Tag: ARRB

  • Gagné Desperately Dispenses CPR for the Lone Gunman (Part 2)

    Gagné Desperately Dispenses CPR for the Lone Gunman (Part 2)


    see Part 1

    G: “No one riding behind the president’s car, including JFK’s special assistants and close friends Kenneth O’Donnell and David Powers, reported a blowout to the back of his head, nor did motorcycle patrolmen B. J. Martin and Bobby Hargis…In fact, there exist no contemporaneous Dealey Plaza eyewitness reports of a blowout to the back of Kennedy’s head.” (313)

    DM: In that case then, try this report from Clint Hill: “…the President’s head on the right rear was missing…” This interview occurred on November 30, 1963.[1] Does G not consider this contemporaneous?

    Or try this one, which is based on an interview with Roy Kellerman on November 27, 1963: He noticed a wound in the back of his [JFK’s] head.[2] When later questioned by Arlen Specter, he described this wound as 5 inches [sic] in diameter and located at the right rear of the head. Does G not regard this as a contemporaneous report? (Roy later acknowledged in private that there had been a conspiracy.)

    Or consider this one from Tim McIntyre: “…horrified to witness…the back of the president’s head exploding.” This conversation originally occurred in December 1963.[3]

    Palamara’s extensive list (in Honest Answers) mostly focuses on the direction of the shots (with many reporting a shot from the right front), but the following individuals later all reported a large hole at the right rear: Sam Kinney, Linda Willis, Phillip Willis, Harry Holmes, Beverly Oliver, Ed Hoffman, Winston Lawson, Aubrey Rike, George Burkley, Bill Greer, Jesse Curry, and Dave Powers.[4] A fair number of witnesses also saw tissue flying to the left rear from JFK’s head and many saw a wound near the right ear, which they interpreted as an entrance wound. Of course, the Parkland physicians almost universally recalled a hole in the right rear, quite consistent with the similar report of eight Bethesda physicians.[5] And John Ebersole, the autopsy radiologist, described the head wound in the same way to me.

    G’s statement (about no contemporaneous Dealey Plaza witnesses) is either deliberately deceptive—or else it is unforgivably careless research. Either one is damning—and such an uncritical approach instantly discredits him as a serious scholar or thinker, especially after his duplicity about the throat wound. A thick smog has now settled over his entire disinformation campaign—and his confirmation bias has plainly been exposed. I now only wish that I were reviewing a more candid researcher, but the benefit of the doubt has totally vaporized. G’s effort is just the opposite of critical thinking. Furthermore, for me, reviewing such drivel from one so agenda driven gives me rather little pleasure—and it provides only pea-sized intellectual challenge.

    G: “But nothing suggests the car came to a stop for any length of time.” (336)

    DM: G has obviously not read Chapter 10 in Honest Answers (2021), where Vince Palamara lists 74 [sic] witnesses who recalled a limousine stop, or at least a near stop. So, how many does G think we need? And since when does “nothing” = 74?

    G: “According to Cyril Wecht, another JFK buff…” (346)

    DM: According to G, “Kennedy buffs” are amateur JFK conspiracy researchers (2). Then I would only ask G this question: How can someone who has done over 20,000 autopsies (and served on official government panels on the JFK assassination) possibly be called an “amateur?” Only G can answer that question.

    G: “…new disclosures should have led Mantik, Aguilar, and like-minded others to reconsider their assumptions. Sadly, this has not been the case.” (353)

    DM: Unless G has had access to my brain for the past 30+ years, there is no way he could know this. On the contrary, I have been re-evaluating evidence all my life. In fact, that is my trademark. Now nearing age 82, I no longer believe many ostensibly important lessons I learned during the first 50 years of my life. More to the point, I refused to see the movie, JFK, until I had spent several months reviewing the medical evidence. And, during much of this time (while mostly stuck in neutral), I sat on the fence, especially while I focused on the work of Luis Alvarez. (After all, Luis had won a Nobel Prize in physics—and was therefore automatically one of my heroes.) I also had listened to Luis’s lecture about the JFK case in 1975 at the Los Alamos National Laboratory and I had saved his preprint from that lecture. Even after I had unavoidably decided on conspiracy, every subsequent government disclosure led me to re-evaluate the evidence. (The foremost example of a changed conclusion is the Grassy Knoll shot, which I did not at first accept—but I do now.) I also do this routinely for patient treatment plans, often awakening at night to re-consider a critical aspect of a complex medical case. That is precisely why G should reference only my current opinions—not just those of 20+ years ago.

    The clarity of my vision has improved with time—because increasingly more evidence has emerged. I even discuss this evolution of JFK assassination evidence in my forthcoming hardcover book. So, in the end, this charge by G is only demeaning to him—but not at all to me. For me, life has always been about learning and renovating one’s knowledge. I only wish that G would agree to do this—but much of what we now know about this case is oddly absent from his book. Perhaps he should study this case for another 10 years, become up to date, and draft another book? In addition, an advanced scientific or medical degree would surely help. After all, truth can afford to wait—but can G wait that long?

    G: “When the ARRB showed the pictures from the National Archives to autopsy photographer John Stringer…he confirmed that these were his original work.”

    DM: This is just one more deception. After Stringer reviewed the brain photographs, he declared to the ARRB that he had not taken them. He knew this because they were the wrong film type and also because he had photographed serial sections of the brain—which no longer exist.[6] I have also demonstrated the radical inconsistency between the brain in the photographs versus the brain in the X-rays. At least one of these images must have been faked.[7]

    G: “Identical images do not create such an [stereo] effect…” (356)

    DM: G is here discussing stereo viewing of the autopsy photographs, which I have performed on virtually all of the photographic pairs at the National Archives. G does not say whether he has done any of this—which is a serious omission for a “critical thinker.” After all, it is not necessary to visit the National Archives to do this—as I have discussed in my online lectures. The images are available in Robert Groden’s Absolute Proof. G does not explain why he has not performed such an elementary exercise. But he is certainly correct about this: When identical images are viewed via a stereo viewer, no 3D effect is achieved. That bizarre result is precisely what is seen at the critical site at the back of JFK’s head—exactly where the Parkland physicians (and virtually everyone else) saw a large hole. Stereo viewing at that site shows only a 2D effect. And quite to the point, this absence of a 3D effect is not seen elsewhere in the autopsy collection, as I ascertained via a painstaking review of these many pairs of images. Who else has done this? So, what are the odds that—only at JFK’s occiput—a 3D effect is absent? (Robert Groden has confirmed the same observation to me.) G does not comment on this—but he has no excuse for omitting this simple exercise, which he could still do today or tomorrow, but I shall not hold my breath.

    G: “Although Mantik and others have continued to claim that Kennedy’s throat wound was a wound of entry, this theory has by now been discounted by numerous trained forensic pathologists.” (358)

    DM: If this is true, I have never seen those reports—and as usual, G does not cite even one of them. Did he simply invent this scenario out of whole cloth? This papal-like edict can scarcely represent in-depth research. Not a single Parkland physician (before encountering political pressure) described the throat wound as anything but an entry. Only a WC lawyer (Arlen Specter) was deemed qualified enough to identify it as an exit wound. On the contrary, all of the evidence goes the other way:

    1. Such a tiny exit wound could not be duplicated in experiments by the WC;

    2. Milton Helpern, who had done 60,000 autopsies, had never seen an exit wound that small;

    3. Before political leverage was exerted, the first scenario by NPIC included a throat shot at Z–190;

    4. During a WC Executive Session (December 18, 1963), John McCloy, Hale Boggs, and Gerald Ford discussed a possible frontal shot from the overpass.

    Furthermore, how many of these supposed “forensic pathologists” were told that the autopsy photographs had no chain of possession? Although the correct camera (and lens) had been located by the HSCA, it did not match the technical features of the autopsy photographs![8] Why would G hide this from his readers?

    G: “…an irregular-shaped white spot near the subject’s hairline…has led these authors to suspect this was the real entrance point…Aguilar and Mantik therefore conclude that the head in the photograph is not Kennedy’s…According to Mantik, this is as close as it gets to finding a ‘smoking gun.’” (358–359)

    DM: This is false—triply false. I have never believed that the white spot represented an entry wound; it is far too inferior to fit with the missing Harper fragment, which is discussed, and illustrated, in painstaking detail in my e-book, JFK’s Head Wounds. Furthermore, I have never stated that the head was not JFK’s. On the contrary, it is his head—but with the hole covered by a photographic matte insertion so as to disguise the hole. G seems unable to make such fine distinctions, which only confuses things for him, as he admits, “Confused? It seems everyone is.”

    Regarding smoking guns, I would now regard my subsequent discovery of the T-shaped inscription (see the end of this review for images) as a more blatant example of a smoking gun. But G seems not to know about this, even though the T discovery was made in 2001, and I have reported it on innumerable occasions.[9]

    G: “The X-rays and pictures both located the wound of entry high on the back of the head (at the cowlick), consistent with the trail of bullet fragments inside Kennedy’s skull, and of the exit wound.” (359)

    DM: This is (again) triply false:

    1. The radiologists could not locate a wound of entry (or of exit) on the X-rays. I agree. That was explicitly stated in their reports. Did G fail to read them?

    2. All three pathologists disavowed the “red spot” as a bullet entry. Humes said, “I don’t know what that [red spot] is…. I don’t, I just don’t know what it is, but it certainly was not a wound of entrance.” (7HSCA 254) In fact, no one at Parkland had reported such a red spot.

    3. The trail of bullet fragments does not even transect G’s selected cowlick entry site!

    4. And G’s statement totally ignores the many tiny metallic fragments at JFK’s forehead. This is thoroughly discussed in Chesser’s online lecture, which is not cited by G.

    G: “Mantik argues that the back wound, which he wrongly locates at the third thoracic vertebra, was too low to jibe with the single bullet theory. But the pathologists’ report never made any mention of the third thoracic vertebra.” (362)

    DM: G does not explain why my T3 location was wrong—this was merely another papal-like edict. But Dr. Burkley did sign the autopsy descriptive sheet, and he did cite the back wound at T3. He also signed JFK’s death certificate.

    In my conversation with Dr. John Ebersole, he cited T4. Moreover, Ebersole (like me) practiced the only specialty in which knowledge of external anatomic landmarks must correlate with internal anatomy. If this is not done accurately, cancers will be missed by the radiation beam and, because Humes was under severe political pressure, he could never identify the vertebra as T3. After all, that admission would instantly have impugned the SBT, so he deliberately omitted it (just as he deliberately misplaced the metal fragment trail by an impossible 4 inches on the X-rays). So, by what authority does G challenge the recollections of the on-site radiologist—or those of Dr. Burkley? Of course, G will never answer those questions.

    G: “Mantik also fails to tell his readers that most Parkland physicians would later endorse the autopsy’s findings.” (363)

    DM: In Murder in Dealey Plaza (p. 240), I cite 16 Parkland physicians who clearly did not recognize the photographs of the back of JFK’s head.

    Should that not be enough, G should view the documentary, The Parkland Doctors,[10] which was screened in Houston during the 2017 mock trial of Oswald.[11] Has G viewed this powerful display of agreement among these physicians? If so, he remains silent.

    G: “…Aguilar [and] Mantik…are reading the evidence incorrectly because they are bent on confirming existing beliefs…[They] fail to take note of the angle at which certain X-rays were taken.” (364)

    DM: This is an outlandish claim—I had no “existing beliefs.” And the comment about the angle is prima facie preposterous; how could I possibly target cancers without understanding perspective? Furthermore, I have carefully (on multiple occasions) documented the angle at which JFK’s AP skull X-ray was taken.[12] Has G read my 2019 critique of Randy Robertson (at my website—and repeated in my hardcover book), in which I describe—and illustrate—not only the angle, but also the divergence, of these X-rays? No one else has done this. This is one of the daftest claims in the entire book.

    G: “…no evidence has been produced to suggest that these men were coerced.” (363)

    DM: This is preposterous on its face. In fact, this is so egregious that we might easily conclude that G is uninterested in facts. On the contrary, Elmer Moore severely badgered Dr. Perry.[13] And from Rob Couteau, we now know that Humes also badgered Perry.

    Furthermore, during the trial of Clay Shaw, Pierre Finck made the following points:

    1. Senior military officers took an active part in proceedings and he implied that they were in charge of the autopsy.
    2. He admitted, after trying hard to avoid the question, that the pathologists were forbidden to dissect the president’s back and throat wounds and the connecting tissue.[14]

    G: “…F8 is certainly not depicting the lower back of the President’s head.” (365)

    DM: In my e-book, I offered 15 clues that F8 showed the back of JFK’s head. How many of these does G address: the answer is zero. He does not even cite my e-book! How can we have an adult conversation with such an approach?

    G: “While we could surmise that Mantik, Aguilar, and Fetzer have simply been short-sighted, a final example suggests that they were purposefully duplicitous.” (367)

    DM: I was indeed short-sighted. My myopia in one eye reached -9 diopters, which is what allowed me to identify the double exposure inside the 6.5 mm fragment while viewing the extant AP skull X-ray at the National Archives. This was only further proof that the 6.5 mm object had been (illegally) forged via a double exposure in the dark room.[15]

    G: “Misinterpretations are all the more likely when amateurs with little experience reading X-rays… (368)

    DM: So, after 40+ years of reading X-rays, I am still an amateur? In that case, how many years would qualify me as a professional?

    G: “…an expert radiologist, Dr. Gerald McDonnel…examined the autopsy X-rays for evidence of alteration and found none.” (370)

    DM: I have discussed McDonnel[16] and his proposed clues to X-ray alteration at length in my e-book, which G has obviously not read. Quite oddly, McDonnel did not even raise the possibility of using optical density as a tool! Furthermore, I have cited—quite specifically—how my observations do in fact meet McDonnel’s requirements. I even discovered one possibility that he had overlooked. Unfortunately, Mac passed away (not far from me on December 13, 1992) just as I was entering this case, or we would have had some fascinating conversations. I did, however, have enlightening (face-to-face and via telephone calls) conversations with Kodak’s top scientist, Arthur G. Haus, PhD, about my article on the X-ray alterations—which he read and about which he made no criticisms.[17] Also see my detailed technical references to the inspired work of Haus, which are cited in my online review of McAdams (at my website).

    G: “The…6.5 mm object…seemed to have troubled none of the autopsy doctors. In fact, it was not mentioned in their report.” (371)

    DM: Douglas Horne, who witnessed their ARRB testimony, observed quite the opposite effect. He reported that Humes was so frustrated that Horne expected him to walk out of his testimony at any minute. All three pathologists denied seeing this 6.5 mm object on the X-rays. Even worse, none of the dozens of participants at the autopsy (who observed these films on the view box that night) mentioned this object—which was precisely the point of taking any X-rays at all. This bogus object only surfaced with the Clark Panel Report some years later.

