Tag: CONSPIRACY

  • Point–Counterpoint: Feedback–Response on CTKA’s Recent Focus on Alex Jones


    Point: Gary King

    This article is in response to Seamus Coogan’s critical article on Alex Jones and to Black Op Radio archived on Black Op, show #485.

    I have been interested in the JFK assassination from the day my teary eyed, first grade teacher changed everything. I was six years old. I have always thought of the Bill Newman family (seen in Dealey Plaza film and photos), the oldest boy looked and dressed as my mother dressed me. Looking back, I wish someone would have shielded me from the lies and disinformation that I was to endure for the next 42 years. Things are a little different when it comes to the assassination, being from New Orleans …locals still sense fear while discussing JFK.  A friend and relative of the owner of the Rault Center, suspected of being firebombed, only knows of her father’s grief http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tOEYUKYDW48 for helping finance Jim Garrison’s investigation, her lips literally tremble as she asks questions for the first time about what really happened, having taken her nearly a half century to face reality. Though a hero to many, Jim Garrison’s name NEVER comes up on local TV or radio. I have to listen to internet radio out of Canada to hear his name. It’s a bit eerie knowing Jim Garrison’s grave unceremoniously sits within 100 yards of my home in Lakeview. A giant of a man fit for Arlington Cemetery, however there is no eternal flame, no school bus load of children, just a brown waterline.  Coincidences like my doctor. Nicholas Chetta, the cousin of the doctor who preformed David Ferrie’s autopsy are common. Memories of my aunt saying to my mother while riding in the back seat, ” Look! That’s Clay Shaw smoking a cigarette!” as we whizzed by Tulane and Broad. I clearly remember overhearing my mother’s phone conversations as a child, sternly saying to a fellow Schlumberger house wife, “Jim Garrison is going to get to the bottom of this”; talking of her surprise as her local hero was spoken of with disdain while in California vacationing. It’s unnerving now knowing that when my dad took me to work with him, there were land mines as well as hand and rifle grenades stored near by in preparation of the next Cuban invasion as I innocently played with my G.I. Joe doll. See what I mean? Lots of strange things like your bass player being Richard Connick, whose uncle tried to destroy all of Jim Garrison’s records.

    It’s hard on the heart and harder on your ego to feel the presence of all this and be forced to admit that I didn’t know what in the hell I talking about for a long time.  I prided myself in my knowledge of JFK. I felt that I really knew my stuff and spoke with authority.  I mean, after all, I had faithfully watched every documentary that had ever played on TV… All weekend during the annual History Channel marathons in late November, I even had a subscription to Time!  But then disaster, KATRINA! I evacuated to a FEMA hotel in Dallas, Texas and saw my life washed away in 11 feet of water. While New Orleans was still underwater, I asked for directions to Dealey Plaza (thunder and applause in the background), the awakening! the dawn! the transformation! Once I stood behind the picket fence, chills ran up and down my spine, my naÔvetÈ and trusting soul was SHATTERED! A realization of being lied to MY ENTIRE LIFE made me angry and I am still upset about it. From that day, I have studied JFK and the people behind it three to five hours a day. Because of the awakening, I became VERY selective of my news and information sources. They were whittled down to just a few.  Who were these trusted people and sites? Why none other that Black Op Radio and CTKA for any and all JFK research. Ron Paul covered Washington, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G7d_e9lrcZ8 Alex Jones supplied daily news, Jason Bermas for my 911 info, Aaron Russo had the Federal Reserve’s Number, Paul Watson and Wayne Matson for BP oil spill updates. All were doing their best at fighting the disinfo specialist. Suddenly, out of nowhere, I was shocked when this very small group of  information warriors, hand picked, assembled in the style of a fantasy football team began infighting! Why mutiny now after years of peaceful productivity? What was wrong with my dream team? My investigation quickly uncovered that a one Seamus Coogan was the primary instigator here. Strangely enough, I first heard of Alex Jones in Dealey Plaza while observing the moment of silence at 12:30 the following year. An unknown person nervously approached me, and while watching his back, looking both ways, he slipped me a home made copy of an Alex Jones DVD titled “Terrorstorm”, and walked away. It was about false flag terror. I was very impressed and began listening everyday to Alex’s show with great interest, to the point that I have my own radio show in New Orleans and the only person who will bring up JFK in this city and will not hang up on callers who do.

    At this point I feel that anyone daring to get involved in the Kennedy case and earnestly seeking the truth deserves a purple heart. You ARE going to receive battle scars; you are going to be injured, mercilessly shot at by a barrage of well financed, well trained and well educated disinformation soldiers. Just Google Jim Garrison‘s name and an enemy lie trap await you in John McAdam’s web site, who pays good money for the #1 Google search. Highly respected best selling authors who have earned your trust in other areas will drop a 2700 page, 40lb. book bomb on your head. Men who had gained your admiration with their work discovering ” Badgeman”, and the police dictabelt recording of the unholy shots being fired at JFK, will now happily allow you to walk through a government mind field known as the 6th Floor Disinformation Museum. So Alex Jones subscribing to a certain theory, right or wrong is likely. Never before has there been a case that has had the full weight of the US government with unlimited funds followed by almost total control over TV, magazines, news papers and radio for the sole purpose of making sure you don’t know what you are talking about. Once again, I have never heard Jim Garrison’s name in the local press nor seen his name in the Times Picayune (run by Skull and Bones since 1836). No big mystery there, it’s a subsidiary of the New York Times.

    Seamus Coogan starts off his critique of Alex by saying that he endorses John Hankey’s JFK II Documentary.  I, who have listened to every one of Alex’s shows for 3 1/2 years, since they are streamed 24 hours a day, can tell you that not even once has he brought up the film or had Hankey on his show. It took me a long time to just find it on his site.  He really doesn’t sell the DVD, it’s just one of countless audio and videos and thousands of archived radio shows going way back that can be seen and heard in the member’s area of his web site which costs 6 bucks a month.  Yes, Seamus blasted holes, and rightfully so, through the bow of JFK II. However, it was made for people who knew nothing about the case. It does get loose towards the end with admitted theory, and challenges viewers to come up with a better theory — which Seamus did! 

    But, I must say that having Skull and Bones alumnus George Bush being anywhere around Dallas that day, providing tips on a possible assassin, receiving memos from J. Edgar Hoover about the murder with his name on it,  I find that’s just plain weird! There is something there!  I asked Robert Groden point blank if he felt George Bush was in Dealey Plaza 11/22/63, and his exact words were “Yes, I believe he was.” I spoke with an eye witness who said he saw him. What are we to believe??? Richard Nixon being in Dallas the same day is nothing short of bizarre. In fact, think about it… we have four current and future presidents in Dallas or very near, the same day of the crime of the century with Gerald Ford soon to be sticking his head out of the sniper’s nest! ….. Sounds like bad movie script to me. John Connally and E. H. Hunt making it to the Nixon White House… how strange? And just how in the hell did George H. W. Bush become head of the CIA!!! MY God! The film did put a lot of characters into focus though still blurry. John Hankey did show that a documentary could be put together with no money and reach millions of people, but Seamus is correct in showing poor fact checking.(Nixon holding a rifle is over the top) I do not however, feel that Hankey deserves the same rap as Posner, McAdams or Mack.

    Next, the ministry of Jones. I drove all the way to Austin, Texas to meet with Alex for advice on my own radio show and was surprised to see his studio being run out of a two room, wooden floor, overcrowded area that shared half the building with a 7-11. No sign of a rich guy here. Blue jeans and a t-shirt and no Mercedes or BMW’s in the four space parking lot, didn’t even have a reserved parkingspot.

    I don’t understand about Seamus criticizing a CHRISTIAN businessman for out bidding everyone else on Ebay for a bullhorn named Tyranny Buster. People must believe in his cause to fork over that much money.  Would it have been better if he was an agnostic businessman? It beats the hell out of taking out a $50,000 loan with interest. The money bomb happened only once after holding several of them for Ron Paul’s presidential bid, in which Alex was instrumental in urging him to run. The same forces that block truth about Kennedy were in full swing preventing a congressman who for decades has not once voted against the constitution, EVER! Hey! you want to go to war? Then congress has to declare war! The Dems and the GOP don’t have time for that foolishness anymore do they? Ditto LBJ.

    Robert Gaylon Ross, a kook? I have seen an hour-long interview in which he discusses Lincoln, MLK, JFK and  RFK and, without quibbling over opinions of the facts, I saw no reason for labeling him a kook.

    David Icke seems to be credible all the way up to the lizard thing which they do not talk about on Alex’s show. In defense of Icke, though I will not go there,  I do know quite a few hardcore researcher friends who are looking into it and are undecided.

    Aaah, Michelle Malkin!  Anyone who would lie about throwing a puppy over a cliff and authored a book titled “The Case For Internment Camps” deserves to be confronted.

    Now Aaron Russo, who produced “The Rose” with Bette Midler, “Trading Places” with Eddy Murphy and managed Led Zeppelin, can’t be a shmuck. He directed a BANNED movie titled “Freedom to Fascism”, does that sound familiar? Remember the History Channel airing the LBJ episode only to ban it?  What in God’s name did Aaron do to be called ” Late, but not great”? That video changed my life! I think everyone should know how there is no law forcing Americans to pay income tax. The 16th amendment was never ratified by the required number of states and how the unconstitutional Federal Reserve came into being. Kennedy was well aware of the sins of private banks issuing currency and fractional reserve banking. Jesus overturned the tables in the Temple for the same reason; John Kennedy issued treasury notes. Both can get you killed. To quote Gerald Selente, “The fight this country has waged since its inception is for the bankers not to take over the country”. They succeed in 1913. Andrew Jackson gave it his all, but we lost.

    Next, Seamus brings up a ten-year-old film Jones made of Bohemian Grove. Instead of focusing on our leaders and future Presidents running around in their underwear and wearing bras by day and sporting KKK looking outfits by night, apparently worshiping a 40 foot owl, Seamus brings up how English journalist, Jon Ronson, didn’t get enough credit for helping him.  Gerald Ford, Ronald Regan, both Bushes, Newt Gingrich, Art Linkletter, ouch! Allan Greenspan and Bill Clinton being at a place  Nixon so elegantly spoke of as Bohemian Grove as ” the most ‘faggy’ God Damned thing you could ever imagine” is SICK! http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dPb-PN9F2Pc.  Personally, I don’t want to use my imagination pondering what Nixon just said. Come on, it takes guts to enter the Grove with SWAT teams, helicopters, Secret Service and private security goons swarming all around.

    Comparing Alex to Bill Cooper!!! Flag on the PLAY! Unnecessary Roughness! Just not fair! One of the first things I learned thanks to Robert Groden’s $10 magazine peddled for years through out Dealey Plaza, is the stupidity of a shadow being a gun! Now there’s the proper use of the word kook. Posner, Mack or Bogliosi are dedicated truth seekers compared to the lunacy of pushing “the driver did it?”. That’s the lowest of the low and, as we know, the bar is set incredibly high for being low in JFK.

    Seamus criticized Alex and crew for blaming the Bush family for everything, but Jim D. thought that Russ Baker’s book, “Family of Secrets” did not cover enough of the many dastardly deeds the Bush family was involved in!

    On two occasions Seamus downs Alex for showing up at a “Gun and Denver Mint” protest for the unspeakable crime of being uninvited! Audible gasp! I can hear Jim Garrison now. “Although the Dallas Police Dept. has an admirable regard for the protection of property, they could have held back a few cars in reserve, even for a criminal who would dare go into a movie house without buying a ticket! But uninvited! That’s when you bring in the force of the entire police department!” I have been to a few protests but have yet to receive an invitation. I remember the whole Gun show episode. The feds came down and tried to shut down a long running gun show with no legal reason to do so except saying “Hey, we’re the Feds”! I would dare say, he was invited since he had the gun show folks on his show many times and announced on the air his intention to be there. I have no problem with a journalist standing up for my Second Amendment rights. I wish more of them had half that amount of courage.

    We have all heard how Oliver Stone’s movie “JFK” was criticized before its release. Well “it’s Deja Vu all over again”, right Yogi? The entire wrath of Seamus’s article seems to be based on a 2006 movie trailer and an hour long call-in show the same year. Both included Jim Marrs and a few articles written by Jason Bermas and Paul Watson, basically for subscribing to the LBJ, Barr McClellan, Madeleine Brown saga.  He labels it a ” warning”. The problem is, that I can name highly respected researchers with decades of work that do believe there was a meeting at Clint Murchison’s mansion. Penn Jones, Jim Marrs, Jim Fetzer, Robert Groden and Walt Brown ??????  for a while…and you know what? I agree with Seamus!  Oddly, every unworthy, good-for-nothing character Seamus detests, has appeared on Black Op Radio. John Hankey, Aaron Russo, Barr McClellan and Russ Baker and I’m not calling for Len Osanic’s head! I know Len is a truth seeker with a big heart. These subjects were hot nearly 5 years ago. But now times have changed, we’re fighting Tom Hanks on one front and the Dallas Police as they prepare for the worldwide spotlight known as the Super Bowl.

    I implore everyone to listen to the interview with Jim Marrs and Alex Jones. http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=1428493024841594984#.  These men are clearly not engaged in deception.  In fact, Seamus missed the whole point of the show: They were comparing JFK to 911!  There are chilling similarities. This is the point I want to make! Alex Jones has 5 of the top 10 internet videos of all time! Jason Bermas had the first mega viral web video with over 100 million views as a college kid!  He’s not backing the Warren Commission; he’s not running The Sixth Floor Museum! He doesn’t host a web site saying Col. Fletcher Prouty is a blabbering idiot! We all are going to make errors looking for the truth! Not one JFK researcher has not revised their views at some point. With Gerald Posner and Bogliosi getting thousands of hours of air time, all serious researchers can barely muster up 200 hrs. combined over decades!  If the true mission is getting our word out, that it was so much bigger than a lone nut, then we need Alex and we need Len Osanic, we need Jim D and Seamus Coogan!

    Seamus also slaps around the Jones crew for their lack of knowledge about RFK and wouldn’t you know it, Jim Fetzer on Black Op, show #487, is completely at odds with Seamus and backs up Jonestown. I told you this research was going to be difficult. We must not forget that we are researching mysteries. We don’t know the answers and the sad, hard fact is that you’re just going to have to put in the years of research necessary to draw your own conclusions. If you ask me, Alex Jones and Black Op Radio are engaged in the same thing! Len has a radio show and so does Alex. Len has products for sale and so does Alex. Len asks for donations and so does Alex.  However, over the past few years, Black Op has focused mostly on JFK and here is where the real difference is. Alex is not afraid to bring up child trafficking, Eugenics, Fluoride in our drinking water, chemtrails and dangerous vaccines and how there is NO difference between both parties in the House or Senate. Face it, as long as I remember, the Republicans, while in office, would run the country off the rails and then we would throw the rascals out only to allow the Dems to push our republic off a cliff. We have been seeing this for decades! Both parties are determined to bankrupt the nation. Alex was instrumental in getting Ron Paul to run for President. Think about it, a congressman who has never voted against the mighty constitution in over 30 years! Neither party can claim anything near that! I would suggest you read the 10 planks of the communist manifesto and see where our country is headed. http://www.libertyzone.com/Communist-Manifesto-Planks.html

    There is a clear difference between out-an-out lying, deliberate disinformation and disagreement of dedicated researchers trying to present the truth the best they can with this incredibly complex case. Reggie Jackson didn’t hit a home run everytime!!!

    Alex is the hardest working man in radio and would welcome more information on JFK. I truly believe Alex would welcome Seamus’s views. Alex does’nt want you to follow him. He wants YOU to take action as I have and together we can fight the unconstitutional health care bill, the nationalization of our auto industry, chemtrails, the Patriot act, 911 and undeclared wars!

    I am asking the JFK community to start focusing on what the assassination means to us today! The CIA is alive and well and just what did Fletcher Prouty mean when he said he uses the “Report from Iron Mountain”? I feel that anyone who watches this video will understand what is REALLY going on today!

    In closing I would like to leave this point for all to ponder, Len Osanic of Black Op Radio has listened to nearly every researcher for 10 long years!!! What is the one thing he wants? He wants us all to meet in Hawaii! Why? To document the few things that the research community does agree on!


    Counterpoint: Seamus Coogan

    Dear Mr. King:

    Thank you for your impassioned response. In fact, it’s very similar to one sent me by a Mr. Hale via Black Op Radio.

    You are correct. CTKA does seek to provide the best research on JFK available. But unfortunately, that’s why Alex Jones and others like David Icke, Robert Ross, and John Hankey have been excluded. In fact, on the Black Op Radio show you mentioned Jim Fetzer countering my positions on RFK and O’Sullivan, you obviously didn’t hear Len Osanic’s constant questions concerning the veracity of Fetzers’ sources.

    Furthermore, why anybody would doubt Talbot and Morley – two of the more credible journalists who have contributed generally solid work on the case – over the rantings of Jim Fetzer is a little beyond myself. Fetzer has the misfortune of endorsing and falling (to the point of banality) for every new fangled conspiracy fad and piece of disinformation foisted on us by those bright sparks at Langley. That he has the audacity to preach about misinformation is utterly astounding in its scope of delusion. I would also like to point out that the outlandish 9/11 no planes claims of Fetzer caused Alex Jones to part company with him. Yes, I actually agree with Infowars on this one.

    Returning to Jones, unlike his erstwhile researcher Paul Joseph Watson (who posts what he pleases) my piece was vetted and edited by no less than three people before it saw the light of day. The process has taken Jim, JP, and I months. We know for a fact (it’s painfully obvious) that this type of thing (i.e., thorough vetting) does not go on in the Jones nexus.

    One of the odd things you missed in your letter is that CTKA (well before my involvement) never liked, nor listened to Alex Jones. It’s not I who’s ruined any chance for an alliance between Jones and Jim DiEugenio. Sadly, it’s people like yourself – that is, those who seem to think that Jones and Jim DiEugenio have something in common – who are most at odds with what I write. There is nothing similar about the two men in any way, shape, or form – whatsoever. I cannot prevent you from liking Jones as well. Just don’t ask us to have anything to do with him. Nor accuse us of disunity. We actually had the VP of the Genesis Radio Network email us and effectively tell us we had gotten everything concerning JFK and Alex Jones absolutely correct. That’s one of Jones’ bosses.

    The issues that Jones raises concerning numerous misdemeanours (real or imagined), e.g., child trafficking, eugenics, chemtrails, etc., are, in my opinion, bunk, massively misquoted, or are tabloidised to the point of stupidity. On the other hand, post-9/11 counter-surveillance, corrupt corporations, and illegal foreign wars are extremely important. But they are ruined by Jones and his group’s abysmal outlook on myriad other issues. If Jones “cocks up” the JFK case so badly, why should I or anybody else believe a word he says?

    Furthermore, you assumed an awful lot of stuff in your letter about my political beliefs – or at least what you seem to think I should believe – and it seems you have insinuated that I had somehow turned my back on your revolution.

    I fully support universal healthcare initiatives in the United States. I come from New Zealand, a country that has had universal healthcare for nearly 70 years. I think it is massively important and I am grateful for it, like the majority of New Zealanders. However, we still elect right-wing governments, we also spy for the United States right across Asia (these include communist countries); we also have a ban on US nuclear weapons yet allow US naval visits. The United States utilizes the New Zealand SAS in nearly every operation they are involved in. Am I slowly becoming a communist?

    You may be dismayed when I say this, but the world is not America, Mr. King. Nor does it think like America. Most people on the planet think people like Mike Moore are “cooler” and more “credible” than Alex Jones. In fact, for starters, more people have heard about Moore than Jones – a fact that no doubt stings Jones’ massive ego.

    Now please don’t turn around and say Moore is a sell-out. I have my reservations about his lack of input into JFK. But an article here by Ray McGovern on Moore’s own website seems to give a good indication of what he’s thinking. Needless to say it’s a hell of a lot better than a lot of other “Left Gatekeepers”:

    Moore was silly to have made comments about 9/11 Truthers initially. But he has since been very, very up-front about his doubts over the official version concerning 9/11:

    Moore just doesn’t see the need to jump around and get publicity over such things and he’s cautious of some issues. In a world abounding with Jones, Icke, and others, it pays to be. Furthermore, why should he be expected to have an opinion on conspiracies? He’s pointed out – as have Jim DiEugenio, Lisa Pease, and numerous other individuals – that the “tea bag” movement has been funded by the massive insurance companies Moore cruelly exposed in Sicko. Moore’s no saint. We all know that. But Jones is neither saint nor scholar on the issues. And that’s a fact.

    I believe in global warming. I also believe we human beings have raped and destroyed this planet. You may not, fair enough. You may believe that mass over population, starvation, erosion, deforestation, and a drying up of fresh water supplies are all natural, and that the negatives about these issues are cooked up by the NWO utilizing environmentalists, feminists, socialists, and the United Nations to create a new world government.

    I also don’t believe you have read either Jim DiEugenio’s or my work on John Hankey–Russ Baker/George Bush and Alex Jones closely enough. There are no contradictions in our work. In fact, practically everything on CTKA is conjoined. It’s very seldom that articles contradict each other – if ever. Thus, CTKA is unique in the JFK field for creating one singular coherent argument. Unlike Alex Jones, where it’s “Contradictions-R-Us.”

    As for the “Skull ‘n Bones” NWO secret society stuff, I advise you re-read my piece on Bermas in Part II. In fact, I also advise you also check out my notes on such things like Bohemian Grove on Greg Parker’s site (these are linked to the end of my second Jones piece) to see how much more complex the issues that Jones and Bermas bring up really are. It’s a little known fact that George H.W. Bush signed the JFK Act which brought the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) into being. Sherman Cooper on the Warren Commission was an S&B member and doubted the official version. Bob Lovett was an S&B man who became disgusted about the CIA’s dubious roles in overthrowing democratically elected governments, and whose reports on Allen Dulles eventually led to Dulles’ sacking and JFK wanting to abolish the CIA. Richard Russell was a high-ranking Mason and he never bought into it. This is just for starters.

    In fact, it would be hard to find anybody at CTKA (a centre-left organisation) who would not believe in much of what I have just said. We also believe that there are far better alternative news sources out there than Jones. Furthermore, Jones has had a number of years to discuss the Kennedy assassination with CTKA. He has not chosen to. CTKA-Probe pre-date Jones’ emergence on the scene. As does my personal research into the case (Jim DiEugenio’s goes back a very long way – try the seventies). I am not speaking on behalf of Len Osanic. But from what I understand, he is reluctant to branch out further because he acknowledges the massive amounts of disinformation out there. While Len has had people we have criticised on his shows, it’s up to him if he has them back (we aren’t the only ones that moan either – LOL. In practically all cases where I know of this happening, voices from CTKA have never been the sole complainant on an issue.)

    Len has said he makes mistakes every now and again, and we all do. It’s just Osanic’s particular type of research is extremely public and live. There are risks in what he does and despite them Len’s show is the only conspiracy show on the Internet I listen to regularly. That’s the biggest compliment I can give, because as you may have noticed, I am extremely fussy. Furthermore, the problem is that for all of the good researchers Jones has had on his show over the years he has learnt absolutely nothing about the case. Len is the complete opposite. He had a solid grounding in assassination research and Fletcher Prouty well before he ever went public with his opinions on the topic. Len isn’t commercially driven either, and were he to become that, I have no doubt whatsoever he would put good information ahead of profit every time. You see, unlike Alex Jones and numerous other radio hustlers out there, Len has a thing called integrity and politcal analysis.

    Speaking of Black Op Radio, one of the many incorrect comments you made was on Prouty and the “Report from Iron Mountain.” It was a little alarming to be honest, considering the amount of misinformation about him on the net. In particularly on the John McAdam’s website.

    However, I shall revisit Jones’ gun rally in Austin at some stage as I have come across conflicted accounts of Jones’ invitation myself. But let’s face it. Whether invited or not, Jones ruined it for those that participated (and openly abused the woman who organized the event I might point out). As for Jones’ “take me or leave me” attitude, demagogues, like him, often say one thing and do another. He is inconsistent and incompatible with much of what CTKA says and believes. Your comment about Reggie Jackson misses the point. CTKA does not need to hit a home run every inning. We aren’t even in the game that Jones plays.

    We do real, prolonged research for starters.

    I do not wish, nor will I partake in, any ongoing correspondence in the matter.

    But I do wish you a good day. I enjoyed your opening detailing your feelings about the case, and as I said earlier on, I do admire your passion.

    Yours,

    SM Coogan

  • Dean T. Hartwell, Dead Men Talking: Consequences of Government Lies


    How did it happen? How did this country get into the sorry state it is? America today is a place where presidential elections are stolen in broad daylight – and the Supreme Court then sanctions the thievery. Where a debacle like 9/11 takes place, and yet not a single person gets fired. A country where an administration can launch a phony war with Iraq – needlessly losing thousands of young men and women and countless billions in dollars – yet the Speaker of the House says that giant fraud was not grounds for impeachment. A country in which the Dow Jones Industrial Average has increased over 1,000% since 1972 – yet both the middle class and working class are worse off now than they were then. A country where a con artist like Bernie Madoff could actually rise to be president of NASDAQ. A nation whose politicians allow casino-like gouging on Wall Street, and then when the bubble bursts, the tax-payers bail out the looters to the tune of a trillion dollars. And they have to, because if they don’t their IRA’s, pensions, and annuities could disappear. It’s a country where the moderate Republican Party of Eisenhower became the extremism of Gingrich and DeLay. The US is a place where a right-wing foreign billionaire like Rupert Murdoch can convince a large part of the public that somehow his interests coincide with theirs. It’s a nation whose populace is so cowed and misinformed that they could consider a shallow frat boy like George Bush Jr. for president – not once, but twice. And then, when he cheats his way into office both times, the MSM actually tries to cover up for him. After all, the only price paid was the financial bankruptcy of the USA. A country, which, as conservative banker Charles Morris has written, is “hopelessly in hock to some of the world’s most unsavory regimes.” And part of that transfer of wealth was made possible by companies like the Carlyle Group, led by former “representatives of the people” like George Bush Sr., James Baker, and John Major.

    In other words, the USA today is a second-rate nation which veers violently from national scandal to senseless war back to national scandal. And the purveyors of neither the wars nor the scandals are ever actually called to account for their sins. Consequently, the cycle continues downward. With no real light at the end of the tunnel. When you can pull off a crime like what just happened on Wall Street, and make average Americans foot the bill – well, that should tell you what the USA has become: a giant ATM machine for the wealthy. Except in the end, you find out they had access to your account. And the politicians in Washington don’t really give a damn.

    How did things go so awry? To the point where, to use some appropriate hyperbole, America reminds some of the last scene of fire and smoke in Nathanael West‘s memorable apocalyptic novel The Day of the Locust. Many people are aware of the condition of course. Which is why alternative forms of media have arisen. Because, to put it mildly, the MSM has not done a very good job keeping the wolf from the door. In fact, many citizens think they helped the animal up their sidewalk.

    For me, alternative media has not been up to the task, at least not yet. As I have noted on this site, the likes of blogs like Firedoglake and Daily Kos and Talking Points Memo have been rather disappointing. For me, before a nation can deal with its present, it has to be able to face its past. Its real past. In other words, the public has to be made to understand the depth and breadth of the historical crimes in order to explain how, for instance, an administration can simultaneously fire eight US attorneys and lie about it before Congress. And the following Democratic administration chooses not to try any of the perjurers or the perpetrators. This is pretty much saying that the law is what the occupiers of the Department of Justice say it is. And in the case of Don Siegelman, Cyril Wecht, and others, new Attorney General Eric Holder replies, “Well, too bad, but I guess it was.”

    For those of us who recall a better America, this will not do. Therefore we have tried to give history back to the people in an honest and investigative way. We did it when Lisa Pease and myself published Probe bi-monthly. We tried to do it in our book, The Assassinations. And John Kelin and I do it here on this site, e.g., Roger Feinman’s fine essay on Sonia Sotomayor.

    Dean T. Hartwell has now made his contribution.

    His short book, Dead Men Talking, is subtitled Consequences of Government Lies. It is a concise attempt at what some people call revisionist history. Except that it stretches across the decades from 1963 to 2001, nearly forty years. The Assassinations, was also an attempt at revisionist history. But it only covered five years: 1963-68. It took in the murders of President Kennedy, Malcolm X, Martin Luther King, and Senator Robert Kennedy. We did that because we thought that by centering on those four people, we could concentrate on both one time period, and also one method of covert operation: the assassination of political leaders by gunfire. Then, in the Afterword of that book, I tried to isolate these events by saying they constituted a landmark in American history. Hartwell decided to take two of these assassinations – the Kennedys – and combine them with the attacks on the USA of September 11, 2001.

    Hartwell begins the book by countering the mocking tone that the MSM uses to discount the idea of “conspiracy theories.” One method he uses is rather simple: If the official story is harder to swallow than an alternative theory, then the public has every right to question the official story. Especially when it makes no sense anyway. The idea that a mediocre – or worse – rifleman like Lee Harvey Oswald could actually better the performance of almost every marksman who ever tried to duplicate his alleged feat is hard to swallow. And when you add in the fact that the Warren Commission could never duplicate the condition of the magic bullet, i.e., CE 399, in any of their tests – and actually tried to cover that fact up – well that gives us reason to wonder. He also mentions the recurrent use of a patsy, or what he terms a scapegoat. The labeling of Oswald as an anti-social Marxist helped to compensate and distract from the weakness of the evidentiary case against him. The author also notes that the official investigations often fail to properly address relevant and controversial facts that are necessary to uphold their stories. In the JFK case for instance, an example would be the location of Oswald in the Texas School Book Depository at the time of the shooting.

