hagiographic agenda of the Tippit family. They have supplied a wealth of valuable family and historical material to the second edition of With Malice as well as to jdtippit.com.

    Myers’s book survey includes shamelessly giving a rave review to a book he helped write without credit, Vincent Bugliosi’s Reclaiming History: The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy (2007), which Myers praises as “Hands down the best single volume on the assassination that was never read. Some minor flaws, but incredibly [sic] readable, exhaustive in its analysis, and highly entertaining.” Perhaps since Myers believes that book “was never read,” he thought readers of his article would not realize he worked with Bugliosi on that gargantuan, often truly incredible anti-conspiracy screed (1,648 pages plus a CD-ROM), before they had a mysterious falling-out. Myers’s involvement is acknowledged by Bugliosi as a “noteworthy” writing contribution; he adds that “no one helped me as much as Dale Myers.” Myers’s contribution is among the topics covered in James DiEugenio’s definitive demolition job in his book Reclaiming Parkland: Tom Hanks, Vincent Bugliosi, and the JFK Assassination in the New Hollywood (published in October 2013). Drawing from information provided by fellow assassination researcher David S. Lifton, DiEugenio reports that Myers has a legal settlement preventing him from discussing the issue of his work with Bugliosi. But if Myers found it impossible to include a disclaimer in his survey, he could have avoided disingenuously reviewing and praising a book to which he heavily contributed. And, in fact, for which he was once slated to get a cover credit.

    Following his standard approach to evidence that contradicts his own propagandistic work on behalf of the lone-nut theory, Myers’s book survey briefly dismisses as “utter nonsense … nutty bull-dongles” the great majority of Into the Nightmare for amassing evidence that points to Oswald’s innocence in both murders. His review can be discounted as sour grapes, the type directed at a rival author whose conclusions are diametrically opposite of his. But Myers has a broader agenda. Here, from the article, is a partial inventory of what Myers views as valid evidence against Oswald: “[H]ow Oswald brought the gun to work, the curtain rod story, how the employees left him on one of the upper floors, the lunchroom encounter, the scuffle and attempt to shoot an officer in the theater, the palm print on the rifle stock, the marked street map found in Oswald’s room, and the statements by bus driver McWatters and taxi driver Whaley.” That all these claims of culpability have been conclusively exposed as fallacious in whole or in part by other researchers, including me, hardly seems to have registered with Myers, whose MO is to pretend that serious issues about the evidence do not exist.

    In regard to the Tippit case, contrary evidence I analyze and often dug up with my own research is scorned in Myers’s article as “the same old re-cycled nonsense about Tippit’s death,” including “a much earlier shooting time than ever officially acknowledged, marginal eyewitness testimonies elevated to central roles, [and] Dallas cops switching evidence to frame poor Lee Oswald.” In this reference to the issue of the shooting time, Myers implicitly dismisses the basic exculpatory question of how Oswald could have walked from his rooming house to the scene of the shooting, a distance of nine-tenths of a mile, in the five minutes between his last sighting at the rooming house and the time Tippit was shot.

    I refer interested readers to the entirety of my 675-page book for my own thorough critique of those and other key points in the official case against Oswald. My exposition and arguments, and the flaws in Myers’s highly selective dossier on Oswald for the two murders, cannot be summarized in a short space without seeming simplistic. But in addressing one major discovery of my investigation and a few other points Myers cherry-picks from my lengthy book – thereby demonstrating his sensitivity to certain issues and the importance he places on trying to refute them – Myers makes some misleading claims about Into the Nightmare, including false aspersions on one of my sources, Edgar Lee Tippit, Officer Tippit’s father.

    II. Edgar Lee Tippit’s revelations

    Let’s start with what Myers calls “The big revelation.” I report that Officer Tippit’s murder did not stem from a random encounter with Oswald but from his assignment by the Dallas Police Department to hunt down Oswald shortly after the 12:30 p.m. assassination in downtown Dallas. Within fifteen minutes of that event and until his death at about 1:09 p.m., Tippit was seen by a number of eyewitnesses racing ever more frantically around suburban Oak Cliff, clearly searching for someone until his fatal encounter with parties other than Oswald on East Tenth Street. Some early coverage of the events of November 22, 1963, and various articles and books over the years speculated that Tippit might have been tracking Oswald, but strongly supporting evidence emerged when I interviewed Edgar Lee Tippit at his home in rural Clarksville, Texas, in December 1992.

    Mr. Tippit, who was then a vigorous, mentally alert ninety years old and would live to the age of 104, had been a farmer most of his life when I went to see him and was still working on farming chores. Mr. Tippit told me that shortly after November 22, another Dallas policeman had come to see J. D.’s widow, Marie, and told her what had happened. As I write, “Tippit’s father told me he had been informed by Marie Tippit, the officer’s widow, that J. D. and another officer had been assigned by the police to hunt down Oswald in Oak Cliff. According to Edgar Lee, ‘They called J. D. and another policeman and said he [Oswald] was headed in that direction. The other policeman told Marie.’ …

    “Edgar Lee made another important revelation in our interview. He told me what Marie learned from that other policeman about why he had not made it to the scene of the shooting on Tenth Street: ‘The other boy stopped – he would have got there but he had a little accident, a wreck. They both started, but J. D. made it. He’d been expecting something. The police notified them Oswald was headed that way.’”

    No source should be taken at face value, including one so close to the subject. So I carefully compared Mr. Tippit’s account to other reliable documentation about the activities of his son J. D. and other police officers in Dallas and Oak Cliff during that time period. I found that Mr. Tippit’s account squared with the other pertinent information, and that he provided the strongest evidence to explain what his son’s mission was that afternoon and how it went awry. Into the Nightmare discusses various suspects in the officer’s shooting and identifies three as highly suspicious persons of interest in the ambush (DPD Officer Harry Olsen, Jack Ruby-connected hoodlum Darrell Wayne [Dago] Garner, and Ruby himself), while exonerating others who have been brought forth as suspects, including Oswald, Tippit’s mistress Johnnie Maxie Witherspoon, and her husband Stephen (Steve) Thompson, Jr.

    Myers conveniently, and falsely, tries to discredit Edgar Lee Tippit by claiming that he was suffering from “a dash of dementia” when I interviewed him and therefore cannot be trusted. Mr. Tippit told me he had never been interviewed before. In one of the end notes to the first edition of With Malice, published while Edgar Lee was still living, Myers wrote, “Little is known about Tippit’s parents, Edgar Lee and Lizzie Mae Tippit.” That situation could have been corrected if Myers, who claims he has been researching the Tippit case since 1978, had ever interviewed Mr. Tippit, but the second edition also shows no sign that happened. Perhaps Myers was reluctant to find out what Edgar Lee had to say. As a source for the allegation that Mr. Tippit was demented, Myers cites Joyce Tippit DeBord, a sister of J. D. whom he reports having interviewed on July 11, 2013. That was ten days after Myers ordered a copy of my book. So he apparently felt the belated need to quickly dig up a family source willing to help him discredit Mr. Tippit and his revealing interview.

    I had a wide-ranging interview of several hours with Mr. Tippit and found him lucid, articulate, and forthcoming. He showed no apparent difficulty recalling events or topics I asked about, and when he did not remember something specific (such as the name of the officer who briefed Marie Tippit), he told me so, a mark of his honesty and a bolstering of his clear recollection of other names and information. In the course of my more than fifty years as a journalist and my long experience as a biographer, I have interviewed many elderly people, including numerous men and women in their nineties and beyond. I have found that, contrary to ageist assumptions, many have still been mentally sharp. For Myers, though, an elderly man’s honesty is a sign of “dementia.”

    The strangest part of Myers’s attack is that he seems to essentially endorse Mr. Tippit’s account even while smearing his cognitive abilities and my reporting. Myers describes Edgar Lee’s story as “slightly skewed” and “no doubt a slightly scrambled version of true events,” while accepting his report that an officer came to see Marie Tippit to explain what happened and told her he was prevented from getting to the scene of the shooting because of a traffic accident. I suggest in Into the Nightmare that the two officers may have been trying to kill Oswald if not take him into custody. Myers denies that Tippit and the other officer were “part of some secret Dallas police hit squad bent on rubbing out Oswald.” The fact that Oswald was soon murdered in the custody of dozens of Dallas policemen and that he may have narrowly escaped that fate while captured in the Texas Theatre shortly after the Tippit killing for which he was scapegoated suggests it is not far-fetched to ask whether the police may have been out to eliminate Oswald that afternoon. And when I interviewed former Dallas County District Attorney Henry Wade in January 1993, he lent further corroboration to this account of an earlier than officially acknowledged pursuit of Oswald, telling me, “Somebody reported to me that the police already knew who he [Oswald] was, and they were looking for him.”