    Of course, when I asked John Ebersole about this object, he instantly terminated any further discussion of the JFK autopsy—and never spoke of it again to anyone. What G cannot dare to address, of course, is the unanimous opinion—of all the experts—that there is no image that correlates with this unphysical object on the lateral X-ray. Such a situation transports us directly out of our known physical world.

    Furthermore, on the AP skull X-ray, the front to back length of this bogus 6.5 mm object is many centimeters long (as shown by the optical density data), which is longer than all of JFK’s mercury-silver amalgams (which overlap one another on this view). Of course, G cannot afford to comment on such central conundrums, so he does not.

    Moreover, how does G explain this nearly circular 6.5 mm object—one that could not be explained by John Fitzpatrick (the ARRB forensic radiologist), or by the Clark Panel, or by Larry Sturdivan (the HSCA expert)?[18] Quite astonishingly, G (per his account) is able to succeed where everyone else has failed: “…it is little more than a distraction caused by circular logic.” (371)

    So, according to G, we now know that a circular object—visible on an X-ray film—was caused by circular logic! With this approach, one can easily escape into any conceivable fantasy. But this is not grounded in physical reality, and despite some exposure to critical thinking during my radiation oncology residency, I never learned any of this.

    G: Regarding the Z-film, he states: “Unless multiple witnesses can independently corroborate the same information, which they rarely do, the hunt for all of this hidden evidence can easily turn into a wild goose chase.” (372)

    DM: G has thereby belittled the recollections of many independent observers: Greg Burnham, Milicent Cranor, Scott Myers, Dan Rather, Cartha DeLoach, William Reymond, William Manchester, Homer McMahon, Dino Brugioni, Erwin Schwartz, Rich Dellarosa,[19] and others. Each one of these, without conferring with anyone else, has seen a version of the Zapruder film that contradicts the extant film—but the individual recollections surprisingly agree with one another! Surely, we should not hear this riposte again: “They all just made the same mistake.”[20] It is far too late for that reply.

    G also states: “…several eyewitnesses can produce clear and consistent memories of the alleged evidence” (372). To which I reply: Since this constraint is met by these many Z-film witnesses, by what right does G abandon his self-proclaimed decree for accepting evidence?

    And the comment, “and they rarely do” is not only false, but it is unsubstantiated. This is really becoming too much.

    Early viewers of the Z-film (e.g., Erwin Schwartz, Dan Rather, Deke DeLoach (at the FBI), and possibly even Pierre Finck, reported that JFK’s head moved forward—quite contrary to the Z-film! Furthermore, none of these early viewers reported a head snap.[21]

    On the other hand, G reports this:

    “We should take note that the head snap—real or faked—is barely perceptible when projected at the film’s normal speed of 18.3 frames per second.” (404)

    So, here is my reply to that: Then how did this so-called almost invisible head snap (per G) trigger the formation of the HSCA?

    G: “His [Mantik’s] main witness [to Z-film tampering] is Homer McMahon.” (406)

    DM: I have never said this—or even implied this. If I had to choose one primary witness, it would be Dino Brugioni. However, the existence of two totally compartmentalized viewing events (on two successive nights by two totally distinct groups) during November 23–24, 1963, provides overwhelming evidence of a cover-up. See Douglas Horne’s summary of this cacophony: Assassination of JFK – The Two NPIC Zapruder Film Events: Signposts Pointing to the Film’s Alteration. Especially watch the Z-film interview with Dino Brugioni, who was the Duty Officer at NPIC that weekend.

    In 1962, Dino helped to trigger the Cuban missile crisis by assisting in the discovery of Russian missiles in Cuba, and he is the author of one of my favorite photographic books: Photo Fakery: The History and Techniques of Photographic Deception and Manipulation (1999). The first chapter is titled “Photo Fakery is Everywhere.” In Chapter 3, he amusingly recalls (and illustrates) the work of Oscar Gustav Rejlander via his allegorical composite (and partly topless) photograph, The Two Ways of Life (1857), which was assembled from thirty negatives.

    G: Conspiracy theories are fed by “…an obsessive scrutiny of small inconsistencies and irrelevant details.” (430)

    DM: So, G would have us grieve that Max Planck obsessed over unexplained deviations in black body radiation—or perhaps he could have warned Einstein not to fret over the anomalous precession of the perihelion of Mercury (by 43.1 arc seconds—over 100 years).[22] Unfortunately for G, he has arrived too late for either of those observations.

    G: “…the suffering Christ remains, at best, one of thousands of peace-loving gurus tragically killed in their prime.” (434)

    DM: As expected, G does not cite even one of these slain thousands; in any case, Jesus of Nazareth is rarely regarded as a “guru,” especially not by billions of Christians.[23] Furthermore, from my days as an amateur (but devoted) New Testament scholar, I still recall Jesus’ statement, “Do not suppose that I have come to bring peace to the earth. I did not come to bring peace, but a sword.”—Matthew 10:24, the New International Version.

    G: “Conspiracy theories are an affront to responsible historical research and rational discourse.” (435)

    DM: Were they still alive, we would expect G to so inform each one of those 50–60 luminaries I listed in Addendum 5, “Believers in a JFK Assassination Conspiracy.”[24] G obviously thinks he knows more about this case than the combined expertise of LBJ, Nixon, Hoover, Tolson, Phillips, the Kennedy family, Burkley, Rowley, Curry, Kellerman, Greer, Kinney, Blakey, Tanenbaum, Sprague, Cornwell, and the Parkland doctors.

    Even worse though, G has impugned virtually every historical conspiracy. Does he honestly believe that all of these events are mere Conspiracy Theories?

    1. The murder of Julius Caesar (44 BC)

    2. The assassination of Abraham Lincoln (1865)

    3. 694 pogroms in 660 Russian towns (1905)[25]

    4. The Japanese sneak attack on Port Arthur (1905)

    5. The assassination of Archduke Ferdinand (1914)

    6. The Black Sox World Series Scandal (1919)

    7. The Tuskegee Experiment (1932–72)

    8. The Cambridge Five (1934–50s)

    9. The murder of Ernst Röhm (1934)

    10. Operation Himmler (1939)

    11. The murder of Leon Trotsky (1940)

    12. Spying on the Manhattan project (1941–45)[26]

    13. The Holocaust (1941–45)

    14. The Valkyrie Plot against Hitler (1944)

    15. The assassination of Mahatma Gandhi (1948)

    16. Operation Mockingbird (1950s)

    17. The Secret War in Laos (1953)

    18. Project MK-Ultra (1953–73)

    19. CIA-Mafia plots to kill Castro (1960–63)

    20. Assassination attempts (33) on de Gaulle (1961ff)

    21. Watergate (1972)

    22. Joannides’ role for the HSCA (1978–79)

    23. The Rajneeshee Bioterror Attack (1984)

    24. The Iran-Contra Affair (1985)

    25. 9/11 (2001)

    26. The Houston Astros World Series Title (2017)

    CONCLUSION

    But it is now past time to conclude this review. We have seen more than enough of G’s “critical thinking.” I prefer reality—for the past, in the present, and for the future. There are already enough zebras lurking out there.

    One final observation may be useful. Here are two images of an emulsion-based X-ray film that I own; I created the T-shaped inscription on this film. The film is similar to those used for the 1963 autopsy X-rays and the T-shape is similar to what I saw on one lateral JFK skull film. The T-shape was obviously produced by scraping emulsion off the JFK X-ray film. (The image of this lateral JFK X-ray is not in the public domain.) Recall that, at the National Archives, no emulsion is missing—on either side—of that lateral JFK skull X-ray film.



    The left image above shows the missing emulsion side, while the right image displays the intact emulsion side (my film has emulsion on both sides, just as the JFK autopsy films do). The 3D visual impact (on my film) of physically missing emulsion (actually gouged into the film) can only be fully appreciated via binocular vision. This is especially dramatic when viewed at a glancing angle to the light source. I repeatedly did this while at the National Archives (for both sides of the JFK film), but no emulsion was missing anywhere.[27]

    Therefore, we now know that the Archives houses only a copy of this lateral X-ray. After all, only a copy film could preserve both the T image and the emulsion. But if this a copy film, then the door stands wide open to X-ray alteration—because a double exposure could easily have intervened. Of course, we already knew that this same lateral JFK X-ray was a copy—due to the presence of the White Patch, so the T-shaped inscription is merely a second confirmation that this is not the original lateral skull X-ray of JFK.


    [1] 18H740–745.

    [2] FBI Report (Sibert and O’Neill).

    [3] Honest Answers: About the Murder of President John F. Kennedy (2021), pp. 302ff, by Vince Palamara, who gifted this book to me. The quote is from an interview with Tim McIntyre. Vince has compiled a wonderful—and indispensable—collection of witnesses here. Of course, G does not cite this amazing reference.

    [4] JFK: Absolute Proof (2013), by Robert Groden includes a magnificent set of images in which the witnesses place their hands on the back of their heads to locate JFK’s right rear head wound. As now expected, G does not cite this book either. We can only begin to wonder: What exactly has G been reading?

    [5] JFK’s Head Wounds (2015), by David W. Mantik. Of course, G does not cite my book.

    [6] “Two Different Brain Specimens in President Kennedy’s Autopsy,” by Douglas Horne in Murder in Dealey Plaza (2000), edited by James Fetzer, p. 299.

    [7] https://www.fff.org/freedom-in-motion/video/jfks-head-wounds/

    [8] How Five Investigations into JFK’s Medical/Autopsy Evidence Got it Wrong – Introduction (history-matters.com)

    [9] Pittsburgh Text2.PDF (assassinationresearch.com)

    [10] The Parkland Doctors (2018) – IMDb

    [11] The 2017 Houston Mock Trial of Oswald (kennedysandking.com)

    [12] The Assassinations: Probe Magazine on JFK, RFK, and Malcolm X (2003), edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, p. 265.

    [13] dr perry jfk badgered – Search (bing.com)

    [14] Dr Pierre Finck: Dissecting JFK’s Back and Throat Wounds : The JFK Assassination (22november1963.org.uk)

    [15] The JFK Skull X-rays: Evidence for Forgery David W. Mantik DALLAS, TEXAS November 21, 2009 – [PPT Powerpoint] (vdocuments.net)

    [16] Dr Gerald Matthew “Mac” McDonnel (1919-1992) – Find a Grave Memorial

    [17] Assassination Science (1998), p. 134, edited by James Fetzer.

    [18] JFK Myths (2005), p. 193, by Larry Sturdivan. This expert, who testified for the HSCA, claimed that this 6.5 mm object could not possibly represent a real piece of metal. There is no physical correlate on the lateral X-ray—which is physically impossible. I agree with Sturdivan: this is not the world that he and I know. On the other hand, it is difficult to know what world G inhabits.

    [19] Dellarosa offers his personal descriptions of the action here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XrRbkY9gEnQ.

    [20] David Lifton supposedly will suggest (in his forthcoming book—if it ever arrives) that Robert S. McNamara approved the Z-film alteration: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wMblToYoWzA. Also see Lifton’s recent comment: https://educationforum.ipbhost.com/topic/15099-inside-the-arrb-vol-4/page/4/.

    [21] Oddly enough, every new viewer of the extant Z-film, above all else, is stunned by the backward head snap. And today no one ever sees JFK moving forward (like Ike Altgens and Dan Rather and Deke DeLoach did). Why is G not aware of this ridiculous discrepancy?

    [22] Einstein Relatively Easy – Advance of the perihelion of Mercury

    [23] On the contrary, most Christians would be insulted with that description of him.

    [24] Fetzer 2000, p. 404.

    [25] Sleeper Agent: The Atomic Spy in America Who Got Away (2021), by Ann Hagedorn, Kindle, p. 13. This is the story of George Koval, born on Christmas Day, 1913, in Sioux City, Iowa, who delivered the secrets of Oak Ridge, Tennessee’s 75,000 workers to the Soviets. This included the polonium details, used to ignite the atomic bomb, i.e., polonium generated the neutrons that triggered the bomb. (On 1 November 2006, Alexander Litvinenko was poisoned and later died on 23 November, becoming the first confirmed victim of polonium-induced acute radiation syndrome.) After George’s death, Vladimir Putin (in 2007) named George a “Hero of the Russian Federation.” As George began his work, he appeared to be the average clean-cut American, only two years out of the US Army. He could recite the history and stats of every big-league pitcher in 1948—and he had skills as a shortstop. Of course, the Soviet spying had begun much earlier (in August 1941), with the work of Klaus Fuchs (who, ironically, loaned his car to Richard Feynman). Already in spring 1942, Lavrentiy Beria had sent a memo to Stalin about using uranium for bombs, even describing two hemispheres whose sum would exceed the critical mass. In other words, Stalin was not surprised at the allusion to the atomic bomb at Yalta.

    [26] Ibid., p. 78.

    [27] The right image is slightly colored, because we are looking through the film base, which has a blue tinge.

  • Gagné Desperately Dispenses CPR for the Lone Gunman (Part 1)

    Gagné Desperately Dispenses CPR for the Lone Gunman (Part 1)


    Hi David, I just looked at the survey questions. These are WAY [sic] beyond my competency…Feel free to use the above and my earlier comments.

    —Michael Shermer[1]

    Another falsehood of this title [Gagné’s title] is thinking critically. As a criminology graduate with a first-class degree who applied critical criminological thinking to all his work, I can safely say no critical thinking has been applied to this one-sided rubbish.

    —Anonymous Amazon Review (this constituted one-half of G’s reviews)

    His volume is a cogent and incisive treatment of the whole assassination landscape, with a particular attention to recent conspiracy arguments…

    —John McAdams, Ph.D.[2]

    I concede that I am not an expert in any of these disciplines… [military history, ballistics, health sciences, photography and film and the like]

    —Michel Jacques Gagné

    It would take more than one book to respond to all of Aguilar’s and Mantik’s theories. Doing so would also force us to discuss complex medical procedures that might confuse the nonexpert and which this author does not have the medical training to debate in depth and detail. But this does not prevent us from identifying the many errors in logic and research that make Aguilar and Mantik’s theories refutable…

    —Michel Jacques Gagné [3]

    A reliable way to make people believe in falsehoods is frequent repetition, because familiarity is not easily distinguished from truth.

    —Daniel Kahneman[4]

    Facts do not cease to exist because they are ignored. That men do not learn very much from the lessons of history is the most important of all the lessons that history has to teach.

    —Aldous Huxley (who, like C.S. Lewis, also died on November 22, 1963)

    —————————————————

    Michel Jacques Gagné. He teaches courses in critical thinking, political philosophy, philosophy of religion, and ethics at a junior college near Montreal, Canada. He has an M.A. in history with a thesis on civil rights. He enjoys discussing conspiracy theories, but has no specific training in science or medicine or forensics. He does not even cite any personal interviews with witnesses. By his own admission, his research has consisted solely of reviewing official sources and “thinking critically.” He has not been banned from the National Archives, nor has he ever visited there.