    Hartwell also mentions other precedents for government officials lying to the public about acts of state. Two being the Gulf of Tonkin Incident, and the 18 1/2-minute gap in the famous Nixon-Haldeman tape three days after the Watergate break-in.

    I am not going to analyze in any depth his discussion of what happened on September 11, 2001. I have read only two books on that subject, plus a few essays on the web. If you can believe it, I have never even read anything by David Ray Griffin. And Griffin is the 9/11 equivalent of Mark Lane. Hartwell lists some of the most common anomalies that the critics of the official story have enumerated: the ignored warnings both domestically and from abroad; the failure of any interceptor jets to get close to either Washington or New York; the acrobatic tight turn taken by Flight 77 before it hit the Pentagon: the confluence of war games that morning which tended to confuse radars; the incredibly fast collapse of Building 7, which was not hit by any planes. (I must note in this regard, when Tucker Carlson had scientist Stephen Jones on his show, he showed this collapse. But he edited out the complete fall. All you saw was the beginning of the collapse, and the actual bouncing of the rubble.)

    I cannot make any real judgment about Hartwell’ s work on this case since, as I said, I am in no way an authority on it. And I don’ t feel ashamed in admitting that. One can only thoroughly investigate so many of these scandals. And I feel I have done that with the JFK, MLK, and RFK cases. But it seems to me that Hartwell has hit the highlights and used the work of some of the credible critics e.g. Griffin, Mike Ruppert, Michel Chossudovsky.

    Let me add one last thing about this case. I managed to watch some of the live hearings of the 9/11 Commission. It convinced me that the days of so-called Blue Ribbon Commissions should be officially ended. This was especially obvious during the questioning of Condoleezza Rice, which I thought was actually kind of embarrassing. I later learned that the Executive Director of the Commission, Philip Zelikow, had 1.) Worked on the transition team of George Bush Jr., 2.) Been appointed to his Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, and 3.) Co-written a book with Rice. In fact, after the attacks, Rice had him rewrite the initial report on what the American response should be to the new threat of terrorism. In light of all this, even Warren Commission sycophant Max Holland – who knows Zelikow personally – has declared that Zelikow should not have been the director of that Commission.

    II

    In his discussion of the assassination of President Kennedy, Hartwell first lists the main official findings about three shots and three shells. He then brings in the common questions about this. Namely that some people heard more than four shots, and that the presence of the shells do not prove they were fired that day. He then begins to critique the work of Gerald Posner and his accent on the presumed psychology of Lee Harvey Oswald. Hartwell notes that Posner’ s intent is somehow to denote a motive. He adds that this is “misplaced since motive makes no difference in a criminal conviction.” (p. 73)

    He then shifts the focus and adds that what occurred both directly before and after is quite important. (p. 74) In other words, where was Oswald at the time of the shooting? Hartwell, relying somewhat on the work of noted critic Howard Roffman argues that he probably was not on the sixth floor. He then goes after the Commission’ s star witness in this regard, Howard Brennan. (p. 76) For instance, Brennan once said that he actually saw the fatal shot hit JFK, and that he also saw the assassin stay at the window for three or more seconds after the fatal shot hit. (ibid) Both are dubious since they seem mutually exclusive.

    Hartwell then goes into Oswald’ s alleged movements after the shooting, concentrating on the testimony of policeman Marrion Baker. This is the motorcycle officer who stopped his vehicle and then climbed the stairs in the Texas School Book Depository. He allegedly encountered Oswald at the second floor lunchroom. Hartwell questions the efficacy of the timing of the reconstructions. (p. 77) Hartwell then uses the testimony of Dr. Robert Hunt before the House Select Committee on Assassinations. After studying the photos of the boxes in the so-called sniper’ s nest, he concluded that someone had moved the boxes about two minutes after the shooting. As Hartwell writes, that person could not have been Oswald. (p. 79)

    From here, Hartwell briefly discusses the provenance of the alleged rifle that was supposedly ordered by Oswald. He acutely states that no one at the post office recalled handing the rather large and bulky package to Oswald. (p. 80) And he also notes the problem of the post office box being signed for in Oswald’ s name only. Yet the rifle was ordered in the name of A. Hidell. If Oswald picked up the rifle, he would have had to show that he actually was the bearer of both identities. An event which probably would have gone up to the supervisor and which surely would have been remembered.

    Hartwell then goes on to the highly controversial palm print evidence. He notes that the palm print was taken off a part of he rifle that was only exposed when the rifle was taken apart. Which, as Ian Griggs has shown, was very hard to do. He also asks why did the Dallas Police not match this alleged palm print off the rifle to Oswald’ s on the 22nd. Especially since Oswald had given the police such a print that day. (p. 81) He also asks a pertinent question first posed by the illustrious Sylvia Meagher. How did the FBI later match the palm print taken from the rifle to a palm print taken from a card? Wouldn’ t the first be curved? (p. 82) I should add here, Hartwell mentions in passing the Barr McClellan/Walt Brown story about the matching of a previously unidentified print from the sixth floor to the late Mac Wallace. (p. 85) This was featured during the (quite disappointing) 40th anniversary installment of Nigel Turner’ s The Men Who Killed Kennedy. Since I have taken a lot of time criticizing Reclaiming History, I should note here that Vincent Bugliosi does a creditable job on this issue. He called McClellan’ s fingerprint expert Nathan Darby and told him there was a problem in his forensic methodology. The unidentified print from the sixth floor was a palm print. Yet, the prints Darby had from Wallace were his 1951 fingerprints. He asked Darby if he had developed some new technology to compare the two. Darby pleaded blind innocence. He said he was only given two fingerprints, one from a card and one a latent. He said, “I wasn’ t given any palm print. They were both fingerprints. Of course, you can’ t compare a palm print with a fingerprint.” (Bugliosi, p. 923) Let me add this about the matter: from the moment I first saw him, I never liked Barr McClellan. He was too glib, too fast-talking, too confident and oh so convenient. He arrived out of the woodwork to attract and confuse the masses on the fortieth anniversary.

    Hartwell goes on to raise some familiar questions about the murder of Officer Tippit, also – according to the Warren Commission – allegedly killed by Oswald. He recites the argument about the time factor working against Oswald. He was last seen by his landlady standing outside his rooming house at 1:04. Yet the most credible time placements of the Tippit murder are at around 1:09 or 1:10. The Warren Commission’ s “probative” witness, Helen Markham, said the shooting happened at 1:06, a fact that Commission supporters, like Dale Myers, manage to discount when they defend her. (Sylvia Meagher, Accessories After the Fact, p. 254) Witness T . F. Bowley looked at his watch when he saw Tippit’ s dead body on the street. It said 1:10. (Ibid) The late Larry Harris, a foremost expert on this case, told me that he thought the time of the murder was 1:09. This all makes it hard to believe Oswald could have been involved since the necessary distance traversed by him was about 9/10 of a mile. (Hartwell, pgs. 90-91) He would have had to be running or jogging the whole way. Which no one saw him do. (Meagher, p. 255) The author then goes into the confusing mélange of the ballistics evidence in the case. The bullets could not be matched to the gun, and the cartridges do not match the bullets: the shells were 2 Westerns and 2 Remingtons, while the bullets were 3 Westerns and 1 Remington. And he thankfully brings up the matter of the Oswald wallet found at the scene. (p. 92) Which creates an insurmountable problem for the Commission stalwarts. Because a.) Oswald would have never done this if he was the actual killer, and b.) The official story has Oswald’ s wallet being discovered on the way to the station – while he left another wallet on the dresser at the Paines that morning. Which equals Oswald as the Man with Three Wallets. (See Reclaiming Parkland, First edition, pp. 101-105). This is powerful evidence that Oswald was not at the scene and was framed.

    Using this as a cue, Hartwell then takes up an alternative view of the crime. He mentions the famous testimony of the witnesses who saw a man who resembled Oswald running down an embankment outside the Texas School Book Depository a few minutes after the murder. People like Roger Craig, Helen Forrest, Marvin Robinson, and Richard Carr all said essentially the same thing on this point. (p. 99) This Oswald double could have then been used in the Tippit murder, and then been the man who was seen early, at 1:00, by attendant Butch Burroughs at the Texas Theater. He was then escorted out of the back of the theater and was seen by witness Bernard Haire. (pgs 100-101)

    Hartwell ends this discussion by asking some sensible questions about the Commission’ s story. First, if Oswald was an ideologically motivated killer, why didn’ t he admit it like other assassins e.g. Booth, James Guiteau, and Leon Czolgosz. (p. 101) If he meant to disguise his act why did he have the rifle and handgun shipped to a post office box with his name on it? When he could have purchased the rifle over the counter with cash, no questions asked. If he was planning on killing Kennedy, why is there no credible evidence of him target practicing in advance? How could he have been so sure that no one in the building would see him unwrap the weapon and assemble it? If he had planned the assassination, why didn’ t he wear gloves? Why did he first drive in the taxi past his rooming house, and then rush inside it and leave so quickly? If he really shot both Kennedy and Tippit, why did he then not try and leave Dallas via bus? (pgs 103-104)

    Hartwell concludes that the failure of the Commission to adequately address any of these important issues shows that their purpose was not to solve the crimes but to disseminate a cover story to be in turn picked up by the major media and force fed to the public. (p. 105) He also notes, as Deputy Consul for the House Select Committee on Assassinations Bob Tanenbaum did: the amount of evidence slanting used by the Commission was enormous. In other words, the Commission never selected evidence favorable to Oswald. If the case were as easy as the Commission states, this practice would not have been necessary. (p. 114)

    III

    The final case discussed by Hartwell is the assassination of Sen. Robert Kennedy in June of 1968. The author begins by outlining what most citizens consider the open and shut case against the convicted gunman Sirhan B. Sirhan: He was standing in the kitchen pantry of the Ambassador Hotel with a gun amid 73 witnesses. Kennedy was struck down and later died. He then tells us Sirhan was convicted at trial after his lawyers stipulated to the evidence the prosecution presented against him. Hartwell notes this was done to aid in their plea of diminished capacity, which would have been difficult if they outlined a conspiracy. Sirhan was then sentenced to death but had his sentence altered to life in prison by decree of the Supreme Courts of both the United States and California.

    The author begins to chip away at the prosecution’ s case using the autopsy of Dr. Thomas Noguchi. Hartwell shows how the findings of Noguchi contrast significantly with what the best and closest eyewitnesses said happened. The four shots into RFK (one actually went through the top of his jacket) all came from behind and at very close range. Yet no witness said that Sirhan ever got behind Kennedy or that close to him. (p. 119) He also uses the quite credible testimony of hotel maitre d’ Karl Uecker who said he grabbed Sirhan’ s gun hand after the second shot. Therefore how could Sirhan have delivered the others with any degree of accuracy? (ibid)

    Hartwell outlines the pros and cons of the case against security guard Thane Eugene Cesar as the actual assassin. (p. 122) And he later adds that the Los Angeles police treated him way too gently. He then goes to the testimony of Sandra Serrano and Lt. Paul Sharaga. (pgs. 123-124) These two witnesses begin to outline the role of the two accomplices who probably entered the Ambassador that night with Sirhan. And they also begin to outline the role of the Girl in the Polka Dot Dress. This is the woman seen with Sirhan prior to he shooting and who is part of his last memory before the shooting. A memory of drinking coffee with her and then following her out of the room and into the pantry. Properly, Hartwell then sketches the ordeal Serrano was put through at the hands of Lt. Hank Hernandez to make her withdraw her testimony. Lawyer Hartwell notes, this kind of brutal treatment is usually reserved for suspects, not witnesses. He also adds, that sometimes witnesses do misrepresent. But there is usually a discernible motive. There is none with Serrano. (p. 126)

    Hartwell then describes how there were too many bullet holes in the pantry than were possibly emitted by Sirhan’ s eight shot revolver. (p. 128) He even quotes infamous LAPD criminalist DeWayne Wolfer on this point: “It’ s unbelievable how many holes there are in the kitchen ceiling.” (p. 128) He adds that it turned out the LAPD could never clearly link any of the bullets in RFK to Sirhan’ s weapon.

    The author then analyzes four points offered up by critics of the LAPD: 1.) There were more than eight bullets fired, 2.) There was another gunman besides Sirhan 3.) There was a non-shooting accomplice 4.) Sirhan was hypnoprogrammed to do what he did. (p. 130) After giving the pluses and minuses of these issues he decides that the official theory does not hold up, and neither do the arguments of its supporters like Dan Moldea. (pgs 130-140) Finally, he uses the now famous Stanislaw Pruszynksi tape, recorded the night of the murder, as tested by audio technician Phil Van Praag. This tape is powerful evidence for there being too many shots fired that night and for them being too close together. (Click here for more on this.)

    Hartwell produced this book on his own. There are the spelling mistakes, typos and spacing errors to prove it. And as I wrote in part 6 of my review of Reclaiming History, the issues involving the testimony of Wesley Frazier and Marrion Baker in the JFK case are even worse than what he deduces. But these things are easily forgiven since this is not a corporate effort, but a citizen’ s book. A citizen who is greatly bothered by what has happened to his nation. How voting, as proven by Florida in 2000 and Ohio in 2004, cannot be relied upon anymore. (p. 151) How trying to get elected officials to do something about serious government crimes does not work, since there is no upside in it for them. (p. 152) How the rather attractive alternative of moving elsewhere means leaving these troubling issues in America behind. And, as everyone knows, the MSM is no help. He proposes taking advantage of the new media to spread the word to others and the rest of the world. (ibid) It won’ t be easy, but it is necessary. If not we will maintain the system that allows these crimes and they will continue to pollute the body politic. Which, as we see now, is harmful to us all. The evidence for that, as I noted at the start, is all around us.

    When I finished the Afterword to The Assassinations I wrote that, as in Camus’ The Myth of Sisyphus, after the murder of RFK, those who believed in him and his cause felt like the stone was at the bottom of the hill. And they were alone. Today, we are not. History has caught up with some of the public. They don’ t like what America has become either. In that regard, we need more people like Dean Hartwell. Because if The Assassinations was a pebble thrown into the polluted stream, this book provides another stepping-stone beyond it. And hopefully, one day, a man the stature of Carroll Quigley will arrive to trace the decline from November 1963, to March of 2003, filing out the entire canvas with color and perspective. In order to make the public face the fact that, yes the forces that killed the vibrant progressive energy of the sixties won, but what did they bring us? The answer is: Less than zero. Or as James Joyce once wrote for his alter ego, Stephen Dedalus: “History is a nightmare from which I am trying to awaken.” Few who were alive in 1963 would argue the fact that the country we live in today does not resemble what we had then. Hartwell’ s effort is that of a true patriot offering an attempt to bridge that gap and explain how it all happened. For the benefit of us all.

  • Jesse Ventura & Dick Russell, American Conspiracies: A Textbook for Alternative History

    Jesse Ventura & Dick Russell, American Conspiracies: A Textbook for Alternative History


    Jesse Ventura in Dealey Plaza
    (CTKA File Photo)

    In my recent review of Voodoo Histories by David Aaronovitch, I spent a lot of time explaining why the organization of the book destroyed its credibility. The topics it covered were dictated by media coverage rather than a serious study of history. Coming on its heels, just a month later, American Conspiracies by Jesse Ventura and Dick Russell, rushes right into the breach. Talk about good timing.

    The first three sentences of American Conspiracies set the tone of what will be good in this book that was not good in Aaronovitch: “First of all, let’s talk about what you won’t find in this book. It’s not about how extraterrestrials are abducting human beings, or the Apollo moon landing being a colossal hoax perpetrated by NASA, or that Barack Obama somehow is not a natural-born American citizen. I leave these speculations to others, not that I take them seriously.”

    And on that note we’re off.

    ORGANIZATION

    So how are Ventura and Russell going to explain conspiracies to us? They take 14 separate topics, in order: the Lincoln assassination; the attempt to overthrow FDR; the JFK, Malcolm X, MLK, and RFK assassinations; the Watergate scandal (however, not the Woodward version but the Jim Hougan version); Jonestown; the October surprise; the CIA drug connection; the stolen elections of 2000 and 2004; 9/11; Wall Street; and the “secret plans” to end American democracy. As I noted in my Aaronovitch review, these are much closer to the topics that make sense for a political researcher to investigate – note the absence of reference to Princess Diana.

    Each chapter begins with a little box explaining what the situation is, what the official word on it is, and Ventura’s take on the subject, and ends with a short paragraph on what he feels should be done about it. These add to the textbook feel of the work – the only thing missing are discussion questions. And, by and large, the book does a good job of synthesizing the main idea of each topic with solid information. One assumes that a great deal of the research came from Russell, and he gets this across well while keeping Ventura’s distinctive voice throughout.

    As noted, they begin with the Lincoln assassination, which is an acknowledged conspiracy, though seldom written about by political researchers. Their version is an interesting one, based largely on Blood on the Moon by Edward Steers, Jr., but leaves out some of the little details, such as the fact that Mary Todd Lincoln suspected Secretary of War Andrew Stanton’s involvement in the plot to her dying day. (The background for this is quite interesting but left to the reader to investigate. Stanton and Lincoln had prior very public disagreements, and Stanton, after Lincoln’s murder, had screamed at Mrs. Lincoln and ordered her removed from his sight because she was so upset.) Additionally, while there are conspiracists who assert that Jefferson Davis was involved or even the progenitor of the Lincoln assassination, it is not often noted that Davis had been the target of a Union assassination attempt just weeks before. (See James Hall’s article, “The Dahlgren Papers: A Yankee Plot to Kill President Davis,” Civil War History Illustrated No. 30 Nov. 1983). On the other hand, this is perhaps too academic a complaint. There is a real benefit to beginning the book with an established conspiracy to appeal to the general reader, and it might bog things down to get into too much detail too fast. In that mindset, it makes sense to take a more conservative approach.

    This is also true for the chapters on the various assassinations. In general, they rely on the best works (for example, Pepper and Melanson on MLK, Turner & Christian and O’Sullivan – the book, not the documentary – on RFK, and heavily on John Armstrong, Douglass, DiEugenio and Pease, and Russell himself on JFK) in each area. And in each case the chapters serve as solid introductions for their subjects. While some material should perhaps have been left behind (Barsten’s MK-ULTRA thesis in the MLK assassination is a little too out there to be explained in a few paragraphs, although the authors do a creditable job), the material is generally well-handled.

    With respect to new material, there is some new research in the book, mostly concerning Mike Connell and election fraud. Connell was an IT person who worked for Karl Rove. Not only had Connell built websites for George W. and Jeb Bush, but also for Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, famous for their poisonous and baseless attacks on John Kerry’s military record. (p. 137) Connell knew the dirty details behind both election-fixing and emails that would implicate Rove and Bush in multiple criminal dealings. In December 2008, three months after a subpoena was issued to Connell to testify about these matters, he died in a plane crash. (p. 140) Others have promoted this story – Mark Crispin Miller talked about it on television and raised the possibility of foul play – but Russell and Ventura did some legwork on this case and the conclusions are in book.

    BACKGROUND

    The best parts of American Conspiracies tend to rely on Ventura’s own background in politics and as a SEAL team member to enhance his credibility in drawing conclusions. This is especially true in the chapter on the CIA drug conspiracy, which draws together a lot of good information and makes some intelligent inferences about it. For example, he discusses the fact that in pure economic terms, drugs make more profit for the U.S. then they do for the countries actually growing and exporting them:

    But even though 90 percent of the world’s heroin is originating in Afghanistan, their share of the proceeds in dollar terms is only 10 percent of that. It’s estimated that more than 80 percent of the profits actually get reaped in the countries where the heroin is consumed, like the U.S. According to the U.N., ‘money made in illicit drug trade has been used to keep banks afloat in the global financial crisis.’ (p. 122)

    A simple but cogent observation. The book further illustrates:

    “Not including real estate transfers, there’s an estimated inflow of $250 billion a year coming into the country’s banks – which I suppose is welcomed by some as offsetting our $300 billion trade deficit.” (114) The authors also go into a timely history of the Mexican drug cartels and their relationship to the U.S. In 1947, when the CIA was created, the DFS was also created – the Mexican version of the CIA. Since that time, drug traffickers have been protected by the United States. This was clearly described by the late Gary Webb in his seminal book Dark Alliance, but also in several others. One example raised by the book involves the traffickers who murdered DEA agent Enrique Camarena, who were protected by their U.S. connections. (p. 124)

    As with all the chapters, there are certain omissions – to leave out Alfred McCoy from a bibliography in writing about drugs and covert operations is inexplicable.

    DISAGREEMENTS

    I have certain quibbles with the book – the information on the 9/11 attacks is a real mixed bag, including some things that I find to be disinformation. But 9/11 is always a contentious issue and Ventura and Russell do focus on several good points, including the all-important Norman Mineta testimony. However, Ventura talks about the Pentagon missile theories and actually urges people to see Loose Change. Like his television program on 9/11, he also relies heavily on the testimony of Willie Rodriguez, who has been a questionable figure in the movement. On the other hand, he does invoke the lack of military and FAA response, and unlike most critics does so having actually been in the military and seen traffic controllers at work. (p. 143) He also talks about a 2003 memo in which the idea to paint a U2 surveillance plane in U.N. colors to fly over Iraq is floated. If Saddam fired upon it, this could be played up as an attack on a U.N. plane and made the instigator of a war. As Ventura notes, this has certain echoes of the Operation Northwoods documents floated during the Kennedy presidency and turned down by JFK. (p. 185) He also notes, quite rightly, that 10 months prior to 9/11, Donald Rumsfeld had approved major “changes to the Army’s [Continuity of Government] plan.” He correctly identifies this as a “shadow government.” (p. 191) In the bibliography of the 9/11 chapter, one finds only Peter Dale Scott’s excellent book, The Road to 9/11, and the work of David Ray Griffin, which explains much of what is good and bad in his analysis.

    This does point out what is a flaw in the book and in Ventura himself: which is a certain excess of credulity at times. As anyone who has tried to navigate the minefield of political research in general, and 9/11 in particular, one encounters all sorts of bizarre claims and “witnesses” who may be telling no truth, some truth, or the whole truth at various times. It is a weakness of the book that, in having to jump quickly into a topic and then leave it behind for something else, the information tends to be muddled together, good, bad, and questionable, with a certain lack of prioritization. The bibliography shares this trait as well. In his chapter on the Jonestown case, the best work has actually been done in two articles, one by John Judge and the other by Jim Hougan. Hougan is greatly relied upon both in this chapter and the Watergate chapter, and one can find both authors’ work in the endnotes. However, there are only two books listed on Jonesstown, and one is John Marks’ The Search for a Manchurian Candidate, a fine work but with a limited connection to Jonestown.

    Having said all this, one can always find things to argue with in textbooks, and this one remains terrific as an introductory volume. For the dedicated researcher, there are tidbits of new material here and there, but the primary purpose of this book is to serve the uninitiated, and on that score Ventura and Russell park it. The book is readable, fast-paced, and short: well-tailored to today’s public. The hope is, of course, that some of those who read this book will move on to deeper and more complex books, but even if they don’t, American Conspiracies serves them well.

  • Alex Jones on the Kennedy Murder: A Painful Case, Part II


    In Part One, we examined Alex Jones’ beginnings and his success. Not to mention, his extraordinary case of foot-in-mouth conspirahypocrisy, which he has packaged and sold to the world inspiring hordes of conspiravangelists. With regards to his upcoming documentary, this is not so much a review but more of an insight into what we can expect. To show the potential for failure, I then take a look at two of Jones’ most prominent players – and potential bedfellows in his documentary – Jason Bermas and Paul Joseph Watson.

    Though my extensive examination of Bermas’s film Invisible Empire may seem to take us off the path of Alex Jones and the Kennedy case, Kennedy is still very much in the picture, if a little more to the background. What this does is serve to give us an insight into the poor grasp of history, society, and theology which abounds in the Jones nexus. Though Paul Joseph Watson had little to do with Bermas production, I would imagine they share many of the same opinions since Watson is one of the top (if not the top) researchers in the Jones organization. Both individuals, like Jones, are repeat offenders in endorsing long-dead (or soon-to-be-dying) Kennedy assassination myths.

    The conclusion I reach relates back to the slim chances of such incompetence ever creating a meaningful or useful documentary on anything related to Kennedy’s, or anybody else’s, assassination.

    I. Sunshine Superman

    Jones may well be getting ready for another bite at the Johnson did it cherry via Howard Hunt in his long rumored film, Black Sunshine (discussed shortly). Hunt’s “confession” is not a way to get a good take on the killing of President Kennedy. It is pretty much old hat, and the version Hunt gave to his son before he died is slightly revised from the one he published in his last book. Anybody who has read Plausible Denial by Mark Lane knows that no one believed Howard Hunt’s story of being with his family that day. And then there’s the 1966 “secret” James Angleton memo to incoming Director of Intelligence Dick Helms about the need to provide Hunt with an alibi.

    The problem is that, given E. Howard Hunt’s spook-riddled past, who can really tell where the truth lies? For example, in light of Gaeton Fonzi’s first-rate book, The Last Investigation, the Marita Lorenz aspect of Lane’s volume is (to put it mildly) rather weak today. (See Fonzi, pgs. 83-107) And when, eventually, Gerry Hemmings backs up her Miami-to-Dallas “travelling assassination team,” then one’s antennae should stand up. (Lane, p. 300)

    But these are not the only problems. Another is this: Many respected researchers find Hunt’s family a tad too self-promoting to be readily believed. The man who brought the dying Hunt’s confession to light was his son, “Saint John.” (Apparently, Hunt-the-elder just couldn’ resist foisting his wry humor upon even his own son – for life.) St. John has a colorful past. He also deserves credit for overcoming his well-publicized demons. And maybe some of his insights into life with his father could have been illuminating. It’s Hunt’s commodification of practically everything around him that raises eyebrows.

    He has a website and also had some companies up and running called Dreamlike and Spook Productions. Hunt will sell anything “Hunt” you want. There’s Hunt’s online book you can buy, an autographed manuscript you can purchase, an interview with St. John you can own, and of course there’s “dad’s confession” itself. Yes, for 20 bucks they’re yours forever. But it gets worse or more humorous – depending on your viewpoint – very soon.

    In Part One, we mentioned that Hunt had been extremely forthcoming with information about his personal life to a number of people who emailed us after Jim DiEugenio announced my Alex Jones project on Black Op Radio some months ago. But some conspiravangelists, conveniently turned a blind eye at our pointing out Hunt’s self-voluntary participation in the process. So before we go any further, I have to forego any niceties and repeat that we did not seek out this information nor did we dig into Hunt’s background in any way, shape, or form; quite frankly, we have better things to do.

    What we reluctantly learned from the emails was that for a buck thirty-four per photo (click on the necklace) his wife’s likeness is yours. But that’s only the start. Apparently, you can also purchase Mrs. Hunts’ XXX action DVD’s and two different types of calendars in which she stars. Hunt, who photographed his wife, likely also filmed her. Does this then make “Saint John” (do you suppose that he’s in on the irony?) the JFK equivalent of Larry Flynt?

    Which begs the further question: In his conspirahypocrisy, exactly how low will Alex “LBJ, bazookas, and grenades” Jones stoop? Though he openly congratulates Naomi Wolf’s stance on the destructiveness of pornography and generally displays contempt for that industry (as do many of his listeners and viewers), Jones nonetheless jumps at the chance to embrace the likes of a Saint who appears more than willing to bare all.

    Many have posited that people with dubious reputations may be able to find redemption with precious nuggets of truth and insight. Thus if Hunt’s information was truly insightful, like say Rose Cheramie’s (who shared something of a similar history), then Jones could be forgiven for using him. The problem is that St. John is no Cheramie and Jones is no officer Francis Fruge. Not by a long shot. Cheramie never sought remuneration for her story, nor did Fruge who investigated it. Unlike Hunt she never lived to tell it to a wider audience (which may tell us something).

    Instead, Hunt and/or his father clearly had a business motive in place to spill the beans, which as said earlier, if handled better could have given some real insight into Hunt Sr. Yet, as it stands now most people schooled in the JFK case had known about the first confession for some time, barring the dubious addition of Lyndon Johnson. It’s this addition which has endeared him to a certain section of the JFK community which, like Jones, took Barr McClellan’s Blood, Money & Power seriously.

    Howard Hunt turned down the chance at 5 million dollars from Kevin Costner to set the record straight; yet for little or no reward he divulged a cock-and-bull story for his son to market to anyone who would buy it. Even the factually challenged John Hankey had an all too rare moment of insight when he stated something along the lines, “If Hunt says Johnson did it, that’s all the more reason not to believe he was behind it.” (John Hankey: Black Op Radio Show #424, 5/21/09). Hunt is something of a first: An X-rated photographer who is also appears to have no qualms about promoting himself as a “witness to history” in the Kennedy assassination. But in his attempt to market anything not nailed down, he seems a natural match for Jones.

    II. Black Comedy

    Why is this important?

    The rumors around Prison Planet forums are that Jones is planning to release what will likely be an awful production for JFK’s 50th anniversary in 2013. Yet people closer to Prison Planet have informed CTKA that it is coming out near the end of this year. The only hint of what it is like is a brief, two-part 20 minute promotional clip at YouTube featuring St. John Hunt and Jim Marrs. (Click here for: Part 1 & Part 2.) But I have no confirmation that this sneak will even be seen in the final form.

    Till that fateful day, we can be comforted with the words of a keen Ron Paul supporter from the Ron Paul War Room:

    I have high expectations that Alex Jones’ forthcoming documentary, Black Sunshine, will be the most penultimate coalescence of the truth about the JFK assassination and how those involved in it have usurped virtually every position of major power in government today.

