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  • The JFK Assassination Dissected by Cyril Wecht and Dawna Kaufmann

    The JFK Assassination Dissected by Cyril Wecht and Dawna Kaufmann


    Alongside Mark Lane, Josiah Thompson, and Jim Garrison, Dr. Cyril Wecht’s face long ago made its way onto my own personal Mount Rushmore of JFK assassination experts. A world-renowned forensic pathologist, lawyer, author, and founder of the Cyril H. Wecht Institute of Forensic Science and Law at Duquesne University in Pittsburgh, his credentials and intellect are not open to question. Perhaps more importantly, his courage and integrity are beyond reproach. In opposition to most of his colleagues in medicine, Dr. Wecht has never been afraid to take a stand against official pronouncements when he knows them to be wrong. As such, he has been one of the most prominent and outspoken critics of the US government’s lone nut solution to the Kennedy assassination for more than fifty years. And never being one to follow the herd, Dr. Wecht has been just as outspoken when his fellow Warren Commission critics have gone off the deep end with their pet theories.

    My own contact with Dr. Wecht has been sadly limited. However, in 2015, after ballistics expert Lucien Haag published a piece titled “Death of the Shooter on the Grassy Knoll” in the pages of the AFTE Journal, I was among a small group of assassination buffs who offered Dr. Wecht and his colleague Dr. Gary Aguilar some ideas on how to respond. In a detailed email, I shared my thoughts on what could be discerned from a comparison of JFK’s post-mortem skull X-rays and the X-ray of a test skull that had been shot with the very rifle and ammunition Lee Harvey Oswald is alleged to have used. A few hours later, Dr. Wecht responded, “Thank you very much for your perceptive comments and observations…I appreciate your keen analysis and incisive critique…Your points will be helpful to us as we prepare our response to these WCR sycophants.” (Private email, Aug 13, 2015) To say the least, I was humbled and delighted by his kind words. I was equally as happy to see a comparison of the same two X-rays appear in Wecht and Aguilar’s published response.

    It perhaps goes without saying, therefore, that I was excited to learn that Dr. Wecht had published―with co-author Dawna Kaufmann―his first full length book on the Kennedy case. And my enthusiasm was stoked by the title of the book, The JFK Assassination Dissected, which appeared to me to suggest that the famous pathologist would be giving readers the benefit of his professional skills by offering an in-depth analysis of the forensic evidence in the case. As it turns out, however, that is not the type of book this is.

    Written as a kind of memoir, The JFK Assassination Dissected functions largely as an overview of the last fifty-eight years from Dr. Wecht’s perspective. The first third or so of the book functions largely as an introduction to the basic facts of the case. And as I read these early chapters, it occurred to me that I have long lamented the lack of a decent introductory book on the case, one that does not offer or promote long-discredited theories or erroneous conclusions. The JFK Assassination Dissected could almost fill that void, but for a few important caveats. Firstly, the book does not cite any of its sources, a must for any scholarly work. Secondly, it contains some important errors of fact, the most baffling of which is the claim, “According to the Warren Commission, as of September 1962, [Lee Harvey] Oswald began receiving a $200 stipend as FBI informant number S172.” And finally, the authors appear to accept some important elements of the official portrait of Oswald, despite how strongly much of it has been contested.

    For example, Wecht and Kaufmann matter-of-factly repeat the Warren Commission’s claim that in the spring of 1963 Oswald attempted to assassinate retired Army Major General Edwin Walker. The authors write of how Oswald allegedly stalked the “ultra-conservative” Walker, “taking photos of the general’s residence.” Then, on April 10, 1963, “…crouched behind a fence at the rear of the house where he could see Walker sitting at his desk. Oswald then fired one shot, at a distance of less than 100 feet away. The bullet hit the wooden frame of the window, and small fragments hit the general’s arm and caused bleeding.” (p. 89)

    The above has long been a favourite story of Warren Commission loyalists, because of what it supposedly says about Oswald. For instance, lone nut zealot Mel Ayton called the Walker incident “the most compelling pre-assassination evidence for Oswald’s propensity to meticulously plan and carry out an act of political assassination, alone and unaided.” (Beyond Reasonable Doubt, p. 149) And yet there have always been profound reasons for questioning Oswald’s participation in the whole affair. To begin with, Oswald never made it onto the Dallas police department’s list of suspects during the several months it investigated the shooting. Furthermore, eyewitness evidence suggested that at least two people were involved. Walter Kirk Coleman, a neighbour of General Walker, told police that he saw two men leaving the scene in two separate cars, one of whom stopped to put something on the back floorboard of his car, while the other climbed into a green or blue Ford and “took off a hurry.” (WC Vol. 24 p. 41) Neither man, according to Coleman, resembled Oswald and, in fact, Oswald did not have a car or even held a driver’s license.