    David Wayne Mantik. He completed his physics Ph.D. thesis on X-ray scattering from proteins while at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and then concluded his training with an NIH post-doctoral fellowship in biophysics at Stanford University (Grant FO2 GM37600). After several years on the tenure-track physics faculty at Michigan, he changed professions and graduated from the University of Michigan Medical School. He became Board Certified in Radiology after a residency at USC, where he was also awarded an American Cancer Society Junior Faculty Clinical Fellowship (#568). He next directed the residency training program at Loma Linda University, where he treated cancers with the proton beam. After 40 years now, he still treats cancer patients in radiation oncology—the only specialty in which knowledge of external anatomy is critical for precise targeting of cancers via modern imaging techniques. In this specialty, he is often required to read many X-rays every day. However, he is not board certified in the detection of forged X-rays—because no such specialty exists. He has visited the National Archives (specifically to view the JFK artifacts) on nine separate days. Like Michael Chesser, MD, he has now been banned from the National Archives (although not for misbehavior).

    —————————————————

    NOTE: G identifies Gagné in the following discussion. My replies are identified by DM. The page numbers (in parentheses) refer to the Kindle edition (but these numbers may not be stable over time and usage).

    G: “The logical principle of Ockhams’ razor” will serve as G’s guide. (xvii)

    DM: On the contrary, it is not always possible to know which one of several conflicting theories is correct—or even which one is the simplest. For example, at the turn of the twentieth century, the ether was the simplest explanation. Does G therefore now believe in the ether?

    Furthermore, there is no empirical evidence that the world is simple. For example, who would describe quantum theory as simpler than classical mechanics? So, does G truly not accept quantum mechanics (which I have studied over many semesters)?

    The fundamental mistake that G makes is to assume that we can transpose a philosophico-scientific principle to the complex JFK case. In fact, he uses this pretext to gloss over (a la Michael Shermer) multifaceted, but crucial medical and scientific data, thus falling prey to confirmation bias. Also, recall that G has forthrightly admitted that he has no special expertise in the required areas for this case. Inevitably then, he alights on an improbable knife edge, where, like Humpty Dumpty, he often falls off and crashes. Moreover, he has not even read my peer-reviewed articles; even worse though, he—quite paradoxically—touts peer-reviewed articles as reliable treasure troves, but he never explains why he has excluded mine from his reading list.

    Occam’s (or Ockhams’) razor can be useful in specific settings. For example, doctors use a version of it—“when you hear hoofbeats, think horses, not zebras”—to ensure they go for the simplest diagnosis to explain their patient’s symptoms.[5]

    G: “…my acceptance of certain conspiracy theories had less to do with the strength of the evidence and more to do with my emotional and existential needs for an inspiring story that gave my life meaning.” (xvii)

    DM: My career, my family, and my hobbies provided complete fulfillment before I encountered the JFK case. I did not need this case for any self-realization. Besides, I was then already over 50 years of age.

    G: We should “be ready to follow sound logic and clear evidence wherever these lead…and engage in meaningful and respectful exchanges.” (xviii)

    DM: Contrary to his claim, G never cites the most powerful scientific evidence in this case—the optical density data[6] taken directly from the extant autopsy X-rays at the National Archives. And he has never tried to exchange any ideas with me—even though my e-mail address appears in my online (peer-reviewed) articles.

    G: “We must be ready to tolerate uncertainty…” (xviii)

    DM: On the other hand, G is never uncertain about the lone gunman! He implies that every single piece of evidence supports it.

    G: “I have made every effort to avoid resorting to personal attacks.” (xxii)

    DM: Here are quotes from G—do these seem like personal attacks?

    “While we could surmise that Mantik, Aguilar, and Fetzer have simply been short-sighted, a final example suggests that they were purposefully duplicitous.” (367)

    And then try this one:

    “…Mantik is seeing monsters in his bedroom closet.” (372)

    Or this one:

    “…Mantik indulges in a five-page flight of fancy of photographic ‘what-ifs’…” (383)

    G: “…conspiracists rarely submit their convictions to the scrutiny of formal logical analysis…careful critical thinking threatens to undermine the fragility of their untested theories, which can, in turn, trigger a personal crisis of faith…” (6)

    DM: Just so, but G has not submitted his own convictions to the three alarming signs of X-ray alteration.[7] In fact, he totally avoids all three, even though the meaning of the T-shaped inscription (see the images at the end of this review) is purely a matter of common sense—the argument was instantly anticipated by my 15-year-old son (a non-radiologist) when I began to describe the evidence. And insofar as the lone gunman is concerned, if that baseless theory were proven to be true, my world view would be radically improved—and I would certainly not have a crisis of faith.

    G: He cites “Richard Hofstadter’s influential 1964 essay, ‘The Paranoid Style in American Politics’…In Hofstadter’s view, conspiracism [that is G’s word—Richard did not use it] is essentially the fruit of economic and political angst, a fear of being dispossessed by suspicious minority groups…” (8)

    DM: Richard Hofstadter’s article[8] was first published in Harper’s Magazine on the first anniversary of the JFK assassination—in November 1964.[9] What are the odds of that?

    Furthermore, and quite contrary to G, no pertinent economic or political angst led me into this JFK case.

    G: “JFK conspiracists are largely left-leaning liberals in their political views.” (8)

    DM: That is not me—at all. I am more accurately described as a classical liberal (a la Adam Smith and John Locke).[10]

    G: “Americans are most likely to believe in CTs when they feel themselves locked out of power…” (10)

    DM: Although I believe in CT scanners, G’s description does not remotely apply to me. I have no interest in power, particularly not in political power. My career bears clear witness to that, although I know colleagues who fit that description quite well.

    G: “British psychologist Patrick Leman similarly argues that conspiracism arises out of a condition called anomie: feelings of general disaffection, rejection, or disempowerment from society” (11).

             DM: I do not recognize myself here—at all.

    G: “Kay identifies seven personality types that are easily seduced…those muddling through a mid-life crisis [I am 81 years old]; failed historians [not me]; mothers with autistic children [probably not me]; cosmic voyagers; cranks; evangelical doomsayers; and radical firebrands.” (12)

    DM: None of my friends would recognize any of my new personas here. Furthermore, I wonder which members of the 9/11 Commission would fit G’s descriptors—after all, they proposed a conspiracy that included 15 Saudis!

    G: “CTs are an example of what happens when people base their convictions on fears, unjustified suppositions, and wishful thinking instead of sound reason and investigation.” (15)

    DM: So, that is what happened to me because I took hundreds of data points (from the extant autopsy X-rays and photographs) during my nine visits to the National Archives?

    G: “Most conspiracists are notorious for insufficiently referencing their sources…I have selected expert academic or journalistic sources whose authors are subject to a rigid editorial process.” (16)

    DM: My forthcoming hardcover book will include over 900 footnotes. Several of my articles have been published in peer-reviewed journals, but G cites none of them. In that case, how did he know that they were not subjected to a “rigid editorial process?”

    G: “Kennedy crumpled sideways onto his wife.” (26)

    DM: On the contrary, the Z-film shows that JFK was initially thrown violently backward. Did G miss the head snap? (As we shall see below— he barely noticed it!)

    G: “[Oswald]…was a former US Marine trained to shoot rifles at long-range targets.” (27)

    DM: Between May 8, 1959, and November 22, 1963, despite diligent efforts by the FBI, no evidence was ever unearthed to show that Oswald fired a weapon during those 1,600+ days (which is even longer than US involvement in WW II).[11] Moreover, Marine Colonel Allison Folsom,[12] testifying before the Warren Commission (WC), characterized Oswald (while he was in the Marines and using a Marine-issued M-1) as “a rather poor shot.”

    Charles de Gaulle survived over 30 assassination attempts,[13] but (according to G) JFK could not survive even one attempt by Lee Harvey Oswald. If you genuinely believe this, you have a lot to explain, especially since JFK was hit by multiple bullets (as everyone agrees) from more difficult shots. Moreover, if G is correct, why did the OAS not hire Oswald to kill de Gaulle instead of squandering its resources over so many failed attempts?[14]

    G: “Some witnesses described a man similar to Oswald standing in the sixth-floor window.” (27)

    DM: Only one witness made such a claim, which he later retracted. Besides, the window was partially closed and only a small portion of the body would have been visible. But G’s approach here is oxymoronic—after all, he claims not to trust eyewitness testimony, so why does he cite a witness at all? The same bizarre paradox soon occurs when he cites witnesses who claimed to see Oswald at the Tippit murder scene. (28) Since when, given his penchant for “critical thinking,” is being inconsistent (about the reliability of witnesses) truly required for critical thinking?

    G: “A 6.5 mm Mannlicher-Carcano rifle was also found stashed between stacks of boxes.” (28) “No evidence of 7.65-millimeter bullets, casings, or fragments [sic] was ever found anywhere in the TSBD or Dealey Plaza.” (283)

    DM: G cites the several policemen who initially described a different weapon. Weitzman described the weapon that he and Boone discovered as “a 7.65 Mauser bolt action, equipped with a 4/18 scope, a thick leather brownish-black sling on it.” (Click here for details) But, of course, G fails to cite the report of my friend, Noel Twyman, who during the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB), discovered a receipt for a 7.65 mm Mauser shell recovered from Dealey Plaza. The shell was found between November 22 and December 2, 1963.[15]

    G: “A handmade paper bag [was] recovered on the sixth floor of the TSBD…” (29)

    DM: Two different paper bags may have existed; furthermore, no photograph was taken at the time of discovery. To salvage his story, G omits most of the relevant evidence. (Click here for details) The FBI had two reports on the paper used for the bag—one stated that the paper was “not identical” with the book depository paper, while the other stated that the paper had the same “observable characteristics.” The astute reader can likely guess which one was prepared last.[16] Of course, we learn none of this from G.

    G: “[The Carcano]…had been purchased the previous spring from a Chicago sports store…” (29)

    DM:

    1. The WC was never able to prove that Oswald received the weapon through the post office.

    2. The bank deposit slip read February 15, 1963, even though Oswald did not order the weapon until March 1963!

    3. In the book depository, the police found a 40.2-inch carbine with a 4-power scope.

    4. Oswald ordered a 36-inch carbine in March 1963; the 40-inch weapon was not advertised for sale until April 1963.

    5. Klein’s employee, Mitchell Westra stated, “Klein’s would not have mounted scopes on 40-inch Mannlicher-Carcanos.”

    6. Klein’s microfilm records disappeared.

    7. The FBI did not find Oswald’s fingerprints on the money order.

    8. The clip was still inside the weapon when it was found even though it is nearly impossible for an empty clip to remain there.

    9. The serial number was not unique—John Lattimer owned the same weapon with the same serial number. (C 2766)[17]

    G: “The same weapon was used linked to the ammunition used to kill Tippit.” (29)

    DM: This is a remarkably childlike approach to the complexities of the Tippit murder. For a much fuller explication read the 675-page Into the Nightmare (2013) by my fellow Badger, Joe McBride. Sergeant Gerald Hill had told Officer James Poe to mark two shells with his initials, but when Poe examined the shells for the WC, his initials had disappeared! Even G’s bald-faced claim that the shells matched the gun is far from certain,[18] but we can no longer expect G to express even a sliver of doubt when evidence favors his biases. For example, nowhere does he mention the conundrums posed by the multiple wallets in the Tippit scenario. This is critical thinking?

    G: “The evidence against Oswald was strong.” (29)

    DM: The evidence against Oswald was contaminated. Even Dallas Police Chief Jesse Curry became a vocal doubter of the lone gunman theory: “We don’t have any proof that Oswald fired the rifle, and never did. Nobody’s yet been able to put him in that building with a gun in his hand.”

    G: “The entrance wound in the president’s back, for instance, could finally be linked to the wound in his throat (as an exit wound).” (30)

    DM: Three members of the WC—Hale Boggs, Richard Russell, and John Cooper—thought that the single bullet theory (SBT) was improbable.[19] Russell even insisted that his opposition be printed in the report; of course, this was not done. In any case, the SBT is anatomically impossible—see my many discussions of this issue as well as my demonstration of this faux pas on a CT scan.[20]

    In late 1966, Jim Garrison was on a flight with Louisiana Senator Russell Long, who convinced him that the Warren Commission Report was fiction.

    More importantly, the Magic Bullet (of SBT fame) is irrelevant—its provenance has long since been trashed by Tink Thompson and by Dr. Gary Aguilar.[21] Even worse though, two bullets arrived at the FBI lab that night (see my online FFF lecture[22]). Which one of these bullets does G accept? He does not say—so we do not know. Perhaps G does not know either?

    If Oswald had acted alone, why then are his tax returns still being withheld for “national security reasons?” And why did Gerald R. Ford, my fellow Michigan alumnus and near neighbor in Rancho Mirage, tell the former French president (Valery Giscard D’Estaing) in 1976 that “It wasn’t a lone assassin.[23] It was a plot. We knew for sure that it was a plot. But we didn’t find who was behind it.”[24]

    G: “The Dallas DA reached the conclusion that Oswald did murder Kennedy, that he probably did so alone [sic].”

    DM: Dallas District Attorney Henry Wade (6 PM, November 22, 1963): “Preliminary reports indicated more than one person was involved in the shooting.” The legendary Dallas DA ran a conviction machine that was results-oriented (i.e., not truth oriented).[25] Wade obtained 19 convictions that were later overturned. Oswald might well have been #20. So, should we accept Wade as a “critical thinker?”

    G: “The suspect, it turned out, had expressed hatred for the United States on several occasions…” (30)

    DM: Did G fail to read Oswald’s speech (in July 1963) at the Jesuit House of Studies at Spring Hill College near Mobile, Alabama? He does not cite it. In this rather private setting, where he presumably shared his real opinions, Oswald has little good to say about communism or communists, whom he describes as “a pitiful bunch.”[26]> This is more critical thinking by G?

    G: “[The Warren Commission] would paint him as a disgruntled and unstable loner.” (30)

    DM: If so, why then was Paul Bleau able to show that Oswald had either plausible, probable, or definite intelligence links to at least 64 individuals?[27] Does that seem like more than average? And Senator Richard Schweiker (The Village Voice, 1975) stated: “We do know Oswald had intelligence connections. Everywhere you look with him, there are fingerprints of intelligence.”

    G: “…the rifle’s ammunition closely resembled pieces of lead recovered from Connally’s body and bullet fragments found inside the limousine.”

    DM: This is disgraceful. Even I have no idea what G means by “resembled.” If he means that it was visibly similar, then that is meaningless. If he means that it was matched by neutron activation analysis, then he is hopelessly out of date. And he surely cannot mean that lands and grooves matched—because lead fragments would be useless for this. Is this truly the best we can expect from “critical thinking?”