    This tells us a lot about Alex Jones, his Libertarian leanings, and his media allies. If the Paul fan’s lack of judgment is not depressing enough, Jones’ own inflated opinion of his scholarship is utterly troublesome. In his interview with Marrs (discussed earlier in Part One), Marrs told Jones that he had his work vetted by Oliver Stone’s research team led by Jane Rusconi. Jones, obviously feeling himself to be Marrs’ equal, replied:

    I wanna be clear, I can’t say too much on air, but some of my work is being looked up for a film similar to JFK and the way it’s presented and there’s a team of seven people looking at everything I’ve put out and found it all to be accurate, and found a lotta times it’s worse than what I am presenting.

    Who are or were “The Magnificent Seven” he’s had looking over his evidence? Jones’ idea has been in the pipeline for some time so it’s time we had a look at the leading individuals within the Jones nexus, his “brain trust,” so to speak.

    Thus let us take a look at some of his other friends. For once we measure Jason Bermas and Paul Joseph Watson, we will begin to understand all the mega-conspiracy giddiness that populates all of Jonestown. A giddiness, that overrides factual accuracy not to mention the rules of logic and history.

    III. Jason Bermas: Worrisome Warrior

    III.1  Why We’d “Rather” He Didn’t Bother

    Jason Bermas, joined up with Jones sometime in 2007 (after Jones’ interview with Marrs). Bermas may not be one of the current “heads” working on the project but should Jones project go ahead, Jason Bermas could well be involved in the editing and design of the project. Bermas is a man well known for his efforts in the 9/11 Truth Movement. Along with Dylan Avery, he put together the massively popular Loose Change 9/11 which appeared in its final form, Loose Change 9/11 Final Cut, in 2007. When it comes to the Kennedy assassination, however, Bermas, like the rest of Prison Planet, really would be better off butting out. It’s clearly not their area of expertise.

    It was in his pre-Prison Planet days that Bermas first came to this writer’s notice: In a scene from an early version of Loose Change (2005 or 2006?), Bermas is seen engaging a rather agitated off-duty fireman in a debate at Ground Zero. One onlooker mentions that the same people who pulled off the Kennedy assassination were also behind the Twin Towers collapse – to which Bermas enthusiastically agrees. Which, as we have seen, is rather odd, because it appears Bermas knows about as much about the JFK case as Jones – which is very little. Or, to put it another way, he knows just enough to be “factually challenged.”

    In Loose Change 9/11 Final Cut, Bermas and Avery utilized an interview with Dan Rather from a BBC Newsnight May 16, 2002. Of course the interviewer, Madeleine Holt, never asks Rather any questions pertaining to his blatant lying about the Zapruder film: How he reported on national television seeing Kennedy’s head move forwards as if shot from behind. Rather’s career took off from that point onwards. Unsurprisingly, the issue was never brought up in Loose Change nor does it seem to exist anywhere on any Prison Planet/Infowars site. Instead, Rather is lauded for observing the buildings as coming down as if by controlled demolition.

    In September of 2007, the brilliant Greg Palast, a person supposedly admired on Prison Planet (though I see little of his influence in their continuously dubious output) lampooned Rather’s gutless display concerning “Top Gun” Bush and his running AWOL from the Texas Air National Guard. Yet the only criticism of Rather found on any Jones-related site was an article dated 8/6/2008 by Kurt Nimmo. Nimmo, knowing no better than Bermas or Avery, mentions a brief interview with Rather in which he denied any knowledge of the Bilderberger group. Now, anybody who knew about Rather’s obsequiously self-serving lies wouldn’t need to bother asking banal questions about his ties to the Bilderbergers.

    Regardless of Nimmo and Palast, it still means that by 2007 Bermas and Prison Planet clearly had no idea of Rather’s shenanigans. Thus they had no idea whatsoever that Dan Rather will always be regarded as an utterly gross and cowardly sell-out and shill by anybody well-versed in the Kennedy case (or reality for that matter). In 1993, Dan Rather told Robert Tanenbaum, the former deputy chief counsel to the HSCA, “We really blew it on the Kennedy assassination.” But the sincerity of Rather’s late-arrived realizations on the Kennedy assassination must be judged in light of his most recent foray into assassination-shilling because Dan “we-really-blew-it” Rather still has the death of Martin Luther King pinned solely on another lone gunman, James Earl Ray (Jim DiEugenio; Review of The Road to Memphis, May 3rd, 2010 & Black Op Radio, Show #477; June 3rd, 2010).

    III.2  The Inflatable Empire

    Unlike Jones, Bermas has sometimes put out some thought-provoking stuff. He gave a good account of himself on Black Op Radio. And while Loose Change, and his other documentary, Fabled Enemies, asked some good questions, Bermas’ latest presentation, Invisible Empire: A New World Order Defined, has little of the guerilla charm his previous works possessed.

    First, let me ask this: How can one define something as nebulous as the New World Order? –especially when resorting to the likes of Hankeyian histrionics, Bircher-Society logic, and Jonesian contradictions and generalizations as the basis for building historical perspective? For Bermas and Jonesville it is, quite predictably, a secret amalgamation of globalists cabals intent on taking over the world and planning for a draconian one-world government.

    While it would be difficult to argue against the presence of powerful individuals and globalist groups operating throughout the world today, rather than constructively imagining a “New World Order,” critical thinking would seem to indicate that a “nebulous world order” is more to the point. According to National Institute for Research Advancement (NIRA) studies, as of 2005, there are over 500 powerful think tank groups worldwide. Think tanks, whether government funded or privately endowed (well known or not) have often had a disproportionate influence over governmental policy decisions, yet have often competed against each other. If Bermas (a person who has clearly never seen The Corporation, nor Adam Curtis’s The Power of Nightmares) had just kept to the lines of logic outlined in these fine works, rather than journeying to the land of the flakes, Invisible Empire would have made for far more worthwhile viewing.

    III.3  The Origins of the NWO (according to Bermas)

    About 11 or so minutes into his documentary, Bermas shows that he is an individual in possession of very little historical or theological knowledge. The notion of the New World Order hasn’t actually been around for a long time. Individuals like Dennis Cuddy like to trace its origins back to the early 20th Century. The modern right-wing take on it is that it was born out of the crazed and confused Christian fundamentalist, racist right-wing politics of groups like the John Birch Society in the late ’50’s.

    Bermas wants us to believe that the concept of the NWO came from a little known manifesto called New World Order by American Samuel Zane Batten, which came out in 1919. To Bermas’ credit, this does appear to be the first book to carry the title. The problem is that many theologians and writers were contributing numerous works about a more united and egalitarian world at the turn of the 19th and the early part of the 20th centuries. This influenced the great Utopian-Dystopian debates, which increased after the First World War. Batten was nothing new or, indeed, revolutionary.

    It is heavily implied by Bermas that Batten’s New World Order influenced Hitler. But there is no evidence that Hitler had ever read Batten’s works (or that it was even translated into Deutsch for that matter). He then goes on to mention that Hitler’s little known second book was dubbed The New World Order. Now, let the following be a reminder that this is what happens when you hang out with unscholarly people. The book was never named nor dubbed by that title. It was called Zweites Buch, which literally means Second Book, in which Hitler merely postulated challenges facing a Nazi global hegemony. While Bermas is correct in stating that it was completed in 1928, he fails to note its interesting history: It was not published until well after the war, in 1961 in German; and not until 2003 in English.

    The meaning of an idyllic universal utopian New World Order differs from person to person. A John Birch Society member like G. Edward Griffin would have his own version, as would the reader, as does Bermas. Yes, it is that complicated a deal. Someone’s heaven is invariably someone else’s hell. Martin Luther King’s Dream would be David Duke’s Nightmare. So let’s look into the many groups and individuals that help make up the New World Order and – for most conspirahypocrites – the amorphous group that invariably killed Kennedy.

    III.4  The Hives of Tyrants

    Bermas’s film was spoiled right off the bat – three minutes and forty-two seconds into the production – by his misappropriating Kennedy’s April 27, 1961 speech made to the American Newspaper Publishers Association. Granted, Kennedy does discuss the need for a free and open society, and yes, he does speak out against secret societies, secret oaths and the potential power of government taking advantage of any given situation and imposing censorship. It’s powerful stuff. In particular, Kennedy’s prophetic jibes at the “trivialization” and “tabloidization” of the media, which few people seem to note, are arguably the most important part of his speech.

    What is alarmingly dishonest, however, is that Bermas has used an edited version of this speech to make it appear as if Kennedy is rallying against a Jonesian-style secret society, when in point of fact, he clearly is not. In his speech, before Kennedy famously states “We are opposed around the world by a monolithic and ruthless conspiracy,” Bermas has removed three contextually related paragraphs which precede this famously quoted line, and which, to all but the most imaginative thinkers, make it quite clear that Kennedy is referring not to some collusive NWO conspiratorial-style cabal, but rather to the conventional Cold War forces of communism. And sadly, there are more than a few wishful thinkers out there. Places like YouTube (where it’s quite likely Bermas picked this up from) abound with edited versions of “The speech that got Kennedy killed” or “JFK New World Order Illuminati Speech.” No one realizes (least of all Bermas) that Kennedy delivering a speech to the likes of Henry Luce about secret groups is akin to Mowgli giving a warning to Shere Khan about his human diet. Thus, Bermas, without even knowing it, stands guilty of “cutting the cloth to suit the fit,” in much the same way as John Hankey inventively turns John Connally into an arch-conspirator and has George Bush threatening Hoover with a dart gun in his Hoover’s FBI office.

    In Bermas’ history lesson about the NWO, he completely overlooks the fact that Hitler himself was a conspiracy theorist of some renown. It was this, plus his own racist beliefs, that led him to exterminate millions of Jews, Gypsies, Catholics, Socialists, as well as some 20,000 to 80,000 Freemasons (Christopher Hodapp, Freemasonry for Dummies, pg 85). Bermas goes on to name numerous secret groups from the Masons to Bilderbergers, Illuminati, Bohemian Grove, and the ever-present Skull and Bones. Collectively, according to Bermas, these groups form the New World Order, and together they inflate his hypothesis that all are working toward the same goals. Let’s have a quick look at this twisted mass Bermas construes.

    Masons   Though the Masons only account for a speck of the invisible empire on Prison Planet, the Libertarian Jones has a strange relationship with Freemasonry. According to Jones, groups like the Freemasons supported many prominent “founding fathers” of the United States.

    Alex Jones, in one of his more sober moments, in a discussion with a caller on his show, actually said much of the above. However, he couldn’t help but add that only the higher levels, or 33rd degree Masons, are dangerous or enlightened.

    President Harry Truman was a bona fide and ardent mason and reached the much-vaunted 33rd degree level of Masonry. He also created the CIA in 1947. Yet in 1963 he wrote a famous editorial decrying the some of the operations that the CIA had partaken of as being way beyond what he had imagined. Allen Dulles was so worried about this column, which was published a month after JFK’s murder, that he paid a personal visit to Truman and tried to get him to retract it. (see the last chapter of Jim DiEugenio’s Destiny Betrayed)

    Further, Truman’s 33rd degree level of Masonry didn’t stop his administration from being undermined by the Republicans and the likes of Joe McCarthy which eventually saw the resultant rise of Eisenhower in 1952 over Adlai Stevenson (Richard M. Fried, Nightmare in Red pgs 7-10, 16-17). Warren Commission member Senator Richard Russell was a high-level Freemason. He was also the most ardent critic of the lone gunman line on the panel (Gerald McKnight, Breach of Trust, pgs 282-298). And he was the first of the Commissioners to break away from the Oswald-did-it-alone scenario. In fact, he actually conducted his own private inquiry while the Commission was in progress.

    Bohemian Grove, CFR, Trilateralists, Skull & Groaners   According to author Michael Wala, Eisenhower was a member of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), and a regular visitor to Bohemian Grove. That didn’t stop him from warning the US about the acquisition of power by the Military-Industrial Complex. Being granted entrance to a place like Bohemian Grove did not stop Bobby Kennedy (who addressed a Grove retreat while Attorney General) from having his brother and himself both shot under the most suspicious circumstances. (William Domhoff, The Bohemian Grove and Other Retreats; p. 27)

    Richard Nixon, also a CFR member, didn’t get any help from his fellow Bohemians during Watergate. Likewise, for Jimmy Carter: Being a member of Bohemian Grove, the CFR, and an ardent Trilateralist didn’t stop him from signing into existence the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) which concluded there was a probable conspiracy in the killings of both Kennedy and King. Nor did the protection of these groups help Carter when the Republicans derailed his re-election campaign with the October Surprise.

    Touching on the Skull and Bones fraternity, Bermas has clearly never heard of another prominent Bonesman, Robert Lovett, who was scathing of CIA foreign policy under the Eisenhower administration.

    Another Warren Commission member, John Sherman Cooper, was also a member of Yale’s Skull and Bones Society, and his doubts about the lone gunman conclusion have been well documented. Being a member of Skull and Bones, Bohemian Grove, the Trilateral Commission, and the CFR didn’t help George Bush get elected over Bill Clinton. Clinton is a known Bilderberger whose connections didn’t save his “socialistic” healthcare initiatives, nor save him from being smeared in numerous supposed scandals around his business dealings in Little Rock, Arkansas, nor from being impeached by the US House of Representatives when his dalliance with Monica Lewinsky was exposed.

    The point is (as anyone who studies the Power Elite well knows) that there are splits among the upper classes. For instance, there can be little doubt that around 2004-2005, when the Iraq War began to head south, that there was a powerful reaction against the Bush family. For Bush was such a horrible president that he endangered the future of the GOP. None of the Bush family connections saved them from this. It’s a little known fact that many a “crank’s” arch-conspirator, George Bush Sr., signed the JFK Act in October of 1992. The tickler here is that it came under the steerage of Bill Clinton and led to the establishment of the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) in 1994, whence a number of sealed documents from Carter’s HSCA saw the light of day.

    III.5  The Dim Politics of Bermas, Oswald, Bush, and Scott

    In the documentary I saw, Bermas had fully bought into the utterly contestable documentation that named Oswald as a CIA operative under the cover of the Office of Navy Intelligence (ONI). It was also posted on Prison Planet in September of 2004. This should be of some concern. Because before his film was released in April of 2010, Bermas had boisterously promoted the document on his Prison Planet radio show in late October of 2009.

    As we saw in Part One, Bermas (like Jones) continually finds new and inventive ways to self-destruct with practically anything to do with the assassination. In the above video, Bermas cannot even pronounce CIA Director John McCone’s name correctly. Had he taken some time out to have read or listened to someone like John Newman, he would likely know how to pronounce the name, and he would also realize that Newman (a man who has dealt with more genuine CIA documents related to Lee Harvey Oswald than any current researcher) has, to the best of my knowledge, never endorsed the McCone/Rowley papers.

    Newman is clearly in a different league from Bermas. However, had Bermas taken a step back and looked around he would have found that many commentators of various shades in the JFK nexus believe the document to either be a fake or something to be avoided due to its dubious association with the likes of Jim “The Gemstone Files were my idea” Moore. Indeed, that Bermas never thought to look at the opinions on JFK forums like Spartacus or JFK Lancer, for example, says something about his rather lax levels of evaluation. While Bermas is clearly not interested in the truth of the matter I hope the reader is.

    Despite my reservations about aspects of Gary Buell’s rather eclectic work I encourage anyone to visit his blog on the subject as it’s also where one will find some interesting points of view (John McAdams aside) and arguably the most influential post on the topic by Anthony Marsh:

    When I looked at it I knew instantly that it was a fake. How? It is not written in the proper format using the proper CIA style. One tip off is the marking “CO-2-34,030.” That is actually from a Secret Service report. How would I know? Because I had obtained and used on my Web site some of the pages from that SS report, so the notation jumped out as a fabrication. What someone did was take a page from the SS report, maybe even downloaded it from my Web page, removed the original text and wrote their own. Also the wording is not how the CIA would word a document of that type at that time. They would not refer to Hoover by name or agencies by common names. Instead you would see code words like ODACID. You need to look at hundreds of thousands of genuine CIA documents as I have to develop a mental database of what genuine CIA documents look like. I have no doubt that the hoaxer really thought that something like that was said. I don’t think the intent was like the other hoaxes to discredit all JFK assassination research. I think someone just assumed that he knew enough to create a realistic fake to incriminate the CIA.

    Bermas also repeated another inflated myth on his show that made it into his film: that Bush, as head of the CIA, stopped and stymied the government investigations of the 1970’s. The insinuation here is that he did so to cover up his roles in the Kennedy assassination and Watergate. Bermas’ musing sounded scarily like a John Hankey perpetuated myth.

    In order to gain a little more credibility with regards to entwining 9/11 with the Kennedy assassination, Bermas has utilized Peter Dale Scott. However Scott’s track record on the Kennedy assassination is regarded by many as inconsistent. His needlessly convoluted book, Deep Politics and the Murder of JFK, in which he posits that the all-powerful mafia were prime players in the killing of Kennedy, is simply not supportable today in light of the ARRB releases, Or in light of the information that other researchers like Lisa Pease, Gaeton Fonzi, Jim DiEugenio, Jim Douglas, Bill Davy, and John Newman have unearthed from those files.

    III.6  The Kennedys, King, and Diana Spencer?

    Another fatal and unforgivable error in Bermas’ documentary is that shortly after discussing the deaths of JFK, King, and RFK, he omits Malcolm X and allows a certain Diana Spencer to share the spotlight with these three eminently more important individuals. At one point in the show, Bermas had indulged in a spiel about the low standards and trivialization of the news media, which Kennedy had warned about. Now Bermas turns around and places “The Paparazzi Princess” with the Kennedys and King. But it should be noted that Jones himself has also courted a number of celebrities – like Charlie Sheen – to boost his own profile. Bermas also ignored a mountain of criticism and research from the right and the left that has not only been critical of Diana, but of the way her death had senselessly dominated the media and been elevated to quite unmerited levels of martyrdom.

    No researcher I know of or associate with would demean the legacy of JFK, RFK, King, and Malcolm X by relating the importance of Spencer’s life and death to theirs. It’s the kind of thing that maybe Hollywood would indulge itself in (perhaps someone as frivolous as Tom Hanks) and in so doing, thereby inflate Muhammad Al Fayed as some kind of truth-seeker. For yes, Bermas includes Al Fayed bleating on about a plot against Spencer and his son enacted by the Royal family. To see what a cretinous, paranoid, sexist, and racist individual Al Fayed is, and how little water any of his future claims of a plot would hold, Bermas should have dug out Maureen Orth’s fine 1995 Vanity Fair article entitled, Holy War at Harrods.

    Because on top of embarrassing himself with Diana, and making a most unworthy hero of Al Fayed, Bermas also missed this fact from Orth’s report: Al Fayed’s ex-brother-in-law was the infamous arms dealer, Adnan Khasoggi, a character even more despicable than Al Fayed himself. Khasoggi is a person most people interested in a range of international conspiracies and criminal activities have a word or three about as Timothy Noah from Slate points out. And as if that’s not bad enough, Bermas’ comrades at Prison Planet have Khasoggi in a number of articles supporting the Bush regime, an example of which can be seen here. Clearly, Bermas had a chance for some “meat and veg” here but instead he went for the tub of corn and the E Channel.

    IV. Paul Joseph Watson

    IV.1  Leading Questions?

    What would your reaction be if I told you that Paul Joseph Watson is someone who, at one time or another, has been either wholly or partly responsible for promoting the work of Gerald Posner, Gary Mack, Dave Perry, Lamar Waldron, Thom Hartmann, and Bob Woodward? What if I told you that Watson also believes that the Oklahoma City bombing and the Kennedy assassination are related, with no evidence to support it? (Watson, Order out of Chaos p. 7) –And that he also believes that Madeleine Brown is credible, and that Johnson and Bush committed the JFK murder? –And then has the audacity to write that “[p]eople are mentally lazy?” (Watson, Order out of Chaos, p. 196).

    Now, would you trust any information given to you from a man who on page 16 of his book, Order out of Chaos, states that Nero played the fiddle while Rome burned yet has little understanding that it is an allegorical tale, nor any idea that the violin was not invented until some 1000 years later? I would like to add, do you think an introduction dubbed as a first chapter and a bibliography consisting of nothing but advertisements for Jones’ products makes his book “one of the many keys you will need to unlock the truth,” as he seems to believe? (Watson; pg 7)

    What would your reaction be, then, if I then told you that Watson is very likely the chief writer and editor for Jones’ web sites?

    Well, I know I’d be afraid.

    Sheffield, England based Paul Joseph Watson seems to be at the very nerve center of Jones’ operations. He is described as the chief researcher and editor for Prison Planet.com and Prison Planet.tv. And he is the Orwellian moderator who constantly deletes any voices critical of Jones from the Prison Planet forum. Watson is also something of a prolific writer and contributes numerous articles and observations throughout the Jones Empire. If the Jones’ gang’s embarrassing levels of knowledge and the often contradictory reportage and vetting of articles pertaining to the JFK assassination can be placed at the foot of any one individual, it may be Watson’s. He is a young man who has come to see himself as something of a historian, seer, and Prison Planet’s in-house Kennedy assassination expert.

    IV.2  Dancing With Dave P

    Though Fletcher Prouty’s musings on The Christchurch Star had been around for sometime prior, it gained prominence thanks to the film JFK in 1991. It has been a point of study for myself coming up on 3 years now. Though I cannot be too harsh on Watson for not grasping the situation (it took me a while), I did not publish anything online till I was totally able to back up my conclusions. It doesn’t work like this in Jonestown. As we have seen, Watson, in keeping with the best traditions of knee-jerk posting, has no such scruples. So he goes on to quote JFK disinformation specialist David Perry, as a way to counter Prouty’s supposed claims.

    As I said, this author has been studying The Christchurch Star for some 3 or 4 years. In the second part of my essay, which will likely come out in December of this year, I discuss the fact that The Men Who Killed Kennedy and JFK are ironically somewhat to blame for the Dave Perry induced controversy, in that they oversold the idea that Prouty believed New Zealand got the word ahead of others. The reality is that Fletcher Prouty never said New Zealand got the news ahead of anyone else in the world; he just happened to be in New Zealand when he picked up a newspaper and got the news.

    Now, the time that Prouty actually picked up his newspaper is immaterial. Prouty understood that concept that many, including Watson, do not: Upon his return home he consulted numerous other newspapers that confirmed it was more or less instantaneous around the world. Due to international timelines, New Zealand is the first and arguably most modernized state to collectively see every new dawn. Thus Prouty, like the many New Zealanders he was amongst, may well have bought one of the first printed accounts of the tragedy. (A host of Prouty’s replies to questions about The Christchurch Star can be seen at http://www.prouty.org/.)

    IV.3  Larry “The Fable Guy” Dunkel: A Watson Source

    The “experts” at Prison Planet display an amazing level of naiveté with regards to frauds in the JFK field. (What this means for their dabbling in other areas I shudder to think.) And they have little understanding of either the pro-Warren commission individuals or their positions.

    Dave Perry, is a slippery, clever, and connected individual, and as Bob Fox, Jim DiEugenio, and others have noted, he, like his companion Gary Mack (real name Larry Dunkel, famously dubbed “The Fable Guy”), has made a career out of misrepresenting events and people like Prouty. They also rail against easy prey like Madeleine Brown, and then paint all researchers – most of whom have never advocated her – with the same brush. Yet, Mack and Perry both know that someone like Watson will never fully read nor comprehend the intricacies of the Kennedy assassination. Hence, Watson is perfect fodder for their disinformation.

    Mack’s dubious reputation matters not to Watson. This can be seen in his use of Mack in discussing the 15,000 pages of documents brought to public attention by new Dallas DA Craig Watkins in November of 2007. What got most attention in the press about this story was a transcript in which Ruby and Oswald discussed killing RFK in October 1963. This was simply not deemed credible by both pro- and anti-conspiracy groups. What is of interest here is a copy of a screenplay signed by DA Henry Wade, circa 1967, which had included this alleged transcript.

    After using Mack to lay doubt on the transcript, what does Watson do? He then writes “the fact that a CIA team was hired to kill Kennedy is documented.” And what is the Watson “documentation?” Well, it’s the apparent key to the upcoming Black Sunshine: St. John – and his father, Howard Hunt’s “confession.” But that’s not enough for Jones’ expert on the Kennedy case. Watson then writes: “Hunt was photographed in Dealey Plaza along with other members of the hit team on the day of the assassination.” This must refer to the discredited thesis of A.J. Weberman and Michael Canfield about Howard Hunt being one of the so-called “three tramps”, a precept no serious photo analyst adheres to today.

    But then, in the same article, Watson even tops that. He says that the MSM ignored the Hunt confession just like they ignored the Barr McClellan revelations in his 2003 book Blood, Money & Power. This book, established in Part One of this review as a “Jones tome,” is considered by many to be one of the worst books on the subject to come out in the past 15 years and embarrassingly its only piece of interest is the fingerprint work of Nathan Darby – and that’s in the appendix. Now, considering the fact that the works of Waldron &amp Hartmann, Myers, and Bugliosi were published in that time span, that is surely saying something.

    So what Watson does is use Gary Mack to discredit questionable information in the first article. He then goes on to “save the day” for conspiracy by using even worse information like Hunt, the three tramps, Barr McClellan, and a dubious photo alleged to be George H. W. Bush outside of the Texas School Book Depository in the second. What can one say about such a recurrent journalistic pattern? Except that it’s incredible that the Prison Planet gang think that they can get away with it.

    This brings us back to Jim Marrs. If Watson and Jones truly respected Marrs’ research, or knew anything about the research community (whom they scorn with their lack of knowledge), they wouldn’t include pieces with Perry or Mack in it. They clearly haven’t seen Robert Wilonsky’s July 6th, 2006 Dallas Observer article on Marrs entitled, The Truth Is Way out There. While Perry seemed to give an even-handed (if slightly condescending) opinion of Marrs in the article, at the same time, he and Gary Mack (according to Marrs himself) made it a regular practice of rudely interrupting Marrs’ lectures at the University of Texas, Arlington. And those interruptions became so disruptive that Marrs eventually decided to retire from teaching the course. (Jim DiEugenio; Inside the Target Car, Part Three: How Gary Mack became Dan Rather; Section IV)

    V. Conclusion

    Ultimately, this entire essay begs one serious question: How could an organization like Jones’ – with the likes of Bermas and Watson on hand – ever hope to produce a documentary honoring what occurred on the 22nd of November, 1963? In Jonestown, we have seen Vince Bugliosi, Gary Mack, Dave Perry and others utilized. And on the other hand, Jones has no problems cavorting around with Barr McClellan and St. John Hunt. This is schizophrenia, which results in the on-air goofiness described above. And with the complete lack of any quality control or fact-checking apparatus, the general feeling is a sort of steady-stream, “bread and circus” fodder for the the Jonestown dumbed-down masses. In a weird way, it’s a reverse template of the MSM. The MSM sees no conspiracies anywhere. With Jones, any conspiracy anywhere is A-OK, whether it really happened or not. And the more sensational, the better.

    So even after the ARRB’s two million pages of documents have demolished former myths and theories, making them deservedly the scrap of historical oblivion, these sage prophets of conspiravangelism march on into their own oblivion – as if the ARRB never existed. Russ Baker, John Hankey, Barr McClellan, Howard Hunt (as one of the three tramps), specious “Oswald as a CIA trained operative,” and LBJ pulling up the rear with grenades and bazookas in hand, framed by the mysteries of The Christchurch Star – all join the ranks of the parade. With circus acts like these, one pities the poor listener or reader who nonetheless sits in seeming awe of Jones, The Human Cannonball, splendidly arcing across three rings under the cover of the Prison Planet Big Top. Like a modern day P. T. Barnum, Jones understands his audience’s hunger. And he apparently doesn’t give a whit at passing off ersatz-cotton-candy-info for the authentic alternative his flock should crave. Have your credit card ready please.

    If the likes of Jones, Bermas, and Watson cannot understand a case which has slowly become easier by the year to unravel – thanks to the work of real researchers (who they largely ignore), then what can the discerning reader make of anything else they will ever say about any topic?

    Bottom line: Don’t hold out a lot of hope for Black Sunshine. Pity the country that, on the JFK case, has to choose between Tom Hanks and Reclaiming History and Alex Jones and Black Sunshine.


    (The notes I made which helped form this essay on Jones and may shed further light on him can be found at Greg Parker’s ReopenKennedycase in three roughly edited parts. Should anybody want to examine Jones in a bit more depth, I invite those interested to have a look.)

  • Alex Jones on the Kennedy Murder: A Painful Case


    Alex Jones’ appalling understanding of the Kennedy assassination led him to endorse the dubious documentary JFK 2 and the equally specious Family of Secrets. As Jim DiEugenio and myself have shown elsewhere on this site, both of these works are very questionable on the relation of George Bush to the Kennedy case. Therefore, it was decided a piece on Jones himself would be a fitting end to CTKA’s journey to the outer limits of rhyme, reason, and research. And to show the difference between Jonestown and what Len Osanic has termed the Legion of Reason.

    This is not a review of Jones’ upcoming assassination documentary on the JFK case. Actually, it’s more a warning about it. While I worked on it, it was interesting to note that the majority of the general criticism directed at Jones seems to come from three camps: (1) those individuals who appear to be jealous of his prominent status; (2) those who felt they had been burned by him in some way; or (3) from paranoid anti-Semitic individuals who are even more unhinged than Jones is. (Often it’s a combination of all three.) Jones is so polarizing within his own crank territory, that it was hard to find any credible voices in critique of him. I hope this fills that gap.

    The Ministry of Rev. Jones

    In 1996, Jones began his inauspicious rise from community TV in Austin, Texas on a show called Final Edition. From there, the privileged son of a successful dentist (and alleged John Birch Society member) from the wealthy city of Rockwell has become the Internet conspiracy king. His company has spewed forth a number of websites: Prison Planet.com, Prison Planet.tv, Infowars.com, Infowars.Net and the Jones Report (to avoid confusion herein, Jones sites will be referred to as Prison-Planet). Jones’ organization also runs the Ron Paul War Room.