    III. The Other Police Officer

    And who was the other police officer involved in that pursuit, the one who, according to Edgar Lee Tippit’s account, briefed Marie Tippit? I point strong suspicion in Into the Nightmare at Sergeant William Duane Mentzel. A former patrol partner of J. D. Tippit, the thirty-two-year-old Mentzel was the officer actually assigned to the district in which Tippit was shot (Tippit was four miles out of his assigned patrol district). Mentzel gave conflicting stories about his whereabouts during the crucial time period (including whether or not he was eating lunch) and was reported to have gone to the scene of an auto accident at 817 West Davis in Oak Cliff, eleven and a half blocks from the location of the Tippit shooting. That accident was reported at 1:11, two minutes after Tippit was shot. I suggest that Mentzel, who was at the accident scene for only about five to ten minutes (accounts vary), actually may have had the accident he supposedly was investigating.

    After my book appeared, I found what I consider the clinching information that Mentzel was the other officer besides Tippit who was hunting down Oswald, and I found it in a surprising place, i.e., the second edition of Myers’s book. In a new end note reporting on his 2008 interview with Ardyce Mentzel, the officer’s widow (he had died in 2002), Myers reports that Mentzel phoned his wife soon after Tippit was shot and told her, “I’m just calling to say that the police officer shot in Oak Cliff wasn’t me.” Mentzel, writes Myers, “served as an honor guard alongside Tippit’s casket at the Dudley Hughes Funeral Home and at the graveside ceremony. He told his wife Ardyce how bad he felt about Tippit’s death, particularly because of the fact that Tippit had been killed in his district. He felt that Tippit had died for him. He was very emotional about the honor guard duty[,] telling her, ‘It’s so hard for me to go to that funeral.’” Myers also writes in the second edition that when Mentzel arrived at the Tippit shooting scene, “A heavy feeling washed over the patrolman. It could have been him … If he hadn’t been called to the traffic accident on West Davis, it might’ve been him laying [sic] up on a gurney at Methodist Hospital right now, instead of J. D. Tippit.” Myers drew that information from Ardyce Mentzel, whom he further quotes directly in his book survey: “Bill told me how bad he felt about Tippit’s death. He felt like Tippit had died for him, since he was killed in my husband’s district.”

    In telling me what the second officer told Marie Tippit about the accident, Edgar Lee Tippit reported that “he said if he hadn’t been stopped, he was closer to this place [the shooting site on East Tenth Street] than J. D. was, and he’d have been [instead of] J. D. there and he’d have gotten it.” But Myers rather illogically writes, “Officer Mentzel’s link to a traffic accident in Oak Cliff (a fact known for better than thirty years) doesn’t really support the essence of Mr. Tippit’s allegation, does it?” Nevertheless, along with Myers’s somewhat surprising agreement with the bulk of Edgar Lee Tippit’s story about the two officers’ pursuit of Oswald – surprising because Myers seems so exercised by my interviewing Mr. Tippit and reporting what he told me – Myers seems to agree with the conclusion that Mentzel was the other officer involved with J. D. Tippit in the pursuit. Myers writes, “It doesn’t take a mental giant to figure out that Mentzel is the one who approached Marie Tippit” with an account of what happened “and that Marie passed this on to J. D.’s father.” This is how Myers summarizes the events in his article: “Officer Mentzel told his wife that had he not got hung up at the traffic accident he was called to, it likely would have been him that would have come across Oswald, been killed, and been lying up at the funeral home instead of J. D. Tippit.”

    Where Myers draws the line is at my suggestion that Mentzel, like Tippit, could have been out to kill Oswald, not just to capture him or help him escape (although I also raise those two possibilities, while tending to discount the latter). Myers seems to believe Mentzel’s role, like Tippit’s, was not suspicious and does not seem particularly bothered by the likelihood that these two policemen were clandestinely assigned by the DPD to hunt down a suspect whose identity would not officially be known to the department until after he was arrested and taken downtown. That early pursuit of the scapegoat in itself was evidence of a conspiracy involving the DPD and these two officers. Although Mentzel was only a patrolman, after the assassination he was given the important assignments of guarding Oswald’s widow, Marina, and one of President Lyndon B. Johnson’s daughters, according to a 1977 interview with the officer by an investigator for the House Select Committee on Assassinations.

    IV. The alleged lunch

    Myers also objects to my questioning Marie Tippit’s account (actually her changing accounts) of her husband coming home for a quick lunch on November 22. If that were the case, and if the timing were right, Tippit could have had an alibi to show that he was not “Badge Man,” the man who appears to be in a Dallas policeman’s uniform, firing a shot at President Kennedy from the Grassy Knoll. In my book, as others have before me, I discuss the possibility of Tippit being “Badge Man”. Contrary to what Myers writes, I do not establish it as a certainty because of the lingering uncertainty over whether Tippit could have been home for lunch and may have conducted a brief investigation of a reported shoplifting in Oak Cliff at 12:17 p.m. (The evidence for that stop on his itinerary is also questionable).

    Mrs. Tippit, who turned eighty-five in October 2013, is still giving interviews and making public appearances. I heard her speak at the November 22, 2013, DPD memorial tribute to J. D. Tippit. “I was blessed to have him,” she said. “He was a wonderful husband and father.” That comment, similar to others she has made in the past, conflicts with the evidence brought forth in my book and elsewhere that he had been cheating on her with Johnnie Maxie Witherspoon (whom I interviewed at length about their affair) and reportedly had been involved with other women as well. As I discuss in Into the Nightmare, it was said by some observers that soon after her husband’s death, Mrs. Tippit seemed to exhibit suspicions about his fidelity (Myers’s book mentions one of those instances).

    My book does not accuse Mrs. Tippit of “lying about her husband’s lunchtime visit,” as Myers writes in his article. What Into the Nightmare does is question her conflicting accounts of the time of the lunch and when she learned of her husband’s death. These are among the problems surrounding the story of the lunch that, as I write in my book, “raise more troubling questions about whether Tippit was actually home for lunch at all that day or whether that could have been a convenient fiction developed with [fellow DPD officer, friend, and neighbor Bill] Anglin and other helpful friends from the DPD busily engaged in damage control from day one.” Mrs. Tippit has never been interrogated under oath about the lunch, or other events, which seems a conspicuous omission in the official investigations, and a widow giving an alibi for a husband is not sufficient to settle an important question about a criminal case. Myers correctly notes that I wrote Mrs. Tippit on March 5, 2013, to request an interview, and that she did not respond. Somehow he twists that to blame me for not talking with her for my book, which I was continuing to write until shortly before its publication that June. A Dallas Morning News article about the Tippit family on November 1, 2013, contains an interview with Marie, who “says musings that [J. D.] was part of an assassination plot, or wasn’t killed by Oswald, are ‘not worth talking about.’”

    Mrs. Tippit’s public position on what happened that day has remained consistent. She said at the DPD memorial tribute that her husband “was killed by the killer of the president” and “that led to the police being able to capture Oswald sooner.” It’s worth noting that this rationale for portraying Officer Tippit as an heroic figure who sacrificed himself for his country by dying at the hands of the escaping Oswald follows the line first put forth on the very day of the assassination by Bill Anglin himself. Anglin went to the Tippit home that afternoon and told (the ubiquitous coverup specialist) Hugh Aynesworth of the Morning News, “One thing, he [Tippit] didn’t die in vain. Had he not stopped that guy the whole City of Dallas might have been wide open by nightfall.” (“That guy” was not identified by name in the article, but Oswald was identified elsewhere in the paper’s November 23 edition as the suspect charged with both murders.)