    G: “The Commission also discovered that the ammunition fired at Kennedy…shared a resemblance with a slug found at the site of an unsolved cold case…photographs of Walker’s house were found among Oswald’s possessions…” (36)

    DM: This is the logical fallacy of the a priori argument, which our critical thinker should immediately recognize. Furthermore, “resemblance” is meaningless—unless G ties it to some specific scientific evidence, which he forgets to do. This is merely more of G’s “critical thinking.” In fact, the Walker ballistics evidence is very much in doubt. Walker himself claimed repeatedly that CE-573, the bullet fragment supposedly retrieved from the scene of the shooting, was not the fragment he had held in his hand and examined.[28] Furthermore, how could Oswald miss such an easy stationary target, but then be so precise with much more difficult (and multiple) shots on November 22?[29] (G also does not inform us that the rear license plate on the vehicle in that photograph had been suspiciously cut out!)

    G: The JFK autopsy “was performed by a team of pathologists with insufficient experience with forensic investigations.” (38)

    DM: In a book already jam-packed with myths, this is merely one more. Humes conducted the weekly brain cutting sessions at Bethesda, so he surely knew how to examine a brain. To appreciate the respect in which Humes was held by his pathology colleagues during the HSCA investigation, just read Real Answers (1998) by Gary Cornwell.

    But that point is merely the tip of the iceberg. Humes was not a victim of inexperience. On the contrary, he was an active participant in the cover-up. We recently learned this from Rob Couteau: Perry claimed that one or more of the autopsy doctors warned him (during a telephone call that night) that he would appear before a medical board if he continued to insist on his story (about a throat entry wound). Perry said they threatened to take away his medical license.[30]

    G: “Precedence should be given to physical evidence…” (41)

    DM: If so, why does G totally ignore the optical density data—which may be the most important physical evidence of all? Moreover, this data was confirmed some years ago at the National Archives by Michael Chesser, M.D.[31] But G does not even cite Chesser!

    G: “…the single bullet theory was not accepted unanimously by its [the WC] staffers…” (41)

    DM: (Final Report of the ARRB, 1998, p. 11): “Doubts about the Warren Commission’s findings were not restricted to ordinary Americans. Well before 1978, President Johnson, Robert Kennedy, and four of the seven members of the Warren Commission all articulated, if sometimes off the record, some level of skepticism about the Commission’s findings.”

    G: “As we shall see, the WC’s findings have been scrutinized, verified, and largely accepted by a wide range of historians, forensics, and ballistics experts…” (42)

    DM: I wonder how many of these purported experts have made nine visits to the National Archives to examine the JFK artifacts. And how many of these experts actually examined JFK’s body and brain? After all, this is the only traditional means of ascertaining the cause of death. In particular, photographs are never a satisfactory substitute for the body or for the brain. Finally, how many were trained to detect (illegitimate) photographic or X-ray alterations? I can assure you that there is no such specialty. Even forensic pathologists are typically unaware that, of Rembrandt’s supposed original 600 paintings, only 300 are now considered authentic. Ironically, X-rays have been used to decide this issue. Does G know anything about any of this? If so, he does not say.

    G: “…the CIA later explained that its Mexico City station had simply photographed the wrong man.” (Chapter 2, footnote 43)

    DM: G disingenuously regards this merely as proof of their disorganization, but not as proof of their role as accessories in a coverup

    Even J. Edgar Hoover knew that an imposter had played a role: “We have up here the tape and the photograph of the man who was at the Soviet Embassy using Oswald’s name. That picture and the tape [sent by the CIA] do not correspond to this man’s voice, nor to his appearance.”

    Even Robert G. Blakey concluded that the CIA had lied. (Click here for details) Does G not know this?

    G: “…the name Hidell was that of a former acquaintance in the US Marines.” (Chapter 2, footnote 44)

    DM: Richard Case Nagell had been a US counterintelligence officer from 1955 to 1959. Oswald’s path converged with Nagell’s in Tokyo, where both worked in an operation code namedHidell.” In 1963, Nagell worked with Soviet intelligence in Mexico City. (See chapter 4 in the book by Jim Douglass.) On October 31, 1995, the ARRB mailed Nagell a letter from Washington, DC, seeking access to documents about the JFK conspiracy. The very next day (November 1, 1995) Nagell was found dead in the bathroom of his Los Angeles house. For more about Nagell (and his remarkable parallels with Oswald), see The Man Who Knew Too Much (1992), by Dick Russell (i.e., not Richard Russell, Jr., the WC member). Of course, you will look in vain for a reference to Dick’s book in G’s book.

    G: “However, it remains possible that Tague’s injury had another unexplained cause.” (Chapter 2, footnote 65)

    DM: After G warns us against the speculations of conspiracists, this is an example of critical thinking? Why else would Tague’s cheek have been struck in Dealey Plaza? Just what is our “critical thinker” pondering here to explain a cheek injury?[32]

    G: “A myth is a story made up…that serves to unfold part of the world view of a people.” (50)

    DM: This is a perfect description of the lone gunman potion that has been served up to the public by the power elite, which now includes the media. G has finally hit the nail on the head. The lone gunman has perfect explanatory power for them. And it truly is all about power, just as G has claimed all along.

    G: “Chomsky’s volume responds to claims that Kennedy, had he survived, would have pulled American troops out of Vietnam…” And then G claims, “Kennedy thus completely misunderstood…the plight of the people of South Vietnam…” (59)

    DM: G seems too timid to clarify his own views on this subject so he hides behind Chomsky. However, Harvard historian Fredrik Logevall (of course, he is not cited in G’s book) does not agree with Chomsky’s conclusion—at all. He is the Laurence D. Belfer Professor of International Affairs at the John F. Kennedy School of Government. Read his book, Embers of War: The Fall of an Empire and the Making of America’s Vietnam (1999). On the contrary he believes that Johnson immediately changed course. Has G read this book, or the books by John Newman or David Kaiser or Gordon Goldstein or Jim Blight or Richard Mahoney? Perhaps G really prefers to limit what he reads. After all, he seems irresponsibly ignorant in medicine, in science, and now in history.

    G: “President Johnson and his entourage quietly wondered whether the Russians or Cubans had something to do with all this.” (60)

    DM: LBJ apparently stated: “I never believed that Oswald acted alone…” LBJ added that the government “…had been operating a damned Murder Inc. in the Caribbean.” (Click here for details)

    G: “Two days later, during a memorial service held at Capitol Hill, the Supreme Court judge [oddly not named, but clearly Earl Warren] would again intone that Kennedy had been a ‘believer in the dignity and equality of all human beings…’” (63)

    DM: Since Oswald had not yet been killed, Warren had unethically prejudged the accused assassin.[33] In the American justice system, the accused must be presumed innocent when the trial starts. Judges especially must not proclaim the guilt of the accused in the court of public opinion. So, how did Warren forget this—and then get away with this serious breach of ethics? Did he merely toss his ethical standards into the trash bin? Instead, he publicly seized upon the lone assassin myth while he asserted, “…an apostle of peace has been snatched from our midst by the bullet of an assassin. What moved some misguided wretch to do this horrible deed may never be known to us…”[34] Does this suggest that Warren was open-minded to conspiracy?

    G: “…the vast majority of conspiracist works have undiscriminatingly accepted the ‘saintly’ view of President Kennedy as a great humanist.” (72)

    DM: I did not even vote for him.

    G: “…there is a strong left-liberal or libertarian bias running through much of this literature…” (72)

    DM: None of my friends or family would recognize me as a left liberal.

    G: “Garrison was right to say that Clay Shaw worked for the CIA.” (98)

    DM: Kudos to G for acknowledging that Shaw was a paid CIA informant. In fact, Shaw had worked for the CIA since 1949, first starting as a contract agent—and he had filed 30 reports for the CIA during 1949–1956.[35] In order to facilitate his private life as a gay person, he had used the name Clay Bertrand. However, G does not inform us that, by the end of Shaw’s trial, the jury (perhaps all of them) had come to believe in a JFK conspiracy.[36]

    G: “…Dan Rather produced an ambitious four-part investigation…that vindicated the Warren Report.” (84)

    DM: This was on CBS during June 25–28, 1967. Nonetheless, Rather had also reported that, in the original Z-film (as he viewed it that initial weekend) JFK had gone forward—just the opposite of what we now see in the extant film. Robert Tanenbaum (Deputy Chief Counsel for the HSCA) directly confirmed to me a remarkable 1993 confession by Dan Rather (Jim DiEugenio, Probe, January-February 1999, p.3): “We really blew it on the Kennedy assassination.” Does G know this?

    G: “However, it is rarely acknowledged by most conspiracists that the HSCA’s acoustic evidence …was impeached almost immediately…” (94, 113)

    DM: Then I am indeed a rare bird, since I have never accepted the acoustics case of the HSCA. In fact, over ten years ago, I wrote a 100+ page, extremely critical review of Don Thomas’s book (an update is now at my website). And my new hardcover book will include further devastation of this issue, along with lethal comments from the reigning acoustics expert, Michael O’Dell. My update should bring closure to this hopelessly conjured case. So, in view of this, will G then stop calling me a conspiracist? I shall not hold my breath for his great awakening.

    G: The ARRB “…found no cover-up.” (100)

    DM: However, the ARRB final summary did emphasize that the Secret Service had quite deliberately destroyed pertinent records of JFK’s trips—even after the ARRB had warned them not to do so.

    More importantly though, the board members had no clue about the medical evidence. I wrote a letter to the chairman, John Tunheim, and included about 20 questions to be distributed to each board member. The purpose was to ascertain their level of knowledge about (and interest in) the medical evidence. Although John promised to forward this questionnaire to his colleagues, I never received a reply from anyone. That told me all I needed to know. Douglas Horne (a nonmedical person), who served on the ARRB staff for several years, was also appalled at the medical ignorance (both of the board and its staff—except for lawyer Jeremy Gunn), so we should not be surprised at their misleading summary.

    As Horne tellingly wrote, “I know from personal observation that not one Board member attended one medical witness deposition and I was reliably informed by Jeremy Gunn that not one Board Member read the transcript of any medical deposition during the active lifespan of the ARRB.”[37]

    G: He cites John Costella once. (101)

    DM: Yet John, with his physics PhD and his vast technical knowledge of optics, is the world’s expert on the Z-film. He has clearly demonstrated, via clever mathematical transformations, exactly where (inside the film) and how this film was altered. G is technically unable to address these issues, so he wisely chose to bypass Costella’s stunning work.[38]

    G: He cites “Interview with Former NIPC [sic] Employees: The Zapruder Film in November 1963” in Fetzer (2000). Horne is also the focus of several low-budget online interviews and lectures such as ‘Altered History: Exposing Deceit and Deception in the JFK Assassination Medical Evidence…’” (115)

    DM: G’s typo escaped him—the reference should be to NPIC, the National Photographic and Interpretation Center. And G needlessly tries to impugn Horne’s effort by calling it a “low-budget” offering. This is a strike below the waist. In fact, Horne produced an excellent documentary—which still remains unrefuted. Of course, G says little about it.

    G: “All those who knew him agree that Oswald was a tight-lipped and enigmatic figure who rarely shared his own thoughts, even with those close to him.” (210)

    DM: Prof. Ernst Titovets, MD, PhD, is the author and the only English-speaking friend of Oswald in Minsk. So his book (Oswald: Russian Episode) offers a unique insight into the authentic Oswald. Exceptional in assassination-related literature, Oswald emerges here as a fully human character without the burdens of post-assassination history and conjecture, which often either distort his character or his motivations.[39] I have read this book, but Titovets is not cited in G’s book. Surely G should read this entire book before concluding anything about Oswald, but here again we are assailed by G’s ever-present “critical thinking,” in which in-depth research is quite unnecessary.

    G: “One of the most succinct and comprehensive conspiracist descriptions of what happened…is found in Oliver Stone’s 1991 JFK.” (243)

    DM: I disagree. It would be wiser to consult a real expert—an actual sniper. For example, read Fry The Brain: The Art of Urban Sniping and its Role in Modern Guerrilla Warfare (2008) by John West. Has G read this book? I doubt it—as he does not cite it.

    G: “Shortly after the assassination Lt. J.C. Day…did lift…a palm print belonging to Oswald from the rifle barrel…” (278–279)

    DM: In my acerbic, online critique of John McAdams, I have summarized the (dishonest) use of fingerprints in the courtroom, with special emphasis on its abuse in the Oswald matter.[40] Very recently we have learned even more about junk science in the courtroom: forensic scientists have often overstated the strength of evidence from tire tracks, fingerprints, bullet marks, and bite marks.[41] And John McAdams committed the same fallacy in his book.

    G’s forensic knowledge of fingerprints is gravely delinquent. He has not read my summary here. And he has ignored the statements of experts: “When somebody tells you, ‘I think this is a match or not a match,’ they ought to tell you an estimate of the statistical uncertainty about it”—Constantine Gatsonis, Brown University statistician.

    He has also misinterpreted Carl Day, who took Oswald’s palm print. In 1964, Day refused to sign a written statement confirming his fingerprint findings. (See WC Exhibit 3145, which is the FBI interview of September 9, 1964) When FBI expert, Sebastian Latona, got the weapon from Day, he found no prints of value, no evidence of fingerprint traces, and no evidence of a lift. Furthermore, Day took no photographs of this palm print—either before or after he supposedly lifted it. (Click here for details)

    In 2009, a committee at the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) concluded: “No forensic method has been rigorously shown to have the capacity to consistently, and with a high degree of certainty, demonstrate a connection between evidence and a specific individual or source.” In other words, judges and juries have sent (many) people to prison (and some to their deaths) based on bogus science.[42]

    Also see Pat Speer’s comments here.

    G: “…Kennedy’s throat wound was not visible to the pathologists at Bethesda…” (306)

    DM: This is utterly false, as discussed in detail in my forthcoming book.

    First, Boswell has repeatedly claimed (from early on) that they did know about it.

    Second, we do not even require Boswell’s recollection. The bruising at the right lung apex immediately told Humes that the apex had been struck by a projectile on Elm St—and the only possible cause was a throat shot. He already knew that the back wound was superficial and that it was far too inferior to explain the throat wound (just look closely at the face sheet—it is obvious there). Furthermore, while at the National Archives, I had a model wear JFK’s jacket—the bullet hole was preposterously low. (And yes, I have seen the photograph of the bunched-up collar on Elm St.) Besides, the jacket tells us nothing about the bullet hole in the shirt, which is also ridiculously low (as I observed at the National Archives). Many eyewitnesses have also confirmed this.

    Third—and even worse—we have just learned that Malcolm Perry (who performed the tracheostomy) had immediately (and in private), confirmed his initial conclusion: the throat wound was an entry.[43]

    Fourth, Malcom Perry originally recalled (for the WC) phone calls on November 22. Parkland nurse, Audrey Bell,[44] reported that Perry had told her that he had been kept awake by such calls during the night.