    Prison Planet.com seems to serve more or less as Jones’ promotional vehicle for his radio shows. While Infowars.net contains a number of news stories on things like FEMA concentration camps, heroic teabaggers, illegal immigrants, and so on, it is really more or less a link site that tends to feature bullion as its top story (there’s a reason for this). Prisonplanet.tv is primarily multimedia based. The Jones Report is the least updated of the sites and seems to be a collection of Jones’ “best of” stories and, it seems, longer essays.

    Jones’ web page assault provided an interesting dilemma for study. As it was often hard to know whether or not he had omitted anything, or if a particular article, link, or interview about any given topic was buried at some other location. Thus, any critic is bound to have stated at some point that Jones has not covered an issue when he may well have. This is no victory for Jones however. It’s a big problem. His accumulation of articles appears to be a calculated move to dominate search engines and thus lasso much contemporary dissent under his own rubric, which, in turn, brings large sums of money: The more hits, the more advertising revenue and merchandise sales for Jones and his close friend, Ted “Goldfinger” Anderson. (Anderson is not only the owner of the Genesis media network, but also a gold speculator. Researcher JP Mroz informs me that Anderson is also something of a hustler, apparently being a little loose with the truth concerning investments in his metal stocks.)

    Thus, like any mainstream news network Jones criticizes, he casts a wide net: not for truth, but for profit. Hence, Jones is more or less akin to a fundamental Christian televangelist. Like many televangelists, Jones worships at an altar of religion and hypocrisy. His religion is that of conspiracy, and like many evangelicals (some of whom probably watch his shows), he has taken the teachings of his faith far too literally. In so doing, Jones has melded a unique outlook one could call either “conspirahypocrisy” or “conspiravangelism.”

    These two terms are worth keeping in mind. Because though Reverend Jones often advises his flock to find out information for themselves, at the same time he implores his followers to distribute his videos for “educational purposes” and to “wake up” others and buy his products to get the truth. But retail is only one aspect of Jones’ operation. In fact, with the next step he takes, there is little difference between him and the god-awful cheese of Benny Hinn.

    In true Benny Hinn Ministries fashion, he exhorts his supporters to help fund his ministry to the tune of some $275,000 with his infamous “money bombs” to help him expand and fight the New World Order. He also receives massive donations from Christian businessmen, who have paid up to $50,000 for Jones’ bullhorn, which he auctions as a means to expand his studio facilities. Unsurprisingly, Jones has become quite wealthy. How wealthy? That is uncertain. Jones keeps extremely quiet about his personal fortune. But most bloggers put it in the millions.

    Let us digress from religion and return to Jones’ accumulation of information for, what amounts to, profit. Jim DiEugenio has stressed on numerous occassions that there is nothing wrong with profiting from research. For example, Jim Douglass, author of the thought-provoking book, JFK and the Unspeakable, certainly deserves to reap the rewards of the fruits of his labor; as do Mark Lane, Oliver Stone, Jim Marrs, and Dave Talbot – further examples of dedicated researchers who have, by their discriminating focus, contributed positively to the case. In contrast, Jones casts his net so wide that he not only scoops up all things good, like say, John Pilger, Lisa Pease, and Greg Palast, but he also takes in – or rather, is taken in by – the wild-eyed kookery of Kathy O’Brien, Robert Gaylon Ross, David Icke, and numerous others. He then minces it all together in cans ready for sale with no regard for how polluted the blend or dreadful the taste. Furthermore, there is very little quality control, which means cross-contamination (factually incorrect and contradictory positions) becomes commonplace. This results in, as we shall see, a wild, goofy, circus-type atmosphere in which almost anything can be said without thought or fear of reprimand.

    Conspirahypocrisy in Action

    A classic example of Jones’ conspirahipocrisy is that he will stop at nothing to make figures like the Bush family the ultimate evil of the age. A July 24th, 2009, Huffington Post press release discussing Oliver Stone’s praise of Jim Douglass’ book, JFK and the Unspeakable, was placed on Prison Planet. Yet Prison Planet’s good work in mentioning this fine book is quickly scuttled: A search or so later on the Inforwars website turns up a glowing article from May 2009 citing the credentials of Lamar Waldron’s ridiculous Legacy of Secrecy.

    Why Lamar Waldron? Well, Waldron (as per his schtick) has tried to cash in on making Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld key figures in the undermining of senate investigations like the Church Committee in the mid-seventies, when any number of Republicans were guilty of crimes. As if being sucked in by Waldron wasn’t bad enough, Jones showed his peculiar form of amnesia by having Vince Bugliosi on his show in May of 2008 discussing his book on the Iraq War. The problem is that Jones obviously hadn’t seen Bugliosi’s 2007 appearance on The Colbert Report, or his numerous talks on YouTube promoting his Reclaiming History, a 2,700 page panegyric for the Warren Commission.

    Feminisim & Rockefellers

    Despite many of his guests being to the right and no doubt bigoted, in fairness, it has to be said that Prison Planet seems to be a more or less non-racist organization. But Jones is definitely something of a sexist. In one broadcast, Jones took it upon himself to lecture women about their being targeted by advertising (as if women haven’t understood this for years) and being mislead by environmental groups. To top it off, Jones once stole a line from the ever sexist Henry Makow, about how sitcoms have modeled negative and subservient male behaviors.

    And it gets worse. Women who consider themselves feminists are by far the most manipulated members of their gender. That’s according to the late (but not great) Aaron Russo. In his last ever interview (conducted by Jones), Russo discussed the cold dark truth that the world’s elites are socialists and that feminism was created by the Rockefellers. Jones enthusiastically mentioned that Gloria Steinem, the leader of the U.S feminist movement, had been exposed as a long-term CIA informant.

    Judging from this 2007 Jones/Russo conversation, it is obvious that neither had been aware of the fact that it was a socialist-feminist group, Red Stockings, that had actually exposed Steinem. Jones also displayed no knowledge that the CIA and FBI had infiltrated numerous progressive movements, not just this socialist-feminist one. This is highly ironic in light of the next area of discussion.

    The Grandstanding Orwellian Orwell Fan

    In 2008, at a peaceful rally in which protestors attempted to recreate the 1967 “levitation of the Pentagon” at the Denver Mint, an uninvited Jones crashed the party and harangued neo-conservative, quasi-fascist Michelle Malkin. How anybody could usurp someone else’s event and then have some of the left-leaning protestors stick up for a woman dubbed “The Asian Ann Coulter” shows a certain talent for the inept, and an extreme need for headline grabbing.

    And Jones’ grandstanding appears to know no limits. There is a cleverly edited clip on YouTube entitled, Alex Jones Using Cointelpro Tactics?, in which Jones discusses the FBI’s COINTELPRO operation. Yet the clip also reveals Jones as a self-aggrandizing egomaniac ruining a pro-gun rally in Austin that, once again, he did not organize. (Please also see: Alex Jones is Still a Jackass.) In fact, as one can see from clicking through to the article, it was Jones who came in and disrupted the rally, essentially hijacking it for his own purposes, making it into a circus. In that regard, he is the P. T. Barnum of conspiracy politics and activism. It is this unique blend of conspirahypocrisy which turns Jones into “The Orwellian Orwell Fan.”

    Jones often uses the term “Orwellian” to describe seemingly any event. In fact, Jones has made a major presentation about Orwell. (And his many inaccuracies therein are worthy of another critique.) The fact that Jones and the lunatic fringe utilize the works of a known Democratic Socialist and other decidedly left-leaning individuals like Aldous Huxley and Phillip K. Dick (who, if living, would most certainly shun the likes of Jones) is a classic example of how little analysis pervades his unique blend of right-wing pseudo-libertarian ideology. At its core, the Jones’ network believes that the left and right argument is a convenient government con job. How would Eric Arthur Blair (Orwell) respond to this gibberish that Jones spewed at the reopening of the Branch Davidian Church at Waco on September 19th, 1999? : “Victory is ours against the New World Order, against the Communists, Socialists, and the Bankers that run the whole filthy show!”

    As seen in The Dark Legacy of John Hankey, Hankey has a bad habit of claiming things he never achieved. So does Jones. In fairness to both Hankey and Jones, this sort of thing abounds in the competitive world of conspiracy demagoguery. It’s a world in which all members are guilty of reinventing history at one time or another: A very Ministry of Truth-like crime.

    Here are but some shining examples:

    Jones has made a big deal about his infiltration of Bohemian Grove. While he was indeed the first to film the “cremation of care ceremony,” Jones barely acknowledges that it was made possible by English journalist Jon Ronson. Ronson filmed Jones prior to his foray into the grove, in the episode “The Satanic shadowy elite.” Ronson’s measured viewpoint about the proceedings can be seen in an excerpt from his notable book, Them: Adventures with Extremists.

    Contrast this with Jones’ summation of the event and judge for oneself who is in charge of the facts.

    A few years later, Jones propagated the myth that he was the first radio commentator to announce 9/11 style attacks on America. Except he was not. It was the equally kooky – and depending on whom you talk to – “spooky” Bill Cooper. Cooper detested Jones shtick and called him a liar and sensationalist. Cooper, however, was another conspirahypocrite of ludicrous JFK assassination theories. Namely, that Kennedy’s limousine driver turned around and shot Kennedy in the head. The footage Cooper used to sell this idea was an extremely old 8th generation copy of the Zapruder film which has been soundly debunked by Zapruder film expert Robert Groden. (Please see: Jim DiEugenio; Black Op Radio, Show #470, April 15, 2010.)

    In Orwell’s 1984, The Ministry of Truth had the job of turning one-time enemies into long-time allies and vice-versa. Jones has done the same thing. He once denounced David Icke as a potential disinformation agent, likening his “reptilian lizard man” theory to being a “turd in the punch bowl.” Yet Icke’s patronage enabled Jones to patch into the “moon unit” market and the “lizard man” is now something of a regular on his show. Jones is also a pretty poor representative of free speech he claims for us all, since there are a number of websites devoted to individuals whom he has had kicked off his forums.

    Is There Life on Marrs? … There’s a little, but Jones missed it

    It’s highly ironic, that Jones was born at Parkland Hospital, the place where JFK died. Because with his and his cronies’ (e.g., Jason Bermas and Paul Watson) limited knowledge of the assassination and what actually occurred, you would think Kennedy had just checked in for a sore throat, pulled back muscle, and a headache.

    While interviewing author Jim Marrs on his radio show, Jones showed a noticeable lack of knowledge about his book Crossfire which, along with Jim Garrison’s On the Trail of the Assassins, had a huge influence on the direction of Oliver Stone’s film JFK. Now, considering the limitations of the day, both books were solid pieces of work. But therein lies a problem. New books by the likes of Jim Douglass and Gerald McKnight have been able to capitalize on a plethora of released documents unavailable to Marrs at the time. By comparison, Garrison’s work (for the most part) hasn’t dated so badly because of its singular focus on his case bought against Clay Shaw. Also, many of Garrison’s suspicions about Guy Banister, David Ferrie, and Clay Shaw have, in large part, been borne out. Many subjects in Marrs’ book, like LBJ, body alteration, and Madeleine Brown, amongst others, have not.

    The film JFK has been able to update its information via special editions with additional interviews, A-V essays, and director commentaries. One wonders though, has anybody out there in the Jones’ nexus actually bothered to sit down and listen to any of them? Not likely. The problem is that many conspiravangelists, have become stuck in something of an HSCA and JFK time-warp. It is as if nothing happened before or after this period. These earlier vehicles – The Men Who Killed Kennedy and the first editions of JFK and Crossfire – have become virtual bibles to many unwitting newcomers who are little aware of their limitations. Jones falls into this category, and that’s without apparently even having read the Marrs’ book.

    A Short Dissection!

    Jones’ July 27th, 2006 interview with Marrs began to break into the bizarre shortly after the 9-minute mark. It is here that Alex Jones shows who he is and what he knows about the Kennedy case.

    9:19 Minutes: JFK, Blueblood Scion of The Eastern Establishment: Jones kicked off proceedings by absurdly stating that Kennedy “Came from ‘blue blood’ elites.” How on earth anyone could think of JFK, a 2nd generation Irish Catholic, as being a waspish member of the Eastern establishment is beyond me.

    9:36 Minutes: Johnson and Pussy Galore: Almost on top of Jones “blue blood” call, he then promotes Madeleine Brown. Brown may have met Democratic congressman Lyndon Johnson at a party in 1948 in Austin, and may have been one of his many female friends. It’s ironic that Johnson purportedly bestowed the name Pussy Galore on her because Miss Galore, like Brown, is a fiction. (Bennett Woods, LBJ Architect of American Ambition, pg, 247). Brown’s most way-out claim is that she was present at a secret party in Texas where Richard Nixon, John McLoy, J. Edgar Hoover, LBJ, and oil baron Clint Murchison, Sr. – or his son Junior, depending on whose concocted story you read – and other luminaries planned Kennedy’s assassination on the evening of the 21st of November, 1963.

    Firstly, Johnson himself was seen by a few thousand people and filmed that night in the company of President Kennedy at the Houston Coliseum. Johnson didn’t arrive in Fort Worth until 11.05 pm on the night of the 21st of November, and it is roundly reported that he wound up his day in the same hotel at a very late hour with his advisors. (William Manchester, Death of a President, pgs. 135, 138).

    The same goes for Dick Nixon, who was in town that night with Joan Crawford. This was widely reported in the Dallas press and was still being reported until fairly late that evening. (The Dallas Morning News, Friday, November 22, 1963, Section 1-19) Kai Bird’s autobiography describes John McCloy hearing the news of the assassination while having breakfast with former President Eisenhower. (The Chairman, p. 544) As for Hoover, according to Anthony Summers, it is highly likely (to the point of absolute certainty) that J. Edgar Hoover, like McCloy, was nowhere near Texas at the time. For instance, the next day he was calling Bobby Kennedy from his Washington office at around 1:34 P.M EST with news of the shooting. (Summers, Official and Confidential, p. 394). In fact, in none of the standard biographies of Hoover – Powers, Theoharis, Gentry, or Summers – does anyone note him being in Texas that evening.

    A Dallas-to-Washington round trip is around 3-4 hours each way. Why would two very powerful and highly visible 68-year-olds fly to Dallas, Texas to meet with Johnson at some ungodly hour, well after 11:00 P.M CST, compromising themselves in the process, and then fly back from Dallas, arriving home anywhere between 3:00-5:00 AM the following morning? Why do all that when a sinister meeting in Washington could have easily been arranged prior to events. And anyway, as Jim DiEugenio has said, the idea of organizing the plot just a night before is silly (Please see: Jim DiEugenio; Black Op Radio, Show #476, May 28, 2010.)

    Hoover, the supposed major conspirator, had believed someone was impersonating Oswald in Russia. Furthermore, during Oswald’s absence on his way to the Soviet Union, it took the FBI and the Swiss authorities months to find the Albert Schweitzer College – which Oswald had supposedly planned to attend.

    But it just keeps getting worse for those in the Hoover “plotter” scenario. Hoover once said to President Johnson that the evidence was not strong enough against Oswald to get a conviction, and like Nicholas Katzenbach, said that the public needed to be assured Oswald was the lone assassin. We know some 14 minutes of tape were removed from a conversation Hoover had with Johnson. We also know that Hoover believed someone was impersonating Oswald in Mexico City. (John Armstrong, Harvey and Lee, p. 651) Hoover, himself, would go on to later describe how the United States government would be rocked to the core by the real truth about the Kennedy murder, and he would also call the case “a mess, a lot of loose ends.” (Summers, Official and Confidential, pgs. 413-414)

    One of the only researchers I know of who has advocated for Hoover’s involvement is Peter Dale Scott, whom we shall touch on later (Peter Dale Scott; Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, pgs. 242-267). Had Jones (or his researchers) ever bothered to look around the Kennedy critical community, he would have found that potential “Johnson did it” allies – like Doug Weldon – repeatedly tried to interview and question Brown with legitimate questions; yet she constantly evaded such questioning. (Doug Weldon: Spartacus Education Forum, post of 4/25/10)

    But the hypocrisy and contradiction surrounding Brown continues unabated. Jones’ top researcher, Paul Watson, makes a big deal about Johnson’s highly improbable statement to Brown, “Those SOB’s will never embarrass me again.” What Watson doesn’t tell anybody is that Johnson had also told Brown that oilmen and the CIA had killed Kennedy. The evidence clearly shows that Johnson had grave doubts about the assassination, and was unconvinced, as was Hoover, with the evidence days after the assassination. (Gerald McKnight, Breach of Trust, p. 283) And at one point, according to Fletcher Prouty, he even asked J. Edgar Hoover if any shots had been fired at him.

    In 1967, Johnson remarked to aide Marvin Watson that the “CIA had something to do with this plot.” (Summers, Official and Confidential, p. 414.) Leo Janos’ Atlantic Monthly article, The Last Days of The President: LBJ in Retirement, which was printed in July of 1973 – just six months after Johnson’s death, provides us with perhaps the starkest appraisal of Johnson’s mindset in later life:

    During coffee, the talk turned to President Kennedy, and Johnson expressed his belief that “the assassination in Dallas had been part of a conspiracy.” A little later Johnson said “I never believed that Oswald acted alone, although I can accept that he pulled the trigger.” Johnson said that when he had taken office he found that “we had been operating a damned Murder, Inc. in the Caribbean.” (Atlantic Monthly, July 1973)

    Recently released documents citing Godfrey McHugh’s observations of Johnson’s paranoid behavior on Air Force One have cast further doubt on the Johnson-did-it angle. Yet in an odd piece of face-saving for the dwindling Johnson lobby, Paul Joseph Watson, one of the brains behind Prison Planet’s internet information apparatus, believes Johnson on Air Force One to be play-acting to draw suspicion from himself. In doing so, Watson ignored all of Johnson’s previous comments. He utilized Saint John Hunt and Madeleine Brown (arguably two of the least inspiring witnesses the research community has come across) to bolster his case that Johnson was likely hamming it up.

    Had Watson bothered to read David Talbot’s Brothers, he would have seen that Johnson panicked at Parkland and told Mac Kilduff that he wanted the announcement of JFK’s death to be delayed till he was safely on the plane, stating his belief in a potential “world-wide conspiracy.” Johnson’s performance at Parkland Hospital and on Air Force One was certainly not mugging. (Talbot, pgs 282-285) It would be interesting to see how Jones, Watson, or anyone else for that matter, would explain away the fact that within hours of Oswald’s death, Johnson’s Cabinet and Justice Department were convinced by Eastern Establishment figures Eugene Rostow and Joe Alsop to take the investigation out of Texas and back to Washington. Whereupon, Allen Dulles – and not the mythical Johnson – would become ringmaster of the investigation. (Donald Gibson, The Assassinations, pgs 3-17).

    9:38 Minutes: “Below Par” McClellan: Sure enough, Jones soon spits out the name of Barr McClellan. And in deference to the imagined strength of the Brown and McClellan stories, utters a pure Jones/Barnum piece of oversized hyperbole: “It seems to be an Ironclad case.” Like Brown’s tome, Texas in the Morning, McClellan’s very bad book, Blood, Money & Power, pinning the crime on Johnson, is regularly touted around the Jones Internet nexus. In fact, when McClellan’s book came out, Jones had him on his show for a solid hour, and after the show, pronounced that LBJ had killed Kennedy. One of its main selling points was the disputed Mac Wallace fingerprint supposedly found in the TSBD (Texas School Book Depository). However, John Kelin found that different groups of Johnson-did-it advocates at the time disagreed on its validity.

    (A link to an article†by me on Greg†Parker’s forum, “The Lies of George Bailey,” discusses this issue further. There are also a number of other issues†surrounding†Barr McClellan as explored in Jim DiEugenio’s review of Doug Horne’s volumes 4 – 5. There is also this conversation between Bill Kelly and Jim DiEugenio†on the Spartacus/Education forum, which any new researcher should take heed of.)

    But the rest of the McClellan book was so bad that even researchers like Walt Brown – a generally well-known non-kook advocate of the “Johnson did it” club, and no relation to Madeleine Brown – eventually distanced himself from McClellan’s dubious work, which he had once supported. This is what Walt Brown was quoted as saying in public on various Internet forums after the book was issued:

    I have no reason to think that his (McClellan’s) work is in any way an attempt at deceit, but at the same time, I have no answers to the “why?” of how it went from a solid, stand-on-its-own-legs work in July to an almost fictionalized account in October.

    Alex Constantine is one of the few individuals within the rabid conspiracy circuit who doesn’t try and make out that every man and his dog were involved in the case. In a post at his web site of 7/6/2008 he wrote that McClellan’s son Scott had strong links to Jones’ Great Satan, the Bush clan. How Jones and his crew didn’t pick up on this and run with it is quite puzzling.

    11:00 Minutes: Operation Northwoods: (The full details of what Northwoods was about can be seen at the Operation Northwoods page at the Mary Ferrell Foundation. And an interesting twist to the Northwoods tale can be read in the addendum to part II of this essay, which will be available shortly.)

    As if what had transpired earlier on in the interview was not bad enough, Jones made another alarming faux pas, i.e., that the Operation Northwoods proposal in 1962 led Kennedy to sack a number of high ranking officials in the CIA and military. In so doing, Jones clearly implied that the Kennedys’ refusal of the Northwoods proposal was part of what got him killed. Thankfully, Jim Marrs corrected Jones. Marrs then reminded Jones that Kennedy’s sacking rampage had occurred a year earlier in 1961. And it was actually caused by the culmination of the investigations into the planning and ill execution of the CIA’s Bay of Pigs invasion. As a result, its prime organizers – Allen Dulles, Dick Bissell, and Charles Cabell – were terminated. As for Northwoods, Kennedy did not react to it in any way except in rejecting it. There is also no evidence that Lyman Lemnitzer, Chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, was fired as a result. Lemnitzer had long been an obstacle to the Kennedys, and his contract as head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff was simply not renewed. Had he not proposed Northwoods, he would not have been kept on anyhow, as the Kennedys had long wanted Maxwell Taylor in the position. Lemnitzer moved on to be the head of NATO. (Talbot, pgs. 106-108)

    Thanks – but No Thanks – for the Assist

    Now, some might say that my using a 2006 interview with Marrs is unfair. Jones could probably have learned from his mistakes about Northwoods and the like. After all, Marrs had corrected some of them. And Jones must care about accuracy because the precise historical record is what he is supposed to be about. I mean, that is what he is selling: an alternative view of history that is much more close to the facts than the MSM’s version. Well, what I am about to say brings this all into question. Because two years later Jones got worse, not better. And this is an important point, not just about Jones and his business empire, but also about his respect for history and the JFK case.

    The JFK murder is clearly the event that ripped open the guts of the so-called American Century of Henry Luce. Jim Hougan and Don DeLillo have both described the JFK case as the event that tore open the dark underside of the American political system, one that had been previously hidden from the public. And it was this exposure which gave birth to serious alternative thinking and explanations about large historical events. It would later give birth to a whole new literature of revisionist history. Well, by any standard, Jones flunked his test; in two years, he hadn’t learned a thing. In 2008, Jim Marrs introduced Jones to Debra Conway, co-founder of JFK Lancer, at Lancer’s November in Dallas conference. Anybody with a genuine interest in the case would have to be particularly incompetent not to have come across Conway somehow, somewhere. Jones, who maintains he has a high level of interest in the case, seemed to have never heard of either Conway or her JFK Lancer. (Conway: email of July 25th, 2010)

    If this wasn’t bad enough, Jones’ defense of Jesse Ventura during his Howard Stern interview on the 21st of May of 2008 was, in a word, embarrassing. Jones makes sensible observers, like his friend Ventura, look as bad as himself. Ventura needs the likes of Jones and Jason Bermas like he needs Dan Rather. The errors the two made concerning the deaths of JFK and RFK are shocking, as was their labelling others as exaggerating kooks. (Please see – YouTube video: Alex Jones Jason Bermas Howard Stern Jesse Ventura)

    At 6:46 into Jones’ spiel, he says that 90% of Americans believe the government killed Kennedy. Every anniversary there are polls. On the 35th anniversary of Kennedy’s death in 1998, a CBS poll found that 74% of Americans believed that Oswald did NOT act alone. For the 40th anniversary in 2003, an ABC poll found that “70% of Americans … believed there was some sort of plot behind the killings.” And the Discovery Channel and the History Channel have repsectively polled a 79% and an 83% belief by Americans in a conspiracy. None of these cited poll numbers are anywhere near the mystical 90% mark Jones conjured up out of thin air.

    Jones then mangles further Shane O’Sullivan’s already dubious and orphaned claims about who was at the Ambassador Hotel the night RFK was killed. Read this carefully for it is shocking:

    They’ve now come out on BBC, NBC, showing the film footage of the Ambassador Hotel. Three CIA section chiefs from Asia, the famous guys involved with Kennedy – JFK as well; it’s admitted the guy who shot RFK behind him, ahhh, who the coroner said shot him – from behind, Mr. Cesar, was CIA. We have the footage of all these guys there directing Cesar and others right before it happens.

    Jones was obviously unaware that Paul Watson’s team (in a rare moment of research competence) actually had the foresight to publish Lisa Pease’s November 2006 misgivings about Shane O’Sullivan’s appearance on BBC2’s NewsNight Programme on November the 20th, 2006. This was not posted on the Infowars website until March 23rd 2008. Jones’ clueless dialogue, with an equally clueless Jason Bermas, about Shane O’Sullivan’s mistake about the RFK case, occurred almost two months later – to the day – on May the 22nd of 2008. Thus once again, in true Prison Planet style, Jones exposes himself as a dilettante who, far from elucidating and leading and empowering his listeners, actually confuses, misleads, and marginalizes them as ill-informed kooks.

    Three CIA section chiefs from Asia? (Asia? Where on earth did he get that from?) For most of the period of 1962-68 all were around the JM WAVE station in Miami. They were, according to O’Sullivan, Gordon Campbell, George Johannides, and Dave Morales. Campbell, who was never a figure of significance in the Kennedy assassination, and never a high-ranking CIA official, died in 1962. (Talbot, p. 397) Which is significant, since that is six years before RFK’s assassination. Johannides was a leader of psychological operations at the JM Wave Station, not a “section chief.” Furthermore, the photo shows slight resemblance, bar glasses, between O’Sullivan’s suspect and Johannides. And the evidence says he was in Athens circa 1968. However, Johannides is a genuine figure of interest in the John Kennedy (not RFK) assassination, as Talbot mentions in his book. (p. 397) As for Morales, he is said to be the individual supposedly waving people into position, yet he is a grainy figure that can barely be distinguished. Further, the photo comparisons never actually matched. (See Morley and Talbot.)

    But actually, it’s even worse than that for Jones. Because in 2007, in O’Sullivan’s film RFK Must Die, and his book Who Killed Bobby?, O’Sullivan found LAPD documents showing that the two men whom he once took for Johannides and Campbell were actually Bulova watch company employees. And this has been certified by family members. (O’Sullivan, pgs. 469-70)

    Obviously, if the men are not who Jones says they are – and they are not – they cannot be, as he says, “directing Cesar and others right before it happens.”

    Remember, this show was broadcast in 2008. All this material correcting the record was published a year previous. With all the millions Jones rakes in, how much does he spend on quality control and fact-checking? His listeners, if they want accurate information – or at least an attempt at it – have a right to ask him this question.

    Jones does get something right. Thomas Noguchi, the Los Angeles coroner did believe that Kennedy was shot from behind (Lisa Pease and James DiEugenio editors, The Assassinations, pgs. 616-618). But he never said, at least in public, that Cesar did it. The evidence surrounding Cesar as one of the shooters is compelling. But we must note, it is compelling, not proven. For instance, it has not been “admitted” by anyone that Cesar was CIA. He seems to come from a complex cabal within the Bob Maheu, Richard Helms, and Howard Hughes nexus. Whether or not the companies he worked for prior to the assassination were all CIA fronts or proprietaries is another question altogether. (Ibid, pgs. 602-606)

    We now have the son releasing the video, we have the audio, the guy who was photographed at being at the scene by The Dallas Morning News and Dallas Times Herald, and that, of course, is E. Howard Hunt. I mean, Jason, when does it end?

    Yes Alex, when does it end? Saint John, like his father, is a character of curious moral fiber. If one wants to see just how curious, I advise they skip ahead and read the following section “Alex Jones and the Saint.” How Jones can continually refer to Hunt as a credible source is, as you will see, the epitome of bombast. As for the rest of Jones’ rant, he seems to be implying that the contested images of the three tramps in Dealey Plaza taken on 11/22/63 by William Allen of The Dallas Times Herald, Jack Beers of The Dallas Morning News, and George Smith of The Fort Worth Star Telegram show one of them as Howard Hunt. The problem is that when Mark Lane successfully litigated the Liberty Lobby case, he refused to use those pictures in evidence, as he believed they weakened his case. A case which, despite using the testimony of Marita Lorenz, he prevailed in. (Lane, Plausible Denial, pgs. 133-134) Furthermore, the likely identities of the tramps has supposedly since been discovered, though much conjecture and debate about their identity persist.

    Now Jason Bermas leaps into the fray (Bermas, like Saint John Hunt, is examined in greater depth later).

    But just go to the video tape of the Secret Service by Kennedy that day. As they’re turning the corner at Dealey Plaza one of the Secret Service agents at the back of his car actually gets called off. And he’s not happy about it Alex.