    Reports about Tippit’s alleged visit to his home for lunch have shown some further emendations by the Tippit family since my book was published. Into the Nightmare quotes a November 2003 article in the Morning News, drawn from an interview with Marie, which states that on the morning of November 22, 1963, “she received a call from the nurse at [their son] Allan’s school, telling her he was vomiting and needed to come home. So he was there when his dad came home for lunch one last time.” That account could suggest Allan was already in some distress shortly before that day’s murders and might reinforce a report (which Allan later denied, to Myers) that his father, before leaving home for work early that morning, hugged the boy and said, “No matter what happens today, I want you to know that I love you.” But the November 2013 article on the Tippits in the Morning News has Allan claiming he told a false story about why he came home early from school on the day his father was shot: “Allan, the oldest child, remembers when the crushing news arrived. He was home that day from eighth grade, faking a stomach ache to avoid an exam, he says.”

    More importantly, Mrs. Tippit has revised her earlier story about how often her husband came home for lunch. She told Morning News columnist Frank X. Tolbert for an August 1964 profile in the Saturday Evening Post, “My husband was away from his family a lot because of his side jobs, so when it didn’t interfere with his patrols, he came home for lunch, mainly so he could spend an hour with me and little Curtis.” But the 2013 Morning News article states, “Her memory of a husband, father and police officer includes his telephone call that Friday morning half a century ago. He was coming home for lunch, a surprising break in routine.” An article distributed that same day by the Associated Press, also containing an interview with Marie, similarly reports that “J. D. Tippit had broken from his usual routine that day and ate lunch at home with his wife.” And in an interview for Where Were You?: America Remembers the JFK Assassination, a book compiled and edited by Gus Russo and Harry Moses, published on November 5, 2013, Mrs. Tippit says, “This was really something for him to come home for lunch. J. D. never got to come home for lunch.”

    V. The doubting DA

    Myers’s other specific gripe about a portion of my book is to claim I have distorted Dallas DA Henry Wade’s June 8, 1964, testimony to the Warren Commission in order to demonstrate that Wade did not believe he and the Dallas police had a valid case to prosecute Oswald for the murders of Kennedy and Tippit. Myers, who asserts that Wade “felt they had plenty of evidence,” does his usual cherry-picking of material to suit his arguments. Myers pulls three Wade quotes from my book in which the DA expressed concerns to the commission about whether the evidence was sufficient to file a complaint charging Oswald with murdering Kennedy, which actually was filed late on the night of November 22 (although Oswald, as I report, was never arraigned on the charge of killing Kennedy, only on the earlier charge of killing Tippit). By arguing over the timing of Wade’s comments, Myers claims I take his remarks out of context. But in making that argument, Myers takes my quoting of Wade out of the overall context of his testimony and my analysis of it. I preface the DA’s skeptical quotes by writing, “Wade expressed doubts to the commission about the evidence assembled by the police against Oswald and made extraordinarily candid admissions about the overall weakness of the assassination case, in contrast to what he had told the media on November 24, when he declared that Oswald was guilty ‘to a moral certainty’ of killing Kennedy.”

    Wade’s testimony is elaborate and sometimes convoluted and cryptic and covers forty-one pages of the commission’s supplementary Volume V. The initial concerns he testified to having, before he was briefed by the police about their evidence (“I wasn’t sure I was going to take a complaint”), resurfaced later and, in my reading of his testimony, may have been on his mind from the day of the assassination onward. The evidence Wade admitted to the commission was weak included two of the most vital facets of the case against Oswald, i.e., whether he owned the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle found in the Texas School Book Depository (which Wade, notoriously, told the media early in the morning on November 23 was “a Mauser, I believe”) and whether Oswald’s palmprint was found underneath the barrel of the rifle. Though the history of these two pieces of “so-called evidence” is too complex to analyze in a short article, those who have read Into the Nightmare and such landmark books as Sylvia Meagher’s Accessories After the Fact: The Warren Commission, The Authorities, and The Report (1967) and John Armstrong’s Harvey and Lee: How the CIA Framed Oswald (2003) will know that both pieces of evidence are fraudulent. The FBI did not find a palmprint on the rifle, but one that supposedly came from the rifle was belatedly supplied by Lieutenant J. C. Day, the print man for the Dallas police. Wade told the commission, referring to Day, “I have learned since that he probably can’t identify the palmprint under there but at that time they told me they had one on it.”

    Myers does not discuss Wade’s curious claim in his testimony that Captain Will Fritz, the DPD’s lead homicide detective, told him about the palmprint evidence in their meeting shortly after 7 p.m. on November 22, which, if true, could be proof that the police were planning or expecting to use fabricated evidence against Oswald. The Warren Report claims Day lifted the palmprint on the night of November 22, but he did not release it to the FBI until November 26, and it did not arrive at the FBI Laboratory until November 29. Neither Captain Fritz nor DPD Chief Jesse Curry mentioned this supposedly crucial piece of evidence to the media on the assassination weekend. As Sylvia Meagher writes, “Oddly enough, the first public mention of Oswald’s palmprint on the rifle came from District Attorney Henry Wade at his Sunday night press conference (of which Mark Lane has said that Wade was not guilty of a single accuracy).” I discuss in Into the Nightmare the possibility that the FBI obtained the palmprint on Sunday night or Monday morning at the Fort Worth funeral home where Oswald’s body was being prepared for burial.

    With his testimony more than six months later, Wade contradicted his own claim to surprised reporters on November 24 that an Oswald palmprint had been found, and in a considerable understatement, admitted about that news conference, “I was a little inaccurate in one or two things but it was because of the communications with the police … I ran through just what I knew, which probably was worse than nothing.” Wade also told the commission that at his earlier news conference shortly after midnight on November 23, following his briefing by the police on the so-called evidence, “I was the one who was answering the questions about things I didn’t know much about, to tell you the truth.”

    Myers argues that I have misled the reader by quoting Wade’s testimony that he “felt like nearly it was a hopeless case” against Oswald after Chief Curry, disregarding Wade’s advice not to have the department broadcast so much evidence, went on national television on the afternoon of November 23 to talk about the FBI evidence supposedly linking Oswald to the purchase of the rifle. Myers fails to mention that Wade, both before and after that comment to the commission, gives them a lengthy disquisition on how hard it would have been to get a conviction of Oswald after the police had so badly tainted the potential jury pool by parading and discussing evidence in public, as was their usual practice. Wade deplored that practice as counterproductive, even though he did a lot of it himself that weekend. Wade testified he told Curry in the late morning of November 23 that “there may not be a place in the United States you can try it with all the publicity you are getting.”

    Differing interpretations indeed can be put on various aspects of Wade’s voluminous and often evasive testimony, as Myers and I both do. The point of my analysis was to highlight some of the many revealing instances in which Wade let slip doubts about the evidence in the midst of his pro-forma support of the lone-gunman theory. Obviously, a leading Dallas establishment figure such as Wade, despite telling me in our 1993 interview, “I probably made a lot of mistakes,” was not going to make public statements in 1963, 1964, or even much later (such as to me), that he and the police had no case at all against Oswald. But those who carefully read his 1964 testimony will find only tepid acknowledgments that he had a case he could try in court, and admissions that he doubted the validity of much of the evidence the police claimed to him they had and that he did not know much of anything about it.

    Nor did Wade believe the allegations of his far-rightwing Deputy DA Bill Alexander that Oswald was part of a communist conspiracy. Wade admitted to me, as he had to the commission, that he found those claims unsupported as well as beside the legal point and that he followed the urging of President Johnson’s aide Cliff Carter by phone on November 22 not to include the conspiracy charge in the complaint against Oswald in Kennedy’s murder. While addressing the conspiracy claims, Wade testified, “I don’t know what evidence we have, we had at that time and actually don’t know yet what all the evidence was.” He further testified, “I never saw any of the physical evidence in the Oswald case other than one or two statements [sic], and I think I saw the gun while they were taking it out of there bringing it to Washington … I will say Captain Fritz is about as good a man at solving a crime as I ever saw, to find out who did it, but he is poorest in the getting evidence that I know, and I am more interested in getting evidence, and there is where our major conflict comes in.” Those are just some of the numerous quotes from Wade’s testimony expressing doubts about the evidence.