    To be fair to Wecht and Kaufmann, the authors do mention the fact that two men were seen leaving the scene. What they do not divulge, however, is that the bullet that was recovered from Walker’s home was identified at the time as being a 30.06 steel-jacketed round. (Sylvia Meagher, Accessories After the Fact, p. 288 and WC Vol. 24 p. 40) It was not until the Warren Commission began looking into the incident that the bullet suddenly became a 6.5 mm copper-jacket, like the ones fired by Oswald’s rifle. This magical transformation of composition and calibre was a little too rich for Walker. When the retired Army general―who had held the real bullet in his hand on the night it was dug out of his wall―saw the Commission’s bullet on television he immediately started a campaign to have the government “withdraw the substituted bullet.” (Gerald McKnight, Breach of Trust, p. 52) Unsurprisingly, he was ignored.

    Another basic tenet of the official Oswald legend that Wecht and Kaufmann repeat without objection is the claim that the violent-tempered ex-Marine was in the habit of beating his wife, Marina. Yet, as I have written before, there is good reason to suspect that the reality of this issue is more complex than Commission apologists would have us believe. Testimony offered to the Commission suggested that Marina had taken pleasure in tormenting and embarrassing her husband in front of friends and Lee was himself observed covered in scratches inflicted by his wife. (HSCA Vol. 12, p.129) Marina even admitted in her own testimony that she would hit and throw objects at Lee. “I’m not a quiet woman myself,” she confessed. (WC Vol. 5 p. 598) It seems to me that whilst there is little doubt the Oswald marriage was often a violent one, in all likelihood neither party was entirely blameless.

    I was initially confused as to why Wecht and Kaufmann appeared so willing to accept the mainstream view of Oswald, but the answer came in a later chapter of the book which details a lunch Dr. Wecht had with Marina in November 1992. Writing of Marina’s “bravery” and being “in awe” of her ability to “separate fact from conjecture.” (p. 266) It seemed obvious that Dr. Wecht was quite taken by Oswald’s widow as she told him many of the same tales she had been recounting for nearly three decades by that time. It is important to note at this point that claims such as those concerning Oswald’s allegedly violent temper or his attempting to kill General Walker are reliant almost entirely on Marina’s word. In fact, as Mark Lane once noted, “The [Warren Commission’s] case against Lee Harvey Oswald was comprised essentially of evidence from two sources: Dallas police officers and Marina Oswald.” (Lane, Rush to Judgment, p. 307) In other words, in order to buy into the official story, it is essential to rely on Marina.

    It may well be that Dr. Wecht’s instincts are correct and he is right to believe her. On the other hand, Marina has proven, to be kind, a rather unreliable witness. In fact, over the years she has given so many conflicting stories that when the House Select Committee on Assassinations conducted its own ill-fated probe into the assassination in the late 1970s, the staff compiled a report totalling more than thirty pages titled “Marina Oswald Porter’s Statements of a Contradictory Nature.” Shortly after her husband’s own death at the hands of Jack Ruby, Marina told authorities that he had been a good husband who loved to help out with his children and she could think of no acts of violence he had committed. Later, her description changed to one of a selfish, vicious wife-beater who forced himself on her sexually and was, as she told Dr. Wecht, a “lousy father.” (p. 260)

    It might be argued that the evolution of Marina’s story was a result of her overcoming a sense of embarrassment or loyalty to her dead husband. Yet it cannot be ignored that the negative stories about Lee first began to emerge during the two-month period that Marina was held at the Inn of Six Flags in Arlington, Texas, and repeatedly interrogated by the Secret Service and FBI under threat of deportation. (WC Vol. 1 pp. 79; 410) Nor can it be ignored that, as Mark Lane pointed out, “In the course of Marina’s variegated testimony, she became richer.” (Lane, ibid) Indeed, soon after the assassination, she received hundreds of thousands of dollars in public donations and story advances, prompting her to hire a business manager. And the more the money rolled in, the more she painted herself as a helpless victim to a monstrous husband.

    These days, as Wecht and Kaufmann explain, Marina says she believes there was a conspiracy behind the Kennedy assassination, that Oswald was telling the truth when he labelled himself a “patsy,” and that both her and her deceased husband were lied to by the U.S. government. (p. 262) On the other hand, she continues to insist that the horrendous portrait she helped paint of Oswald is an accurate one and has not admitted to telling any lies of her own. Maybe that is because the essential facts of the story she eventually settled on are, despite numerous contradictions, sadly true. Or perhaps Marina is sticking to her guns simply because she has become accustomed to playing the victim. Either way, I do believe the authors would have been better served had they conveyed her account with a little more caution.

    Still, I cannot help but respect Dr. Wecht’s ability to state what he believes to be true regardless of what popular opinion may be. Although most students of the assassination take it as a given that Marina is not to be trusted, Dr. Wecht is, as usual, forging his own path. And it must be said, whatever his personal beliefs, Wecht usually takes care not to go beyond the bounds of the evidence. Thus, it is no surprise to me that he remains open minded on many issues, including the question of precisely what role Oswald played in the assassination.