    This is what I mean about the issue of quality control and the ethical question of what a host and his guest owe to their listeners. Listeners do not deserve to be misled – whether it’s by Dan Rather and Walter Cronkite or Bermas and Jones. Neither the Bronson, Zapruder, or Altgens films captured what Bermas is describing; nor did any of the other escorts, nor the two hundred or so people in the vicinity witness what Burmas describes.

    What Bermas was referring to were the actions between the dubious Emory Roberts, who was in charge of the Secret Service follow-up car, and agent Henry Rybka, whom Roberts ordered off the presidential limousine – not at the corner of Dealey Plaza’s Houston and Main, but, quite clearly, at Love Field.

    I really, really wish Bermas had not said this. Because his announcement now sets his master off on a goofy rant for the ages. Again, read the following carefully. You will completely understand why Jones distributes John Hankey’s film and interviews Russ Baker for hours.

    You got LBJ on the radio behind ’em calling in the assault, “get ready we’re going on to sniper position 1.” ‘Cause, they had kill zones all the way down to the airport. They were gonna keep, keep, you know. And they were ready with hand grenade attacks, bazooka attacks. If they had to, they were going to have military kill ’em and go to full martial law. They had riot troops in the air from the army flying above Dallas.

    Let’s break this last speech down. Like John Hankey, it’s the only way one can fully comprehend the complete nonsense that conspirahypocrites spout.

    You got LBJ on the radio behind ’em calling in the assault, “get ready we’re going on to sniper position 1.”

    Really Alex? What happened is that Johnson asked Herschel Jacks (not an agent), to turn the radio on so he could hear reportage of the motorcade on a local radio station. (William Manchester, The Death of a President, p. 203) Occasionally, he would ask how much further they had to go. Then, Rufus Youngblood, Johnson’s assigned agent, would radio back to his follow up car “And ask them how many more miles and so forth.” (Youngblood Testimony, Warren Commission, Vol. II, p. 151) The closest Johnson ever got to a walkie-talkie was when Youngblood eventually managed to get over the seat and protect him. From there, Youngblood was barking orders to the other agents. (Manchester, pgs. 244-245, Youngblood Testimony, p. 149). There’s nothing hidden here; Johnson admits being near Youngblood’s device:

    I felt the automobile sharply accelerate, and in a moment or so Agent Youngblood released me. I ascertained that Mrs. Johnson and Senator Yarborough were all right. I heard Agent Youngblood speaking over his radio transmitter. I asked him what had happened. He said that he was not sure but that he had learned that the motorcade was going to the hospital. (Johnson Statement: Warren Commission; Vol V P. 562)

    If this evidence isn’t enough for you, how does logic sound? For Johnson to have coordinated the strike, it meant that he would have had to have undertaken a truly Hankeyian sleight of hand. Because he was sitting next to his wife Ladybird and a few feet away from his arch foe, Senator Ralph Yarbrough. Now, Yarbrough never said anything about Johnson talking into a radio in his Warren Commission affidavit. (Warren Commission, Vol. VII pgs. 439-440) Nor did he say anything about Johnson being in continual radio contact with others to William Manchester in the Death of the President. (Manchester, pgs. 244-245)

    H.B. McClain, the motorcycle policeman whose job it was to shadow Johnson’s car, like other patrolmen, didn’t much like Johnson’s attitude towards him and his fellow officers either. He never saw Johnson do anything of the sort. (Larry Sneed, No More Silence, pgs. 162-169). McLain has also voiced his belief in a conspiracy to the author and intimated to myself off camera that a number of his fellow patrolman had privately felt the same way. Thousands of people lined the streets that day and no one saw Johnson speaking into a radio; just like they never saw Secret Service agents being ordered off of cars at the corner of Houston and Elm Street.

    They were gonna keep, keep you know, and they were ready with hand grenade attacks, bazooka attacks.

    It was hard to pick up where all of this came from. There were plenty of lunatics out there making all kinds of threats against Kennedy. Jones, however seems to have melded every hare-brained anti-Castro Cuban assassination scheme into a kind of assassins potpourri. If Jones and others seriously think that a trained and professional squad of killers would use this kind of cumbersome equipment, they clearly have no idea of what an assassination entails, nor could they have read the transcript of a certain Joseph Milteer. Also Alex, how could one pin such an attempt on any patsy?

    Furthermore, there is not a shred of credible evidence that there were assassination teams dotted all the way through the motorcade. If there were, why then did they wait until Dealey Plaza? Did Jones realize that his ludicrous scenario resembles something from a Warner Brothers’ cartoon? Has he ever realized that one of his more frequent guests, Colonel Craig Roberts, thought of Dealey Plaza, in particular the knoll, as a good ambush spot. In fact, it could not have gotten any better. You had a car slowed down to about 10 MPH. You had high buildings behind the target so an assassin could get a good elevated shot off. You had a picket fence in front of the target at an elevation also. Then you had parking lots in between for a getaway. With a set-up like that, why on earth would anyone need to call in an assault with bazookas and hand grenades? Do Jones and Bermas even study covert and clandestine operations? And what the words “clandestine” and “covert” mean?

    If they had to, they were going to have military kill ’em and go to full martial law. They had riot troops in the air from the army flying above Dallas.

    There is no documented evidence that has come out either before or after the assassination that the US was going to “go to full martial law.” This is another of Jones’ Orwellian fantasies. But it gets worse. Jones flagrantly steals from JFK the film and then gets it totally wrong. Donald Sutherland (not “Peter” as Jones called him in the Marrs interview), who played the X/Fletcher Prouty character, actually said this about the aircraft:

    We had a third of a combat division returning from Germany in the air above the United States at the time of the shooting. The troops were in the air for possible riot control. (Oliver Stone and Zachary Sklar, JFK: The Book of the Film, p. 110.)

    While there was a combat division returning from Germany at the time, it was part of a long-term process of repatriation. But it is crucial that in no way, shape, or form did “X” say anything about them flying above Dallas. Furthermore, does Jones really think that one third of a combat division would be enough to enforce martial law upon the United States? This would be, at the most, 5,000 troops!


    Alex Jones on the Kennedy Murder: A Painful Case; Part II

  • David Aaronovitch, Voodoo Histories


    An Incurious Man: David Aaronovitch’s Voodoo Histories


    On June 10, 1963, John F. Kennedy explained the foreign policy of the United States like so:

    World peace, like community peace, does not require that each man love his neighbor – it requires only that they live together in mutual tolerance, submitting their disputes to a just and peaceful settlement. And history teaches us that enmities between nations, as between individuals, do not last forever. However fixed our likes and dislikes may seem, the tide of time and events will often bring surprising changes in the relations between nations and neighbors. [1]

    On November 26, 1963, Lyndon Johnson expressed American foreign policy a little differently:

    It remains the central object of the United States in South Vietnam to assist the people and Government of that country to win their contest against the externally directed and supported Communist conspiracy …

    We should concentrate our own efforts, and insofar as possible we should persuade the Government of South Vietnam to concentrate its efforts, on the critical situation in the Mekong Delta. This concentration should include not only military but political, economic, social, educational and informational effort. We should seek to turn the tide not only of battle but of belief, and we should seek to increase not only the control of hamlets but the productivity of this area, especially where the proceeds can be held for the advantage of anti-Communist forces. [2]

    As historians, we might ask ourselves if there were any significant events that occurred in between these two events that might explain the difference. And we might, after a moment, think of the Kennedy assassination. However, if we were to do so, as logical as that might seem, we would be placing ourselves in opposition to most mainstream history of the last 47 years. Mainstream historians tend to ignore the significance of these changes, and some (like Noam Chomsky) have even argued that Kennedy was simply lying on June 10th and that JFK’s foreign policy would have been the same as Johnson. Recent revelations from various members of Kennedy’s cabinet have given the lie to this viewpoint, however.

    There is another possible position to take on this issue. One could, in principle, say that it is simply insanity to even ask the question. Asking the question is already to take leave of one’s senses, to lose touch with reality. That is David Aaronovitch’s position.

    His book Voodoo Histories: the Role of Conspiracy Theory in Modern History has a contradiction built right into the title. According to Aaronovitch, conspiracy theories play no role in modern history, except as diversion and nonsense. In order to make his case, the author discusses several different conspiracy theories from all over the world. And it is here where we find the real problem of his book.

    ORGANIZATION

    Books of this type (Gerald Posner’s Case Closed, Vincent Bugliosi’s Reclaiming History and so forth) generally rely on amateur psychology, failure to address the evidence, omission and falsification, and just plain illogic. Voodoo Histories has elements of all these things, although it far surpasses those works in terms of literary execution. However, the most important thing to note about the book is its organizational structure. In succession, the main topics of each chapter are the following: (1) The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, (2) Leon Trotsky and the Moscow Trials; (3) McCarthyism; (4) JFK; (5) the murder of Hilda Murrell; (6) the Da Vinci code; (7) 9/11 Truth; (8) the suicide or murder of Dr. David Kelly; and (9) the Obama birth certificate flap.

    Let us first note that these topics are, to put it mildly, eccentric. Mixed into these various broad topics are: the alleged murder of Princess Diana, the moon landing hoax, Holocaust denial, etc. He does show restraint in not discussing UFOs or Elvis, but virtually every other conspiracy theory gets addressed at some point. This is quite clever. With an assortment like this, one’s head is likely to be nodding in agreement at some point – maybe most of them. And there is the occasional fact that one might find intriguing; for example, I was surprised to learn that two-thirds of alien abduction “victims” are women. Granted, I’d never given the matter any thought before, but that is sociologically interesting.

    Most of these chosen targets are easy. The Protocols, among other things, were enthusiastically endorsed by Henry Ford. Ford’s anti-Semitism was such that he received the Grand Cross of the German Eagle, the highest honor that could be given to a non-German, by Adolf Hitler in 1938. [3] Unfortunately, this document remains relevant in our time, as there are some right-wing groups who cling to it, sometimes with the caveat that they don’t really mean the Jews as such, or not all Jews, or only the international banking Jews. People like Henry Makow and Alex Jones take the documents seriously, as did the late William Cooper. [4] In a case like this, the “conspiracy” plays second fiddle to the real issue, which is pure anti-Semitism. And though Aaronovitch’s discussion of the Protocols brings nothing new to the table, the subject matter is certainly worthy of attention.

    However, of the other topics addressed in his book, there are really only two that concern the vast majority of political researchers: JFK and 9/11. The Obama birth certificate flap is an extension of various right-wing fantasies, although calling this a “conspiracy theory” is a bit of a stretch. I’m not sure how many people believed that the birth certificate had been manipulated with the foreknowledge that one day Obama would be a presidential candidate – hopefully very few. The Moscow Trials, while interesting historically, are not terribly relevant to today’s world. McCarthyism is a curious topic for the author to address, but dealing with it in any detail would require a much longer essay in itself. However, there are many contradictions and problems in dealing with McCarthy, and Aaronovitch doesn’t really go into them; he takes the standard position that McCarthy’s delusionary conspiracy theory ran out of control. There are two British murder investigations, into Hilda Murrell, an activist, and Dr. David Kelly, who had inconvenient information. While the interest in both cases is understandable (Murrell’s body was allegedly in her garden for four days before being found, and Dr. Kelly’s death had numerous curious details), the historical impact of these deaths (with all due respect) is minimal. Meanwhile, the Da Vinci code is shoehorned incongruously into the book, a topic for which the author has only disdain (his title for this chapter is “Holy Blood, Holy Grail, Holy Shit,” which sums up his attitude).

    We can therefore see, looking at this organization, that there is an immediate flaw in the conception, for there are an infinite number of ways to organize any given dataset. Aaronovitch, for his part, has selected a structure with two great benefits: (1) much of the material will superficially appear to support his thesis, and (2) it guarantees that readers will find some things to agree with, even if they dispute other sections of the book – an excellent marketing strategy.

    Unfortunately, his decision is hardly satisfactory to anyone serious. Most political researchers, in doing analysis of certain significant events, discuss JFK, MLK, 9/11, and numerous other incidents of major world importance. But if one were to take the approach of, say, People magazine, one might write a book and include JFK alongside Marilyn Monroe and Princess Diana. That is, to say, in the world of commercial tabloids, or a star-obsessed perspective, the connection between the people or events involved ceases to be political. It rests, instead, on the fact that they are famous. “What makes the deaths of JFK, Marilyn Monroe, and Princess Diana so fascinating is the victims’ iconic status and their youth,” writes the author. [5]

    Note how reductive this point of view becomes. All information exists, in the word chosen by John McAdams, as a series of “factoids.” Aaronovitch’s book, by endorsing this structure, is a Procrustean Bed equalizing all inquiry. As in the game Trivial Pursuit, the questions “Who Shot J.R.?” and “Who Shot JFK?” are worth the same piece of pie. No one whose interest is truth can afford to take this approach to what amount to the most serious historical subjects of our time.

    JFK

    By and large, this is not an evidential book. He doesn’t address the major assassinations in any detail, apart from Kennedy. His entire take on RFK is summed up as: “And if you thought JFK had been killed by ‘them,’ then why not his brother, gunned down in California in 1968?” [6] Alas, in his chapter on the JFK assassination, although he does not rely on simple rhetoric for his attacks, the evidence he sites is vastly out of date. There is nothing new in his discussion, particularly in light of Bugliosi’s recent Reclaiming History. If Bugliosi can’t prove the Warren Commission thesis in 2600 pages, then Aaronovitch will not be able to do so in 30 or so. However, he at least gives it a try, which is more than we can say about his assessment of the other political murders.

    Aaronovitch’s point of view on Oswald is as follows:

    If one reads the Warren Report, the circumstantial evidence that Oswald was the lone gunman seems overwhelming. He worked at the Texas School Book Depository, where, on the sixth floor, after the shooting, his rifle was discovered inside an improvised sniper’s nest. People had seen a man at the sixth-floor window, had seen the rifle barrel, had heard the shots. Oswald was the only employee unaccounted for after the shooting, and he was picked up shortly afterward in a cinema, having just shot a policeman looking for someone of his description. The words ‘slam dunk’ come to mind. [7]

    Did I say the author was trying? OK, maybe not so much.

    Without going into the evidence for all of this (see Jim DiEugenio’s book on Bugliosi [8] for a detailed rundown, as arguing with Aaronovitch is both redundant and silly given the scale of the other battle), note that he just restates the Warren Commission’s conclusions. When one looks into the detailed evidence, the case falls apart. Aaronovitch isn’t going to volunteer that the rifle was ordered under a different name, that the FBI initially failed to get prints off the rifle, that the FBI’s own nitrate test cleared Oswald of the murder, that the rifle changed shape three times before settling into the form of a Manlicher-Carcano, and that the State would never have been able to make a case against Oswald for shooting the policeman J.D. Tippit, much less JFK. “The detail is overwhelming,” he complains. [9] Yes, it is; such is the price for doing the investigative work. Unfortunately, if you don’t do the work, you are going to end up ineffectually repeating the same balderdash that nobody believed in 1963.

    And, of course, he does. He calls the idea that Oswald shot at General Edwin Walker “an incontrovertible fact,” an embarrassing statement which he may want to delete in future editions. [10] He says of Norman Mailer’s book Oswald’s Tale that “It is suggestive that one of the eminent Americans who initially advocated the notion of conspiracy changed his mind when he began to study Oswald the man.” [11] It is indeed suggestive of the fact that Mailer desperately needed money to help him with the IRS, but apart from that it is unclear just how liberal Mailer was in the first place. Having gone through a substantial amount of personal correspondence located at the Harry Ransom Center at the University of Texas, I can say that his political views were not consistent with his public statements; among other things, one of his best friends was G. Gordon Liddy.

    The rest of his short JFK discussion, encased in a chapter entitled “Dead Deities,” will convince no one but the already convinced. And anyone convinced by his evidence doesn’t understand the concept.

    9/11

    Aaronovitch’s take on 9/11 is somewhat depressing. It is depressing because I am in the unfortunate position of having to agree with much of it. This is less a triumph on the author’s part and more a reflection on how disastrous the various truth movements have become. As a result of the large-scale illiteracy infecting those who would question the events of 9/11, many ridiculous notions have become commonplace memes. Aaronovitch goes right for them.

    He describes a conversation with the alleged MI5 whistleblower David Shayler, who has been promoted by Alex Jones and Webster Tarpley, among others, in which he makes the absurd statement that a “cigar-shaped missile” struck the World Trade Center. [12] He invokes Dylan Avery’s popular film Loose Change, itself an easy target because of numerous factual errors and its endorsement of the no-plane-hit-the-Pentagon theory. This leads naturally into the work of Thierry Meyssan, who invented the no-plane theory, and then Aaronovitch uses this same theory to undermine David Ray Griffin, who gave and continues to give credence to it. Meyssan, of course, has been linked to Michael Collins Piper, and to the right-wing American Free Press and Christopher Bollyn. [13] The anti-Jewish nature of AFP is apparent to anyone familiar with the publication, which is also a trait of Eric Hufschmid, who produced one of the first films about 9/11 called Painful Questions. There are a couple of pages dedicated to Tarpley, who although he has reportedly left the LaRouchies behind, continues to believe in a worldview indistinguishable from LaRouche, with a powerful and controlling central government producing Star Wars defense systems and nuclear plants.

    Now Aaronovitch doesn’t do a particularly good job of attacking these people – it is, for the most part, guilt-by-association – but in fact there is little I can say in their defense. I have dealt with a couple of these folks personally, and from my reading of the situation they arguably have done more damage than help in the 9/11 investigation. However, this could not have happened without the hordes of eager followers who read too little and watch too much. Aaronovitch doesn’t even exploit what may be the most incredible person to emerge from all this – Ace Baker – whose theory includes holographic planes at the Pentagon and WTC. As Horatio once said to Hamlet, “T’would be to consider too curiously to consider so.” And people continue to eat it up, not recognizing the contradiction in uniting behind a charismatic leader to oppose fascism.

    The author does not deal with Peter Dale Scott’s The Road to 9/11 nor with the more credible sections of Mike Ruppert’s Crossing the Rubicon because in doing so he would come up against the real questions of 9/11: the lack of military response, Norman Mineta’s testimony about Dick Cheney and the Pentagon plane, the fact that the Patriot Act was written prior to 9/11, the various business interests that gained from the attacks much the way Bell Helicopter profited from Vietnam. He doesn’t deal with these issues and he doesn’t have to, because the 9/11 movement has given him holograms and holes to fight instead.

    OCCAM’S RAZOR AND THE ‘TRIUMPH OF NARRATIVE’

    At some point in all of these books, there comes a point where the author must assert that conspiracists are psychologically damaged in comparison with the well-adjusted author. That happens a few times over the course of the book in different guises.

    One tool that the author uses is to bring in Occam’s Razor. I have written about this particular device at length elsewhere, [14] but the main point is to remember that Occam’s Razor is a bit of advice that may or may not be useful depending on the context. It is entirely useless in biology, for example. It also depends heavily on what one means by the “simplest explanation.” For example, in the 9/11 attacks, the “simplest explanation” is said to involve a man on kidney dialysis who trains and inspires a team of devout Muslims from a cave in Afghanistan and never mind his long ties with the CIA, the Bush family, the fact that his followers apparently enjoyed drink and drugs, [15] wrote suicide notes that appeared to contradict Islam, [16] and so on. Trying to find the simplest model for something may or may not be a fruitful approach depending on circumstances.

    The other tool is best exemplified by his discussion of a British biologist (yes, a biologist, but leave that aside for the moment) called Lewis Wolpert who theorizes that human beings have a “cognitive imperative” to attribute causes to the events of the world. The biologist tells us that all human beings have “a strong tendency to make a causal story to provide an explanation … ignorance about important causes is intolerable.” This represents, says this biologist, the “triumph of narrative.” [17]

    There is little more than a restatement of Hume (and a pinch of Foucault) in this, but we should first note that if we take Wolpert seriously, we not only destroy religious belief but undermine science as well. Wolpert proposes a torch, but his torch is actually a flamethrower, burning down all possibilities of understanding the world. If he is correct, we will always be projecting our private consciousness onto everything like the conspiracies proposed by the heroes of Umberto Eco’s hilarious novel Foucault’s Pendulum.

    What Aaronovitch wants to do, of course, is assert that opposition to the state will always follow a fantastical pattern desired by the conspiracists. Once again, however, his perspective on the issue has unintended consequences. In his chapter on the Moscow Trials, he reports how people were convinced of the guilt of the parties in the dock, and how the German novelist Lion Feuchtwanger gradually became convinced of the reverse. Feuchtwanger describes how he heard “what they said and how they said it,” and that “I was forced to accept the evidence of my senses and my doubts melted away …” [18] Does Aaronovitch take this opportunity to explain that Feuchtwanger is a conspiracy theorist, in opposition to consensus reality, and that his certainty is simply a symptom of his derangement? He does not. What is the difference? The identity of the state apparatus. Aaronovitch, like the Western press generally, is willing to accept conspiracy theories as they appear in other countries. Think back to when there was much speculation about Vladimir Putin’s role in the assassination of a political rival or Gerald Posner himself when discussing a possible Saudi conspiracy. [19]

    TO THE MAN

    To his credit, Aaronovitch does not engage in specific name-calling the way some have done in identifying certain people as idiots or lunatics. He is far too subtle for that. He works at creating associations to undermine the serious by lumping them in with the unserious. I will do him the same credit here. However, since he does decide to psychoanalyze conspiracy theorists, albeit with the assistance of a biologist, permit me to place him on the couch for a moment.

    The son of a well-known Communist and anti-American comic book activist, Aaronovitch grew up as a Communist himself. He staged a protest in 1975 as part of the Manchester team on a UK television show called University Challenge, in which he and his fellows answered every question with the name of a revolutionary. [20] However, like Christopher Hitchens, after 9/11 he ceased being a leftist gadfly and became a raving warmonger, arguing that the Iraq War was justified simply to remove Saddam even if no WMDs were found. [21] Even when the scale of the disaster was evident, he refused to back down:

    The government has lost a great deal of trust precisely because the weapons haven’t been found, and because the Gilliganesque charge that Number 10 somehow lied about their presence, has stuck. The trouble is that I find – partly as a result of the Hutton inquiry (the evidence, not the report) – that I don’t believe the government did lie. As the MoD intelligence dissident, Brian Jones, wrote to the Independent last week, “I cast no doubt on Mr Blair’s integrity. He evidently believed that Iraq possessed a significant stockpile of chemical or biological weapons and expected them to be recovered during or soon after the invasion… such a discovery would have enhanced, rather than undermined, ‘the global fight against weapons proliferation’.” [22]

    Of course this was nonsense, and the Blair government made no errors in analysis. They lied, as did the Bush administration. [23] And eventually Tony Blair resigned his position to take a job at J.P. Morgan. [24] We should not, of course, draw any conclusions from this.

    If we wanted to be amateur psychoanalysts, we could say that Mr. Aaronovitch is protesting too much; that is, that the former Communist is now bending over to prove his moderate credentials. And that he has become so blinded in his confusion that he now refuses to conform to reality in drawing his conclusions, continuing to defend the insanely corrupt Blair government despite voluminous physical evidence showing it to be a cesspool. He also reaches to defend the decision to remove Saddam because of the leader’s inherent evil, while not dealing with any of the geopolitical consequences in any sort of serious fashion. He thus transmutes himself into a less masculine version of Ann Coulter.

    Q.E.D.

    At one point in his book, Aaronovitch points out that “from 1933 to 1963, only Eisenhower was not the target of assassins.” [25] He doesn’t count the attempted overthrow of the Roosevelt government in this analysis, although one easily could. [26] He also doesn’t draw the conclusion that the U.S. is some sort of banana republic, given this history; instead, he notes how it provides ample evidence that America produces unmotivated psychopathy at a rate unparalleled in the Western world.

    And this really gets us to the crux of the matter. In order to believe Aaronovitch, you have to take a long string of incidents and pretend they are of no consequence in American history. JFK orders withdrawal from Vietnam, fires Allen Dulles, and is murdered on November 22, 1963. In 1965, Malcolm X is shot to death, shortly after the pilgrimage to Mecca that greatly changed his views on racial conflicts in society. On April 4, 1967, MLK begins to attack the Vietnam War directly in a great speech called “A Time to Break Silence.” On April 4, 1968, King is shot to death. Bobby Kennedy is running for President at the time. In June of 1968, he is shot to death. Fred Hampton and Mark Clark of the Black Panthers are shot to death in December of 1969. Huey Newton goes to prison, Bobby Seale goes through his infamous trial, Stokely Carmichael is forced out of the country during the 1970s. The Democratic National Convention of 1968 is a disaster, paving the way for both Kevin Phillips’s Southern strategy and a Nixon administration that changes the face of politics. There is no one for the left to unite under, although there is a lukewarm coalition behind Allard Lowenstein. Lowenstein was certainly not in the class of these former men, and in fact was a CIA informant, [27] but he was nonetheless shot to death himself in 1980. Also murdered in 1980 was John Lennon, not a political figure as such but greatly feared by the Nixon administration, and hated by an FBI that tried to deport him numerous times. Harvey Milk, the first openly gay man to receive public office in the United States, is shot to death in 1978.

    Now at the same time that this is happening, we have an insane war in Vietnam, the oil shocks of the 1970s, and a vast wave of rightward movement culminating in Reagan’s “morning in America” in the 1980 election campaign. After that, the right-wing has enough momentum to continue demolishing the left to such an extent that even when Bill Clinton is elected President, Clinton’s liberalism can hardly be said to exist in comparison to people like Dr. King or the latter-day Bobby Kennedy. Liberalism, in effect, is wiped out. Aaronovitch invokes the book The Assassinations but fails to deal with the evidence in favor of its basic premise, which is that there was an internal war against the Left to prevent what would have been a revolution.

    In order to decry this as some sort of conspiratorial fantasy, you have to say that none of this matters, that none of it had any real effect on history (the Chomsky structuralist interpretation), and to hold that believing otherwise makes you crazy. But look at what this means. In an ordinary criminal investigation, the closest parties to a murdered person become suspects. That is, if a woman is killed and she is married, all things being equal, the husband most likely did it. Children, overwhelmingly, are molested, beaten, and killed by their parents and not by strangers. That is because human beings operate from internal motives; they generally don’t kill at random or from a sociopathic perspective.

    But it’s even worse than this. This line of reasoning suggests that the higher the stakes, the more likely it is that a murder is committed for no motive. In other words, it is reasonable to suggest that a guy who desperately needs money to pay rent might rob a liquor store, but to suggest that Lyndon Johnson (for example) had Kennedy killed in order to become President of the United States is unreasonable. This is illogical. Obviously, the greater the stakes, the more attractive criminal undertakings become. The history of Europe is filled with the devious murders of kings for the purpose of usurpation; just read Shakespeare.

    The inherent lie in Aaronovitch’s work is that it is in any sense an honest review of “conspiracy theory.” I have many problems with this phrase in general, but putting those aside for the moment, the reason that there are conspiracy theories is because those models fit reality better than other models. For example, in the JFK case, there is a Warren Commission model that has been falsified by thousands of pieces of evidence out together in painstaking fashion by those who care about truth. In the course of this arose other models that attempt to better explain what happened, and some are no doubt closer than others. This is normal science. The distinction is that the WC model has a political value attached to it which is not dependent on its truth value.

    If the author had truly been serious about writing an overview of conspiracies, he might have left behind the large package of straw men gathered in this book. He might have instead chosen from any number of real historical events, such as the 1846 invasion of Mexico led by Zachary Taylor, the 1898 bombing of the Maine leading to the Spanish-American War, Operation Paperclip, Operation Gladio, the Manhattan Project, the coup of Salvador Allende, the Gulf of Tonkin incident, Iran Contra … there are endless examples, of which these are but a few. In doing so, he might have been to construct a model of how such things are done and thus produced some valuable work.

    It’s obvious why he doesn’t go into these other cases. For example, he doesn’t say anything about the RFK case in his book, because if you simply list the agreed-upon facts in order, any idiot can see that Sirhan didn’t kill RFK. It’s physically impossible. Aaronovitch has produced a book that resembles talk radio, in that it speaks in a mocking tone designed to appeal to an audience confident in their conclusions and unacquainted with evidence. In so doing he produces another in a long assembly line of tomes purporting to enlighten but instead steeped in a smear campaign.

    In a final bit of irony, Aaronovitch ends his book by using a long quote by the historian Stephen Ambrose, in which Ambrose complains that conspiratorial thinking led to the conditions that created McCarthy. [28] Why is this ironic? Because, rather like the disingenuous hack Gerald Posner, Ambrose was a serial plagiarist. [29] He, also like Posner, was heavily criticized for the shoddy research work that went into his books. [30] There was also the ugly incident involving James Bacque, for whom Ambrose had been a mentor. Bacque discovered evidence in the Soviet archives that Dwight Eisenhower had allowed Russian soldiers to starve to death while outside in prison camps. Ambrose initially supported the work, but then later denounced it, as Ambrose’s best known work was his allegedly definitive biography of Eisenhower. [31] Aaronovitch’s use of Ambrose is therefore very apt indeed. He was the perfect example of the modern American historian, a plagiarist maintaining the consensus by means of covering his eyes and ears.

    Aaronovitch learned his lessons well. Ultimately, Voodoo Histories is a perfect illustration in the art of not paying attention.


    Notes

    1. John F. Kennedy, speech at American University, 10 June 1963.

    2. National Security Action Memorandum No. 273.

    3. Neil Baldwin, Henry Ford and the Jews (Public Affairs: NY 2001), 284.

    4. For Jones and Makow, see http://www.prisonplanet.com/121504makow.html; for Cooper, see his book Behold a Pale Horse (Light Technology Publishing: Flagstaff, AZ: 1991), where he instructs the reader to replace the word “Jew” with “Illuminati” and the word “goyim” with “cattle.” No joke.