    When I interviewed Wade, whom Warren Commission General Counsel J. Lee Rankin described as “a very canny, able prosecutor,” I found he still seemed “canny” and “able,” within his longstanding limitations, as a practicing Dallas attorney of seventy-eight. But Wade’s reputation has suffered grievously from disclosures in recent years that he and his office were riddled with corruption, ethics violations, and bias. So much so that they routinely convicted innocent people of crimes, with a reckless disregard of the evidence. In my interview, I found that Wade continued to display a mixture of evasiveness, genuine or feigned ignorance about the basic facts of the case about the murders of Kennedy and Tippit, and occasional blunt revelations that contradicted major aspects of the official story (such as his claim that the FBI had spoken with Oswald only a day or two before the assassination). In analyzing Wade’s cryptic testimony and my own interview with him, I was recognizing that Wade had an ambivalence about the case that he tended to acknowledge only partially, guardedly, and suggestively.

    And I was following the lead of Carl Oglesby, who in his 1976 book The Yankee and Cowboy War: Conspiracies from Dallas to Watergate brilliantly analyzes the hidden meanings of Jack Ruby’s even more convoluted and cryptic testimony to the Commission on the day before Wade testified. I could have gone on at more length in my already voluminous book about Wade’s curious performance before the commission, but Myers misses the import of my critique of Wade for not being fully forthcoming and my attempt to excavate the deeper meanings he may have been trying to signal to the world.

    VI. The Hofstadter/CIA ploy

    Before leaving Myers and With Malice to the scrutiny of its readers (and I welcome the perverse utility of a book that attempts to catalogue official accounts of that murder), I will pass over Myers’s unintentionally comical pseudo-psychoanalytical theory of why I wrote my book, other than to correct a couple of important factual distortions in his so-called evidence for it.

    In creating a straw man in my place, Myers misquotes an interview I gave to Len Osanic on Black Op Radio on July 25, 2013, in which I discussed how my skepticism about our political system was grounded on being “terribly lied to and fooled as a kid, as a lot of us were, by my religion, my parents, Democratic beliefs – my Democratic Party beliefs – and by the schools, and by the media.” Myers leaves out the phrase “as a lot of us were” and misleadingly puts “democratic” in lowercase while omitting the explanatory phrase “Democratic Party beliefs.” This is an important distinction in quoting a writer whose mother, Marian Dunne McBride, was vice chairman of the Wisconsin Democratic Party when Kennedy won the 1960 presidential primary, in which I worked for him as a volunteer. As I make abundantly clear in Into the Nightmare, I have never lost my democratic beliefs but believe that our political system forfeited its claim to being a genuine democracy after Kennedy was murdered and the government failed to solve the crime. Other than correcting those factual distortions, I will simply note that in constructing his ad hominem attacks, Myers is following the tediously overused playbooks of the late historian Richard Hofstadter and the Central Intelligence Agency about how to attempt to discredit those dreaded “conspiracy theorists.”

    Despite Hofstadter’s high reputation and many excellent books, he was criticized by colleagues in his own field for indulging in amateur psychoanalysis of people with whom he disagreed. That tendency pervades Hofstadter’s influential polemical essay “The Paranoid Style in American Politics,” which was first published in November 1964 and was based on a lecture he gave at Oxford University in November 1963. Acting on Hofstadter’s cue and that of the infamous 1967 CIA memo “Countering Criticism of the Warren Report,” countless Warren Commission apologists, including Dale Myers, have routinely employed personal attacks rather than actually grappling with the arguments advanced by those with whom they disagree. Resorting to rhetorical and ad hominem attacks is a standard ploy by those who don’t have real arguments about the basic facts.

    So I am hardly surprised to be subjected to the same basically irrelevant treatment by an author who either refuses to deal seriously with the many genuine issues of the Tippit case or is incapable of doing so, as his book and article seem to indicate. One of the most dismaying aspects of Myers’s approach and the adherence of members of the Tippit family to the official version is that they, like Tippit’s fellow Dallas police officers in 1963, seem content with a seriously flawed concept of the case. In my view, that mythic version of Tippit’s murder ignores much of the real evidence and pins the blame instead on an innocent man.

  • The mystery of CE163

    The mystery of CE163


    Introduction

    This November the 22nd will mark the 50th anniversary of President John F. Kennedy’s assassination in Dallas, Texas. From the day the Warren Commission released its report and its 26 volumes of testimony and evidence, its critics have been vehemently arguing that Lee Harvey Oswald was not the President’s assassin, that more than one shooter was involved, that the CIA/KGB/Lyndon Johnson/Anti-Castro Cubans/the Mafia were responsible, amongst other pertinent issues. However, one issue which has not been carefully scrutinised is the allegation that on the morning of the assassination, Oswald went to the TSBD wearing a dark gray blue zipper jacket, designated as Warren Commission exhibit 163.

    (click photos to expand)

    Photo_naraevid_CE163-1.jpg Photo_naraevid_CE163-2.jpg Photo_naraevid_CE163-3.jpg
     
    CE 163

    The jacket was allegedly discovered on the first floor of the TSBD inside the Domino room by an employee named Franklin (Frankie) Kaiser. During her interview with the FBI on 4/1/64, Marina Oswald claimed that her husband owned two jackets “one a heavy jacket, blue in color, and another light jacket, gray in color.”[1] Page 175 of the Warren report contains the following information:

    “Marina Oswald stated that her husband owned only two jackets, one blue and the other gray. The blue jacket was found in the Texas School Book Depository and was identified by Marina Oswald as her husband’s.” [2]

    Oswald at 1026 North Beckley

     According to the Warren Commission’s mythology, after allegedly assassinating the President in cold blood, Oswald returned to his rooming house at 1026 North Beckley in the Oak Cliff district of Dallas, without the jacket he had allegedly left behind at the TSBD. He then supposedly left his rooming house wearing a light gray zipper jacket. Earlene Roberts, the house keeper at 1026 North Beckley, testified before the Warren Commission that she saw Oswald enter the rooming house “in his shirt sleeves”. She further testified that Oswald left the rooming house after maybe about three to four minutes wearing a “kind of zipper jacket” [3]. Roberts was quoted by various sources as giving different descriptions of the jacket Oswald was wearing as he made his way out. For example, she was quoted as describing the jacket as “a short white coat”, “a gray zipper jacket”, and “a tan coat” [4].

    Whilst the quoted descriptions undoubtedly varied, it doesn’t necessarily impact adversely on her credibility; as Roberts could simply have been misquoted. What’s significant is the fact that in her affidavit to the Warren Commission on 12/5/63, Roberts described the jacket as being “dark color” [5]. The jacket which Oswald allegedly discarded at the parking lot behind the Texaco Service station, after he purportedly shot and killed Dallas Policeman J.D Tippit, was a light gray jacket (Ce162) [6]. Therefore, Roberts’ description is much more consistent with the appearance of the dark gray blue zipper jacket.

    (click photos to expand)

    Photo_naraevid_CE162-1.jpg Photo_naraevid_CE162-2.jpg Photo_naraevid_CE162-3.jpg Photo_naraevid_CE162-4.jpg

    Furthermore, when Roberts was shown the light gray jacket during her testimony, she testified as follows:

    Mr. Ball
    I’ll show you this jacket which is Commission

    Mrs. Roberts
    Well, maybe I have, but I don’t remember it. It seems like the one he put on was darker than that.
    Now, I won’t be sure, because I really don’t know, but is that a zipper jacket?

    Mr. Ball
    Yes—it has a zipper down the front.

    Mrs. Roberts
    Well, maybe it was.

    Mr. Ball
    It was a zippered jacket, was it?

    Mrs. Roberts
    Yes; it was a zipper jacket. How come me to remember it, he was zipping it up as he went out the door.

    As we can see, Roberts testified that she thought the jacket Oswald left with was darker than Ce162. Whilst the zealous defenders of the Warren Commission will argue that Roberts is not credible because she allegedly provided varying descriptions of the jacket (as stated above), they will ignore that she could simply have been misquoted. The important point to bear in mind is that it was during her testimony when she was actually shown the light gray jacket; and that in her affidavit made out in her own writing, she described the jacket she saw Oswald wearing as being a dark color.