    Fifth, Dr. John Ebersole, the autopsy radiologist, told me (now on a recorded interview at the National Archives) that the first phone call had occurred at 10:30 PM and that a second one followed, still during the autopsy.[45]

    Sixth, Pathologist Dr. Robert Karnei (who would have performed the autopsy on anyone but JFK—and who retired in July 1991 as director of the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology) recalled hearing of such calls before the body left the morgue.

    Seventh, William Manchester, in his 1967 book wrote this: “Commander James J. Humes, Bethesda’s chief of pathology, telephoned Perry in Dallas shortly after midnight…”[46]

    Eighth, the commanding officer of the Bethesda Naval Hospital (Capt. Robert Canada, MD) told Michael Kurtz that “…we were aware from telephone calls to Dallas and from news reports that the president had an entrance wound in the throat…”[47]

    see Part 2


    [1] Shermer is one of Gagné’s (positive) reviewers. The quotation is excerpted from his e-mails to me. The pertinent JFK assassination survey (with Shermer’s quote) is at my website: The Mantik View – Articles and Research on the JFK Assassination by David W. Mantik M.D.,Ph. D.. My website also includes a review of Shermer’s naïve view of the JFK assassination.

    [2] Gagné’s book was published in 2022, but McAdams died on April 15, 2021. John was an associate professor of political science at Marquette University, where he taught courses on American politics, public policy, and voter behavior, but he had no training in science or medicine or in forensics. “How to Think Like John McAdams” is my critique of his book; this critique is at my website. Like McAdams, Gagné offers not a single reference to standard works on logical fallacies. During the ten years after I wrote this devastating critique of his book, McAdams mumbled not a single word in self-defense. And McAdams is surely wrong about Gagné being up to date. For, example, Gagné never cites my e-book, JFK’s Head Wounds (2015), which is far more current than my earlier work (which was mostly based in the 20th century). My current hardcover book (of 600+ pages), Paradoxes of the JFK Assassination (2022), will soon be released on Amazon. It should also be emphasized that none of Gagné’s reviewers are (or were) forensic science experts—nor does he quote any forensic pathologists, although he enjoys alluding to them. On the other hand, Cyril Wecht, MD, JD, who cheers my work (and who accompanied me on my first visit the National Archives), is the past president of both the American Academy of Forensic Sciences and the American College of Legal Medicine.

    [3] My research is most notable for its experimental data, taken directly from the extant JFK autopsy X-rays at the National Archives—it is not especially notable for any theories. In fact, if I were asked what my theories were, I would be momentarily mystified. G seems haplessly disoriented and incapable of distinguishing between experiment and theory—and so he never cites my optical density data. For him it is sufficient merely to pronounce a conclusion, as in a papal-like edict, i.e., if he makes a claim then that is adequate—no proof need be forthcoming. We are plainly off to an unfortunate start, especially for a supposed “critical thinker.”

    [4] Kahneman was the recipient of the Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences for his seminal work in psychology. The quotation appears in Thinking Fast and Slow (2011).

    [5] Exactly so. When my son had anomalous symptoms, his primary care doctor recited the zebra rule. Instead, after my diagnosis of an exceedingly rare, growth hormone secreting pituitary adenoma proved to be correct, I told this excellent physician, “Don’t let a zebra bit you in the rear.” If I had taken Gagné’s advice, my son might have become incurable—instead of being cured by surgery. But now he will soon complete his medical residency and take his board certification examinations.

    [6] Greg Henkelmann, M.D. (physics major and radiation oncologist): “Dr. Mantik’s optical density analysis is the single most important piece of scientific evidence in the JFK assassination. To reject alteration of the JFK skull X-rays is to reject basic physics and radiology.” Unbelievably, the phrase “optical density” appears nowhere in G’s book. Exactly how does a “critical thinker” justify ignoring such hard scientific data? Meanwhile, G accuses me of being selective in citing evidence! (My original optical density article appeared in Assassination Science (1998), edited by James Fetzer, pp. 120ff.)

    [7] https://www.fff.org/freedom-in-motion/video/jfks-head-wounds/

    [8] See A Conspiracy So Dense: Richard Hofstadter’s “Paranoid Style” – Brewminate: A Bold Blend of News and Ideas and also Richard Hofstadter’s Brilliant Essay Misled Us About the Paranoid Style of American Politics | History News Network. Unfortunately, Richard had overlooked the chronic conspiracy theories found in the mainstream, e.g., the recent Russia Collusion Hoax, the Iraqi Weapons of Mass Destruction, as well as those persistently devised by the CIA (such as the so-called Missile Gap during the Kennedy era).

    [9] According to Wikipedia, on November 21, 1964 (sic) Hofstadter delivered the Herbert Spencer Lecture at Oxford University (on this same subject).

    [10] What Is Classical Liberalism? Definition and Examples (thoughtco.com). I am also sympathetic with “the constrained vision,” as described in A Conflict of Visions (2002), by Thomas Sowell; but I also empathize with Miguel de Unamuno y Jugo’s Tragic Sense of Life (1921). But none of this should matter in assessing the JFK assassination evidence.

    [11] As a more current example, Tiger Woods had recently gone 1700+ days without a major tournament win.

    [12] Frazier RA: Testimony of Robert A. Frazier before the Warren Commission: http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/russ/testimony/frazr1.htm).

    [13] How Charles de Gaulle Survived Over Thirty Assassination Attempts (theculturetrip.com)

    [14] By late 1963, there was an international pool of 2,000 to 3,000 highly trained and motivated assassins, ready and willing to make a buck: JFK: The French Connection (2012) by Peter Kross, Kindle, 4820. If G is correct, however, none of them could match the success rate of Lee Harvey Oswald, who worked for free.

    [15] Max Holland Says Enough! (kennedysandking.com)

    [16] Bugliosi supposedly solved this conflict—by claiming that the reports were from different days, thus implying that further work had clarified the situation. Unfortunately for Bugliosi, both reports were created on the same day (November 30, 1963). Pat Speer has even argued (with surprising support) that the bag currently in evidence is not the original one. This issue is further confounded by the fact that the police did not photograph the bag where they say it was found; in fact, it was not photographed at all until November 26, 1963!

    [17] Kennedy and Lincoln (1980), John Lattimer, p. 250: “In 1974 and 1975, my sons and I had conducted a series of experiments with a 6.5 mm Mannlicher-Carcano carbine, model 91-38, serial number C2766…exactly like Oswald’s.”

    [18] FBI agent Cortland Cunningham (not in G’s book) could not match the bullets (taken from Tippit) to Oswald’s supposed handgun (WC Volume 3, p. 465). Did G actually read Cortland’s report here: Cortlandt Cunningham (whokilledjfk.net)?

    [19] Even the initial FBI investigation did not accept the SBT! And JFK’s personal physician did not accept the SBT either: Admiral George Burkley, MD, refused to agree that there had been only one shooter: JFK Revisited Misleads on Dr. Burkley’s Suspicions of a Conspiracy (onthetrailofdelusion.com). Of note, Burkley had been the only physician at both Parkland and at Bethesda, so if he did not inform the pathologists about the throat wound, then he promptly became a culprit in the cover-up. On the other hand, my good friend Dr. Robert Livingston had telephoned Dr. Humes before the autopsy and told him about the throat wound. Surely Dr. Humes was not so senile as to forget this within the next few minutes: Robert B. Livingston (spartacus-educational.com). Dr. Livingston repeated this claim under oath in the lawsuit against JAMA, in which JAMA had defamed Dr. Charles Crenshaw. My professional society (the AMA) rightfully lost that suit: Item 33.pdf (hood.edu).

    [20] Murder in Dealey Plaza (2000), pp. 252ff, edited by James Fetzer. The dispositive CT scan is illustrated in Document 45 of Cover-Up (1998) by Stewart Galanor.

    [21] The Magic Bullet: Even More Magical than We Knew (history-matters.com)

    [22] https://www.fff.org/freedom-in-motion/video/jfks-head-wounds/

    [23] http://jfkfacts.org/president-ford-spoke-jfk-plot-says-former-french-president/.

    I asked Ford to autograph his Oswald book for me, which he promptly did, reminding me (while he signed with his left hand) that he was the last surviving member of the WC. Perhaps I got lucky—he did not seem to recognize me.

    [24] https://www.facebook.com/killjfk/posts/586489194733140

    [25] Wade had obviously forgotten (or more likely had never learned) the Canons of Professional Ethics, Canon 5 (1908): “The primary duty of the lawyer engaged in public prosecution is not to convict, but to see that justice is done.”

    [26] http://22november1963.org.uk/lee-oswald-speech-in-alabama

    [27] https://kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-articles/oswald-s-intelligence-connections-how-richard-schweiker-clashes-with-fake-history.

    [28] For his correspondence, see Justice Department Criminal Division File 62–117290–1473.

    [29] http://22november1963.org.uk/lee-oswald-speech-in-alabama

    [30] Kennedys And King – The Ordeal of Malcolm Perry

    [31] Assassination of JFK – A Review of the JFK Cranial x-Rays and Photographs. Chesser discovered the presence of many tiny metallic particles near JFK’s forehead on the two lateral X-rays—as well as a small hole in the skull at that site, consistent with the passage of a bullet through the forehead. These observations can only lead to one conclusion: JFK was hit in the forehead by a bullet. (Actually, there is much more evidence for this, as I have outlined.) Although Chesser’s online lecture occurred in 2015, G is blissfully unaware of it. Of course, he cannot be allowed to know this, or else his entire case would collapse—and his book would be totally useless, except for lighting a fireplace.

    [32] JFK’s cheek had several (highly suggestive) puncture wounds, which I have discussed, but G seems unaware of these.

    [33] Oswald had been killed only a few hours before Warren’s eulogy, but Earl had likely prepared his address while Lee was still alive.

    [34] Eulogies for President Kennedy | JFK Library

    [35] The French Connection (2012), Kindle p. 239, by Peter Kross.

    [36] Max Holland Says Enough! (kennedysandking.com)

    [37] Inside the Assassination Records Review Board (2009), by Douglas P. Horne, Volume 1, p. 17.

    [38] A Scientist’s Verdict: The Film is a Fabrication – John P. Costella, Ph.D. (assassinationscience.com)

    [39] I have adapted this comment from the Amazon website.

    [40] https://kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-reviews/mcadams-john-jfk-assassination-logic-how-to-think-about-claims-of-conspiracy-1. Regarding fingerprints, for Frontline in 1993, Vincent Scalese (the HSCA fingerprint expert) offered the perfect example of misleading testimony, when he used the word, “definitely”: “…we’re able for the first time to actually say that these are definitely [sic] the fingerprints of Lee Harvey Oswald and that they are on the rifle. There is no doubt about it.” To make matters even worse, John McAdams’s oxymoronically titled book endorses this view even though, given the state of the literature in 2011, he should have known better: JFK Assassination Logic: How to Think about Claims of Conspiracy, p. 161, note 27.

    [41] “Reversing the legacy of junk science in the courtroom,” by Kelly Servick, March 7, 2016:

    http://www.sciencemag.org/news/2016/03/reversing-legacy-junk-science-courtroom.

    Michael Chesser, MD, has just notified me of another human tragedy—due to reliance on junk science: https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2022/apr/28/forensics-bite-mark-junk-science-charles-mccrory-chris-fabricant?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other.

    [42] We have seen this scenario before; for the HSCA, Robert Blakey once declared that neutron activation analysis was the “linchpin” of the ballistic evidence against Oswald. Unfortunately for Blakey, that linchpin is totally fractured, and such evidence is no longer even permitted in the courtroom.

    [43] According to Jim DiEugenio, the pathologists’ knowledge of the throat entry wound (from contemporaneous records) while at the autopsy has just been confirmed by author Rob Couteau: Kennedys And King – The Ordeal of Malcolm Perry

    [44] https://history-matters.com/archive/jfk/arrb/medical_interviews/audio/ARRB_Bell.htm

    [45] My transcript of our conversation is in Murder in Dealey Plaza (2000), edited by James Fetzer, p. 433.

    [46] The Death of a President, Penguin Books (1977), pp. 432 – 433, by William Manchester.

    [47] The Assassination Debates (2006), p. 87, by Michael Kurtz.

  • JFK VS LBJ: The MSM in Overdrive

    JFK VS LBJ: The MSM in Overdrive


    As our readers know, I just did a two-part review of the very poor CNN four-part special about Lyndon Johnson, largely modeled on the work of Joe Califano. As an honest appraisal of Johnson’s presidency, that program was simply unforgiveable, both in regard to Johnson’s domestic and foreign policy. (Click here for details) Concerning the latter, it actually tried to say that Johnson did not decide to go to war in Indochina until after the Tonkin Gulf Resolution had passed. Since LBJ used that resolution as an act of war, most of us would fail to see the logic in that, but that is how desperate CNN and the production company, Bat Bridge Entertainment, were in trying to salvage Johnson’s reversal of Kennedy’s withdrawal plan and decision to enter a disastrous war in Vietnam. That war plunged America into a ten-year-long struggle that resulted in epic tragedy for both Indochina and the USA.

    Mark Updegrove was one of the talking heads on that program, as well as one of its executive producers. Updegrove was the director of the LBJ Library for eight years. He is now the president and CEO of the LBJ Foundation in Austin. He began his career in magazine publishing. He was the publisher of Newsweek and president of Time/Canada. He was that latter magazine’s Los Angeles manager, but he was also VP in sales and operations for Yahoo and VP/ publisher for MTV Magazine. In other words, Updegrove has long been a part of the MSM.

    I could not find any evidence that Mark is a credentialed historian. All I could discover is that he had a Bachelor’s Degree in Economics from the University of Maryland. I don’t think it is improper to question whether or not a man should be running a presidential library if he is neither an historian nor an archivist. The writing of history is a much different discipline than being a publisher or running business operations. At its fundamental base, it means the willingness to spend hours upon hours going through declassified documents, supplementing that with field investigation, and also tracing hard to find witnesses. Then, when that travail is over, measuring the value of what one has found.