    5. David Aaronovitch, Voodoo Histories: The Role of Conspiracy in Shaping Modern History (Penguin: NY 2010), 268.

    6. Ibid, 131.

    7. Ibid, 127-128.

    8. James DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland.

    9. Aaronovitch, 129.

    10. Ibid, 134.

    11. Ibid, 136.

    12. Ibid, 249.

    13. Ibid, 260-261.

    14. http://wp.me/pPsLn-b

    15. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/northamerica/usa/1340519/FBI-tracks-down-the-Florida-lair-of-flying-school-terrorists.html

    16. http://www.commondreams.org/views01/0929-07.htm

    17. Aaronovitch, 354.

    18. Ibid, 65.

    19. http://www.satribune.com/archives/sep7_13_03/P1_slept.htm

    20. http://www.newstatesman.com/society/2008/11/david-aaronovitch-hoggart-abba

    21. http://www.guardian.co.uk/Columnists/Column/0,5673,945551,00.html

    22. http://www.buzzle.com/editorials/2-16-2004-50627.asp

    23. http://www.thisislondon.co.uk/standard/article-23803734-french-accuse-tony-blair-of-soviet-style-propaganda-in-run-up-to-iraq-war.do

    24. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/7180306.stm

    25. Aaronovitch, 132.

    26. See The Plot to Seize the White House by Jules Archer & War is a Racket by Smedley Butler. The story is also retold in the superb documentary The Corporation.

    27. See The Pied Piper by Richard Cummings (Imprint.com, 1985).

    28. Aaronovitch, 356.

    29. http://www.forbes.com/2002/05/10/0510ambrose.html

    30. http://hnn.us/articles/504.html

    31. http://www.nytimes.com/1991/02/24/books/ike-and-the-disappearing-atrocities.html?pagewanted=1

  • Reply to Cass Sunstein and Adrian Vermeule

    Reply to Cass Sunstein and Adrian Vermeule


    wecht
    Cyril Wecht, M.D., J.D.
    (CTKA file photo)

     

     

    Cyril Wecht is a nationally recognized forensic pathologist, and past president of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences and the American College of Legal Medicine.

     

     

     


    I recently learned of your jointly written article, “Conspiracy Theories”, in which you contend that “Conspiracy theorists” typically suffer from a “crippled epistemology”. Such individuals are considered by you to be “members of informationally and socially isolated groups (that) tend to display a kind of paranoid cognition”.

    In your litany of conspiracy theories, you have included those people who hold “the view that the Central Intelligence Agency was responsible for the assassination of President John F. Kennedy”. In an obvious attempt to portray such critics and disbelievers of the Warren Commission Report as paranoid nuts and fruitcakes, you cleverly list this extremely important, highly controversial, 46 year old, still ongoing controversy among several absurd conspiratorial allegations, e.g., “doctors deliberately manufactured the AIDS virus, the moon landing was staged and never actually occurred; the plane crash that killed Democrat Paul Wellstone was engineered by Republican politicians”, etc.

    While this kind of quasi-intellectual, semantical game playing may have legitimate application in a law school classroom in order to stimulate debate and enhance the development of legal reasoning among future attorneys, it is an insulting ploy that is far beneath the dignity of two distinguished professors when utilized in the manner set forth in your article.

    Is it conceivable that you are not aware of the fact that 70-80% of the U.S. public (and even higher percentages elsewhere in the world) has repeatedly and consistently expressed disbelief in the WCR in every national poll conducted on this subject from 1965 to the present time? Do you not know that the House Select Committee of the U.S. Congress (1977-79) concluded that the WCR was wrong in its official determination that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone in plotting and executing the assassination of JFK?

    Are both of you so intellectually arrogant and strongly defensive of the federal government that you are willing to publicly state that more than two-thirds of the American public and a bi-partisan committee of Congressmen are cognitively dysfunctional? From whom have the two of you derived such power and right to ridicule and defame so many people?

    But this part of your cleverly orchestrated diatribe pales by comparison to the far more egregious and dangerously frightening proposition that you have advanced with incredible academic chutzpah, namely, your recommendations for “Governmental Responses”.

    Officially sanctioned government counterspeech “to discredit conspiracy theories’; the hiring of “credible private parties to engage in counterspeech”; the official banning of conspiracy theorizing; the imposition of “some kind of tax, financial or otherwise, on those who disseminate such theories;” etc.

    Unbelievable!

    Gentlemen, why are you being so hesitant and conservative in your proposed efforts to rid our society of conspiracy theorists, including all of us who reject the WCR and the scientifically preposterous “single bullet theory”? Why not simply have us arrested, placed in concentration camps, tried by special government tribunals (presided over by eminent sycophantic law professors like the two of you to ensure correct verdicts), and then executed? After all, if we need to make America safe, we had better get serious.

    In closing, I should like to be so bold and daring as to invite either, or both of you together, to engage in a public debate with me – anywhere, anytime – relating to the JFK assassination and the WCR. Even though I am only a lowly Adjunct Professor of Law at a school that admittedly does not rank among the elite institutions such as Harvard and the University of Chicago, I would endeavor to do my best to make such a public presentation interesting and intellectually stimulating.

    Please let me know where and when you would like to arrange for such a debate. What a formidable challenge I would be confronted with having to contend with the combined sagacity and erudition of two such prominent legal scholars.

    Very truly yours,

    Cyril H. Wecht, M.D., J.D.

    Past President, American Academy of Forensic Sciences
    Past President, American College of Legal Medicine
    Clinical Professor of Pathology, University of Pittsburgh School of Medicine and Graduate School of Public Health
    Adjunct Professor, Duquesne University Schools of Law, Pharmacology and Health Science
    Distinguished Professor of Pathology, Carlow University

  • Cass R. Sunstein & Adrian Vermeule, Conspiracy Theories: A Decidedly Negative Review


    [The article under review was originally dated January 15, 2008, then updated to January 18, 2010. The electronic copy is at http://ssrn.com/abstracts=1084585.]                            


    [The author is certified by the American Board of Radiology, completed a postdoctoral fellowship in physics at Stanford, and served on the tenure-track physics faculty at the University of Michigan. He is now a practicing radiation oncologist (in the treatment of cancer). He is not politically active, nor does he wish to be. He prefers to read (widely) and occasionally just to think.] 


     

    Many millions of people hold conspiracy theories; they believe that powerful people have worked together in order to withhold the truth about some important practice or terrible event.

    – Sunstein and Vermeule     

    A lawyer without books would be like a workman without tools.

    – Thomas Jefferson


    To the astonishment of many, Cass R. Sunstein and Adrian Vermeule, both on the faculty of the Harvard Law School, have recently proposed that we substantially subvert the First Amendment (freedom of speech), purportedly to advance national security. Even more worrisome is that Sunstein has joined the Obama administration in a regulatory role: Sunstein is the Administrator of the White House Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs. [His appointment was greeted with controversy among progressive legal scholars and environmentalists. Sunstein’s confirmation had been blocked for some time because of allegations about his political and academic views. See, for example, his Wikipedia entry at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cass_Sunstein.] His name has even been bandied about as a candidate for the Supreme Court [http://www.wnd.com/index.php?fa=PAGE.view&pageId=96775; this online article cites the Atlantic Monthly as a source for the Supreme Court proposition.] Even his role in the White House concerns legal scholars insofar as he favors the US president (and his staff, presumably including Sunstein himself) over judges as interpreters of federal laws.

    But let us turn to the article itself. Most curiously, the apparent definition (quoted above) by Sunstein and Vermeule (S&V) irresponsibly evades the primary issue of whether a given conspiracy theory is true or false. That profound lapse is not faced until page 4, but even then that focus lasts only for the blink of an eye. This distinction – between truth and falsehood – is so elemental that the title of their article would more informatively be entitled, “False Conspiracy Theories.”

    To compound this unnecessary ambiguity, S&V nowhere offer any epistemic standards for identifying false conspiracy theories that might lie hidden in a mixed bag of conspiracy theories. The reader is unavoidably, and helplessly, left with nothing save the authors’ list – and even these (presumed exemplars) are not well-defined. Worse than that, some of their items are wrongly identified, i.e., conspiracies labeled by them as false actually appear to be true conspiracies – or at least, well-confirmed, as we shall soon see.

    S&V cite a Zogby poll showing that 49% of New York City residents believe that US government officials knew in advance of the 9/11 attacks. They presume this data demonstrates that action must be taken (to correct the views of these miscreants). But Steven Pinker reminds us of polls showing that 25% of Americans believe in witches, 50% in ghosts, 50% in the devil; 50% believe that the book of Genesis is literally true, 69% believe in angels, 87% believe in the resurrection of Jesus, and 96% believe in a god or universal spirit [http://www.assassinationresearch.com/v5n1/v5n1mantik.pdf, footnote 26]. These polls suggest that US adults are generally prone to false beliefs. So should we take corrective action on these other myths, too? And, if that is the case, where does this corrective action end? Must we likewise correct all rumor, speculation, and gossip, too?

    Quite tellingly, S&V do not state the obvious: 9/11 was officially declared by the Bush administration – the American government – to be a conspiracy: it was claimed to be a true conspiracy. Insofar as S&V do not clearly distinguish between true and false conspiracies, the reader may immediately wonder if their chief recommendations, which we shall soon consider, are also intended to apply to conspiracy theories that are true.

    Eventually (p. 4), S&V advance their official definition of a conspiracy theory:it is an effort to explain some event or practice by reference to the machinations of powerful people, who have also managed to conceal their role. Astonishingly, this definition still does not address the matter of truth vs. falsehood. In other words, by their literal definition, a real event manipulated by powerful individuals (whose role remained hidden) would also qualify for conspiracy mongeringeven though it was a bona fide conspiracy. [An excellent example of a true conspiracy that meets their definition may be found in False Profits: The Inside Story of BCCI, the World’s Most Corrupt Financial Empire (1992), by Peter Truell and Larry Gurwin.] The reader’s only option, it appears, is to trust S&V as the final arbiters regarding which conspiracy theories are acceptable. But they seem to require no facts, nor do they list any authoritative maps for use when the road bifurcates into truth, on the right, and into falsehood, on the left.

    Furthermore, to make matters as hopeless as possible, as their very first example of a conspiracy theory, they cite the belief that the CIA was responsible for the assassination of JFK. Due to the untimely (for S&V) publication of Inside the Assassination Records Review Board (2009), by Douglas Horne, their favorite example appears to have suffered a mortal blow. [Also see Murder in Dealey Plaza (2000), edited by James Fetzer, which includes the results of my own nine visits to the National Archives.] In fact, Horne was a government insider, who served on the ARRB. In view of S&V’s extremely high regard for government intervention (see below) by “well-intentioned” individuals (of whom Horne is surely one), Horne’s role as a government insider is their ultimate bête noire.

    Their second example of a purportedly false conspiracy is TWA Flight 800. This, too, is presented as a done deed – no evidence is offered. But the reader – and S&V, too – might wish to consult Kristina Borjesson’s account of this event. [See Into the Buzzsaw: Leading Journalists Expose the Myth of the Free Press (2002), edited by Kristina Borjesson, pp. 103-149. Borjesson’s media credits are many: WBAI, CNN, CBS, PBS, and National Geographic Explorer]. Unfortunately for them, S&V’s conclusion about TWA Flight 800 is far from clear-cut.

    S&V (p. 4), surprisingly, cite the Martin Luther King. Jr., assassination as another example (of a false conspiracy), thereby ignoring the jury verdict that it was, in fact, the opposite – it was a true conspiracy [New York Times, December 10, 1999, p. 25]. That two lawyers would so unabashedly ignore the official result of a jury trial is so extraordinary that diligent readers may well wonder if their oversight was not deliberate.

    S&V next cite the Paul Wellstone plane crash (as supposedly engineered by Republican politicians) as another conspiracy theory. I have no special insight into Republicans, but there are astonishingly many paradoxes about this crash, of which these are merely a small sample: (1) persistently misleading reports about the weather at the time of the crash; (2) the absence of a distress call; (3) the miraculously early responses of the FBI; (4) the FBI’s refusal to permit photography by fire or ambulance teams; (5) odd meteorological phenomena consistent with the use of a directed-energy weapon; and (6) a statement by one signatory of the official report that the NTSB actually “had no idea” what had caused the crash. Three scholars (with four doctorates among them) also reached a conclusion opposite to that of the NTSB. [See American Assassination (2004) by Four Arrows, Ph.D., Ed.D., and James Fetzer, Ph.D.; and “The NTSB Failed Wellstone,” From the Wilderness (2005), by James Fetzer, Ph.D. and John Costella, Ph.D., which may be accessed at http://www.fromthewilderness.com/free/ww3/070605_wellstone.shtml.]

    S&V cite the “Operation Northwoods” escapade as a potential true conspiracy (p. 4). To their citations, I would add the more comprehensive Body of Secrets by James Bradford (2001), which includes 613 pages and 612 footnotes. Incidentally, Douglas Horne, the author of Inside the ARRB (2009), turns out to be the individual who was responsible for the release of the Northwoods documents.

    S&V state clearly (pp. 4-5) that true accounts – i.e., true conspiracy theories – should not be undermined. In view of the above examples – which are their own examples – the reader is entitled to wonder why the authors do not take their own advice: i.e., why are they themselves undermining belief in true (or at least well-confirmed) conspiracy theories? This dilemma only emphasizes their crucial epistemic omission: How are true conspiracy theories to be winnowed from those that are false?

    S&V suppose that conspiracy theories are a subset of false beliefs, thereby promptly negating their concession that some may be true (p. 5). Their examples of false beliefs include: (1) prolonged exposure to sunlight is healthy and (2) climate change is false. But again, as usual with S&V, there is another side to the story: in view of the national plague of vitamin D deficiency (which includes me and my own son, who had clinical rickets) some sunlight exposure is now promoted by medical experts as commendable, especially in winter and in northern latitudes. Prolonged exposure under those specific conditions is likely to be quite safe and beneficial.

    Moreover, although global climate change does seem likely, Steven Levitt and Stephen J. Dubner [Super Freakonomics (2009), pp. 165-203] emphasize (1) that methane is 25 times more potent than CO2 as a green house gas and also (2) that water vapor is actually the major greenhouse gas, but it is not taken into account in current models – and it may not be possible to do so until 2020. So, even if Earth is heating up, it may be unwise to focus exclusively on CO2 and the associated carbon credits. More research is clearly needed.

    S&V then ask whether conspiracy theories are “justified” (p. 5). Here they stumble into a semantic bog. Perhaps they meant – and should have said – “self-justified.” Instead they talk as if a belief in Santa Claus might be “justified.” (I would instead have used “acceptable.”) They then use “warranted” as a synonym for “justified,” which hardly clarifies the matter. My dictionary defines “justify” as showing or proving something to be right. That is clearly not how S&V use the word. For interested readers, Alan Sokal has provided an excellent discussion of “justification.” [See Beyond the Hoax (2008), p. 200. Also see Against Method (1993) by Paul Feyerabend, pp. 147-149.] In this same paragraph, S&V describe Earth as having “fires” at its core; in my four decades of reading Scientific American, I have never encountered such exciting geological news.

    S&V claim that a conspiracy theory typically overlooks the role of random events (p. 6). For example, I would claim that a T-shaped inscription (with uniquely peculiar radiographic properties) on the JFK autopsy X-rays proves – prima facie – that this X-ray must be a copy. [See http://www.assassinationresearch.com/v5n1/v5n1mantik.pdf. Also see PowerPoint slides from my November 2009 lecture in Dallas at http://www.assassinationscience.com and http://www.assassinationresearch.com.] This, in turn, proves a conspiracy, both to produce such a copy and also to lose the original (it has in fact disappeared). That the process of copying also permitted a critical alteration to the X-ray is yet another concern.

    So, was this strange property (of the T-shaped inscription) produced randomly, as S&V may want suggest? I would claim that no competent radiologist, after viewing this, would accept a random event as an explanation – that would require a total suspension of rationality. Therefore, not all conspiracies require consideration of randomness as a cause – that would be the grossest sophistry.

    To explain the common acceptance of conspiracy theories, S&V claim that most folks prefer them because they are simpler causal stories. That is a peculiar perspective for them to adopt. For example, would it not be simpler to claim that Oswald did it than to invoke a host of other players in a JFK assassination conspiracy and cover up? And it certainly does not turn out to be emotionally more reassuring to conclude that 9/11 was perpetrated by the government than by 19 Islamic fundamentalists. Their position verges on incoherence.

    They assert that secrets cannot be kept in open societies (p. 6), but that notion is highly suspect. I have discussed this issue at some length [see Murder in Dealey Plaza (2000), edited by James Fetzer, pp. 336-338; also see many other citations there]. Examples include the Manhattan Project, My Lai, the Pentagon Papers, radiation experiments of the 1940s (at blue ribbon institutions), Tic-Tac-Dough, and Twenty One. Also see the many examples cited by Borjesson [Into the Buzzsaw: Leading Journalists Expose the Myth of the Free Press (2002), edited by Kristina Borjesson]. The reader is also referred to A Culture of Secrecy (1998), edited by Athan G. Theoharis; The Secret War Against the Jews (1994), by John Loftus and Mark Aarons; and Legacy of Ashes: the History of the CIA (2007), by Tim Weiner.

    That major secrets are typically kept by bureaucracies is actually exceedingly common [see Voltaire’s Bastards (1992), by John Ralston Saul]. In the year 2005, for example, 125 secrets were classified every minute by federal departments, while during the year of 2004, a total of 15.6 million documents were classified, at a cost of 7.2 billion dollars. [See The New York Times (July 3, 2005) and http://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/03/politics/03secrecy.html?_r=1&pagewanted=print.] As a particularly illuminating example, the CIA was then still fighting (in the courts) to keep secret its budgets from the 1950s and 1960s. In the 1970s it appears that the CIA allocated 29% of its budget to “media and propaganda.” The CIA expenses per annum for propaganda in the 1970s were likely above $285,000,000 – which is more than the combined budgets of Reuters, United Press International, and the Associated Press [http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article3700.html].

    As yet another highly illuminating example, in January 1995 the Secret Service destroyed presidential survey reports of some JFK trips for the fall of 1963. This destruction occurred only after the ARRB had already warned the Secret Service not to destroy pertinent documents, and while the ARRB was drafting further requests to the Secret Service for moreinformation about these very trips. The Secret Service also destroyed files from the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, as well as Dallas-related files (for JFK’s Dallas trip). What are the odds that this miraculous timing (of file destruction) was pure coincidence? If we are to believe S&V, the destruction (of precisely those documents wanted – from 32 years earlier) might well have been random chance. Furthermore, when the Secret Service submitted its “Final Declaration of Compliance” (September 18, 1998), it was not executed under oath, as had been expected of them [Final Report of the ARRB (September 30, 1998), p.149]. In the end, one can only wonder where S&V got their information – i.e., the notion that “secrets” cannot be kept. [Katherine Graham, who was the owner of the Washington Post for many decades, reminded a top CIA official of a fundamental fact when the Berlin Wall began to crack: “There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn’t. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows.” http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article3700.html.]

    S&V then offer another remarkable declaration: our press is free (p. 7). Borjesson’s readers would surely develop some nagging doubts about that. In addition, though, serious doubts have been raised by Ben H. Bagdikian [The Media Monopoly (1992)] and by Noam Chomsky [Necessary Illusions: Thought Control in Democratic Societies (1989)], among others. One quote seems particularly germane:           

    The media are less a window on reality than a stage on which officials and journalists perform self-scripted, self-serving fictions [The New York Times (July 29, 1994), p. A13].           

    S&V want to encourage trust in government; in particular, they argue that widespread belief in conspiracy theories would undercut grounds for many other beliefs (p. 7), thus implying that this would be a great loss. The issue of “second-hand knowledge” (which seems to be their focus here) is indeed a serious one [although ignored by S&V, I would suggest Second-Hand Knowledge: An Inquiry into Cognitive Authority (1983), by Patrick Wilson], but sometimes a thorough evaluation of one’s beliefs can effectively cleanse the Augean stables of the mind. Insofar as public trust in government goes, that has dismally and dramatically decreased since the JFK assassination – and for good reason. [See http://www.roaddrivers.org/whywedonttrustgov.htm and http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/UN/UNPAN025062.pdf.] It is a mystery why the authors have donned blinders for that rather plain fact.

    They state that no famine has ever occurred in a nation with a free press and democratic elections, which may even be true, but they also argue that it would be excessive to infer that famines in authoritarian nations are a “conspiracy” brought about by authoritarians. Those – I suspect this includes some of my own relatives – who experienced the Ukraine famine of 1932-33 would almost certainly disagree with S&V on this historical fact. [See http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/nov/18/ukraine-famine-russia-holodomor and http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VXkgGdZC6uQ.]

    They go on to ask how conspiracy theories begin (p. 9). Stunningly, the possibility that they arise because they actually occurred in the real world is not an option for S&V. The reader might well wonder again about 9/11 – how did that (official) conspiracy theory begin?

    Some persons, according to S&V, cannot accept conspiracy theories because that would capsize too many of their other articles of faith (p. 10). But perhaps that is precisely why S&V lump true conspiracies with false conspiracies – i.e., because S&V themselves fear a loss of their own fundamentals of the faith. Although this country nominally believes in separation of church and state, there is, de facto, a kind of national secular religion, which is accepted by the vast majority of Americans. This is a belief in the Founding Fathers, the Declaration of Independence (and especially the Bill of Rights as a kind of divinely inspired document), the Constitution, the righteousness of American foreign policy, that the US actually looks out for the general welfare of other nations, that our markets (at least until recently) are free, and that the US is superior to other nations in moral values.

    When a new president takes the oath of office, Americans perceive this almost as a religious rite, and the president feels that he must say, “So help me God!” As another ritual, campaign speeches, and even some State of the Union addresses – which has actually occurred precisely as I write this – often recite, “God bless America.” [See http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/html/opinion/2004364209_domke22.html.] To omit such phrases today can be politically dangerous. Although nominally a Presbyterian, Ronald Reagan was a prophet of this national religion:

    Can we doubt that only a Divine Providence placed this land, this island of freedom, here as a refuge for all those people in the world who yearn to breathe freely: Jews and Christians enduring persecution behind the Iron Curtain, the boat people of Southeast Asia, of Cuba and Haiti, the victims of drought and famine in Africa, the freedom fighters of Afghanistan and our own countrymen held in savage captivity [http://hnn.us/articles/45469.html].

    S&V suggest that acceptance of conspiracy theories can be countered by showing “that some, many, or most (trusted) people accept or reject the theory” (p. 11). [S&V immediately inspired in me a nonsensical vision of a meeting of the American Physical Society, at which physicists voted on the validity of the latest string theory. Of course, that would be sheer madness; physicists would never vote on this – they would merely appeal to the data. Science, after all, is not democratic (or Republican). Nonetheless, S&V would like the majority to rule on questions that should instead be decided on the basis of logic and evidence]. The whole notion of popular opinion (no matter what group) deciding a question that should rest on its merits (or perhaps even a modicum of data) is madly preposterous. Even more importantly, though, the majority of the best minds can be outrageously wrong.

    For example, Robert McNamara has repeatedly described the counsel of LBJ’s “Wise Men” on Vietnam [In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam (1995), pp. 196-198, 229, 309-311]. In the end, though, their advice was an utter disaster. The rioters in the streets were closer to the truth than were these “Wise Men.” Barbara W. Tuchman has also chronicled the pervasive lunacy of government [The March of Folly: from Troy to Vietnam (1984)].

    S&V wonder why conspiracy theories come to be accepted, so they discuss the role of information (p. 11), the role of famous believers (p. 12), group polarization (p. 13), selection effects (p. 13), and the “… shared sense of identity and … bonds of solidarity” (p. 13). These too, though, have all the hallmarks of our national (secular) religion, though S&V seem not to notice. Moreover, at this juncture, they should at least have offered slight obeisance to the classic study of groupthink by Irving Janis [Victims of Groupthink: a psychological study of foreign-policy decisions and fiascoes (1972)], which was a pioneering venture into these matters and is still highly relevant.

    S&V conclude that the government should use “counter-speech” to discredit conspiracy theories (p. 14). In view of S&V’s crippled definition and their agnostic position on truth versus falsehood, the reader might well ask if this applies to true theories as well. They propose that the government hire credible parties to engage in counter-speech. Of course, that has already been tried – nearly since the beginning of the CIA. Carl Bernstein has reported in detail on these collaborations between the media and the CIA. [See “The CIA and the Media,” Rolling Stone (October 20, 1977), by Carl Bernstein, or visit http://tmh.floonet.net/articles/cia_press.html.]

    Bernstein discovered that 400 journalists had worked for the CIA over a 25-year interval. This included distinguished reporters and even Pulitzer Prize winners. Media executives who collaborated included William Paley of CBS, Henry Luce of Time, Inc., Arthur Hays Sulzberger of the New York Times, and James Copley of the Copley News Service. Other cooperating companies included ABC, NBC, Associated Press, United Press International, Hearst Newspapers, Scripps-Howard, Newsweek, Reuters, the old Saturday Evening Post, and the New York Herald Tribune.

    James Jesus (sic) Angleton – who, as the chief Oswald stage-manager, is a suspect in the JFK assassination [see Oswald and the CIA: The Documented Truth about the Unknown Relationship between the U.S. Government and the Alleged Killer of JFK (2008), by John Newman; especially read “Epilogue, 2008”] – ran his own covey of journalist-operatives “who performed sensitive and frequently dangerous assignments. Little is known about this group for the simple reason that Angleton deliberately kept only the vaguest of files” [from “The CIA and the Media,” Rolling Stone (October 20, 1977), by Carl Bernstein]. This was a classic Angleton ploy. The CIA even ran its own training school for would-be journalists.

    S&V hope for a cadre of government agents (or their allies) to undermine the “crippled epistemology” of conspiracy believers (p. 15). But what if these very agents themselves have caused these “bad events”? [That federal agents have indeed acted illegally is well documented by Gerry Spence in From Freedom to Slavery (1995), pp. 27 and 50; also visit http://www.ruby-ridge.com/gspence3.htm.] Here is the central question: who will govern those who govern? Or is that not necessary in the world of S&V? But they do not dodge this question – in fact, they seem pleased to “assume” that the government is “well-motivated” (sic). Incidentally, an absence of oversight has already been attempted (and found sorely lacking) in the case of the CIA. [Both Harry Truman, who signed off on the CIA in 1947, as well as George Kennan, who initially sent up this trial balloon, later offered their most profound regrets.] The sequelae of this approach are spelled out in alarming detail in Legacy of Ashes by Tim Weiner.

    S&V insinuate (their syntax is a bit fuzzy here) that Bush spread a false conspiracy theory (p. 16). But we don’t need to guess about lying in the White House. Eric Alterman has extensively discussed lying in the White House – When Presidents Lie: A History of Official Deception and Its Consequences (2004). If presidents lie (they actually do), then what is it that guarantees that other government employees (or agencies) will tell the truth? Are they to be trusted more than the president? And, if not, who will supervise them? [S&V might also consult Official Lies: How Washington Misleads Us (1992), by James T. Bennett & Thomas DiLorenzo. Also see http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa5421/is_n4_v59/ai_n28628633/.]

    S&V bemoan the “crippled epistemology” of conspiracy believers. Ironically, they themselves suffer from a profound, even mortal, wound in their own epistemology – i.e., they persistently ignore the difference between lies and truth, as we have repeatedly seen here. How could an epistemology be more “crippled” than that? Until S&V provide reliable guidelines for extricating truth from lies they can offer absolutely zero assistance in our ongoing conflict with terrorism. [The scientific method has been around for a few centuries and is generally considered reliable for finding truth, unless, of course, one is a postmodernist of a certain type. S&V seem virtually oblivious to its existence. On the contrary, those of us who have researched the JFK assassination (see Fetzer’s books and Horne’s five volumes) have been striving to expurgate rumor and speculation and instead substitute an objective and scientific foundation.] And, until S&V can learn from our prior experiences with “counter-speech” – as has been demonstrated by the CIA-media collaboration – they can scarcely expect an enthusiastic reception for their views. As Geog Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel sagely stated, “What experience and history teach is this – that people and governments never have learned anything from history, or acted on principles deduced from it”[http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/hegel/works/hi/history2.htm]. Or as Shakespeare succinctly put it, “The past is prologue.” [This is a paraphrase from The Tempest, Act 2, scene I, 245-254; the paraphrase is inscribed above an entrance to the National Archives I, an entrance that I first took to view the JFK autopsy materials.]

    Rancho Mirage, CA January 27, 2009


    Addendum

    Immediately after writing the above review I discovered a current article by Glenn Greenwald [“Obama confidant’s spine-chilling proposal,” by Glenn Greenwald (January 15, 2010) at http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/glenn_greenwald/index.html?story=/opinion/greenwald/2010/01/15/sunstein]. He claims that Sunstein’s proposal is ” … itself illegal [underlining in the original] under long-standing statutes prohibiting government ‘propaganda’ within the U.S., aimed at American citizens.” I quote further from Greenwald:

    As explained in a March 21, 2005 report by the Congressional Research Service, “publicity or propaganda” is defined by the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) to mean either (1) self-aggrandizement by public officials, (2) purely partisan activity, or (3) “covert propaganda.”  By covert propaganda, GAO meansinformation which originates from the government but is unattributed and made to appear as though it came from a third party.