    Defenders of the Warren Commission might also argue that since Roberts testified she was completely blind in her right eye, she could easily have been mistaken about the color of the jacket. However, this would only be true if she was color blind in her left eye; and Roberts never mentioned during her testimony that this was the case. Of course, Roberts could simply have been mistaken about the jacket being dark. For example, Barbara Davis, who witnessed the Tippit killer cutting across her lawn, claimed during her testimony before the Warren Commission that the jacket the killer was wearing appeared to be a “dark and to me it looked like it was maybe a wool fabric, it looked sort of rough. Like more of a sporting jacket” [7]. In fact, she went as far as implying that the killer was wearing a black coat!

    There is one pertinent issue concerning Earlene Roberts’ credibility which I should point out. During her interview with the FBI on 11/29/63 [8], Roberts claimed she observed a Dallas Police patrol car outside Oswald’s rooming house, after she heard one of the Officers inside the car honk the horn twice. She identified the number of the car as 207. This car was assigned to Dallas Policeman Jim Valentine, and took Sergeant Gerald Hill (by his own admission) to Dealey Plaza [9]. Warren Commission defenders have criticised Roberts for changing the number of the car from 207 to 107 during her testimony. However, what these dishonest shills don’t explain is that Gerald Hill demonstrably lied about how he travelled to the scene of the Tippit shooting in Oak cliff.

    It is therefore entirely likely that Hill had commandeered Valentine’s patrol car and driven to Oak Cliff. It is beyond the scope of this essay to discuss Gerald Hill’s complicity in the assassination and framing Oswald; but I encourage readers to read through my two part article on Hill on my blog (click here), and to also read through the discussion I had with researcher Richard Gilbride on Greg Parker’s forum (click here) and to decide for themselves whether Hill was lying or not. Suffice it to say, Roberts’ account of the Police car honking outside Oswald’s rooming house implied that the DPD Officers inside the car were giving him some type of signal; and that they were possibly involved in a conspiracy to murder J.D Tippit with him.

    In my opinion, no objective minded person would disagree that there wasn’t a massive effort by the DPD to discredit Roberts’ claim about seeing Patrol car 207. As Richard Gilbride has informed me, at the time of the assassination, Patrol car 107 was out of service, as it was sold in April 1963 but then reactivated in February 1964 [10]. Therefore, by harassing Roberts into changing the number of the car from 207 to 107, the DPD would have succeeded in discrediting her, as she now claimed she saw an out of service Patrol car outside Oswald’s rooming house.

    Despite what one might think about Earlene Roberts’ credibility, there can be no doubt that her description of the jacket being darker than Ce162 was highly problematic for the official version of events. If Oswald was indeed a tenant at 1026 North Beckley, then he could have left wearing the dark gray blue jacket to the Texas Theatre. If the jacket had been discovered there following Oswald’s arrest, it could then have been substituted for the jacket which actually was discovered at the TSBD; to discredit Roberts’ claim of seeing Oswald leaving with the darker jacket. But before discussing the problems with the discovery of the jacket at the TSBD, let’s first take a look at the observations of the only two witnesses who allegedly observed Oswald carrying a package on the morning of the assassination.

    Linnie and Wesley

    I am of course referring to Linnie Mae Randle, and her brother, Buell Wesley Frazier. As most researchers of the assassination are aware, Frazier drove Oswald to work on the morning of the assassination. In his 12/5/63 interview with the FBI, Frazier allegedly claimed that Oswald was wearing a gray colored jacket on the morning of the assassination [11]. When Randle was interviewed by the FBI on the same day, she also allegedly claimed that Oswald was wearing a gray colored jacket on the morning of the assassination [12] (Essie Mae Williams, the mother of Frazier and Randle, was also interviewed by the FBI, but she had merely caught a glimpse of Oswald, and did not provide a description of the clothing he was wearing [13]).

    It’s crucial to keep in mind that in their first day affidavits to the Dallas Sheriff’s Office; neither one of them mentioned that Oswald was wearing a jacket. In her affidavit, Randle claimed that Oswald was “wearing a light brown or tan shirt”  [14], whereas Frazier provided no description of Oswald’s clothing [15]. When Randle testified before the Warren Commission, she was shown Ce163 and identified it as the jacket Oswald was wearing on the morning of the assassination [16].

    Mr. Ball
    How was Lee dressed that morning?

    Mrs. Randle
    He had on a white T-shirt, I just saw him from the waist up, I didn’t pay any attention to his pants or anything, when he was going with the package. I was more interested in that. But he had on a white T-shirt and I remember some sort of brown or tan shirt and he had a gray jacket, I believe.

    Mr. Ball
    A gray jacket. I will show you some clothing here. First, I will show you a gray jacket. Does this look anything like the jacket he had on?

    Mrs. Randle
    Yes, sir.

    Mr. Ball
    That morning?

    Mrs. Randle
    Similar to that. I didn’t pay an awful lot of attention to it.

    Mr. Ball
    Was it similar in color?

    Mrs. Randle
    Yes, sir; I think so. It had big sleeves.

    Mr. Ball
    Take a look at these sleeves. Was it similar in color?

    Mrs. Randle
    I believe so.

    Mr. Ball
    What is the Commission Exhibit on this jacket?

    Mrs. Randle
    It was gray, I am not sure of the shade

    Further on during her testimony:

    Mr. Ball
    Here is another jacket which is a gray jacket, does this look anything like the jacket he had on?

    Mrs. Randle
    No, sir; I remember its being gray.

    Mr. Ball Well, this one is gray but of these two the jacket I last showed you is Commission Exhibit No. 162, and this blue gray is 163, now if you had to choose between these two?

    Mrs. Randle
    I would choose the dark one.

    Mr. Ball
    You would choose the dark one?

    Mrs. Randle
    Yes, sir.

    Mr. Ball
    Which is 163, as being more similar to the jacket he had?

    Mrs. Randle
    Yes, sir; that I remember. But I, you know, didn’t pay an awful lot of attention to his jacket. I remember his T-shirt and the shirt more so than I do the jacket.

    Mr. Ball
    The witness just stated that 163 which is the gray-blue is similar to the jacket he had on. 162, the light gray jacket was not.

    Mrs. Randle
    Yes.

    After initially hesitating somewhat, Randle identified the dark gray blue jacket as the one Oswald was wearing. Her explanation that she didn’t pay much attention to Oswald’s jacket makes little sense. Why would she be paying more attention to the T-shirt and shirt which were both underneath the jacket? Of course, this is the same witness who would claim that she observed Oswald place his package into the backseat of her brother’s car. Yet as critics of the Warren Commission have pointed out, Frazier’s car was parked on the outside of her carport; and that her view of the car was blocked by the wall of the carport! [17] Certain defenders of the Warren Commission have tried to explain that she had merely heard Oswald open the car door and place the package inside. Despite this cheap attempt to defend their witness, Randle specifically claimed that she saw him place the package into the car.

    Although Randle did eventually identify Ce163 as the jacket Oswald had on, when Frazier was shown the jacket during his testimony, he refused to identify it as the one Oswald was wearing on the morning of the assassination! [18]

    Mr. Ball
     I have here Commission’s 163, a gray blue jacket. Do you recognize this jacket?

    Mr. Frazier
    No, sir; I don’t.

    Mr. Ball
    Did you ever see Lee Oswald wear this jacket?

    Mr. Frazier
    No, sir; I don’t believe I have.

    Mr. Frazier
    No, sir; I don’t believe I have because most time I noticed when Lee had it, I say he put off his shirt and just wear a T-shirt the biggest part of the time so really what shirt he wore that day I really didn’t see it or didn’t pay enough attention to it whether he did have a shirt on.

    Mr. Ball
    On that day you did notice one article of clothing, that is, he had a jacket?

    Mr. Frazier
    Yes, sir.

    Mr. Ball
    What color was the jacket?

    Mr. Frazier 
    It was a gray, more or less flannel, wool-looking type of jacket that I had seen him wear and that is the type of jacket he had on that morning.

    Mr. Ball
    Did it have a zipper on it?

    Mr. Frazier
    Yes, sir; it was one of the zipper types.

    Mr. Ball
    It isn’t one of these two zipper jackets we have shown?

    Mr. Frazier
    No, sir.

    The fact that Frazier insisted he saw Oswald wearing a gray zipper type jacket, yet at the same time, refused to identify Ce163 as the one he was wearing, raises the distinct possibility that Oswald was wearing a gray flannel-wool jacket to the TSBD, which was then substituted for Ce163. Of course, Frazier’s own credibility as a witness is not without question. For example, Garland Slack claimed that he observed Oswald at the Sports drome rifle range, and that he had been taken there by “a man named Frazier from Irving, Texas“ [19](Irving, Texas, was the residence of Linnie Mae Randle, where Frazier was also living). Frazier denied having ever driven Oswald to the rifle range [20].