    It is not an easy task to write valuable history, especially of the revisionist type that bucks the MSM, for the simple reason that revisionist history that challenges hallowed paradigms is not a good path to career advancement. The much safer path is what the late Stephen Ambrose did. When a friend of his did discover powerful evidence which demanded a revisionist reconstruction about World War II, Ambrose first befriended him and then—measuring the costs to his career—turned on him. That is the kind of behavior that gets you business lunches with people like Tom Hanks. (James DIEugenio, The JFK Assassination: The Evidence Today, pp. 45–48)

    As I reviewed at length and proved with many examples, the aim of the above CNN series was to somehow elevate Johnson’s rather poor performance as president over the space of five years. It was a presidency that was so violent, corrosive, and polarizing that the late Philip Roth wrote a memorable book about its enduring and pernicious impact on the United States. There were many instances that I did not even deal with in my two-part review of that series, for example the overthrow in Brazil and the forcing out of George Papandreou in Greece in 1965. Who can forget Johnson’s rather direct reply to the protestations of the Greek ambassador in the latter case:

    Then listen to me Mr. Ambassador: fuck your Parliament and your Constitution. America is the elephant. They may just get whacked by the elephant’s trunk, whacked good…We pay a lot of good American dollars to the Greeks, Mr. Ambassador. If your Prime Minister gives me talk about Democracy, Parliament, and Constitutions, he, his Parliament, and his Constitution may not last very long. (William Blum, The CIA: A Forgotten History, p. 244)

    As William Blum shows in his book, Johnson was true to his word.

    Because of the above, it is not an easy job to somehow whitewash and then rehabilitate Johnson the man and Johnson the president, especially because LBJ followed President John Kennedy and almost systematically reversed much of his foreign policy, with so many debilitating results. In his film JFK: Destiny Betrayed, Oliver Stone showed those actions in relation to Indochina, Congo, the Middle East, and Indonesia. That film also tried to show how Kennedy was also working on modes of détente with both Cuba and the USSR. These were both abandoned by the new president.

    Apparently Updegrove is well aware of how poorly Johnson does in a comparison with Kennedy. He has now written a book about Kennedy. Because of his longtime relations with Time magazine, he got them to do what is essentially a preview/promo for that book. (See Time online April 26, 2022, story by Olivia Waxman.)

    To see where Updegrove’s book Incomparable Grace: JFK in the Presidency is coming from, one can simply read the italicized intro to his own summary. Waxman writes that since 1963, there have been “myths and misunderstandings” about JFK and the early “gunning down” of the handsome leader caused some of this “continued fascination.” Waxman then lets Updegrove, who is not an historian, take charge with these words:

    History in its most cursory form is a beauty contest and, as we look at John F. Kennedy, he’s a perfect President for the television age, because he shows up so well and speaks so elegantly.

    Who needs to read the book? We have seen this infomercial so many times by the MSM that reading the book is superfluous. Kennedy was the glamour president. He was handsome, exquisitely tailored, a good speaker, and witty. This was what made him an icon in history, but he really did not have any notable achievements behind him. It was all glitz. And then Updegrove begins that part of the MSM formula: the belittlement of JFK, the so called myths and misunderstandings that caused the continued fascination with Kennedy the president. Mark chooses three areas to hone in on for his attack.

    The Missile Crisis

    He begins by saying that the first myth is that “JFK won the Cuban Missile Crisis by staring down the Soviets.” Updegrove then writes that the true cause of the crisis was that the Russians knew they were at a large atomic disadvantage and also that the USA had offensive missiles in Turkey. Therefore, this was not just “recklessness on the part of Nikita Khrushchev,” it “was really more of a calculated risk.” The risk being to get the missiles removed from Turkey. He says the world did not know about the Turkish agreement at the time. I would beg to disagree and you can find my basis for disagreement in the following story from the New York Times in late November of 1962. The agreement about Turkey was out and known in the public at that time. Unlike what Updegrove wants to maintain, most understood what the main terms of the agreement were. But further, to say that was the basis of the agreement is to ignore that the Russians had about ten times as many missiles in Cuba as the USA did in Turkey. (Philip Zelikow and Ernest May, The Kennedy Tapes, p. 60)

    I would, however, also disagree with him on two other more important points. First, JFK’s achievement in the Missile Crisis was not a “stare down”. It was avoiding a nuclear conflagration. Anyone who reads the book The Kennedy Tapes will understand that JFK took the least provocative and least risky alternative that was offered him: the blockade. Many others in the meetings recommended bombing the missile silos or an outright invasion of Cuba. Both Kennedys were asking about the former: Would that not create a lot of casualties? (May and Zelikow, p. 66) Kennedy became rather disenchanted with that option.

    What Kennedy did was opt for the blockade, which also gave the Kremlin time to think about what they were doing. This neutralized the hawks in both camps. And I should not have to tell Updegrove how angry and upset the Joint Chiefs were with that choice. General Curtis LeMay accused Kennedy of appeasement and compared what he was doing to what Neville Chamberlain did at Munich with the Nazis. (James DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition, p. 57)

    But what is important here in regard to Updegrove is that in reading the transcripts, Johnson was siding with the hawks. At a meeting on October 27, 1962—towards the end of the crisis when Kennedy was trying to corral the confidence of his advisors for an agreement—Johnson was not on board. He said, “My impression is that we’re having to retreat. We’re backing down.” He then said we made Turkey insecure, and also Berlin:

    People feel it. They don’t know why they feel it and how. But they feel it. We got a blockade and we’re doing this and that and the Soviet ships are coming through. (May and Zelikow p. 587)

    He then said something even more provocative in referring to a U2 plane shot down by Cuba, “The Soviets shot down one plane and the Americans gave up Turkey. Then they shoot down another and the Americans give up Berlin.” (Ibid, p. 592) He then got more belligerent. He said that, in light of this, what Khrushchev was doing was dismantling the foreign policy of the United States for the last 15 years, in order to get the missiles out of Cuba. He topped off that comment by characterizing Kennedy’s attitude toward that dismantlement like this: “We’re glad and we appreciate it and we want to discuss it with you.” (ibid, p. 597) It’s reading things like that which makes us all grateful Kennedy was president at that time.

    This is what Kennedy’s achievement really was, not taking this crackpot hawkish advice and instead working toward a peaceful solution that would satisfy everyone. And with this on the table, we can now fully understand Updegrove’s next point.

    The Vietnam War

    Updegrove says it was a myth that Kennedy would have pulled out of Vietnam. In his article, he ignores the fact that Kennedy had already given the order to begin that withdrawal with NSAM 263. He then pens a real howler: Kennedy did not tell any of his military advisors about his intent to withdraw. I could barely contain myself when I read that, but this is how desperate one gets when trying to argue this point, which has been proven through the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) beyond any reasonable doubt.

    Most people would consider Robert McNamara a military advisor; after all he was the Secretary of Defense running the Pentagon. Roswell GIlpatric was McNamara’s deputy. In an oral history, he said McNamara told him that Kennedy had given him instructions to start winding down American involvement in Vietnam. (James Blight, Virtual JFK, p. 371) McNamara then conveyed this instruction to General Harkins, another military man, at a conference in Saigon in 1962. McNamara told Harkins to begin to form a plan to turn full responsibility for the conflict over to South Vietnam. (James Douglass, JFK and the Unspeakable, p. 120) In May of 1963, Harkins and all departments in Vietnam—military, CIA, State—submitted those withdrawal plans to McNamara. I showed the documents of this conference on a Fox special last year. I said, as anyone can see, everyone there knew Kennedy was withdrawing and there was no serious dissent, since they knew it was the path the president had chosen. (See the program JFK: The Conspiracy Continues) These documents were declassified by the ARRB in late 1997, so they have been out there for well over 20 years.

    But further, the Board also declassified the discussions Kennedy had with his advisors in October of 1963, when the withdrawal plan was being implemented. At that time, Kennedy and McNamara overruled all objections to the withdrawal by people like National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy and Joint Chiefs Chairman Max Taylor. Again, Taylor was another military man. (John Newman, JFK and Vietnam, 2017 edition, pp. 410–11). Finally, when McNamara was leaving the Pentagon, he did a debrief interview. There, he said that he and Kennedy had agreed that America could help, supply, and advise Saigon in the war effort, but America could not fight the war for them. Therefore, once that advisement was completed, America was leaving; and it did not matter if Saigon was winning or losing: we were getting out. (Vietnam: The Early Decisions, edited by Lloyd C. Gardner and Ted Gittinger, p. 166)

    Johnson is a liability for Updegrove here also. He knew all of this. And he objected to it. In a February 1964 discussion with McNamara, he bares his objection to Kennedy’s plan for withdrawal. He says he sat there silent thinking, what the heck is McNamara doing withdrawing from a war he is losing. (Blight, p. 310)

    I really do not see how it gets any clearer than that.

    JFK and Civil Rights

    I just did a long review of this issue on Aaron Good’s series American Exception. Updegrove uses the hoary cliché that Kennedy came late to the issue and “he refused to do anything on a proactive basis relating to civil rights.” Both of these are utterly false and, again, LBJ ends up being a liability for Updegrove.

    In 1957, President Eisenhower and Vice-President Nixon sent a mild, nebulous bill to Capitol Hill to create a pretty much toothless Civil Rights Commission. Neither man gave a damn about civil rights. In fact, Eisenhower had advised Earl Warren to vote again the Brown vs Board case. (Click here for details) The reason they did this was because Governor Orville Faubus had just humiliated the president over the crisis at Little Rock, so this was a way of salvaging the president’s image. The other reason was that the GOP wanted to split the Democratic Party between the northern liberals and the southern conservatives, and this was a way to do it.

    In order to minimize that split, Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson watered the bill down even more, to the point that Senator Kennedy did not want to vote for it. Johnson had to lobby him to do so. Finally, JFK relented after his advisors told him it would be better than nothing. Prior to this, for 20 years, LBJ had voted against every civil rights bill ever introduced on the Hill. And he did so on the doctrine of States Rights, echoing John Calhoun. The reason he relented this time was that he knew he could not run for president as a veteran segregationist. This was what had crippled his mentor Richard Russell’s presidential ambitions. Contrary to what Updegrove writes, this is why Kennedy was so eager to get to work on this issue in 1961.

    Kennedy had hired Harris Wofford, attorney for the Civil Rights Commission, as a campaign advisor. After his election, he asked Wofford to prepare a summary of what to do with civil rights once he was inaugurated. Wofford told him that he would not be able to get an omnibus civil rights bill through congress his first year and probably not in his second year either. This was primarily due to the power of the southern filibuster in the Senate, but what he could do was act through executive orders, the courts, and the Justice Department, in order to move the issue. And then that could build momentum for a bill in his third year. (Irving Bernstein, Promises Kept, pp. 44–50)

    Kennedy followed that advice just about to the letter. To say that Kennedy did nothing proactive on civil rights until 1963 is bad even for Updegrove. On his first day in office, Kennedy began to move towards the first law on affirmative action. (Bernstein, pp. 52–53). He signed such an executive order in March of 1961, saying that every department of the government must now enact affirmative action rules. He later extended this to any contracting with the government. In other words, if a company did business with say the State Department, that company also had to follow affirmative action guidelines. This was a huge breakthrough. Since now, for example, textile factories in the south had to hire African Americans to make uniforms for the Navy.

    Bobby Kennedy made a speech at the University of Georgia Law Day in 1961. He said that, unlike Eisenhower, this administration would enforce the Brown vs. Board decision. Therefore, the White House went to work trying to force all higher education facilities in the South to integrate their classes. They did this through restrictions on grants in aid and money for federal research projects. Universities like Clemson and Duke now had to integrate classes.

    Through the court system, Kennedy forced the last two reluctant universities in the South to accept African American applicants. This was James Meredith at Ole Miss in 1962 and Vivian Malone and James Hood at Alabama in 1963. When the Secretary of Education in Louisiana resisted the Brown decision, Bobby Kennedy indicted him. When Virginia tried to circumvent Brown by depriving funds to school districts, the Kennedys decided to build a school district from scratch with private funds. (Click here for details)

    Kennedy strongly believed that voting rights was very important in this struggle. He therefore raised funds to finance voting drives and moved to strike down poll taxes in the south. (Bernstein, pp. 68–69). All of this, and more, was before his landmark speech on civil rights in June of 1963. You can ignore all of this if you just say well Kennedy was not proactive on the issue, but that is not being honest with the reader.

    In my opinion, it is no coincidence that the CNN series was broadcast about a month before Updegrove’s book came out. And the book was accompanied by articles in Time and People and various appearances on cable TV.

    If you did not know by now, that coupling shows we are up against a coordinated campaign, but the other side will not admit that.

  • Michel Gagne: On Not thinking Critically

    Michel Gagne: On Not thinking Critically


    Michel Jacques Gagne teaches at a junior college near Montreal. He has titled his book about the murder of John F. Kennedy Thinking Critically about the Kennedy Assassination. From that title, one would think the author would set forth a rather cool and methodical description of the state of the evidence in the JFK case today.

    That is not what this book is about. Gagne uses the same general pretext that the late Gary Mack used when he became an employee of the Sixth Floor Museum, namely, that he had formerly been a believer in a JFK conspiracy. But suddenly, one fine day, like St. Paul on the way to Damascus, he had a vision. The vision told him to read the Warren Report, which rather weirdly he had not yet done, even though he had been in the JFK field awhile. He then wrote two published pieces, one in 2013 and one in 2017 about the case. (The second one was for Michael Shermer in Skeptic, which tells us a good deal.) In his Author’s Preface, he tells us he has learned three things on his journey:

    1. To follow sound logic and evidence wherever they lead.

    2. Engage in respectful and meaningful exchanges.

    3. Do not speculate too much, if it’s not merited.

    Then there is a small section entitled “A Note on Nomenclature.” The following sentence appears:

    Though sometimes used pejoratively by other authors, this book’s use of the word “conspiracist,” “conspiracy theorist,” and “JFK buff” is based on objective definitions with no derogatory intent. (p. xxii)

    He does not define what those objective definitions are. If Kennedy was killed by a conspiracy, then how can these terms not have a derogatory meaning? If Gagne is going to deny Kennedy was killed by a conspiracy, and he is writing after the completion of the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB), then why should we trust him?

    It turns out, we should not and he reveals why in his introduction on the next page. There he begins the book proper, with an attack on the Warren Commission critics through Oliver Stone’s 1991 film JFK. That film is over three decades old. In the interim between its release and today, over 2 million pages of documents have been declassified by the ARRB. Should that not be the place to start, if one was doing “critical thinking” about the JFK case? For if Oswald acted alone, why did it take 30 years to begin declassifying those 2 million pages? And why, to this day, are about 14,000 of those pages still not open to the public? I could not locate those questions in this nearly 500-page book.

    II

    Very soon, Gagne writes that a conspiracy could not have occurred without being exposed by the proper authorities. (Gagne, p. 5) The FBI and the Warren Commission were the proper authorities. Knowing the kind of inquiry those two bodies ran; how could anyone make such a statement? FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover admitted on more than one occasion that he knew Kennedy was the victim of a conspiracy. (James DiEugenio, The JFK Assassination: The Evidence Today, p. 246) Gagne then breaks his rule #2 as described above with: “As we will see, conspiracists rarely subject their convictions to the scrutiny of formal logical analysis…” When in fact, this process happens all the time in the critical community. (That rule will now be broken literally scores of times by Gagne. Per page count, he uses as much in the way of insult and invective contra the critics as say Vincent Bugliosi did.)