    Greenwald notes that Sunstein acknowledges that some “conspiracy theories” previously dismissed as false have turned out to be true. Sunstein’s examples were (1) CIA mind control experiments with LSD [as is typical of them, S&V do not cite an excellent reference (quickly plucked from my bookshelf) – Journey into Madness: The True Story of Secret CIA Mind Control and Medical Abuse (1989), by Gordon Thomas], (2) DOD plots to commit terrorism within the US with intention to blame Castro [see Body of Secrets (2001), by James Bradford], and (3) the White House bugging of the Democratic National Committee.Sunstein claims that the extraordinary powers in his proposal would only be ” … wielded by truly well-intentioned government officials who want to spread The Truth and Do Good – i.e., when used by people like Cass Sunstein and Barack Obama.” [The quote itself is actually from Greenwald.] Greenwald next quotes directly from S&V’s article (p. 15):

    Throughout, we assume a well-motivated government that aims to eliminate conspiracy theories, or draw their poison, if and only if social welfare is improved by doing so.

    We can now discern a pattern in S&V: they are glib at offering proposals, but absolutely abysmal at offering concrete guidelines for implementation. As we have observed, their chief oversight is a conspicuous hiatus in their definition of “conspiracy theory” – it did not even recognize the difference between truth and falsehood. And here is a similar faux pas – they offer no principles or procedures for identifying exactly who is “well-motivated.” But there is a further problem. Even if trustworthy guidelines could be established, and such an individual (or group) identified, those conditions would only have been met at that singular point in time. In particular, what happens if this individual (or group) later becomes corrupted? (Recall Lord Acton.) In that case, who will notice the corruption – and will also have the courage to wave a red flag? This recalls my prior question: Who will govern those who govern? But we are still not done with the above quote from S&V. The following question inevitably arises as well: Should the government truly attempt to quell conspiracy theories that are true, if in doing so they improve social welfare? This begins to sound like George Orwell (Nineteen Eighty Four (1949), p. 32).

    But there is yet one more question that S&V do not answer: Who decides whether or not “social welfare” is truly enhanced? What yardstick is to be used? Or is this merely subjective, based on someone’s opinion? If so, who will decide: Will it be a Democrat – or a Republican? Or a joint Congressional Committee? Or perhaps the National Security Council? Perhaps even the CIA? Without a clear-cut yardstick, S&V’s entire whimsy could quickly degenerate into politics as usual.

    After all of this discussion, though, the bottom line is this: S&V’s proposal is both undemocratic and retrogressive; it lacks oversight, is clearly subject to mind-boggling subjectivity, is easily at risk for abuse and exploitation – and may actually be illegal. I would suggest that S&V wipe the slate clean and run home. They may well be qualified for projects of many kinds, but this one is not among them.

  • Vincent Bugliosi, Reclaiming History: The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy


    W.W. Norton & Co., New York, NY, 2007. 1612 pages plus CD-rom, $49.95.


    “[A]lthough there have been hundreds of books on the [JFK] assassination,” Vincent Bugliosi writes in the introduction to Reclaiming History, “no book has even attempted to be a comprehensive and fair evaluation of the entire [italics in original] case, including all of the major conspiracy theories.”[1] Indeed, no book has – not even this 1612-page book, supplemented by a CD-rom containing 958 pages of endnotes – although not because it is too short.

    The gigantic swing that Bugliosi takes is easily the most ambitious one-person undertaking ever published on the Kennedy assassination. Bugliosi, the famous Charles Manson prosecutor, devotes more than 1400 pages of text and endnotes to “reclaiming” the lost truth as first set forth by the Warren Commission. He then devotes 900 more pages of text and endnotes to pounding myriad “conspiracy theorists” whose efforts over the years, Bugliosi claims, have wrought a grave injustice on the Commission and performed a “flagrant disservice to the American public.”[2]

    It is not just that critics have convinced 75 percent of Americans (Bugliosi’s figure [3]) to reject the official truth, which he says happens to be the real truth. These critics, Bugliosi contends, are also responsible for a widespread loss of faith in once-respected institutions. Such widespread skepticism, “gestating for decades in the nation’s marrow,” he writes, “obviously has to have had a deleterious effect on the way Americans view those who lead them and determine their destiny. Indeed, Jefferson Morley, former Washington editor of the Nation, observes that Kennedy’s assassination has been ‘a kind of national Rorschach test of the American political psyche. What Americans think about the Kennedy assassination reveals what they think about their government.’”[4] To those who might wonder if more than 1600 pages of text and 900 pages of endnotes were really necessary, Bugliosi says that the problem is so severe that nothing less would have sufficed.

    Although Warren Commission skeptics might not welcome this gargantuan new salvo, there is no denying that Bugliosi’s Herculean effort is an historic and important contribution. It is valuable not only as a reference for the myriad facts in the case and for debunking some of the pro-conspiracy codswallop that has not elsewhere already been debunked (most of it has been, if one has the time to find it). The book’s use also lies in demonstrating that it may not be possible for one person to fully master, or give a fair accounting of, this impossibly tangled mess of a case. In fact, despite Bugliosi’s pugnacious pummeling, he hasn’t laid a glove on major elements of the case for conspiracy.

    And, regrettably, it must be said that the most distinguishing characteristic of this book is its demagogic pugnacity. Bugliosi cleaves the world of opinion holders neatly in two – sensible Warren Commission loyalists and conscious evildoers, the “conspiracy theorists.” He allows, however, for the occasional sincere dupe. Although his prosecutorial, conclusions-driven style is redolent of Gerald Posner’s in Case Closed, the last attorney-written book to defend the Warren Commission, Bugliosi’s endless self-congratulation and his arrogant condescension make his book far more insufferable.

    These traits may have served Bugliosi well as a Los Angeles County prosecutor where, he boasts, he won felony convictions in 105 of 106 jury trials. [5] They may have helped him knock out true-crime books, including his famous book about the Manson murders, Helter Skelter. But his arrogance is of little use in untangling the hopelessly conflicted facts in this 44-year old national tragedy. His incessantly hurling slurs such as “deranged conspiracy theorist,” “crackpot,” “con man,” “kook,” and “huckster” at virtually all critics inevitably carries a whiff of buffoonery and anxious self-promotion about it. And that’s particularly the case when he’s flat-out wrong on the facts.

    A typical example is Bugliosi’s mocking of skeptics who say that Robert Kennedy was, to borrow from Bugliosi, a “conspiracy theorist.” He counters not with an informed discussion, but by producing an RFK quotation of support for the Warren Commission.[6] Ironically, in the very week that Bugliosi’s book premiered, a new best-selling book by David Talbot, Brothers, was published proffering book-length documentation of something skeptics have long known and Bugliosi could have known if he had really looked: While RFK toed the official line in public for the obvious, political reasons, in private, and until the day he died, he remained active as, to borrow from Talbot, “America’s first assassination conspiracy theorist.” [7] But if one peers past Bugliosi’s conclusions-driven narrative, past his errors of fact and interpretation and past his snarky, self-congratulatory tone, there is much to be thankful for in this book. His writing is generally lucid and engaging and his compilation of facts from disparate sources is a remarkable achievement and an astonishing boon to all students of the case. For whether one agrees with Bugliosi or not, he has provided an almost encyclopedic repository of the innumerable facets of the case, particularly those useful to Warren Commission loyalists. But this can be as much a curse as a blessing. For the book is so jammed with endless, repetitive, and often inessential details – especially those implicating Oswald – that the general reader may find it impossible to make out the forest amid Bugliosi’s endless trees.

    A few of words of advice are in order about who should read the book and how to read it. First, this is probably not a book for novices, because Bugliosi provides so many peripheral details that one can easily lose the thread or lose interest in the thread. Second, serious students of the case, and even casual readers, are advised to read the book with the included CD-rom running on a computer. For not only is some of the most important material available only in the CD-rom’s 958 pages of endnotes, but the endnotes occasionally qualify the text so much that the net effect is to eviscerate the sweeping generalizations on the printed page. But one need not read the entire book to find value.

    Bugliosi marvelously chronicles the events surrounding that day in Dallas in a section entitled “Four Days in November.” It may be the best hour-by-hour timeline in print. The 300-plus pages he devotes to the events between 6:30 a.m. on Friday, November 22, the day of the assassination, through Monday, November 25 leave out almost nothing of significance. And his narrative is strengthened by this section’s lack of invective and disparagement. He reserves those features for the remainder of Reclaiming History, turning it into a distracting and tiresome screed more fit for settling scores than history. Few of the remaining 2000-plus pages are free of his cheap shots, his bitter denunciations, and his often silly remonstrations. That is not to say his criticisms are entirely invalid.

    For, as with the sinking of the Maine, the attack at Pearl Harbor, the Gulf of Tonkin incident, Sept. 11, and the events at Roswell, New Mexico, the Kennedy case has attracted its share of the febrile-minded. If such people are looking for a good remedy, then Reclaiming History offers it. Want to know why Jimmy Files, a 20-year old mafia wannabe didn’t shoot JFK from the grassy knoll with a Remington Fireball – a .222-caliber, single shot pistol?[8] Want to know why the father of actor Woody Harrelson wasn’t one of the notorious “tramp” conspirators who were picked up near Dealey Plaza right after the fact? [9] Want to know why Secret Service Agent George Hickey didn’t accidentally shoot JFK while riding in the car behind the President’s? [10] The answers are in Bugliosi’s book.

    But Bugliosi makes scant allowance for the fact that not all crackpot theorizing arises ex vacuo from febrile minds. It wasn’t exactly one of Bugliosi’s “kooks” who kicked off the Vietnam War by spinning the yarn about an unprovoked attack in the Gulf of Tonkin on August 4, 1964. [11] Had the government not initially reported finding a UFO at Roswell, New Mexico, and then changed its story – twice – “con men” would have been deprived some of the juicy grist they used in their mills. [12] And, although there may indeed have been “hucksters” behind the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s reassurances that the toxic air at Ground Zero was safe, they were the sort of official hucksters Bugliosi laments that the public no longer trusts in the wake of skeptics having scuttled the Warren Commission’s ship in the public’s mind. [13]

    But it is not just crackpots who have given up the faith; so also has the government itself. Two independent teams of seasoned, government investigators assembled by the Church Committee and the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) concluded that, as the HSCA put it, “It is a reality to be regretted that the [Warren] Commission failed to live up to its promise.” [14] Bugliosi never mentions this finding. Nor does he mention any of the harshest of the official critiques. Instead he offers only a few of the milder ones, which he then nitpicks and dismisses, in order to stand foursquare with the Warren Commission. The Commission’s key failing was not investigating the murder itself, but instead handing the job over to the FBI, which, the HSCA determined, had “generally exhausted its resources in confirming its case against Oswald as the lone assassin, a case that Director J. Edgar Hoover, at least, seemed determined to make within 24 hours of the assassination.”[15] The Church Committee also discovered that “derogatory information pertaining to both [Warren] Commission members and staff was brought to Mr. Hoover’s attention … .”166 One can only wonder if the notorious Hoover might have sought such information as insurance that the Commission wouldn’t deviate from Hoover’s lone nut theory – one that exculpated the Bureau and Hoover for not shielding JFK from a successful plot. Nowhere in Bugliosi’s 2500 pages will you find any of these official findings.

    Bugliosi also withholds the Church Committee’s most scathing assessments of the Bureau’s efforts and instead offers a quotation from the committee’s report that seems to praise it: “The FBI investigation of the Assassination was a massive effort.” [16] Bugliosi omits a more representative, and telling, assessment that appears on the very same page of the committee’s report: “Almost immediately after the assassination, Director Hoover, the Justice Department and the White House ‘exerted pressure’ on senior Bureau officials to complete their investigation and issue a factual report supporting the conclusion that Oswald was the lone assassin. Thus, it is not surprising that, from its inception, the assassination investigation focused almost exclusively on Lee Harvey Oswald.” [17]

    Bugliosi does not even once mention what may be the Church Committee’s most important, and damning, conclusion about how the FBI, CIA, Secret Service, and other investigative agencies were affected by so powerful a lobby as Hoover, the Justice Department and the White House, all urging that the focus be kept solely on Oswald. The Committee wrote that it had “developed evidence which impeaches the process by which the intelligence agencies arrived at their own conclusions about the assassination, and by which they provided information to the Warren Commission. This evidence indicates that the investigation of the assassination was deficient and that facts which might have substantially affected the course of the investigation were not provided the Warren Commission or those individuals within the FBI and the CIA, as well as other agencies of Government, who were charged with investigating the assassination.” [18] That verdict was reaffirmed in a new book about the CIA, Legacy of Ashes by New York Times journalist, Tim Weiner, who wrote that, in their investigation of the Kennedy assassination, the FBI and CIA’s “malfeasance was profound.”[19]

    In the interests of full disclosure and before addressing specific evidence, I note that I am one of the many people Bugliosi consulted while writing Reclaiming History. He wrote to me on numerous occasions and quotes me in his book, treating me much more gently than he does most non-believers. Comparing our pleasant, prepublication exchanges with what ended up on his cutting room floor was quite an eye opener. To convey to readers just how selective and conclusions-driven Bugliosi’s book is, and because of the impossibility of comprehensively reviewing so massive a book, this review will highlight the bullet evidence – evidence so central that two of Bugliosi’s most favored sources have called it the “Rosetta Stone” of the Kennedy case – evidence that, by itself alone, proves that Oswald did it. [20] I hope that my discussion of the bullet evidence will make clear why this detail-drenched book ultimately falls, and why the case for conspiracy still stands.

    The Bullet Evidence in the JFK Case

    Because only three expended shells were found in the “sniper’s nest” in the Texas School Book Depository, and because it is accepted that one shot missed, it follows that, if Oswald did it, he must have done all of it – inflicted seven wounds in JFK and Governor John Connally – with only two bullets. Bugliosi insists that the evidence shows precisely that – that two bullets, and only two bullets, hit their mark in JFK’s limousine, and both were fired from Oswald’s Mannlicher-Carcano rifle. Bugliosi’s proof is two-part and straightforward.

    First, a bullet, Warren Commission Exhibit #399, mocked by skeptics as the “magic bullet” because it was virtually undamaged after an amazing odyssey during which it supposedly broke three bones in two men, was supposedly found on a stretcher at Parkland Hospital. The FBI reported that the unique pattern of grooves etched onto the surface of #399 had been caused by unique impressions on the inside of the barrel of Oswald’s rifle and so proved that #399 had been fired from Oswald’s rifle, to the exclusion of all other rifles in the world. Second, all the fragments recovered from both victims, JFK and Governor John Connally, were shown by a sophisticated scientific analysis – neutron activation analysis [NAA] – to trace to just two bullets. They came either from #399 or from a second bullet, two large remnants of which were found in the limousine. And FBI tests proved that the second bullet, like #399, had also come from Oswald’s rifle.

    Reflecting its importance to the anti-conspiracy community and himself, Bugliosi devotes great attention to NAA, stating that it confirms that all the smaller recovered fragments came from one or the other of these two bullets alone. The small fragments recovered from Governor Connally, for example, were shown by NAA to have been dislodged from #399, the stretcher bullet. And fragments removed from JFK’s brain at autopsy matched the bullet fragments found in the limousine. Thus, Bugliosi argues, with only two bullets from Oswald’s rifle in play, not only is there is no need for a third bullet, nor a second assassin, but there is no possibility of either. Although Bugliosi does a masterful job of persuasively laying out the NAA case, what he omits cuts the heart out of his thesis.

    Neutron Activation Analysis of Bullet Evidence

    First elaborated before the House Select Committee on Assassination’s re-analysis of Kennedy’s murder in 1977, NAA is a sophisticated scientific technique. Although it has since been abandoned because the results of the technique have been wrongly interpreted in legal cases, NAA had been used by the FBI and police to identify bullets from a crime scene and to match recovered fragments to specific bullets. It turns out that the Kennedy case was the first instance in which NAA was used to make such matches. The technique involves measuring miniscule levels of “impurities” that are commonly found in bullet lead; typically, the levels of antimony (Sb), silver (Ag) and copper (Cu) are measured. Vincent Guinn, an authority on NAA, put JFK’s bullet evidence to the test for the HSCA and, against all expectations at the time, testified that NAA seemed inextricably to tie Oswald to the crime. In recent years, NAA has been championed by only two individuals – whose work Bugliosi endorses – a retired atmospheric chemist, Ken Rahn, Ph.D, and Larry Sturdivan, the coauthors of two papers on the topic in 2004.[21]

    Drawing on the work of Guinn, Rahn, and Sturdivan, Bugliosi explains that NAA proved useful in the Kennedy case only because of an unusual feature of the bullets that Oswald had used. “When subjected to NAA by Dr. Guinn,” Bugliosi writes, “all five of the specimens produced a profile highly characteristic of the Western Cartridge Company’s Mannlicher-Carcano ammunition.”[22] That profile, Guinn had testified, was that with Mannlicher-Carcano (MC) bullets the amounts of trace components varied between bullets, but didn’t vary within a single bullet. To understand what he meant, think of MC bullets as one might think of crayons. Within a box of crayons, although each individual crayon is only one, distinct color, all the individual crayons are distinctly different colors. If one took slivers from different crayons and mixed them up, they would still be traceable to the crayon of origin because each sliver would retain the color of the crayon it came from.

    Based on Guinn’s work, Bugliosi argues that NAA showed that the lead from MC bullets and fragments could be traced the same way one might trace crayons and their fragments. Just as within a given crayon the color is uniform throughout, so, Guinn said, NAA showed that the level of antimony is uniform throughout the lead in each MC bullet. Put another way, NAA can prove whether bullet fragments came from one or more bullets because all the fragments from a single bullet have the same trace amount of antimony – whether they came from the bullet’s head, midsection, or tail – just as slivers from a single crayon have only one color. But if they came from two MC bullets, the NAA would show two groupings of antimony, just as slivers from two crayons would show two groupings of color. If they came from three MC bullets, the NAA would show the fragments falling into three groups, and so on. By contrast, in most other types of bullets, the quantity of antimony does not vary from bullet to bullet. If they were crayons, they would all be of the same color. But “[e]ven more interesting,” Bugliosi elaborates, “the [NAA] results fell into two distinct groups … all five specimens had come from just two bullets. … [T]he large fragment found in the limousine, the smaller fragments found on the rug of the limousine, and the fragments recovered from Kennedy’s brain were all from one bullet.”[23] The limousine fragments, in other words, came from the shot that hit Kennedy in the head. But, Bugliosi continues, Guinn’s “most important conclusion by far, however, scientifically defeating the notion that the bullet found on Connally’s stretcher had been planted, was that the elemental composition and concentration of trace elements of the three bullet fragments removed from Governor Connally’s wrist matched those of a second bullet, the stretcher bullet [#399]. The stretcher bullet, then, had to be the one that struck Connally … .”[24]

    Thus, according to Bugliosi, the NAA “Rosetta Stone” of the JFK case had established three central facts. First, the varying levels of trace components detected by NAA proved that all the fragments came from the type of ammo used in Oswald’s rifle. Second, the fragments recovered from JFK’s brain and from the limousine all came from a single bullet. Third, only one other bullet, #399, could have played a role, and it could not have been planted because NAA showed that all the remaining fragments – those extracted from the governor – had come from #399. Thus, Bugliosi tells us, with NAA’s confirming that only two bullets from Oswald’s rifle were involved, the possibility of a third bullet and a second gunman had been excluded scientifically. But, not only can none of these claims withstand scrutiny, Bugliosi certainly knew of their serious weaknesses but withheld them from his readers.

    Neutron Activation Analysis: Critique

    Regarding the first supposed central fact – that varying trace components prove that the fragments came from Mannlicher-Carcano lead – one obvious problem with this claim is that it fails simple logic – it begs the question. In arguing that the varying levels of antimony in the recovered bullets and fragments proves that the ammo came solely from Oswald’s ammunition, Bugliosi has assumed as true that which is in dispute. The fact that there were varying levels of trace components scarcely eliminates the possibility of different types of bullets. Rather, varying levels is precisely what one would expect if different assassins had fired different types of bullets. [25] In other words, despite NAA’s amazing accuracy in measuring trace components, it did not prove that only one type of bullet had been fired.

    Bugliosi’s science isn’t much better than his logic. In a long endnote, Bugliosi acknowledges several recent studies that have cast such doubt on the value of NAA in matching bullets that the technique has been all but abandoned by crime investigators. [26] Yet he writes that, “no one has successfully challenged the findings of Dr. Guinn in the Kennedy assassination,”[27] as if the very studies he cited had not already eviscerated Guinn’s finding, which, in fact, they had. As is now well known from the very research that Bugliosi cites, the lead found in MC bullets is not at all unique or even unusual. In fact, it’s rather common.

    As two scientists from Lawrence Livermore Lab, metallurgist Erik Randich, Ph.D, and chemist Pat Grant, Ph.D, reported in an article in the Journal of Forensic Science in 2006 (which Bugliosi cites), “The lead cores of the bullets [Guinn] sampled from [Western Cartridge Company’s] lots 6000-6003 contained approximately 600-900 ppm antimony and approximately 17-4516 ppm copper (with most of the copper concentrations in the 20-400 ppm range). In both of these aspects, the … MC bullets are quite similar to other commercial FMJ [full metal jacketed] rifle ammunition.” Thus, the scientists conclude, the JFK bullet fragments “need not necessarily have originated from MC ammunition. Indeed, the antimony compositions of the evidentiary specimens are consistent with any number of jacketed ammunitions containing unhardened lead.” (my emphasis) [28]

    Using exquisite photomicrographs (photographs of enlarged microscopic images) of MC bullets cut in cross-section as proof, Randich and Grant also demolished the second and third pillars of Guinn’s case for NAA – that individual MC bullets have uniform levels of antimony. In fact, like most jacketed ammunition, the antimony in MC bullet lead “microsegregates,” that is, it clumps around microcrystals of lead during cooling, and so variations in antimony from one part of the bullet to another are to be expected. In other words, the bullets are not like single-colored crayons, they said, in effect. Instead, if I may offer yet another metaphor, MC bullets are more like a marbled cut of beef. Just as the amount of fat in a sliver taken from a single piece of marbled beef can vary depending on where it is snipped, so too can the amount of antimony vary in fragments snipped from different parts of a single bullet. Thus, Randich and Grant not only rebutted the claims that Bugliosi made regarding Guinn’s original NAA work; they also upended the published claims made by anti-conspiracists Rahn and Sturdivan. However, unlike Rahn and Sturdivan, Randich and Grant have (they have told me) no opinion on the conspiracy question – both remain entirely agnostic. [29]

    Bugliosi doesn’t ignore Randich and Grant. He dismisses their paper on the sole basis of a personal letter (which he reprints in a long endnote) from the longtime anti-conspiracist, Larry Sturdivan, the very man who came up with the idea that NAA was the JFK “Rosetta Stone” in the first place! Unfortunately, like Guinn and Rahn before him, Sturdivan had no metallurgical expertise. [30] So it was no surprise when, in his “refutation,” Sturdivan repeated Guinn’s apparent error, saying, without offering proof, that JFK’s bullet fragments were identifiable as MC shells because they had the near-unique NAA profile typical of those bullets, [31] a profile that the scientists from Lawrence Livermore Lab say does not exist. “Any number of jacketed” rounds, they said, would have produced the same NAA profile as JFK’s fragments.

    But perhaps the most telling aspect of this story is how Bugliosi, who endlessly touts his high standards of scholarship, dealt with these flatly contradictory analyses. He had to choose between the personal remarks of a longstanding anti-conspiracy NAA proponent with unremarkable credentials and those of two conspiracy-agnostic Lawrence Livermore Lab scientists with superb credentials writing in the peer-reviewed scientific literature, and he chose the former.

    Given the importance that Warren Commission loyalists have attached to this evidence, a scholar of any merit would have checked the claims in Sturdivan’s personal letter with someone in a position to know – if not Randich or Grant, then some other authority on bullet metallurgy. Bugliosi apparently didn’t do that, which I discovered only when I contacted Randich and Grant myself. Both told me that Bugliosi had never once contacted them – whether about their paper, about Sturdivan’s “refutation,” or about anything else. And, in rejecting Randich and Grant to embrace Sturdivan’s conclusions, Bugliosi cites no one but Sturdivan, who is as demonstrably inexpert as he is interested in perpetuating NAA as the “Rosetta Stone” of the Kennedy case.

    Ironically, it might have saved Bugliosi considerable embarrassment if he had gotten a second opinion. For in the very week that Reclaiming History was released, a second scientific report was published – this one by a team led by Texas A&M statistician, Clifford Spiegelman, Ph.D, and a 24-year veteran of the FBI Lab, William Tobin, Ph.D – that added additional doubts to those voiced by Randich and Grant about the statistical model that Guinn, Rahn, and Sturdivan had used in making their NAA case. Calling Guinn, Rahn, and Sturdivan’s statistical analysis “fundamentally flawed,” Spiegelman and Tobin demonstrated that, properly used, statistical models show that Kennedy’s bullet fragments could have come from more than two bullets – even as many as five. Thus, all the pillars undergirding the NAA “Rosetta Stone” have collapsed. Not only does the historic NAA data not exclude the possibility of a second assassin, it can’t even prove that all the fragments came from the MC rounds that Oswald supposedly used. [32]

    In a recent interview, Bugliosi was asked about the new NAA developments. “Can you talk about the new findings on bullet fragments from the scene?” Bugliosi answered, “These former FBI agents [sic] came up with a statement, and people are asking around the country about this new story. Here’s how new it is – it’s in my book. They’re talking about neutron activation analysis. It was simply corroborative.” [33] Indeed, Spiegelman and Tobin’s study was corroborative – but of Randich and Grant, in refuting Bugliosi. And Spielgelman and Tobin’s new study, of course, is not in Bugliosi’s book.

    Warren Commission Exhibit #399 and the Kennedy case

    Bugliosi loses another big round in a second important controversy regarding the bullet evidence, this time involving the bona fides of Warren Commission Exhibit #399. Doubts about the magic bullet have persisted because the official version had it that, despite breaking three bones in two men, #399 nevertheless emerged with no damage whatsoever to the business end of the bullet – the tip – and suffered only a minor flattening of the base of the slug. Bugliosi tackles the subject by focusing on knocking down skeptics “who cling to the belief that the stretcher bullet (#399) was planted” in order to frame Oswald. [34]

    Although there is no denying that #399’s near-pristine appearance had, at one time, sparked speculation it had been planted on the stretcher at Parkland, virtually no one argues that anymore. But what critics argue today instead represents an altogether more menacing opponent that, despite much flailing, Bugliosi never manages to land a blow against. New evidence suggests that the problem with #399 is not that it was planted on a hospital stretcher, but that it may not be the same bullet that was found on a stretcher. In our correspondence, Bugliosi and I explored this issue in some detail, as we will see.

    The story begins when the Warren Commission asked the FBI to chase down #399’s chain of possession. Records show that the Bureau sent the bullet back and forth to Dallas in June 1964, filing a report with the Warren Commission on July 7, 1964, which the Warren Commission published as Exhibit #2011. The report said that Dallas FBI Agent Bardwell Odum had shown #399 to the two Parkland witnesses who had first seen a bullet on the stretcher: Darrell Tomlinson, who discovered it on the stretcher, and O.P. Wright, the hospital personnel director and former police officer whom Tomlinson called over to look at it. [35] The report also said that both had told Odum that, although #399 “appears to be the same one” that had been on the stretcher, neither could “positively identify” it, meaning that they had not carved their initials on the bullet found on the stretcher as positive proof.

    But Exhibit #2011 told an oddly different story about the next two men in the bullet’s chain of possession. Secret Service Agent Richard Johnsen, who collected the bullet from Wright at Parkland, and James Rowley, the chief of the Secret Service, told the FBI that they “could not identify this bullet (#399) as the one” – the bullet found on the stretcher at Parkland. Intriguingly, a declassified FBI memo dated June 24, 1964, from the special agent in charge of the Bureau’s Washington office to J. Edgar Hoover, told the same story as #2011: Johnsen and Rowley “were unable to identify” #399. [36] Neither the June 24th memo nor the Bureau’s July 7th report to the Warren Commission explained what they meant by “unable to identify.” Did the Secret Service agents mean they were merely unable to “positively identify” #399? Or unable identify it at all? There are no extant records, old or new, showing that either the Warren Commission or the Bureau investigated further.

    The mystery deepened two years later when a one-time Yale and Haverford philosophy professor, Josiah Thompson (then working for Time/Life), interviewed O.P. Wright. As Thompson described it in his classic book, Six Seconds in Dallas, “I then showed him photographs of CE 399 … and he rejected all of these as resembling the bullet Tomlinson found on the stretcher. Half an hour later in the presence of two witnesses, he once again rejected the picture of # 399 as resembling the bullet found on the stretcher. … As a professional law enforcement officer, Wright has an educated eye for bullet shapes.”[37]

    And there the conflict lay, undisturbed, until after the passage of the JFK Records Act, when I requested the complete file of FBI reports on #399. If the FBI’s report of July 7, 1964 (#2011) to the Warren Commission was accurate, I was certain that there would be an “FD-302” written by Dallas Agent Bardwell Odum recounting that the Parkland witnesses, Tomlinson and Wright, had told him that #399 looked like the stretcher bullet. This is because 302s are the reports that agents submit after doing field investigations, and Odum would certainly have sent one in after tracking down the witnesses who found one of the most important pieces of physical evidence in the case.

    But after petitioning both the FBI and the National Archives, and after the National Archives conducted a special search on my behalf, I was informed that there was no such report in the files. Nor were there 302s of any kind from Dallas concerning the magic bullet. Worse, in what the National Archives told me was the complete file, there was only a single report from the FBI’s Dallas office about #399. It was written on June 20th – before the FBI’s July 7th report (#2011) that said that Tomlinson and Wright thought that #399 “appears to be the same one” found on the stretcher. But the June 20 report said nothing of either Tomlinson or Wright’s having said that #399 resembled the stretcher bullet.[38] In fact, it suggested precisely the opposite.