    Richard Gilbride believes that Frazier was responsible for cutting the power to the TSBD elevators from the basement; after he allegedly went there to eat his lunch [21]. Much has also been discussed about Frazier’s arrest and possession of a British Enfield rifle, and his polygraph examination by DPD detective, R.D Lewis. Researchers such as Jim DiEugenio have suggested that Frazier may have been coerced by the DPD into incriminating Oswald by claiming that he saw Oswald carrying a package; but he had deliberately stated the package was only about 2 feet long (too short for even a broken down Mannlicher Carcano rifle) to divert suspicion away from himself.

    Although I find the above scenario to be plausible, it makes no sense that he would refuse to identify Ce163 as the jacket Oswald was wearing, if he was involved in a conspiracy to falsify evidence against him. Of course, there is always the possibility that Frazier was simply mistaken about the jacket Oswald was wearing, and that he really was wearing Ce163. Let’s now take a close look at all the problems with the discovery of the jacket at the TSBD.

    The “Discovery”

    As stated at the beginning of this essay, the dark gray blue jacket was allegedly discovered in the first floor Domino room of the TSBD, by an employee named Franklin (Frankie) Kaiser. In fact, not only is Kaiser credited with discovering the jacket, but he is also the same employee who allegedly discovered the clip board used by Oswald for filling out orders for school books (Kaiser testified before the Warren Commission that he had also made the clip board) [22]. The reader should keep in mind that there were a total of about 76 persons employed by the TSBD [23]. It therefore seems incredibly odd that Kaiser would be the same person to allegedly discover both Oswald’s clipboard and jacket. Of course, it cannot be known for sure how many employees used the Domino room; and how many of them also went to the sixth floor as Kaiser did. Even if it was only a grand total of five persons, the odds would roughly be only 4% that Kaiser could have discovered both items.

    What makes the discovery of the jacket all the more bizarre is the fact that there are two separate FBI reports which provide different dates for the discovery of the jacket! In a report dated 2/8/63, FBI agent Kenneth B. Jackson writes that the jacket was discovered at the TSBD at about 12/16/63 [24]. So not only are we to believe that against all odds Kaiser found both the jacket and the clipboard, but that it also took him close to four weeks to find the jacket. Granted that Kaiser was absent from the TSBD on the day of the assassination, and only returned to work the Monday following the assassination according to his testimony, but surely he or another employee could have found it much sooner than 12/16/63.

    This now brings us to the second FBI report on the jacket’s “discovery”. In his 3/7/64 report, FBI agent Robert Barrett wrote that Roy Truly, the superintendent of the TSBD, was given a jacket by an employee whose name he could not remember; three to four days following 11/22/63 [25] – and not on 12/16/63 as per the report by SA Kenneth Jackson written one month before. The reader should make note of the fact Barrett wrote in his report that Truly turned the jacket over to an FBI agent; whose name was not specified. Even if we are to believe that this agent was in fact Kenneth Jackson, why is there a discrepancy in the date on which Truly had given the jacket to the FBI?

    Perhaps we should also consider Barrett’s credibility as an investigator. Many researchers are aware of the allegation by Barrett that a wallet containing identification for Oswald and the fictitious name Alek James Hidell, allegedly used by Oswald as an alias, was discovered at the scene of the Tippit murder. Warren Commission defenders such as Dale Myers believe that Barrett was mistaken about the wallet. If this were true, then it might negatively impact on his credibility. However, there is much reason to believe that Barrett was telling the truth. Those interested in the wallet issue are encouraged to read through my article on my blog (click here).  

    Adding further doubt that Ce163 was not discovered at the TSBD, Roy Truly was not asked a single question about the discovery of the jacket during his Warren Commission testimony [26]. Furthermore, although Kaiser was asked exactly where in the Domino he had found the jacket during his testimony, he was never asked when he had found it! When Oswald’s co-worker, Charles Douglas Givens (who told the Warren Commission that he had seen Oswald on the sixth floor of the TSBD at about 11:55 am) was asked during his testimony about the type of clothing Oswald was wearing, he claimed that “he [Oswald] would wear a grey looking jacket.” [27] Although Givens’ credibility is, to put it mildly, lacking, he was also never shown Ce163 to identify it as the jacket Oswald was wearing.

    There was no identification made by any of Oswald’s co-workers, or by Oswald’s supervisor William Shelley, that Ce163 was the jacket Oswald was wearing when he went to work on the morning of the assassination. The reader should also bear in mind that in the reports by the DPD Officers, FBI and Secret Service agents (and Dallas postal inspector Harry Holmes) who had participated in Oswald’s interviews, there is no mention of Oswald admitting to wearing a dark gray blue looking jacket to work [28] [29]. Perhaps now we should take a closer look at the man who allegedly discovered the jacket.

    Who was Frankie Kaiser?

     Frankie Kaiser testified before the Warren Commission that he worked at the TSBD as an order filler and truck driver. When asked the date he started working for the TSBD, Kaiser claimed that it was 8/24/62. When asked why he was absent from work on the day of the assassination, Kaiser testified that he was at the Baylor dental college for an abscessed tooth. As researcher Bill Kelly has pointed out, the Baylor dental college is where George Bouhe arranged to have Marina Oswald’s dental work done shortly following her arrival from the Soviet Union with her husband. On a much more sinister note, the Baylor medical clinic had been provided hundreds of thousands of dollars in Army and CIA funds for the heinous MK/ULTRA mind control research from 1963 to 1965.[30]

    Kaiser’s alleged discovery of both the Clipboard and jacket led me to speculate that perhaps Kaiser was a confidential FBI or DPD informant working inside the TSBD, and keeping an eye on Oswald whom, as most researchers of the JFK assassination are aware, was suspected of being a Communist due to his “defection” to the Soviet Union. However, there was also Joe Rodriguez Molina, a former chairman of the Dallas chapter of the American GI forum, who was employed at the TSBD as a credit manager (at the time of the assassination, Molina had been employed at the TSBD for 16 years).[31] As Greg Parker has pointed out, Molina was suspected of having connection to gun runners.[32] Moreover, an FBI informant named William James Lowery; who had been informing on Molina, provided information that four members of the American Communist party had visited Molina’s residence. Lowery had also provided information that Molina had attended a political meeting, during which several members and sympathisers of the American Communist party were also present.[33]

    Although Lowery and other informants would claim that Molina was not a member of, or sympathetic towards the Communist party, the fact they had provided information that Molina was in contact with several Communists would have made him suspect to the FBI, just as the former “defector” to the Soviet Union; Oswald, undoubtedly was. William Lowery is an interesting person for several reasons. On 9/26/63, Lowery made the headlines by outing himself as an FBI “spy” about three days previously when he testified at an open Justice Department hearing in Washington.[34] On the day of the assassination, Lowery was employed as the manager of a shoe store on 620 West Jefferson Street named the Shoe Haven; about three blocks to the West of Hardy’s Shoe store where the manager, Johnny Calvin Brewer, allegedly spotted Oswald outside his store looking “funny” and scared, and then allegedly followed him into the Texas Theatre, after which we are told the Theatre Cashier, Julia Postal, telephoned the DPD leading to his arrest.[35]

    Despite being credited as the man who led to the capture of the accused murderer of the President of the United States, Brewer (and Postal for that matter) was not asked by the DPD to provide a sworn affidavit on the day of the assassination. Witnesses to the President’s assassination gave sworn statements to the authorities on the same day, yet Brewer provided an affidavit on 12/6/63 – an entire two weeks following the assassination! [36] During an interview with researcher Ian Griggs, Brewer would claim that when he allegedly spotted Oswald outside his store, there were two men with him in the store who were allegedly from IBM.[37] However, no mention of these men was made by Brewer in his affidavit, his interview with the FBI [38], and during his Warren Commission testimony. Lee Farley has made the case that one of these so-called IBM men was Igor Vaganov; who was suspected of being involved in the murder of DPD Officer J.D Tippit. Interested readers can read through Mr Farley’s work on Vaganov by clicking here.