    II

    Generally speaking, JFK assassination researchers fall into two camps: those who believe Oswald was totally innocent and played no part in the assassination and those who say he acted entirely alone. Dr. Wecht, however, appears to occupy the far less crowded middle ground. In a chapter dealing with Oswald’s arrest and the murder of police officer J.D. Tippit, he refuses to offer an opinion on Oswald’s guilt, writing that “Lee Harvey Oswald was the person arrested. I won’t argue whether he was the person who shot Officer J.D. Tippit.” (p. 53) Although Oswald’s innocence in the Tippit murder is taken for granted by a great number of assassination researchers today, Dr. Wecht’s is a wholly reasonable position. He notes that the official narrative has “many holes” that “might have been patched had Oswald been allowed to offer a defense,” (p. 53) and details several pertinent questions raised by critics. Yet, he does not say that the oft-repeated inconsistencies in the case against Oswald prove his innocence any more than the state’s evidence proves his guilt.

    Another element of the official story that Wecht and Kaufmann repeat without objection is the notion that Ruth Paine was nothing more than a friendly, do-gooding Quaker woman who took Marina in because she “wanted to improve her Russian-language skills” (p. 65) She also helped Oswald get a job at the Texas School Book Depository out of the goodness of her heart, yet such a belief is more than questionable today. In his highly regarded 2008 book JFK and the Unspeakable, author Jim Douglass detailed a number of curious connections between Ruth Paine, her husband Michael, and US intelligence agencies. For example, Michael’s stepfather was Arthur Young, the inventor of the Bell Helicopter and Michael himself worked as an engineer for Bell, a job that carried a security clearance of which he claimed not to know the details. Furthermore, his mother was Ruth Forbes Paine Young who was a lifelong friend of OSS spy Mary Bancroft, the mistress of CIA director Allen Dulles. As Douglass summarized, “By heritage Michael Paine was well connected in the military-industrial complex.” (Douglass, p. 169)

    Ruth Hyde Paine’s own familial connections are equally, if not more, interesting. Douglass points out that right after Ruth helped the Warren Commission to hang the assassination solely on Oswald, her insurance executive father, William Avery Hyde, received a three-year government contract from the Agency for International Development (AID), an organisation whose field offices were, as former Ohio governor and AID director John Gilligan later admitted, “infiltrated from top to bottom with CIA people.” (Ibid, 170) The end-of-tour report William Avery Hyde made of his time in Lima, Peru, may have been addressed to the State Department, but it was passed along to the CIA. As Douglass suggests, it may well be that Hyde used his insurance expertise as a “cover for gathering information on people [in Latin America] the CIA was watching carefully in the ferment of the sixties.” (Ibid)

    If her father’s CIA connections are less than certain, the same cannot be said of Ruth Paine’s younger sister Sylvia Hyde Hoke who, by 1963, was enjoying her eighth year as an employee of the Agency. Yet incredibly enough, five years later when Ruth was questioned in front of a grand jury in New Orleans, she admitted to knowing that her sister had a “government job,” but claimed not to know for which agency she worked. Nonetheless, when the same grand jury questioned Marina Oswald about why she had cut ties with Ruth shortly after the assassination, Marina explained, “I was advised by the Secret Service not to be connected with her.” Why? Because, according to Marina, the Secret Service had told her that Ruth “was sympathising with the CIA…she had friends over there and it would be bad for me if people find out a connection between me and Ruth and CIA.” (Ibid, 173)

    Intriguingly enough, Marina received a similar admonition from her husband’s eldest brother, Robert, who had become immediately suspicious of the Paines after meeting them for the first time at Dallas police headquarters on November 22, 1963. Later that evening, Robert wrote in his diary “I still do not know why or how, but Mr. and Mrs. Paine are somehow involved in this affair.” (WC Vol. 1, p. 346) Shortly thereafter, as he told the Warren Commission, Robert advised Marina to “sever all connections with Mr. and Mrs. Paine…I recommended that she did not talk to Mrs. Paine at all nor answer her letters…” (Ibid, pp. 420–21)

    Robert’s instincts aside, the central question remains: did Ruth and Michael Paine’s intelligence connections have any bearing on their relationship with Lee Harvey Oswald? A definitive answer to that question remains elusive. However, a possible clue can be found in volume 19 of the Warren Commission hearings and exhibits in the form of a report written by Dallas deputy sheriff Buddy Walthers. The report in question describes numerous items that were found in the Paine garage on the day of the assassination. Among them, according to Walthers, was “a set of metal file cabinets that appeared to be the names and activities of Cuban sympathizers.” (WC Vol. 19 p. 520) The obvious question raised by Walthers’ report is just why Ruth and Michael Paine would be in possession of file cabinets filled with the “names and activities of Cuban sympathizers,” if they were not involved in some form of intelligence gathering? Can there be any other explanation? And is it really nothing more than coincidence that Oswald’s main preoccupation appears to have switched from Soviet communism to Castro’s Cuba around the same time he became acquainted with the Paines? Whatever the answers to these questions may be, it remains puzzling to me that almost none of the above appears in The JFK Assassination Dissected and that the authors unhesitatingly portray the Paine/Oswald relationship in much the same manner it was described in the Warren Report.