    We then go into Part 1 of the book. This whole opening section is simply a recital of the Warren Report’s evidence against Oswald. Right here I said to myself: “This is Gagne’s idea of thinking critically?” How anyone today could accept every major conclusion and every aspect of the evidentiary record as left by the Commission is kind of shocking. To note one lacuna: In this section, Gagne does not mention Sam Holland, who Josiah Thompson in Last Second in Dallas names as the most important witness to the crime. To note another: Gagne places Oswald on the 6th floor without comment. (Gagne, p. 27) He even notes the three witnesses on the 5th floor who allegedly heard shells hitting the ceiling above them, when, to take just one of them, Harold Norman made no mention of this noise during his first FBI interview on November 26, 1963. And there is no trace of him saying any such thing prior. The story did not materialize until December 2, 1963, apparently under the tutelage of the notorious Secret Service cover up agent Elmer Moore. (DiEugenio, p. 55)

    Concerning what happened after John Kennedy’s autopsy, Gagne implies that the exhibits were given over to the Kennedy family almost immediately. (Gagne, p. 29) As anyone can find out, they were really under the control of the Secret Service until Robert Kennedy had the materials turned over to the National Archives in 1965. A year later, the so-called Deed of Gift was written up. (Click here for details)

    Gagne also states that, after the autopsy, the brain was to be studied the next day, which is not possible. (Gagne, p. 30) A brain must be suffused in a chemical mixture before it is examined. As Review Board analyst Doug Horne states in the documentary film JFK Revisited, using a special technique, the shortest time this could be is 72 hours. But since Gagne is following the official records, the brain exam for Kennedy was on December 6th at the earliest. That date is handwritten on the supplementary autopsy report, while the rest of the report is typed, which suggests it was added after the form was prepared. (DiEugenio, p. 163). Needless to say, Gagne does not go into all the problems with that report or how so many experts today do not believe that Kennedy’s brain photos are genuine. There is a small mountain of evidence that indicates such is the case. Gagne ignores it. (DiEugenio, pp. 160–65)

    Gagne marches on with the official Warren Report record, impervious to the banana peels he is slipping on and how, incrementally, his argument is being dissipated. According to Gagne, Bethesda pathologist Jim Humes did not get into contact with Parkland Hospital until the day after the autopsy. In Oliver Stone’s documentary JFK Revisited, according to a nurse from Parkland, this is not true, but we also now have it right from Dr. Malcolm Perry. Within a few days of the assassination, he told reporter Martin Steadman that the autopsy doctors had called him that night and tried to get him to change his story about an anterior neck wound, indicating a shot from the front. They even threatened him with professional disciplinary hearings if he did not. (Click here for details)

    But Gagne marches on, oblivious to the quicksand under his feet. In the closing act of those three shocking days in Dallas, Gagne has Jack Ruby striding down the Main Street ramp to the Dallas Police HQ parking lot to shoot Oswald. (Gagne, p. 31) Even the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) had severe reservations about that Warren Report scenario. For instance, they found a witness on the police force who had parked his car right across the street from the ramp before the shooting took place. Don Flusche said that Ruby did not come down that ramp. And he knew the man. (DiEugenio, pp. 227–28)

    The HSCA also found out that policeman Patrick Dean likely lied about Ruby being able to come in another way—from behind the building through an alley way. (DiEugenio, pp. 228–29) Gagne does not mention the fact that even the Warren Commission suspected Dean was not credible on more than one point dealing with this key issue. For instance, Commission attorney Burt Griffin wrote a memo in which he stated the following:

    1. Dean was derelict in securing all the doors to the basement.

    2. Griffin had reason to believe Ruby did not come down the ramp.

    3. He suspected Dean was now part of a cover-up and was advising Ruby to say he came down the Main Street ramp, even though he knew he didn’t. (DiEugenio, pp. 228–30)

    I don’t see how it gets much worse than the above. Except perhaps by adding this fact: Dean, who was in charge of security that day, failed his polygraph—even though he wrote his own questions! (DiEugenio, p. 229)

    As the reader can see, Gagne’s chronicling of the crimes of that weekend is just not credible. In fact, what Gagne does is an object lesson in why the Warren Report has fallen into disrepute. And for him to say that his belated reading of that report was his moment of conversion speaks little of, well, his critical thinking ability.

    III

    From here, Gagne jumps to the formation of the Warren Commission. His record is dubious on that score also. How anyone can write about that topic without mentioning Don Gibson’s work is startling. Gibson found the phone calls by Eugene Rostow and Joe Alsop to the White House which literally turned Lyndon Johnson around on this subject. LBJ did not want to form such an extralegal committee. He wanted a Texas based investigation supplemented by the FBI. (The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, pp.3–17) And with Gagne, I could not detect another crucial point: the use LBJ made of mushroom clouds to get people like Earl Warren and Richard Russell to consent to join. Neither wanted to serve.

    Why is this important? Because it’s clear that these atomic ploys had an impact on Warren. The man who ruled in Gideon v. Wainwright that even those under bereft circumstances deserved an attorney, suddenly decided that Lee Oswald was not entitled to a defense. (DiEugenio, pp. 311–12) I did not notice any complaint that Gagne made about this fact; or the leaked stories that the FBI passed to the media to convict Oswald in the press. (DiEugenio, p. 309) What this meant was this: not only was Warren depriving Oswald of a right to counsel, but he was also doing it amid a wave of prejudicial publicity. Apparently, this unfairness means nothing to Gagne.

    If this litany of errors and omissions is not enough to typify Gagne’s wildly skewed book, I would like to turn the reader’s attention to pages 82–84. I have rarely read three pages strewn with as many mistakes. Jim Garrison did not halt his prosecution of Clay Shaw after the trial. (William Davy, Let Justice be Done, pp. 185–87) Garrison did convict someone, namely Dean Andrews, for perjury. (Davy, p.302) The jury at the Shaw trial did think the JFK case was a conspiracy. (Jim Garrison, On the Trail of the Assassins, p. 250) That is why they asked to see the Zapruder film 9 times. The reason LBJ did not run in ‘68 was not due to ill health. As Jules Witcover reveals in his book 85 Days, the reason he abdicated was due to his near defeat by Gene McCarthy in New Hampshire and his upcoming trouncing in Wisconsin. I should add that on page 78 Gagne asserts that David Ferrie was questioned by the Warren Commission. For 59 years, apparently every author on the case missed that.

    Gagne can’t even get the authorship of books correct. Vincent Salandria never wrote a book. (Gagne, p. 77) The anthology False Mystery was assembled, edited, and marketed by John Kelin. (Email communication with Kelin, April 18, 2022) Gagne later writes that Zachary Sklar rewrote Garrison’s On the Trail of the Assassins. (Gagne, p. 98) This was news to Sklar when I told him about it. He said if that would have been the case, he would have gotten a co-writer credit on the cover. He added that Gagne never called him about this point. (Email communication of April 16, 2022)

    In dealing with the Assassination Records Review Board, Gagne is also lacking in rigor. He writes that the Review Board did not unearth any clear proof that the HSCA or the Warren Commission was duped or behaved in bad faith. Please sir.

    The Board unearthed the fact that Gerald Ford altered the final draft of the Warren Report. He moved the wound in JFK’s back up to his neck, which makes a substantial difference for the trajectory of the Magic Bullet. Ford knew that and that is why he changed it. In fact, Ford knew the Commission was a sham. He revealed this to French president Valery Giscard d’Estang. (See the film JFK Revisited) As journalist Jeff Morley found out, the man the CIA brought out of retirement to be their liaison to the HSCA was there under false circumstances. George Joannides was running and funding the Cuban exiles that Oswald was so suspiciously dealing with in the summer of 1963. It was a CIA operation codenamed Amspell, yet the HSCA had an agreement in place that said no CIA agent operating in 1963 would be allowed near the committee. HSCA Chief Counsel Bob Blakey was shocked when he learned the CIA had duped him. (See JFK: Destiny Betrayed) And if Gagne had spoken to Dan Hardway, he would have realized that with Joannides, the CIA now began to give the HSCA redacted documents and taking their good old time in doing so. (Author’s interview with Hardway at the AARC conference in 2014)

    IV

    As the reader can see, Gagne’s book is a veritable trail of folly and error. He can even write that no records from the Review Board contained any proof of any conspiracy. (Gagne, p. 100) It would literally take me several pages to reply to that howler, but just let me name two instances. The ARRB declassified The Lopez Report, the 350-page report on Oswald’s alleged activities in Mexico City, written by Ed Lopez and Dan Hardway. It strongly indicates that there was an impersonator in Mexico City passing himself off as Oswald. In addition to that, both the FBI and CIA lowered Oswald’s profile in September and October, in order to make sure that those weird activities were barely noticed and therefore Oswald was allowed to be on the motorcade route. (John Newman, Oswald and the CIA, pp. 621–30)

    A point that Gagne avoids in his overriding attempt to place Oswald on the 6th floor at the time of the shooting is the corroborating testimony of Victoria Adams, Sandy Styles, and Dorothy Garner. As author Barry Ernest has written, the last was only made possible by the Review Board. The difference between Garner and the other two is that she remained on the fourth floor while Adams and Styles descended. This is about 15–30 seconds after the shooting. Garner also did not see anyone coming down the stairs. Would she not have if Oswald was on the 6th floor? What makes this all the worse is that J. Lee Rankin knew about her testimony, yet neither Styles nor Garner was ever called as a witness before the Commission. (Ernest, The Girl on the Stairs, pp. 214–15) As Gagne must know, if the defense can show the prosecution is concealing exculpatory evidence they can move for a dismissal of charges.

    I don’t even want to write about Chapter 15, which is where Gagne writes about President Kennedy’s autopsy. This might be the worst part of the book. Gagne tries to minimize any evidence of there being missing photos in the autopsy inventory. (Gagne, p. 355) Yet, as Doug Horne elucidates in his five-volume book, this was clearly known and acknowledged in 1966. There was a review of the photos by the Justice Department late in the year. In attendance were Kennedy pathologists Jim Humes and Jay Boswell, autopsy photographer John Stringer, and radiologist John Ebersole. Stringer told the ARRB that the Justice Department lawyer, Carl Belcher, understood that there were photos missing at this time. (Horne, Inside the ARRB, pp. 145–47) Yet, knowing such was the case, the participants lied and said the inventory was complete. But here is the capper, Belcher had his named erased from the final copy. Lawyers call this consciousness of guilt.

    As to why John Kennedy’s autopsy was so poor, Gagne keeps in step with the rest of the book: it was because the Kennedy family rushed the proceedings. (Gagne, p. 353) That excuse has been pretty much riddled by writers like Harold Weisberg and Gary Aguilar. Both Humes and Boswell said this was not the case in testimony before the ARRB. (DiEugenio, p. 139) Humes specifically told a friend that he was ordered not to do a complete autopsy, but that order did not come from Bobby Kennedy. (Ibid) In fact, in his permission slip for the autopsy, RFK left the “restrictions” box unmarked.

    What Gagne is trying to avoid, of course, is the fact that there was an extraordinary amount of Pentagon brass in the room that night and they directly interfered with the autopsy procedure. In fact, under oath at the trial of Clay Shaw, Pierre Finck said that Humes was so constricted that he had to ask, “Who’s in charge here?” (DiEugenio, p. 139) Finck’s testimony further revealed that the brass did not allow the doctors to dissect the path of the back wound through the body. This is why we will never know if that wound transited Kennedy, which is one reason you do autopsies in a gunshot homicide case.

    It’s kind of shocking that Gagne uses John Stringer as a witness to say the autopsy photographs are real and intact. In addition to the above inventory with Belcher, Stinger told the ARRB that he did not take the photos of Kennedy’s brain in the National Archives. He said this under oath, with the pictures in front of him. (DiEugenio, p. 164) Can Gagne really not be aware of this? It was a central part of the documentary JFK Revisited.

    As the reader can see, under analysis, this book is really almost a comedy of errors. I won’t even go into the personal portrait of Kennedy that the author draws. Gagne insinuates that the Kennedys were in on the CIA/Mafia plots to kill Castro. The CIA’s own 1967 Inspector General report admits the Agency never had presidential approval for the plots. (I.G. Report, pp. 132–34) He also writes that Lyndon Johnson believed he was following Kennedy’s policy in Vietnam. (Gagne, p. 186) In JFK Revisited, Oliver Stone plays a tape of Johnson talking to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara. On that tape LBJ says he was aware of Kennedy’s withdrawal plan and disagreed with it.

    Which brings up what is perhaps the reason for the book. Gagne had to have been aware of Oliver Stone’s two documentaries released last year and this year. Those films had a worldwide impact. His strategy seems to be to try and demean the director by attacking the 1991 feature film. Talk about not thinking critically! But beyond that, I could find no reference by Gagne to The Book of the Film, published in 1992. That was a reference work to that movie. It included a profusely annotated script. Talk about loading the deck. These are the techniques Gagne uses to attack critics of the official story.

    In sum, here is a book that might be one of the worst written in the last few years. This review could be much longer, but it would just be repeating the pattern above. Routledge Publishing, the house that released it, should be held responsible for letting such a volume enter the public arena.

  • Cleaning up after My Debate with Buzzanco

    Cleaning up after My Debate with Buzzanco


    As our readers know, I wrote a column not long ago on Noam Chomsky’s appearance on a podcast called Green and Red. Chomsky and the podcast co-host, Bob Buzzanco, were fulminating about how Oliver Stone’s recent media appearances were misleading the left about both President Kennedy and the whole issue of what America’s role was in Vietnam. I replied to both of them. (Click here for that column) When Buzzanco later challenged the people behind JFK Revisited to a debate, I decided to oblige him. I would not do so on his show, since it would help him raise his audience, which I had moral reservations about. I said I would do so on Aaron Good’s American Exception podcast, a neutral site.

    That debate did take place. (Click here for that debate) When Oliver Stone heard it, he immediately called me, as he was excited about the result. The problem with debates, of course, is trying to balance out the positive points you wish to make with the necessity of playing defense, that is negating the charges being made by the other side. Therefore, in addition to doing a follow up show with Aaron on this, I would like to make some comments on that score here.