    Now, the reader might be curious as to what Brewer has to do with Lowery. Aside from being an admitted FBI informant working as a manager in a shoe store about three blocks to the West of Brewer’s store, Lowery would tell HSCA investigators James P. Kelly and Harold A. Rose on 4/28/78 that he thought Oswald was “probably” on his way to kill him for exposing the Communist Party in Texas.[39] In light of all the evidence uncovered through the ARRB on Oswald, the idea that Oswald was a Communist is simply ludicrous. My belief is that, as someone who had admitted he was an FBI informant, Lowery made up that claim to make it appear as though Oswald had confused Brewer’s store with his store; which would give credence to Brewer’s story of spotting Oswald outside his own store.

    There is another interesting indirect connection between Lowery and Brewer. As Lee Farley has noted, in August of 1962, Lowery and the rest of the American Communist Party members in Dallas were promoting the idea of further establishing their connection to the local American Civil Liberties Union.[40] The reader should note that both the highly suspect Ruth and Michael Paine were members of the ACLU [41] [42]. Although Oswald had allegedly applied for membership with the ACLU [43], Greg Parker has informed me that Oswald was actually a member of the Dallas Civil liberties Union – an affiliate of the ACLU. It is beyond the scope of this essay to discuss the intelligence connections of Oswald and the Paine’s. However, their presence in the ACLU is understandable given the fact that the Communist party were trying to establish closer ties with them. Quite coincidentally, John Brewer would testify before the Warren Commission that he went to work as manager of Hardy’s shoe store in August, 1962.

    These coincidences have led me to speculate that Brewer may also have been an FBI informant, working alongside William Lowery in infiltrating Communist organisations and the ACLU. If Brewer was in fact an FBI informant, his willingness to co-operate with the DPD and the FBI in ensuring Oswald was the man who shot both the President and Officer J.D Tippit makes perfect sense to me. One final point I would like to make is that Lowey claimed his FBI control in Dallas was none other than James P. Hosty! [44]

    So how does all this relate to Frankie Kaiser? The reader will note that in the 8/20/64 FBI report on Joe Molina, the identity of Dallas informant, DL T-3, was kept hidden (DL T-3 was also informing on Oswald) [45]. The FBI was allegedly concerned that revealing the identity of DL T-3 would compromise his future “effectiveness” as an informant.[46] Although this is just speculation on my part, I believe that DL T-3 was in fact Frankie Kaiser. We have already seen that Kaiser had taken the credit for the discovery of the clipboard and jacket, and there are a number of coincidences which give credence to the possibility that Kaiser was DL T-3.

    Kaiser’s discovery of the clipboard was allegedly made on 12/2/63.[47] On the very same day, an FBI agent named Nat Pinkston was supposedly ordered by one of his superiors to conduct an “investigation” at the TSBD. The purpose of this investigation and the name of the supervisor were never revealed during Pinkston’s testimony, or in his report concerning the clipboards discovery.[48] The only thing Pinkston revealed when he testified was that he was waiting to see Roy Truly (this raises the possibility that it was Pinkston who acquired both the jacket and clipboard).

    Oddly enough, on the exact same day that Pinkston went to the TSBD to conduct an “investigation”, DL T-3 was shown a photograph of Oswald by an unnamed FBI agent. The informant went on to state that he had recognised Oswald as being the same person he had come into contact with on business.[49] Perhaps this is referring to the fact that on 8/13/63, 8/20/63, 8/27/63 and 9/3/63, DL T-3 was responsible for handling Oswald’s IB-2 form.[50] However, the possibility exists that the “business” in question was the TSBD. It is also interesting that the FBI had collected specimen from DL T-3 on 12/16/63 and 12/17/63 according to Warren Commission exhibit 2444.[51] The reader will recall that the date on which the jacket was acquired from Roy Truly was 12/17/63 according to the report by SA Kenneth Jackson, with Frankie Kaiser being the person who allegedly gave the jacket to Truly.

    There is absolutely nothing solid as far I am concerned which proves that Kaiser was DL T-3. However, the presence of an FBI informant at the TSBD makes perfect sense given that suspect individuals such as Oswald and Molina were employed there. As I’ve stated before, Kaiser testified that he went to work at the TSBD on 8/24/62 – this is the exact same month in which William Lowery and the rest of the American Communist party members in Dallas were attempting to establish closer ties to the ACLU. It is also the exact same month in which Johnny Brewer began working as the manager of Hardy’s shoe store on Jefferson Blvd. This could all be just an incredibly bizarre coincidence, but my belief is that Lowery, Brewer, and Kaiser were all part of an FBI operation to keep watch on suspected Communists in Dallas; with Kaiser gaining employment at the TSBD to keep an eye out on Molina, and eventually on Oswald when he began working there.

    The reader should keep in mind that on 10/9/63; just one week after Oswald allegedly returned from Mexico City after contacting Valery Kostikov (the KGB agent who was suspected of being in charge of assassinations in the Western hemisphere), and one week prior to commencing employment at the TSBD with the help of Ruth Paine, FBI supervisor Marvin Gheesling removed the FLASH warning on Oswald. [52] Had Gheesling not done this, the Secret Service would have ensured that Oswald was not working in a building along the President’s parade route. Researchers have been baffled as to how Oswald was still not considered a Communist threat following his departure from Mexico City. If the FBI knew in advance that Oswald would be employed at a building with one its informants working there, then surely there would be no problem in having the FLASH removed. This then raises the possibility that the FBI had played a role in securing Oswald a job at the TSBD, through one or more of its informants at the Texas employment Commission, such as Robert Adams.

    There is still another possible connection between Oswald, Molina, and the FBI. A man named Osvaldo Iglesias claimed that he had identified Rodriguez Molina; “the man arrested for questioning with Oswald in Dallas.” as the person passing out leaflets with Oswald in New Orleans. [53] Joe Molina’s middle name was Rodriguez, and on the morning of 11/23/63 the DPD had paid his home a visit and searched through his belongings. Molina was not arrested, but the next day, he went to the DPD upon their request where he was questioned by Captain Will Fritz.[54] As far I know, there is nothing to substantiate Iglesias’ claim. However, it is yet another intriguing possibility that Molina was indeed a Communist sympathiser.

    Despite whether one believes that Kaiser was a confidential FBI informant, he remains a very interesting person. His so-called discovery of the clipboard remains a mystery on its own. Kaiser testified that it was lying on the floor and in the plain open (the reader is advised that film footage from WFAA-TV had apparently captured a DPD Officer handling the clipboard on the sixth floor of the TSBD on the day of the assassination) [55]. As the great late Sylvia Meagher noted, Kaiser’s “discovery” of the clipboard occurred on the exact same day on which Charles Givens first told a Secret Service agent that he had seen Oswald on the sixth floor with his Clipboard. [56] Could this really be a coincidence? Warren Commission defenders have used this as evidence that Oswald was the last known employee on the sixth floor. Of course, they ignore all the problems with Givens as a witness.

    I also encourage readers to read through a copy of issue 5 of volume 4 of the third decade by Dr Jerry Rose (click here). In his article, Dr Rose discusses Oswald’s application for a job at the Allright parking system lot on Commerce Street in Dallas. When a detective went to investigate this application, he discovered that a person named Fred Kaiser Jr. had applied for a job there. As Dr Rose also explains, the man claimed he quit his job at the depository on 11/21/63. The man gave his address as Ledbetter Street – the same address Frankie Kaiser provided for himself during his Warren Commission testimony! Dr Rose speculates that perhaps Fred Kaiser was in fact Frankie Kaiser who quit his job at the TSBD, only to be brought back for the purpose of “finding” the clipboard.

    There is one final important point I would like to make. If Kaiser was an FBI informant, there is no chance on Earth J. Edgar Hoover would admit to this, as it would be a severe embarrassment to him and the FBI that one of their own informants was employed in the same building in which Oswald, the man arrested and accused by the DPD for assassinating the President, was also employed in. I doubt that even the most ardent of FBI and Warren Commission defenders would honestly disagree with that point of view.