    On a more positive note, Dr. Wecht remains the vociferous critic of the commission’s single bullet theory that he has always been, describing it unreservedly as “a hoax.” (p. 130) The SBT is, of course, integral to the official story, for without it there simply could not have been a lone gunman. Many of the arguments Dr. Wecht makes against the theory―the impossible trajectory, the near-pristine condition of the bullet etc.―will likely be familiar to even new students of the assassination today. However, there is one point Dr. Wecht has been making for decades that, it seems to me, gets routinely overlooked.

    In October 1966, at the invitation of soon-to-be “cherished friend” Josiah Thompson, Dr. Wecht travelled to New York for his first ever viewing of the complete Zapruder film. Although, as he writes, he had already come to “seriously discount” the SBT by that time, “seeing the Zapruder film underlined its fantasy.” Not only did the film clearly show Governor John Connally react to being shot considerably later than President Kennedy, it also showed that approximately one second after a bullet had supposedly shattered his wrist and severed the radial nerve, Connally “sat there with absolutely no evidence of pain on his face and his hand firmly gripping his hat.” (p. 157) The unlikelihood of such a scenario, of Connally still holding onto his Stetson hat long after the nerves that permit such action have been severed, further underscores the impossibility of the SBT. It also lends credence to the proposition forwarded by Josiah Thompson in his most recent book, Last Second in Dallas, that Connally’s wrist was injured around five seconds after frame 230, at approximately frame 327, when it was in the ideal position to be struck by a large fragment from a bullet that exited the side of Kennedy’s head.

    This type of observation is clearly right in Dr. Wecht’s wheelhouse as a forensic scientist. As previously noted, it is this very expertise that I believe serves as the selling point for his new book. And, to be sure, there is plenty of discussion about the medical evidence to be found in the pages of The JFK Assassination Dissected. For example, the authors describe President Kennedy’s wounds as they were observed at Parkland Hospital and give a detailed account of the procedures performed there in an ill-fated effort to save his life. Later in the book, Dr. Wecht is highly critical of Kennedy’s autopsy doctors and their report. He notes that lead pathologist Dr. James J. Humes was not a board-certified forensic pathologist and “had never performed an autopsy on a gunshot victim before.” (p. 68) Furthermore, quoting the autopsy report’s conclusion that the “projectiles [that struck Kennedy] were fired from a point behind and somewhat above the level of the deceased,” Dr. Wecht argues that “this one sentence is a direct contradiction of the medical evidence and numerous witness statements.” (p. 125) Yet, he does not take the opportunity to expand on this point or to ensure that readers understand the contradiction.

    This highlights precisely why the book fell short of my expectations. Although the authors hint at the many mysteries and contradictions that unfortunately exist in the medical record, Dr. Wecht does not attempt to provide a detailed analysis of the materials or to fully explain what reasonable conclusions can be drawn from them.

    III

    Back in 2016, in the previously mentioned article for the peer reviewed AFTE Journal, Drs. Wecht and Aguilar utilized the Zapruder film and the post-mortem X-rays of JFK’s skull to make the case for a head shot from the grassy knoll. Wecht and Aguilar noted the presence of a trail of bullet fragments in the very top of the skull, explaining that this fragment trail alone “almost completely eliminates the official theory JFK was struck from above and behind with a single bullet that entered his skull low, through the occipital bone…” They further concluded that the explosion of skull, blood, and brain seen in frame 313 of the Zapruder film―and the rearward snap of his head―was most likely the result of a shot, “fired from the right front, striking tangentially near the top right portion of the President’s skull, with a portion of the bullet being deflected upward and to the left rear of the limousine…a second head shot…[fired] from behind circa Z–327 is a tantalising possibility, for it would explain why the President’s head rolled swiftly forward after that frame…”

    Sadly, nothing like the above appears in The JFK Assassination Dissected. The X-rays are not provided, let alone annotated. And the only mention I could find of the fragment trail is found in Dr. Wecht’s account of a conversation with former Justice Department attorney John Orr of which he writes, “We discussed how the snow-flaking pattern seen in the X-rays of Kennedy’s skull suggests an expanding soft or hollow-point bullet that pulverizes its target, rather than a military bullet that is what Oswald was said to have used.” (p. 282) Whilst this observation is undoubtedly correct, it is puzzling to me that this is as much as Dr. Wecht has to say on the subject. There seems to be little logical reason why the analysis and conclusions he co-authored for an obscure forensic journal is not repeated in a book he presumably hopes will reach a much broader audience.

    Furthermore, after finishing the book, I found myself less certain of Dr. Wecht’s opinions on some issues than I was before I picked it up. For example, there has been for some decades considerable debate among both amateur sleuths and genuine medical experts over the authenticity of the autopsy photographs and X-rays. Perhaps the most highly credentialed individual to offer the opinion that these materials have been altered is physicist and radiation oncologist Dr. David Mantik. In 2014, having spent considerable time studying Dr. Mantik’s work, I asked Dr. Wecht for his opinion on it. He responded by saying, “I have no basis to unequivocally contend that JFK’s autopsy photos and X-rays have been tampered with,” adding that, “…Dr. Mantik is an outstanding expert. The observations he has expressed should be thoroughly reviewed and analyzed.” (Private email, January 6, 2014) From this, I took that Dr. Wecht was not sold on the theory but was keeping an open mind. He appeared to confirm this two years later, when he utilized the X-rays for the AFTE Journal without making any suggestion whatsoever that they might be altered. And yet, a couple of passing remarks in The JFK Assassination Dissected appear to suggest that he has long felt otherwise.