    The June 20 report was a formerly suppressed FBI “Airtel” from the head of the FBI office in Dallas (“SAC, Dallas” – i.e., Special Agent in Charge, Gordon Shanklin) to the head of the FBI, J. Edgar Hoover. It reads, “For information WFO [Washington Field Office of the FBI], neither DARRELL C. TOMLINSON, who found bullet at Parkland Hospital, Dallas, nor O. P. WRIGHT, Personnel Officer, Parkland Hospital, who obtained bullet from TOMLINSON and gave [it] to Special Agent RICHARD E. JOHNSON, Secret Service, at Dallas 11/22/63, can identify bullet.”[39] As this was the only Dallas record on #399, one can only wonder where the Washington office got the information that they reported to the Warren Commission on July 7, 1964 that Tomlinson and Wright had said that there was a resemblance between #399 and the stretcher bullet. So what about the field agent, Bardwell Odum, who is named in #2011 as having heard the Parkland witnesses say that there was a resemblance?

    With Josiah Thompson’s help, I tracked Odum down in 2002 and sent him the original July 7th FBI report and the June 20, 1964 FBI Airtel from Dallas. In a recorded call we had the following exchange:

    GA: “[F]rom what I could gather from the records after the assassination, you went into Parkland and showed (#399 to) a couple of employees there.”

    BO: “Oh, I never went into Parkland Hospital at all. I don’t know where you got that. … I didn’t show it to anybody at Parkland. I didn’t have any bullet. I don’t know where you got that but it is wrong.”

    GA: “Oh, so you never took a bullet. You were never given a bullet … .”

    BO: “You are talking about the bullet they found at Parkland?”

    GA: “Right.”

    BO: “I don’t think I ever saw it even.”

    My first inclination was to wonder if Odum might have forgotten his trip to the hospital. But if so, that meant that Odum’s memory was good enough to recall that a bullet had been found at Parkland but not good enough to remember that he had carried it around Parkland himself. I re-reviewed the entire file on #399 and confirmed that Odum’s name was nowhere in it. Unwilling to leave it at that, on November 21, 2002 Josiah Thompson and I both visited Bardwell Odum in his home in a suburb of Dallas. Concerned as to what his age and the passage of 38 years might have done to the 78-year old’s recall, we were both struck by how very bright and alert Odum was. To ensure that there was no misunderstanding, we laid out on a coffee table before Odum copies of all the relevant documents. We then read aloud from them.

    Again, Odum said that he had never taken a bullet – any bullet – to Parkland to show to witnesses. Nor had he ever had any bullet related to the Kennedy assassination in his possession during the FBI’s investigation in 1964 or at any other time. Because a record from the Washington FBI office seems to prove that #399 had indeed been sent back and forth to Dallas in the appropriate time frame,[40] we gently asked Odum whether he might have forgotten the episode. Answering somewhat stiffly, he said that he doubted he would have ever forgotten investigating so important a piece of evidence in the Kennedy case. But even if he had forgotten, he said he would certainly have turned in the customary 302 field report covering something that important and he dared us to find it. The files support Odum; as noted above, there are no 302s in what the National Archives states is the complete file on #399.

    To recap, the FBI’s Washington office advised the Warren Commission on July 7, 1964 that two Parkland Hospital eyewitnesses, Darrell Tomlinson and O. P. Wright, had told Agent Bardwell Odum that #399 looked like the bullet that they had found on a hospital stretcher. No internal FBI records corroborate that, including the two documents (the June 20th Airtel and the June 24th memo) that touch on #399 and that predate the July 7th report. To the contrary: the two June documents contradict the July 7th report in that they say, simply, that neither witness could identify #399.

    Then, in 1966, Wright, who was experienced in firearms, flatly denied that there was a resemblance, and, in 2002, a suppressed FBI file from the Dallas office turned up – the only Dallas file that mentioned Wright – saying only that Wright could not identify #399. Also in 2002, Odum, the FBI agent who was supposed to have originally heard Wright say that there was a resemblance, insisted that Wright had never told him that, that he had never interviewed Wright, and that he had never even seen #399.

    Given that this new evidence suggests that #399 may never have been properly identified and authenticated, it certainly merits the thousand words Bugliosi devotes to it.[41] But, as with NAA, he dodges the core evidence and instead delivers a blizzard of facts and sarcastic comments that serves more to fog the issue than clarify it.

    With his trademark tone of derision and contempt, Bugliosi challenges what he claims is “an article of faith among conspiracy theorists” – the idea that #399 “was ‘planted’ by the conspirators to frame Oswald.” Although a bullet plant at Parkland is hardly an article of faith among most skeptics, particularly in recent decades, it would not have been unreasonable if Bugliosi had presented his counter to that (outdated) argument, if only for the sake of completeness.

    Bugliosi instead sneers, “[If] Commission Exhibit No. 399 was never identified and authenticated as the magic bullet that connected Oswald to the assassination, doesn’t that necessarily knock out the hallowed belief of most of his fellow conspiracy theorists that Exhibit No. 399 was … planted to frame Oswald?” By offering a faux, sarcastic “endorsement” of the new evidence, he is up to his old tricks, begging the question: he has assumed #399’s authenticity, which is the very thing the new FBI evidence raises doubts about. Never once does he even allow for the possibility that the Bureau might have switched a bullet fired through Oswald’s rifle for the one that turned up on a stretcher. That places Bugliosi in the position of having faith in the FBI, whose failings in the Kennedy case were confirmed by the Church Committee, the HSCA, and many responsible historians and skeptics, but having no faith in an individual FBI agent whose reputation is unblemished and whose account is independently corroborated by both a credible witness on the scene, O.P. Wright, and by the FBI’s own internal records.

    Bugliosi regards Odum’s repeated assertion that he had never even seen #399 with skepticism, arguing that, “Unless the July [7, 1964] report is in error as to the name of the agent who showed Tomlinson the bullet, Odum, almost forty years after the fact, has simply forgotten.” Bugliosi then acknowledges that Odum claimed “that if he had shown anyone the bullet [at Parkland], he would have prepared an FBI report (called a ‘302’),” and in this connection Bugliosi cites a letter that I wrote to him on October 13, 2004. [42]

    Indeed, as I recounted to Bugliosi in my October 13, 2004 letter, that is exactly what Odum did tell me. And so where is Odum’s 302 concerning Tomlinson and Wright? Or, if it was a different agent from Odum, where is that agent’s 302? Bugliosi doesn’t ask, doesn’t tell. He simply drops the whole subject of 302s, ignores that Odum’s name is absent from the FBI’s internal files, and he never acknowledges the likelihood that either a 302 covering the Parkland witnesses and #399 is missing from the files, whether written by Odum or someone else, or that the Bureau never interviewed the Parkland witnesses.

    And so, Bugliosi keeps his gaze willfully averted from obvious questions about #399, such as, (1) As Odum was able to remember without my prompting that a bullet was found at Parkland, how was it that, as Bugliosi proposes, it had not only slipped Odum’s mind that he had held that very slug himself, but also that it was he who had lugged it around to witnesses at Parkland?, (2) If Bugliosi’s alternative explanation for Odum’s name showing up in the FBI’s July 1964 letter is right – that the Bureau wrote down the wrong name by mistake – then where are the 302s from the agent who actually did do the Parkland interviews?, and (3) And why didn’t the SAC’s June 20, 1964 Airtel to D.C. convey the important fact that Tomlinson and Wright had told Odum (or another agent) that #399 looked like the stretcher bullet if, indeed, they had originally told the FBI that? These are just the obvious questions, yet Bugliosi ignores all of them. And he ignores other inconvenient evidence as well.

    How, for example, does Bugliosi deal with the fact that Wright, as a former deputy chief of police in Dallas, with considerable experience with firearms,[43] insisted in 1966 that #399 was not the bullet he held on November 22? He doesn’t tell his readers anything at all about it. Even when he mentions my essay that outlines the visit that Thompson and I paid to Odum in his home, Bugliosi withholds from his readers a key point of that essay, namely that Wright’s denial in 1966 is bolstered considerably by the head of the Dallas FBI office telling Washington in June, 1964 what certainly sounds like the same thing: that neither Parkland witness could identify #399. Moreover, Wright’s disavowal of #399 got another boost in 2002 when Odum told us that Wright had never told him that there was a resemblance.

    There is a particular irony in this last oversight, quite apart from Bugliosi’s vowing that he “will not knowingly omit or distort anything” (Bugliosi’s emphasis),[44] and his condemning “the practice of conspiracy theorists knowingly omitting and citing material out of context.”[45] It is not as if, apart from my essay, Bugliosi would have been unfamiliar with Wright’s having disowned #399 to Thompson in 1966. For, in Reclaiming History, Bugliosi mentions Thompson’s book, Six Seconds in Dallas, at least 50 times, and he even cites the very page in the book (p. 156) where Thompson points out that Tomlinson and Wright had “declined to identify” #399. [46]

    The above examples offer but the merest glimpse of the central problem with Reclaiming History: history is not being reclaimed, it is being reframed along anti-conspiracy lines by Bugliosi’s knowingly omitting and citing material out of context. Examples similar to Bugliosi’s selective presentation of the bullet evidence abound.

    One such example occurs when Bugliosi attempts to rebut skeptics who claim that Parkland doctors said that JFK had a rearward skull defect that suggested a rearward bullet exit (whereas any bullets that Oswald fired would have exited the front). Bugliosi counters with a quote from one of the Parkland doctors: “Dr. Charles Baxter testified that the head exit wound was in the ‘temporal and parietal’ area.” [47] The important word here is “parietal,” which is a skull bone that extends from the crown of the head, well behind the hairline, toward the very rear of the skull. When Baxter specified “temporal and parietal,” he was then reading his own handwritten notes into the record before the Warren Commission. But nowhere did Baxter say anything about that being the exit wound’s location. Moreover, as David Lifton first pointed out in his 1980 book, Best Evidence, although Baxter did indeed say “parietal and temporal” when he read the notes he’d written on the day of the murder, that is not what Baxter actually wrote. [48] Anyone with a copy of page 523 of the Warren Commission Report, or access to a computer, can see that on the day of the assassination Baxter had quite legibly written that JFK’s “right temporal and occipital bones were missing.” (my emphasis)[49] A missing occipital bone, or a gaping wound in occipital bone, would offer evidence that a bullet had entered from the front and exited through the rearmost occipital bone.

    Similarly, Bugliosi cites the testimony that autopsy witness and medical technologist, Paul O’Connor, gave at a mock trial of Lee Harvey Oswald in London as evidence that a bullet hit JFK in the rear of the skull and exploded out the front. He writes, “I said to O’Connor, ‘You told me over the phone that this large massive defect to the right frontal area of the president’s head gave all appearances of being an exit wound, is that correct?’ O’Connor [replied,] ‘Yes, on the front.’”[50] Despite indicating that he was familiar with what O’Connor had told the HSCA in 1977, Bugliosi withholds it from his readers. The HSCA reported that O’Connor “believes that the bullet came in from the front and blew out the top.”[51] O’Connor also told the HSCA that JFK’s skull defect was in the region from the “occipital around the temporal and parietal regions.”[52] Furthermore, for Sylvia Chase’s KRON television special on JFK, O’Connor described the wound as an “open area all the way across to the rear of the brain just like that,” and with his hands demonstrated the rearward location of the defect. In his 1993 book, The Killing of a President, Robert Groden reproduced a photograph of O’Connor with his hand over the backside of his head, demonstrating the location of JFK’s skull injury.[53] Bugliosi discloses none of this to his readers.

    But perhaps Bugliosi’s most flagrantly selective and misleading citation of morgue witnesses is that of John Stringer, the Navy photographer who took JFK’s autopsy photographs. Although Bugliosi admits that there have been problems with Stringer’s claims over the years, he expresses full confidence in what the photographer has to say about JFK’s skull injuries. “When I spoke to Stringer,” Bugliosi writes, “he said there was ‘no question’ in his mind that the ‘large exit wound in the president’s head was to the right side of his head, above the right ear.’ … When I asked him if there was any large defect to the rear of the president’s head, he said, ‘No. All there was was a small entrance wound to the back of the president’s head.’”[54]

    Bugliosi surely knows, but withholds from his readers, that Stringer was just as insistent to author David Lifton in 1972 that the major defect in JFK’s skull was rearward. The JFK Review Board published as a major medical exhibit a November 14, 1993 news article by journalist Craig Colgan dealing with Stringer’s flip-flopping on JFK’s skull wound – an article that Bugliosi would certainly have seen. [55] Colgan reveals in the article that, in 1993, Stringer identified his own voice in Lifton’s 1972 recording. Here is the relevant part of Lifton’s interview with Stringer, as it appears on page 516 of Lifton’s book, Best Evidence:

    Lifton: “When you lifted him out, was the main damage to the skull on the top or in the back?”

    Stringer: “In the back.”

    Lifton: “In the back?… High in the back or lower in the back?”

    Stringer: “In the occipital part, in the back there, up above the neck.”

    Lifton: “In other words, the main part of his head that was blasted away was in the occipital part of the skull?”

    Stringer: “Yes, in the back part.”

    Lifton: “The back portion. Okay. In other words, there was no five-inch hole in the top of the skull?”

    Stringer: “Oh, some of it was blown off – yes, I mean, toward, out of the top in the back, yes.”

    Lifton: “Top in the back. But the top in the front was pretty intact?”

    Stringer: “Yes, sure.”

    Lifton: “The top front was intact?”

    Stringer: “Right.”

    Lifton, to eliminate any question about what Stringer meant, then asked him if the part of Kennedy’s head that was damaged was that part that rests against the bathtub when one is lying back in the bathtub. “Yes,” Stringer answered.[56]

    Worse, Colgan disclosed that ABC’s “Prime Time Live” associate producer, Jacqueline Hall-Kallas, sent a film crew to interview Stringer for a 1988 San Francisco KRON-TV interview after Stringer, in a pre-filming interview, told Hall-Kallas that Kennedy’s skull wound was rearward. Colgan reported, “When the camera crew arrived, Stringer’s story had changed, said Stanhope Gould, a producer who also is currently at ABC and who conducted the 1988 on-camera interview with Stringer … . ‘We wouldn’t have sent a camera crew all the way across the country on our budget if we thought he would reverse himself,’ Gould said … . ‘In the telephone pre-interview he corroborated what he told David Lifton, that the wounds were not as the official version said they were,’ Hall-Kallas said.” [57] Unsurprisingly, Bugliosi says nothing about any of this.

    Hundreds of pages could be written detailing similar examples of Bugliosi’s omitting or distorting the evidence. And yet the reviews published in major news outlets have been favorable. The Los Angeles Times’ reviewer, Jim Newton, even hailed Reclaiming History as “a book for the ages.”[58] The mainstream media, relying upon reviewers who have no particular knowledge of the assassination, dependably bow to the official version. This pattern dates to the release of the Warren Report on September 27, 1964 when New York Times reporter Anthony Lewis falsely reassured the public, “The Commission made public all the information it had bearing on the events in Dallas, whether agreeing with its findings or not.”[59] Similarly, The Times’ Assistant Managing Editor, Harrison Salisbury, having read none of the 26 volumes of supporting evidence, nevertheless announced, “No material question now remains unresolved so far as the death of President Kennedy is concerned.”[60] The lead taken by the paper of record from day one has been largely followed ever since. Thus, the national press also gushed over Gerald Posner’s anti-conspiracy book, Case Closed, a book that was savaged in a prescient review by George Costello in the Mar./Apr. 1994 issue of the Federal Bar News & Journal (the predecessor of The Federal Lawyer). I say “prescient” because there is no small irony in the fact that Costello has found stout vindication for his criticism of Case Closed from an unexpected, highly acclaimed expert – Vincent Bugliosi.

    In Reclaiming History, Bugliosi lands a well-deserved barrage of punches on Posner for distortion and misrepresentation, quoting, among other things, a review by Jonathan Kwitney for the Los Angeles Times – one of the few negative reviews besides Costello’s that Posner’s book received.[61] Bugliosi quotes Kwitney’s astute observation that Posner “presents only the evidence that supports the case he’s trying to build, framing this evidence in a way that misleads readers who aren’t aware that there’s more to the story.”[62] Bugliosi then hastens to assure readers that he is no Posner: “I can assure the conspiracy theorists who have very effectively savaged Posner in their books that they’re going to have a much, much more difficult time with me. As a trial lawyer in front of a jury and an author of true-crime books, credibility has always meant everything to me. My only master and my only mistress are the facts and objectivity. I have no others. The theorists may not agree with my conclusions, but in this work on the assassination I intend to set forth all of their main arguments, and the way they, not I, want them to be set forth, before I seek to demonstrate their invalidity. I will not knowingly omit or distort anything. However, with literally millions of pages of documents on this case, there are undoubtedly references in some of them that conspiracy theorists feel are supportive of a particular point of theirs, but that I simply never came across.”[63] Bugliosi’s attempt to cover himself in that final sentence is obviously inadequate, as this review has shown that he has omitted numerous significant but inconvenient points that he had to have come across. Bugliosi, it seems, will always be a prosecutor.

    But Bugliosi’s prosecutorial habits were invisible to the New York Times’ reviewer, Bryan Burrough, who was so smitten with Reclaiming History that he wrote on May 20, 2007 that conspiracy believers should henceforth “be ridiculed, even shunned … marginalized … the way we’ve marginalized smokers … [made to] stand in the rain with the other outcasts.”[65] His slur elicited a remarkable reaction in the form of a letter to the editor published on June 17, 2007. It was remarkable not so much for the facts it laid out, but because the Grey Lady, which has consistently backed the Warren report, for once permitted her readers to see them.

    Washington Post journalist Jefferson Morley, one-time BBC correspondent Anthony Summers, Norman Mailer, and the aforementioned David Talbot wrote: “The following people to one degree or another suspected that President Kennedy was killed as a result of a conspiracy, and said so either publicly or privately: Presidents Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon; Attorney General Robert Kennedy; John Kennedy’s widow, Jackie; his special advisor dealing with Cuba at the United Nations, William Attwood; FBI director J. Edgar Hoover [!]; Senators Richard Russell (a Warren Commission member), and Richard Schweiker and Gary Hart (both of the Senate Intelligence Committee), seven of the eight congressmen on the House Assassinations Committee and its chief counsel, G. Robert Blakey; the Kennedy associates Joe Dolan, Fred Dutton, Richard Goodwin, Pete Hamill, Frank Mankiewicz, Larry O’Brien, Kenneth O’Donnell and Walter Sheridan; the Secret Service agent Roy Kellerman, who rode with the president in the limousine; the presidential physician, Dr. George Burkley; Mayor Richard Daley of Chicago; Frank Sinatra; and ’60 Minutes’ producer Don Hewitt.”[66] One could assemble a list of thoughtful and well-known skeptics that is several times as long as this one.

    With the death of JFK fading further and further into history, chances are small that yet another attorney, either pro- or anti-Warren Commission, will step into the ring and knock down Bugliosi the way Bugliosi did Posner. But one certainly could: Bugliosi’s ferocious jaw, it turns out, is made of glass. For, despite the fact he has put out 2500 pages, there aren’t many that a half-decent boxer couldn’t take a good swing at. [66]

     


    End Notes

    1. Vincent Bugliosi, Reclaiming History. New York: Norton, 2007, p. xiv.

    2. IBID, xv.

    3. Bugliosi’s figure, IBID, p. xv-xvi.

    4. IBID, xvi.

    5. Bugliosi. Flapcover: “In his career at the L.A. County District Attorney’s office, he successfully prosecuted 105 out of 106 felony trials, including 21 murder convictions without a single loss.”

    6. Bugliosi, 1449.

    7. David Talbot. Bobby Kennedy: America’s first assassination conspiracy theorist. Chicago Sun Times, May 13, 2007. On-line at: http://www.suntimes.com/news/otherviews/383811,CST-CONT-kennedy13.article

    8. Bugliosi, p. 917-919, and endnote, p. 510.

    9. . Bugliosi, p. 906 – 907.

    10. Bugliosi, p. 926.

    11. I base this on a suggestion from University of Kentucky historian George Herring. He advised me that perhaps the most thorough, and best, discussion of the manner in which the non-events of August 4, 1964 in the Tonkin Gulf were manipulated to ensure passage of the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which paved the way to war, can be found in: Edwin Moise, Tonkin Gulf and the Escalation of the Vietnam War. U. North Carolina Press, 1996.

    12. CNN Interactive, U.S. News Story Page, 6/18/97. On line at: http://www.cnn.com/US/9706/18/ufo.report/ [“Further confusing the issue has been the Air Force’s conduct, first in claiming it had the wreckage of a UFO and then denying it. It contradicted itself again in 1994, saying that the wreckage was in fact part of a device used to detect Soviet nuclear tests.”]

    13. Jane Kay. Ground Zero Air Quality was ‘Brutal’ for Months – UC Davis Scientist Concurs that EPA Reports Misled the Public. San Francisco Chronicle, 9.10.03. On-line at: http://www.commondreams.org/headlines03/0910-07.htm. [Quote: “A UC Davis scientist who led the air monitoring of the smoldering ruins of the World Trade Center said dangerous levels of pollutants were swirling about the site at the same time the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency assured the public that the air was safe to breathe.”]

    14. House Select Committee on Assassinations. Final Assassinations Report, p. 261. On line at: http://www.aarclibrary.org/publib/jfk/hsca/report/html/HSCA_Report_0146a.htm

    15. House Select Committee on Assassinations. Final Assassinations Report, p. 128. On-line at: http://www.aarclibrary.org/publib/jfk/hsca/report/html/HSCA_Report_0079b.htm

    16. Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations, Book V, p. 47. On-line at: http://www.historymatters.com/archive/church/reports/book5/html/ChurchVol5_0027a.htm

    17. Book V: The Investigation of the Assassination of President J.F.K.: Performance of the Intelligence Agencies, p. 32. http://www.aarclibrary.org/publib/church/reports/book5/html/ChurchVol5_0019b.htm

    18. The Investigation of the Assassination of President John F. Kennedy: Performance of the Intelligence Agencies, Book V, Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, United States Senate, p. 6. On-line at: http://www.aarclibrary.org/publib/church/reports/book5/html/ChurchVol5_0006b.htm

    19. Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, p. 228. New York, Doubleday, 2007, p. 228.

    20. Larry Sturdivan & Kenneth Rahn, Neutron Activation and the Kennedy Assassination – Part II, Extended Benefits. Journal of Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry, Vol. 262, No. 1 (2004) 215 – 222.

    21. Kenneth Rahn & Larry Sturdivan, Neutron activation and the JFK assassination – Part I, Data and interpretation. Journal of Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry, Vol. 262, No. 1 (2004) 205 – 213.

    22. Larry Sturdivan & Kenneth Rahn, Neutron activation and the JFK assassination – Part II. Extended benefits. Journal of Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry, Vol. 262, No. 1 (2004) 215 – 222.

    23. Bugliosi, p. 814.

    24. IBID.

    25. IBID.

    26. Clifford Spiegelman et al, Chemical and forensic analysis of JFK assassination bullet lots: Is a second shooter possible? Annals of Applied Statistics, May, 2007. On-line at: http://www.imstat.org/aoas/next_issue.html

    27. Erik Randich et al, Metallurgical Review of the Interpretation of Bullet Lead Compositional Analysis, Forensic Science International, 2002, pp.174, 190).

    * Charles Piller & Robin Mejia, Science Casts Doubt on FBI’s Bullet Evidence, Los Angeles Times, February 3, 2003, pp. A1, A16. On-line at: http://centerforinvestigativereporting.org/articles/sciencecastsdoubtonfbisbulletevidence

    * Board on Chemical Sciences and Technology, Forensic Analysis, Lead Evidence, National Research Council, February 10, 2004.

    * Los Angeles Times, February 11, 2004, p. A12.

    * New York Times, February 11, 2004, p. A17.

    * Pittsburgh Tribune Review, November 22, 2003, p.A3)*

    * Erik Randich, Ph.D. & Patrick M. Grant, Ph.D. Proper Assessment of the JFK Assassination Bullet Lead Evidence from Metallurgical and Statistical Perspectives. J Forensic Sci, July 2006, Vol. 51, No. 4, p 728. doi:10.1111/j.1556-4029.2006.00165.x. Available online at: www.blackwell-synergy.com

    28. Bugliosi, endnote, p. 435.

    29. Erik Randich, Ph.D. & Patrick M. Grant, Ph.D. Proper Assessment of the JFK Assassination Bullet Lead Evidence from Metallurgical and Statistical Perspectives. J Forensic Sci, July 2006, Vol. 51, No. 4, p 723. doi:10.1111/j.1556-4029.2006.00165.x. Available online at: www.blackwell-synergy.com

    30. Personal communication with E. Randich and P. Grant.

    31. Bugliosi, endnotes, p. 437, 438.

    32. IBID.

    33. John Solomon. Study Questions FBI Bullet Analysis in JFK Assassination. Washington Post, 5/16/07, p. A03. On line at: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/05/16/AR2007051601967.html. See also: Clifford Spiegelman et al, Chemical and forensic analysis of JFK assassination bullet lots: Is a second shooter possible? Annals of Applied Statistics, May, 2007. On-line at: http://www.imstat.org/aoas/next_issue.html

    34. Robin Lindley, Why Vincent Bugliosi Is So Sure Oswald Alone Killed JFK (Interview). History News Network. On-line at: http://hnn.us/articles/41490.html

    35. Bugliosi, endnote, p. 438.

    36. Warren Commission Exhibit, #2011. Warren Commission Hearings, vol. XXIV, p. 411 – 412. On-line at: http://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh24/html/WH_Vol24_0215a.htm

    37. Copy of 6/24/64 FBI memo from “SAC WFO” to “Director” available on-line at historymatters.com, in: Gary Aguilar & Josiah Thompson,. The Magic Bullet – Even More Magical Than We Knew? Available on-line at: http://www.history-matters.com/essays/frameup/EvenMoreMagical/EvenMoreMagical.htm. See fig. 6.

    38. Josiah Thompson J. Six Seconds in Dallas. New York: Bernard Geis Associates for Random House, 1967, p. 175.

    39. For additional details, including images of declassified files and information from the National Archives, see: Aguilar G, Thompson J. The Magic Bullet – Even More Magical Than We Knew? Available on-line at: http://www.history-matters.com/essays/frameup/EvenMoreMagical/EvenMoreMagical.htm

    40. Memo available on-line. See: http://www.history-matters.com/essays/frameup/EvenMoreMagical/images/Slide5-1.GIF and http://www.history-matters.com/essays/frameup/EvenMoreMagical/images/Slide5-2.GIF

    41. Copy of this memo is available on line. See: Aguilar G, Thompson J. The Magic Bullet – Even More Magical Than We Knew? Available at: http://www.history-matters.com/essays/frameup/EvenMoreMagical/EvenMoreMagical.htm; or see: http://www.history-matters.com/essays/frameup/EvenMoreMagical/images/Slide12.GIF

    42. Bugliosi, endnote, p. 544-545.

    43. Bugliosi, endnote, p. 545.

    44. Bugliosi, p. 84.

    45. Bugliosi, xxxix.

    46. Bugliosi, p. 385.

    47. Bugliosi, endnote, p. 427; cites page 156 of Josiah Thompson’s Six Seconds in Dallas. New York: Bernard Geis Associates for Random House, 1967.

    48. Bugliosi, p. 403, footnote.

    49. David Lifton, Best Evidence, New York, Carroll & Graf, 1980, p. 330.

    50. Warren Report, p. 523. On-line at: http://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wr/html/WCReport_0274a.htm

    51. Bugliosi, p. 409.

    52. O’Connor-Purdy interview for House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA), 8/29/77, p. 5 – 6.. ARRB Master Set of Medical Exhibits, MD 63. On-line at: http://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/arrb/master_med_set/md64/html/Image5.htm

    53. O’Connor-Purdy interview, 8/29/77, p. 5 – 6.. ARRB Master Set of Medical Exhibits, MD 63. On-line at: http://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/arrb/master_med_set/md64/html/Image4.htm to http://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/arrb/master_med_set/md64/html/Image5.htm

    54. Robert Groden. The Killing of a President. New York: Viking Studio Books, 1993, p. 88.

    55. Bugliosi, p. 410.

    56. ARRB Master Set of Medical Exhibits, MD 143 – Newspaper Article from Vero Beach, Florida Press Journal written by Craig Colgan, titled: Body of Evidence: Local Photographer Recalls JFK Autopsy. On line at: http://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/arrb/master_med_set/md143/html/md143_0001a.htm

    57. David Lifton. Best Evidence. New York, Carroll & Graf, 1980, p. 516..

    58. Vero Beach Press-Journal, November 14, 1993, p. 1C-3C. See ARRB MD # 143, on-line at: http://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/arrb/master_med_set/md143/html/md143_0001a.htm

    58. Jim Newton. Los Angeles Times, May, 14, 2007. Quote reproduced at: http://www.reclaiminghistory.com.

    59. Anthony Lewis. On the release of the Warren Commission Report, New York Times, 9/27/64. Reproduced in: The Report of the Warren Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy. New York: New York Times edition, October, 1964, p. xxxii.

    60. The Report of the Warren Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy. New York: New York Times edition, October, 1964, p. xxix.

    61. Bugliosi, Introduction, p. xxxvii.

    62. Bugliosi, Introduction, p. xxxviii.

    63. Bugliosi, Introduction, p. xxxviii – xxxix.

    64. Bryan Burrough. Or No Conspiracy? New York Times, 5.20.07. On line at: http://www.nytimes.com/2007/05/20/books/review/Burrough-t.html

    65. Letter to the editor, New York Times, June 17, 2007. On-line at: http://www.nytimes.com/2007/06/17/books/review/Letters-t-1-1.html?_r=2&oref=slogin&oref=slogin

    66. A collection of informative essays written by skeptics analyzing aspects of Reclaiming History is available at www.reclaiminghistory.org.