    First of all, to dispose of the last part of the debate, Buzzanco had said that there was little discovered about Oswald’s intelligence ties since the days of the House Select Committee (HSCA), which is an utterly false statement. John Newman wrote a whole book about this area which, contrary to what Buzzanco tried to imply, was not directly explored by the HSCA. In Oswald and the CIA, Newman discovered that both the CIA and FBI had anti Fair Play for Cuba Committee campaigns ongoing in the summer of 1963, which, of course, Oswald’s activities in New Orleans would seem to fit neatly into both. In addition to missing this, there was no place in those volumes where Oswald’s relationship with either the CIA or FBI was examined in any formal way. It turns out that the work of the HSCA’s Betsy Wolf, who was studying Oswald’s relationship with the CIA, was not declassified into the new millennium. To put it mildly, her work created a new plateau in this field. (Click here for details)

    In the last part of the debate, it is hard to comprehend how someone who likes to pontificate about the impact of JFK’s murder could declare he knows little or nothing about the actual circumstances of his assassination, but like Noam Chomsky, such is the case. Suffice it to say that what happened during Kennedy’s autopsy—both the main one and the supplementary—would appear to indicate just what Chomsky says did not occur: a high-level plot. In the film JFK: Destiny Betrayed, we show that:

    1. The photos of Kennedy’s brain cannot be of Kennedy’s brain, simply not possible.

    2. In all probability, General Curtis LeMay was in attendance that night and tried to disguise how he got there.

    Buzzanco is apparently ignorant of all this, as is Chomsky, which is no surprise really. What they lack in knowledge, they make up for in arrogance and snark.

    Like so many leftist critics of Kennedy, Buzzanco said that somehow I should watch myself in talking about JFK’s civil rights program. This shows that, in addition to swallowing Chomsky, he has bought into the almost incessant and deceptive MSM campaign to bury what Kennedy did on civil rights. I made it a purpose of mine to go back into the record and find out what the truth was about this issue. Why? Because a while back, someone said to me words to the effect: Jim what you did with Kennedy’s foreign policy, you could probably do with all the other aspects of his presidency.

    That turned out to be accurate. After a long four-part analysis, which surveyed literally dozens of books on the subject, I concluded that President Kennedy had done more for civil rights in less than three years than Presidents Roosevelt, Truman, and Eisenhower did in three decades. In fact, it was not even close. Kennedy went to work on the issue the night of his inauguration. He was disappointed that there were no African Americans in the Coast Guard parade that day. He called up Secretary of the Treasury Douglas Dillon and asked him about it. When Dillon said he had no idea why that was, Kennedy told him: Well, find out what the problem is.

    The result of this was two affirmative action orders within a year. The first taking place in March, just two months after his inauguration. That first order dealt with employees in the federal government. There was a second one about purchases by the federal government, that is any contracting, with say the Pentagon or State Department, by a private vendor made that company also responsible for affirmative action guidelines.

    What had happened was this: Kennedy was disappointed with the Civil Rights Commission set up by Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson while he was in the senate. Although Kennedy voted for it, he thought it was toothless. So, he decided to enlist the Commission’s lawyer, Harris Wofford, as a campaign advisor in 1960. After Kennedy was elected, he instructed Wofford to write out a program for civil rights. Wofford specifically wrote that the president should not even think of trying to pass an overall bill in the first or even the second year since it would be stymied by the southern filibuster. Wofford advised Kennedy to try and get some momentum through executive orders, the Justice Department and perhaps the courts.

    And that is what Kennedy did. For example, differing with Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon, Attorney General Robert Kennedy said the administration would support the Brown vs. Board decision. Bobby Kennedy then indicted the Secretary of Education in Louisiana for resisting that ruling. In Prince Edward County Virginia, the state would not support an integrated school system. The Kennedys collected contributions from wealthy donors and William Vanden Huevel actually built a new school system from scratch—superintendent, principal, counselors, teachers, and buildings—so that the local children could register for classes. (Click here for that story)

    I could go on and on, for example funding voting drives, integrating both state and private universities in the south, filing suits against voting rights violations. No previous president went as far on as many fronts than JFK did. It’s not even close. And this was before he submitted his omnibus civil rights bill to congress in February of 1963. (For all the details, click here) As with Indochina, Buzzanco drank the Kool-Aid on this one.

    Buzzanco also said that in my claim that Kennedy was much more reformist than what is made out to be, all I had to back me was Richard Mahoney’s book JFK: Ordeal in Africa, which shows that Buzzanco has not read this site very often. On the concept of President Kennedy’s reformist foreign policy, Robert Rakove’s book, Kennedy, Johnson and the Non-Aligned World is one of the best. That was published in 2013, decades after Mahoney’s 1989 book. On just the area of Africa, there is Philip Muehlenbeck’s fine work, Betting on the Africans. That volume was published in 2012, again decades after Mahoney. Decades prior to Mahoney, there was Roger Hilsman’s book To Move A Nation, which was astute on Kennedy’s foreign policy ideas, particularly about Indonesia. About the 1965 Indonesian upheaval, there is Bradley Simpson’s book Economists with Guns. Simpson says in that 2010 book, as he did for Oliver Stone in JFK: Destiny Betrayed, the epochal overthrow of Sukarno would not have happened if Kennedy had lived. Greg Poulgrain says the same thing in his book, JFK vs Allen Dulles: Battleground Indonesia, which was published in 2020.

    As far as Indochina goes, it is just as bad for Buzzanco. Since the film JFK came out, there have been books by Howard Jones, David Kaiser, James Blight, and Gordon Goldstein which all agree with the views of that film: that Kennedy was withdrawing from Vietnam at the time of his death. There is also John Newman’s second edition of his milestone work JFK and VIetnam. In my view, that version is even better than the 1992 edition. There is also Richard Parker’s biographical work on John K. Galbraith. Galbraith was one of the strongest influences advising Kennedy on this issue, and the president took his advice to begin his withdrawal plan. (Click here for details)

    Considering all this new scholarship, what is hard to understand is this: Why is Buzzanco still abiding by Noam Chomsky’s badly dated and intellectually shabby 1993 book? Because in the face of over 800 pages of new information declassified by the ARRB, no one else is. Need I add that since Chomsky’s book came out, both Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy (posthumously) published scholarly tomes in which they said the same thing: Kennedy was not going into Vietnam. Just how much evidence, how many witnesses, and how many scholars does one need in this regard?

    Like the late Alexander Cockburn, Buzzanco wants us to think that somehow President Kennedy was involved in the Ramadan Revolution of February 1963. This was the overthrow of the Iraq leader Karim Qasim and his (temporary) replacement by the Baath party. Since I found Cockburn about as convincing as Chomsky on the issue of Kennedy’s foreign policy, I did some research on this. I read three works on the issue—one book and two Ph. D. dissertations—and none of them agreed with either Cockburn or later the work of Vincent Bevins on this score. All three writers stated that, unlike Eisenhower, the Kennedy administration was not all that interested in Qasim. For instance, the interagency committee Eisenhower had on Iraq was more or less dropped under Kennedy. And by late 1961, Qasim had turned on the communists, so there was no Cold War motive to dethroning him.

    Where Qasim got into trouble was with the British and the Kurds. The former was over an oil rights dispute, the latter was over a territorial rebellion in the north. After the Kurds inflicted some defeats on the army, the Baath Party infiltrated the military and negotiated with the Kurds. And that is what set the stage for the overthrow in February of 1963. There is no credible evidence that the CIA or State Department commandeered the plot. (Peter Hahn, Missions Accomplished? p. 48) And unlike what Cockburn tried to imply, Saddam Hussein was not even in the country at that time. (For a longer treatment click here and scroll to part 6)

    Buzzanco also brought up the overthrow in Brazil. It is true that Kennedy was worried about Brazil, but this is due to the horrible advice he was getting from Lincoln Gordon, who he should never have approved as ambassador. But it’s also true that he sent Bobby Kennedy to Brazil to advise Joao Goulart to moderate his government to avoid any conflict. Gordon had actually told JFK that Brazil was in danger of becoming a new Red China. (See Merco Press, April 8, 2022) We do not know what Kennedy would have eventually done in Brazil, but it was President Johnson and Warren Commissioner John McCloy who actually arranged for the overthrow in 1964. The Brazilian military was given aid by Vernon Walthers of the CIA. Operation Brother Sam was done hand-in-glove with the Rockefeller interests in Brazil, which is why McCloy was the front man for it. (The Chairman, by Kai Bird, pp. 550–53) I would like to add that, in reference to Latin America, Kennedy did not recognize rightwing takeovers in either Dominican Republic or Honduras. Also, unlike what Buzzanco said, the American embargo of Cuba did not start under Kennedy. Its initial stages began first in 1958, under Eisenhower. Ike extended it in 1960 to include most exports. Kennedy expanded it again in 1962. It’s quite surprising that a history professor could be inaccurate about something as simple as this.

    My last point would be about the concept of what Rakove called “engagement.” This was his word for how Kennedy approached the concept of neutrality. Kennedy felt that if a country wanted to remain neutral in the Cold War, that was their decision. We could still send them aid and, in fact, we should send them as much as possible in order to keep them away from the communists. As Rakove notes, this was a large jump from John Foster Dulles, who did not want to deal with the concept of neutrality at all. With him, there was no neutral ground in the Cold War: you were either for the USA or against the USA. (See Rakove, pp. 6–11). A good example of this would be Kennedy’s attitude toward Nasser in Egypt versus Foster Dulles’ and, later, Johnson’s stance toward the charismatic pan-Arab leader. Any history scholar should be able to discern this wide difference. Nasser certainly did, as did most of the leaders in Africa. (Muehlenbeck, pp 227–228) For Buzzanco to say I agreed with him on this issue shows a combination of political spin and his lack of knowledge on who Foster Dulles was.

    I would like to append one last point about how leftist ideology clouds the picture of who Kennedy was. Peter Scott wrote an essay for the Gravel Edition of the Pentagon Papers back in 1971. That essay was one of the earliest efforts to detect that Kennedy was withdrawing from Vietnam at the time of his death. The editors of that series were Chomsky and Howard Zinn. They did not want to print that essay, because to them it would indicate that whoever is president makes a difference. I do not know any clearer way of showing that Chomsky’s concept amounts to writing history according to ideology. And to me, that is not writing history. Its polemics.

    John F. Kennedy was not a perfect president. We have never had a perfect president and there never will be one, but the best brief characterization of Kennedy was made by Richard Mahoney. He used Edward Gibbon’s description of the Byzantine general Belisarius as a point of comparison: “His imperfections flowed from the contagion of the times; his virtues were his own.”

  • Doug Horne Replies: On Oswald’s Earnings

    Doug Horne Replies: On Oswald’s Earnings


    Here is what I can tell you. Please read most carefully and do not misquote me or even unintentionally misrepresent any of this information. Be most precise, I implore you.

    On September 18, 1997, I reviewed the payment records from both the TSBD and the USMC to Oswald, within the earnings records of the Social Security Administration. Roy Truly was not on the SSA name list of persons paid by the TSBD during the fourth quarter of 1963 (Oct-Dec 63). (I have no idea who was paying Truly; but clearly, on the day of the assassination, he was still acting as LHO’s supervisor, per his encounter of LHO with cop Marion Baker on the TSBD second floor.)

    The Marine Corps did NOT pay Oswald during the third quarter of 1959 (July 1–Sept 11, 1959). The specialist at the SSA told me that while Lee Harvey Oswald was IN the Marine Corps during the third quarter of 1959 (until September 11th, his discharge date), they definitely did not PAY HIM during the third quarter. I reviewed the printed records of the earnings he received from the USMC for that year—which had been stored on microfilm—and it was ZERO for the third quarter, whereas they did pay him for the first and second quarters of 1959. The ARRB’s contact at SSA said there was “no possibility of a mistake” in their records. I printed all of the microfilm records I reviewed on paper and took them back to the ARRB as assassination records.

    Now, as you know, Blakey wrote the draft JFK Act legislation. In it, he exempted both the autopsy materials (“All Deed of Gift” materials donated to the Archives) and “tax information” from the disclosure requirements of the Act. The IRS actually wanted all tax information on Oswald to be subject to the Act and to be released; Congress, erring on the side of privacy (like Blakey), refused to allow this in the Act. That is most unfortunate, because at this juncture, these detailed records that I reviewed can only be released if Section 6103 of the IRS Code is amended to permit their release.

    The Oswald earnings records I reviewed are covered by RIFs 137-10005-10060 through10089, inclusive. They are redacted unless or until Section 6103 of the IRS code is amended by Congress to permit all “tax information” (which definition includes not only tax returns, but also earnings records) to be released.

    I published a memo about all this on September 23, 1998, and all tax information and earnings records issues I was aware of are discussed therein. Its title was: “Questions Raised by John Armstrong and Carol Hewitt About Lee Harvey Oswald’s Tax and Earnings Records.” In that memo, all specifics about the microfilm records of LHO’s earnings that I reviewed on September 18, 1997, are REDACTED. The redactions cannot be unredacted unless or until Section 6103 of the IRS Code is amended by Congress to allow release of all “tax information” on LHO, Jack Ruby, and others identified by ARRB RIFs. (We looked at “tax information” for others besides LHO and they are all identified by RIFs, and all the details are redacted).

    Now, listen to this: in a Feb 3, 1964, letter to J. Lee Rankin from HEW, the Warren Commission was told that there were NO EARNINGS REPORTED for Oswald for the third quarter of 1959. This was initially withheld from the public for the standard privacy reasons surrounding “tax information,” but in 1965, the confidentiality classification for this information was removed by the USG. (See enclosure 13 to my long memo) That information passed to the Warren Commission in Feb 1964 is in CD 353 (the cover letter) and 353a (the specifics about when he earned money and from whom).

    Thus, when reviewing Oswald’s earnings records from the Marine Corps in September of 1997, I was simply confirming (by viewing the dollars and cents details) what the Warren Commission had been told by HEW in the Feb 3, 1964, letter, and for which the confidentiality had been removed in 1965. This means that in my oral statements in the documentary, I am simply confirming information that the WC learned about in Feb 1964, and which became open information in 1965 when the USG lifted its confidentiality.

    To obtain the unredacted version of my long research memo, and to get the RIFs about Oswald’s earnings opened up, Section 6103 of the IRS Code would have to be amended. I do not today have the paper copies of the earnings records. Only the Archives has those, as identified above by RIF numbers.

    Now, some of Oswald’s “tax information” is already open information, including his 1959 tax return, which shows his total earnings for 1959 to be $996.31 for that year. This would seem to indicate that SOMEONE paid him during the third quarter (because his earnings for quarters 1 and 2 are not that much money), but whichever entity paid him did not pay him very much, at all. SPECULATION: Perhaps it was what would have been his normal USMC salary, IN CASH???

    The Review Board recommended in its Final Report “…that Congress enact legislation exempting Lee Harvey Oswald’s tax return information, Oswald’s employment information obtained by the Social Security Administration, and other tax or IRS related information in the files of the Warren Commission and HSCA from the protection afforded by the Section 6103 of the Internal Revenue Code, and that such legislation direct that these records be released to the public in the JFK Collection.”

    That is all I am willing, or able, to say about this.

    In summary, I simply confirmed in my interview for your documentary that what the Warren Commission was told in Feb 1964—that Oswald had no reported earnings in the third quarter of 1959—was confirmed by me through careful examination of the microfilmed paper earnings records at SSA. For someone to actually view and review those records identified by RIF number above, the IRS Code would have to be amended.

    That is all I can say.

    Doug Horne