    In a high point of the book, Wecht relates a visit to New York with legendary Warren Commission critic Sylvia Meagher. They had a wide-ranging discussion, in which she told Wecht that Oswald was framed and a band of Cuban exiles killed Kennedy. (p. 151) But she also offered her belief that it would not be beyond the government to fabricate autopsy photographs and X-rays to suit the lone nut scenario. “There was no way to prove it at that time because the materials had not yet been released,” Dr. Wecht notes, “but I would reflect back on her comments in years to come and appreciate how prescient they were.” (p. 152) To me at least, these comments tend to indicate a belief that Meagher has since been proven correct.

    The second such suggestion comes from his account of a visit he paid to the set of Oliver Stone’s 1991 movie, JFK. After Stone asked Dr. Wecht to take a look at the parts of the script dealing with the autopsy and medical evidence, he emphasised for the filmmakers that the Parkland doctors saw a gaping hole in the back of Kennedy’s head that does not appear in the autopsy photos. “That suggests,” he told the director, “…that the fatal blow had to come from the front and that the autopsy photos must have been tampered with.” (p. 253) If this does indeed reflect a long-held belief by Dr. Wecht, then it has not, as far as I am aware, been apparent in previous writings and comments. On the other hand, if it is something he has become more convinced of over recent years, it would have been useful to know why. Either way, I wish there had been further discussion of the issue in the book and that he had made his stance crystal clear.

    Other readers may be confused as to Dr. Wecht’s opinion on the nature of JFK’s throat wound. Since virtually the day of the assassination, there has been a common―if, in my opinion, erroneous―belief among researchers that descriptions of the wound given by the emergency room physicians who treated Kennedy at Parkland Hospital prove that it was one of entrance. In discussing the observations of the Parkland doctors, Dr. Wecht writes, “Usually, first impressions of eyewitnesses are the most credible.” He goes on to note that “On three separate occasions” Dr. Malcolm Perry “described the bullet wound in the throat as an ‘entrance wound.’” Furthermore, Wecht explains, Dr. Perry was contacted on the night of the assassination by Secret Service agent Elmer Moore, “who explained that the doctor had to have seen an exit wound in the throat and berated him for holding an opinion that would cause the government trouble…Soon after, he began publicly modifying his observation of the throat wound as being either an entrance or exit wound…’” (p. 127–128)

    From the above, readers might be forgiven for thinking that Dr. Wecht believes Perry’s initial assessment was correct. That, however, does not appear to be the case. Dr. Wecht writes that the doctors at Parkland “did not roll over Kennedy’s body for a full inspection, so they didn’t know about the bullet that entered the back and exited his throat.” (p. 128) And later in the book he suggests without further elaboration that “the bullet that hit Kennedy and missed Connally likely continued to crack the limo’s windshield, leaving a dent on the chrome.” (p. 282) This, it seems to me, is an area that deserved much greater attention. I believe that the majority of readers would have benefited greatly from a detailed discussion in which Dr. Wecht brought his skills to bear and explained the circumstances under which a rifle bullet might leave behind an exit wound that has all the appearances of an entrance. With his decades of experience, Dr. Wecht might finally have put this matter to rest. Or, at the very least, given those who cling to the belief that the throat wound had to have been an entrance reason to reconsider.

    This review has been critical, but I do not want to create the impression that The JFK Assassination Dissected is a poor book or that it is without redeeming qualities. On the contrary, it is an engaging read and there is more than enough information on offer to inspire the casual reader or novice researcher to dig deeper into the assassination. I very much enjoyed the fact that it was presented as something of a memoir and some of my favourite parts of the book were those in which Dr. Wecht gave his recollection of his encounters with other notable figures like Mark Lane, Jim Garrison, and the late Warren Commission lawyer Arlen Specter. An encounter he had with Specter after a debate with the Commission lawyer is another memorable vignette in the book. (p. 143)

    Nonetheless, for me the book could have been much more. Dr. Wecht is, as far as I’m aware, the first career forensic pathologist ever to author, or co-author, a full-length book on the JFK assassination. As such, it would have been something special had he given readers the full benefit of his knowledge and experience and dug deeper into the medical evidence. As it stands, The JFK Assassination Dissected is a mostly worthwhile first or second book for anyone developing an interest in the subject, but has little new or revelatory to offer those of us who have been around for a while.

  • Michel Gagne: On Not thinking Critically

    Michel Gagne: On Not thinking Critically


    Michel Jacques Gagne teaches at a junior college near Montreal. He has titled his book about the murder of John F. Kennedy Thinking Critically about the Kennedy Assassination. From that title, one would think the author would set forth a rather cool and methodical description of the state of the evidence in the JFK case today.