    Conclusion

    Lee Harvey Oswald did not wear Ce163 (the dark gray blue jacket) to the TSBD on the morning of the assassination. Instead, Oswald wore a flannel-wool looking jacket as Buell Wesley Frazier testified. This jacket was discovered three to four days following the assassination (as per the report by SA Robert Barrett) inside the Domino room by an unidentified employee. The jacket was then made to disappear; with the identity of the employee who found it kept hidden. After Earlene Roberts described the jacket Oswald was wearing when he left 1026 North Beckley as being “a dark color” to Secret Service agents William Carter and Arthur Blake in her affidavit to them on 12/5/63, the authorities conspired to discredit her by faking the discovery of Ce163 on 12/16/63 by Frankie Kaiser at the TSBD. I believe it’s possible that Oswald wore Ce163 to the Texas Theatre, and that it was then substituted for the flannel-wool jacket found at the TSBD.

    Without a doubt, Roberts’ failure to identify Ce162 (the light gray jacket) as the jacket she saw Oswald wearing was a problem for the case against Oswald for shooting Officer J.D Tippit; as she was the only witness who positively saw Oswald (and not someone else) with a zipper jacket, and a zipper jacket was discarded at the parking lot behind the Texaco service station. Warren Commission defenders of course will scoff at any notion that the authorities were out to frame Oswald for the murder of the President and J.D Tippit. However, consider that with the President of the United States arrogantly and brutally gunned down in full public view and in broad daylight; and with the entire world anxiously waiting to learn who was responsible; and with the possibility of a nuclear war in the wake of the assassination, the DPD and the FBI would undoubtedly have been under a great amount of pressure to find those responsible.

    The DPD had apprehended Oswald at the Texas Theatre after he left the TSBD – the same location where they had discovered the rifle and spent shell casings. They therefore had a viable suspect for the assassination. The reader should also keep in mind that Julia Postal overheard one of the Officers who arrested Oswald at the Theatre remark “We have our man on both the counts” [57], and Johnny Brewer testified that he allegedly heard one of the Officers yell out to Oswald inside the Theatre “Kill the President will you” as they were scuffling with him. I only hope that current and future researchers will delve further into the issues which I have discussed throughout my essay.

    Acknowledgements

    I would like to thank researchers Greg Parker, Lee Farley, and Richard Gilbride, to all of whom I owe this work. Without the help and support they have provided me, I doubt very much that I would have been able to write this essay.


    Addendum

    Researcher Tom Scully has brought to my attention the fact that Frankie Kaiser and Fred Kaiser were actually brothers living at the same address in Dallas; and both of them were employed at the TSBD prior to President Kennedy’s assassination. The information is from an investigation by DPD detective, W.S Biggio, into Oswald’s application to work at the Allright Parking System on 1208 Commerce Street, Dallas, Texas.[58]

    According to information provided by Garnett Claud Hallmark, general manager of the Parking System, the application by Fred Kaiser to work at the System listed 5230 W. Ledbetter Street as Kaiser’s address; the same address which Frankie Kaiser provided for himself during his Warren Commission testimony. In fact, a Frankey Kaiser was listed by Fred in his application as an emergency contact; with Frankey’s address given as 5230 W. Ledbetter Street.

    When former TSBD employee Roy E. Lewis was interviewed by Larry Sneed for Sneed’s book, No More Silence, he informed Sneed that amongst the workers at the TSBD he knew were the Kaiser brothers. [59] It is therefore readily apparent that I was wrong in assuming that Fred and Frankie Kaiser were the same man, and I apologise to readers for my error.


    End notes

    [1] John Armstrong Baylor collection, Nov. 22, 1963, “sir Jac” coat, page 3

    [2] Warren Commission report, page 175

    [3] Testimony of Earlene Roberts, WC Volume VI

    [4] Various reports by Earlene Roberts to the media, found in the Harold Weisberg archives

    [5] Affidavit of Earlene Roberts, WC Volume VII

    [6] Testimony of DPD Captain William Ralph Westbrook, WC Volume VII

    [7] Testimony of Barbara Jeanette Davis, WC Volume III

    [8] Warren Commission exhibit 2781, WC Volume XXVI

    [9] Testimony of DPD Sgt Gerald Hill, WC Volume VII

    [10] Warren Commission exhibit 2045, WC Volume XXIV

    [11] John Armstrong Baylor collection, Nov. 22, 1963, Wesley Frazier, page 5

    [12] John Armstrong Baylor collection, Nov. 22, 1963, Linnie Mae Randle, page 8

    [13] John Armstrong Baylor collection, Nov. 22, 1963, Wesley Buell Frazier, page 2

    [14] Affidavit of Linnie Mae Randle on 11/22/63 Dallas Municipal archives – John F. Kennedy collection

    [15] Affidavit of Buell Wesley Frazier on 11/22/63 Dallas Municipal archives – John F. Kennedy collection

    [16] Testimony of Linnie Mae Randle, WC Volume II

    [17] Warren Commission exhibits 446 and 447, WC volume XVII

    [18] Testimony of Buell Wesley Frazier, WC Volume II

    [19] Warren Commission Document 1546 – FBI Gemberling Report of 08 Oct 1964

    [20] Warren Commission Document 1546 – FBI Gemberling Report of 08 Oct 1964

    [21] Richard Gilbride’s essay on Eddie Piper, uploaded to Greg Parkerâ’s website

    [22] Testimony of Frankie Kaiser, WC Volume VI

    [23] Warren Commission exhibit 1381, WC Volume XXII

    [24] John Armstrong Baylor collection, Oswald’s possessions, 12/17/64 LHO Jacket TSBD

    [25] Warren Commission Document 735 – FBI Gemberling Report of 10 Mar 1964

    [26] Testimony of Roy Sansom Truly, WC Volumes II and III

    [27] Testimony of Charles Douglas Givens, WC Volume VI

    [28] Dallas Municipal archives – John F. Kennedy collection

    [29] Warren Commission report, pages 612 to 636

    [30] Research by William Kelly, Spartacus education forum, Frank Kaiser topic

    [31] Admin folder-M10: HSCA administrative folder, Joe Rodriguez Molina, at the MFF

    [32] Research by Greg Parker, Spartacus education forum, Joe Molina’s connections to gun-runners topic.

    [33] Admin folder-M10: HSCA administrative folder, Joe Rodriguez Molina, at the MFF

    [34] John Armstrong Baylor collection, FBI, Informants, page 4

    [35] Testimony of Johnny Calvin Brewer, WC Volume VII

    [36] Affidavit of Johnny Calvin Brewer on 12/6/63, Dallas Municipal archives – John F. Kennedy collection

    [37] No case to answer by Ian Griggs, interview with Johnny Calvin Brewer, page 58

    [38] John Armstrong Baylor collection, Tippitt shooting, Nov. 22, 1963, Brewer, pages 12 and 13

    [39] John Armstrong Baylor collection, FBI, Informants, page 4

    [40] Research of Lee Farley, Spartacus education forum, William James Lowery topic

    [41] Testimony of Michael Ralph Paine, WC Volume II

    [42] Testimony of Ruth Hyde Paine, WC Volume IX

    [43] Oswald 201 File, Vol. 20, page 212, at the MFF

    [44] John Armstrong Baylor collection, FBI, Informants, page 6

    [45] Warren Commission exhibit 980, WC Volume XVIII

    [46] Admin folder-M10: HSCA administrative folder, Joe Rodriguez Molina, at the MFF

    [47] Warren Commission document 7 – FBI Gemberling Report of 10 Dec 1963

    [48] Testimony of FBI agent Nat A. Pinkston, WC Volume VI

    [49] John Armstrong Baylor collection, FBI, Informants, page 13

    [50] John Armstrong Baylor collection, FBI, Informants, page 12

    [51] Warren Commission exhibit 2444, WC Volume XXV

    [52] JFK and the unspeakable, by Jim Douglass, page 178

    [53] John Armstrong Baylor collection, Nov. 22, 1963, Joe Molina, page 7

    [54] John Armstrong Baylor collection, Nov. 22, 1963, Joe Molina, page 8

    [55] FBI 62-109060 JFK HQ File, Section 147, page 5, at the MFF

    [56] The curious testimony of Mr. Givens, by Sylvia Meagher

    [57] John Armstrong Baylor collection, Tippitt shooting, Nov. 22, 1963, Postal, page 16

    [58] Dallas municipal archives, Box 18, folder 7.

    [59] No More Silence by Larry Sneed, page 85.

     

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