    That is not what this book is about. Gagne uses the same general pretext that the late Gary Mack used when he became an employee of the Sixth Floor Museum, namely, that he had formerly been a believer in a JFK conspiracy. But suddenly, one fine day, like St. Paul on the way to Damascus, he had a vision. The vision told him to read the Warren Report, which rather weirdly he had not yet done, even though he had been in the JFK field awhile. He then wrote two published pieces, one in 2013 and one in 2017 about the case. (The second one was for Michael Shermer in Skeptic, which tells us a good deal.) In his Author’s Preface, he tells us he has learned three things on his journey:

    1. To follow sound logic and evidence wherever they lead.

    2. Engage in respectful and meaningful exchanges.

    3. Do not speculate too much, if it’s not merited.

    Then there is a small section entitled “A Note on Nomenclature.” The following sentence appears:

    Though sometimes used pejoratively by other authors, this book’s use of the word “conspiracist,” “conspiracy theorist,” and “JFK buff” is based on objective definitions with no derogatory intent. (p. xxii)

    He does not define what those objective definitions are. If Kennedy was killed by a conspiracy, then how can these terms not have a derogatory meaning? If Gagne is going to deny Kennedy was killed by a conspiracy, and he is writing after the completion of the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB), then why should we trust him?

    It turns out, we should not and he reveals why in his introduction on the next page. There he begins the book proper, with an attack on the Warren Commission critics through Oliver Stone’s 1991 film JFK. That film is over three decades old. In the interim between its release and today, over 2 million pages of documents have been declassified by the ARRB. Should that not be the place to start, if one was doing “critical thinking” about the JFK case? For if Oswald acted alone, why did it take 30 years to begin declassifying those 2 million pages? And why, to this day, are about 14,000 of those pages still not open to the public? I could not locate those questions in this nearly 500-page book.

    II

    Very soon, Gagne writes that a conspiracy could not have occurred without being exposed by the proper authorities. (Gagne, p. 5) The FBI and the Warren Commission were the proper authorities. Knowing the kind of inquiry those two bodies ran; how could anyone make such a statement? FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover admitted on more than one occasion that he knew Kennedy was the victim of a conspiracy. (James DiEugenio, The JFK Assassination: The Evidence Today, p. 246) Gagne then breaks his rule #2 as described above with: “As we will see, conspiracists rarely subject their convictions to the scrutiny of formal logical analysis…” When in fact, this process happens all the time in the critical community. (That rule will now be broken literally scores of times by Gagne. Per page count, he uses as much in the way of insult and invective contra the critics as say Vincent Bugliosi did.)

    We then go into Part 1 of the book. This whole opening section is simply a recital of the Warren Report’s evidence against Oswald. Right here I said to myself: “This is Gagne’s idea of thinking critically?” How anyone today could accept every major conclusion and every aspect of the evidentiary record as left by the Commission is kind of shocking. To note one lacuna: In this section, Gagne does not mention Sam Holland, who Josiah Thompson in Last Second in Dallas names as the most important witness to the crime. To note another: Gagne places Oswald on the 6th floor without comment. (Gagne, p. 27) He even notes the three witnesses on the 5th floor who allegedly heard shells hitting the ceiling above them, when, to take just one of them, Harold Norman made no mention of this noise during his first FBI interview on November 26, 1963. And there is no trace of him saying any such thing prior. The story did not materialize until December 2, 1963, apparently under the tutelage of the notorious Secret Service cover up agent Elmer Moore. (DiEugenio, p. 55)

    Concerning what happened after John Kennedy’s autopsy, Gagne implies that the exhibits were given over to the Kennedy family almost immediately. (Gagne, p. 29) As anyone can find out, they were really under the control of the Secret Service until Robert Kennedy had the materials turned over to the National Archives in 1965. A year later, the so-called Deed of Gift was written up. (Click here for details)

    Gagne also states that, after the autopsy, the brain was to be studied the next day, which is not possible. (Gagne, p. 30) A brain must be suffused in a chemical mixture before it is examined. As Review Board analyst Doug Horne states in the documentary film JFK Revisited, using a special technique, the shortest time this could be is 72 hours. But since Gagne is following the official records, the brain exam for Kennedy was on December 6th at the earliest. That date is handwritten on the supplementary autopsy report, while the rest of the report is typed, which suggests it was added after the form was prepared. (DiEugenio, p. 163). Needless to say, Gagne does not go into all the problems with that report or how so many experts today do not believe that Kennedy’s brain photos are genuine. There is a small mountain of evidence that indicates such is the case. Gagne ignores it. (DiEugenio, pp. 160–65)

    Gagne marches on with the official Warren Report record, impervious to the banana peels he is slipping on and how, incrementally, his argument is being dissipated. According to Gagne, Bethesda pathologist Jim Humes did not get into contact with Parkland Hospital until the day after the autopsy. In Oliver Stone’s documentary JFK Revisited, according to a nurse from Parkland, this is not true, but we also now have it right from Dr. Malcolm Perry. Within a few days of the assassination, he told reporter Martin Steadman that the autopsy doctors had called him that night and tried to get him to change his story about an anterior neck wound, indicating a shot from the front. They even threatened him with professional disciplinary hearings if he did not. (Click here for details)

    But Gagne marches on, oblivious to the quicksand under his feet. In the closing act of those three shocking days in Dallas, Gagne has Jack Ruby striding down the Main Street ramp to the Dallas Police HQ parking lot to shoot Oswald. (Gagne, p. 31) Even the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) had severe reservations about that Warren Report scenario. For instance, they found a witness on the police force who had parked his car right across the street from the ramp before the shooting took place. Don Flusche said that Ruby did not come down that ramp. And he knew the man. (DiEugenio, pp. 227–28)

    The HSCA also found out that policeman Patrick Dean likely lied about Ruby being able to come in another way—from behind the building through an alley way. (DiEugenio, pp. 228–29) Gagne does not mention the fact that even the Warren Commission suspected Dean was not credible on more than one point dealing with this key issue. For instance, Commission attorney Burt Griffin wrote a memo in which he stated the following:

    1. Dean was derelict in securing all the doors to the basement.

    2. Griffin had reason to believe Ruby did not come down the ramp.

    3. He suspected Dean was now part of a cover-up and was advising Ruby to say he came down the Main Street ramp, even though he knew he didn’t. (DiEugenio, pp. 228–30)

    I don’t see how it gets much worse than the above. Except perhaps by adding this fact: Dean, who was in charge of security that day, failed his polygraph—even though he wrote his own questions! (DiEugenio, p. 229)

    As the reader can see, Gagne’s chronicling of the crimes of that weekend is just not credible. In fact, what Gagne does is an object lesson in why the Warren Report has fallen into disrepute. And for him to say that his belated reading of that report was his moment of conversion speaks little of, well, his critical thinking ability.

    III

    From here, Gagne jumps to the formation of the Warren Commission. His record is dubious on that score also. How anyone can write about that topic without mentioning Don Gibson’s work is startling. Gibson found the phone calls by Eugene Rostow and Joe Alsop to the White House which literally turned Lyndon Johnson around on this subject. LBJ did not want to form such an extralegal committee. He wanted a Texas based investigation supplemented by the FBI. (The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, pp.3–17) And with Gagne, I could not detect another crucial point: the use LBJ made of mushroom clouds to get people like Earl Warren and Richard Russell to consent to join. Neither wanted to serve.

    Why is this important? Because it’s clear that these atomic ploys had an impact on Warren. The man who ruled in Gideon v. Wainwright that even those under bereft circumstances deserved an attorney, suddenly decided that Lee Oswald was not entitled to a defense. (DiEugenio, pp. 311–12) I did not notice any complaint that Gagne made about this fact; or the leaked stories that the FBI passed to the media to convict Oswald in the press. (DiEugenio, p. 309) What this meant was this: not only was Warren depriving Oswald of a right to counsel, but he was also doing it amid a wave of prejudicial publicity. Apparently, this unfairness means nothing to Gagne.

    If this litany of errors and omissions is not enough to typify Gagne’s wildly skewed book, I would like to turn the reader’s attention to pages 82–84. I have rarely read three pages strewn with as many mistakes. Jim Garrison did not halt his prosecution of Clay Shaw after the trial. (William Davy, Let Justice be Done, pp. 185–87) Garrison did convict someone, namely Dean Andrews, for perjury. (Davy, p.302) The jury at the Shaw trial did think the JFK case was a conspiracy. (Jim Garrison, On the Trail of the Assassins, p. 250) That is why they asked to see the Zapruder film 9 times. The reason LBJ did not run in ‘68 was not due to ill health. As Jules Witcover reveals in his book 85 Days, the reason he abdicated was due to his near defeat by Gene McCarthy in New Hampshire and his upcoming trouncing in Wisconsin. I should add that on page 78 Gagne asserts that David Ferrie was questioned by the Warren Commission. For 59 years, apparently every author on the case missed that.

    Gagne can’t even get the authorship of books correct. Vincent Salandria never wrote a book. (Gagne, p. 77) The anthology False Mystery was assembled, edited, and marketed by John Kelin. (Email communication with Kelin, April 18, 2022) Gagne later writes that Zachary Sklar rewrote Garrison’s On the Trail of the Assassins. (Gagne, p. 98) This was news to Sklar when I told him about it. He said if that would have been the case, he would have gotten a co-writer credit on the cover. He added that Gagne never called him about this point. (Email communication of April 16, 2022)

    In dealing with the Assassination Records Review Board, Gagne is also lacking in rigor. He writes that the Review Board did not unearth any clear proof that the HSCA or the Warren Commission was duped or behaved in bad faith. Please sir.

    The Board unearthed the fact that Gerald Ford altered the final draft of the Warren Report. He moved the wound in JFK’s back up to his neck, which makes a substantial difference for the trajectory of the Magic Bullet. Ford knew that and that is why he changed it. In fact, Ford knew the Commission was a sham. He revealed this to French president Valery Giscard d’Estang. (See the film JFK Revisited) As journalist Jeff Morley found out, the man the CIA brought out of retirement to be their liaison to the HSCA was there under false circumstances. George Joannides was running and funding the Cuban exiles that Oswald was so suspiciously dealing with in the summer of 1963. It was a CIA operation codenamed Amspell, yet the HSCA had an agreement in place that said no CIA agent operating in 1963 would be allowed near the committee. HSCA Chief Counsel Bob Blakey was shocked when he learned the CIA had duped him. (See JFK: Destiny Betrayed) And if Gagne had spoken to Dan Hardway, he would have realized that with Joannides, the CIA now began to give the HSCA redacted documents and taking their good old time in doing so. (Author’s interview with Hardway at the AARC conference in 2014)

    IV

    As the reader can see, Gagne’s book is a veritable trail of folly and error. He can even write that no records from the Review Board contained any proof of any conspiracy. (Gagne, p. 100) It would literally take me several pages to reply to that howler, but just let me name two instances. The ARRB declassified The Lopez Report, the 350-page report on Oswald’s alleged activities in Mexico City, written by Ed Lopez and Dan Hardway. It strongly indicates that there was an impersonator in Mexico City passing himself off as Oswald. In addition to that, both the FBI and CIA lowered Oswald’s profile in September and October, in order to make sure that those weird activities were barely noticed and therefore Oswald was allowed to be on the motorcade route. (John Newman, Oswald and the CIA, pp. 621–30)

    A point that Gagne avoids in his overriding attempt to place Oswald on the 6th floor at the time of the shooting is the corroborating testimony of Victoria Adams, Sandy Styles, and Dorothy Garner. As author Barry Ernest has written, the last was only made possible by the Review Board. The difference between Garner and the other two is that she remained on the fourth floor while Adams and Styles descended. This is about 15–30 seconds after the shooting. Garner also did not see anyone coming down the stairs. Would she not have if Oswald was on the 6th floor? What makes this all the worse is that J. Lee Rankin knew about her testimony, yet neither Styles nor Garner was ever called as a witness before the Commission. (Ernest, The Girl on the Stairs, pp. 214–15) As Gagne must know, if the defense can show the prosecution is concealing exculpatory evidence they can move for a dismissal of charges.

    I don’t even want to write about Chapter 15, which is where Gagne writes about President Kennedy’s autopsy. This might be the worst part of the book. Gagne tries to minimize any evidence of there being missing photos in the autopsy inventory. (Gagne, p. 355) Yet, as Doug Horne elucidates in his five-volume book, this was clearly known and acknowledged in 1966. There was a review of the photos by the Justice Department late in the year. In attendance were Kennedy pathologists Jim Humes and Jay Boswell, autopsy photographer John Stringer, and radiologist John Ebersole. Stringer told the ARRB that the Justice Department lawyer, Carl Belcher, understood that there were photos missing at this time. (Horne, Inside the ARRB, pp. 145–47) Yet, knowing such was the case, the participants lied and said the inventory was complete. But here is the capper, Belcher had his named erased from the final copy. Lawyers call this consciousness of guilt.

    As to why John Kennedy’s autopsy was so poor, Gagne keeps in step with the rest of the book: it was because the Kennedy family rushed the proceedings. (Gagne, p. 353) That excuse has been pretty much riddled by writers like Harold Weisberg and Gary Aguilar. Both Humes and Boswell said this was not the case in testimony before the ARRB. (DiEugenio, p. 139) Humes specifically told a friend that he was ordered not to do a complete autopsy, but that order did not come from Bobby Kennedy. (Ibid) In fact, in his permission slip for the autopsy, RFK left the “restrictions” box unmarked.

    What Gagne is trying to avoid, of course, is the fact that there was an extraordinary amount of Pentagon brass in the room that night and they directly interfered with the autopsy procedure. In fact, under oath at the trial of Clay Shaw, Pierre Finck said that Humes was so constricted that he had to ask, “Who’s in charge here?” (DiEugenio, p. 139) Finck’s testimony further revealed that the brass did not allow the doctors to dissect the path of the back wound through the body. This is why we will never know if that wound transited Kennedy, which is one reason you do autopsies in a gunshot homicide case.

    It’s kind of shocking that Gagne uses John Stringer as a witness to say the autopsy photographs are real and intact. In addition to the above inventory with Belcher, Stinger told the ARRB that he did not take the photos of Kennedy’s brain in the National Archives. He said this under oath, with the pictures in front of him. (DiEugenio, p. 164) Can Gagne really not be aware of this? It was a central part of the documentary JFK Revisited.

    As the reader can see, under analysis, this book is really almost a comedy of errors. I won’t even go into the personal portrait of Kennedy that the author draws. Gagne insinuates that the Kennedys were in on the CIA/Mafia plots to kill Castro. The CIA’s own 1967 Inspector General report admits the Agency never had presidential approval for the plots. (I.G. Report, pp. 132–34) He also writes that Lyndon Johnson believed he was following Kennedy’s policy in Vietnam. (Gagne, p. 186) In JFK Revisited, Oliver Stone plays a tape of Johnson talking to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara. On that tape LBJ says he was aware of Kennedy’s withdrawal plan and disagreed with it.

    Which brings up what is perhaps the reason for the book. Gagne had to have been aware of Oliver Stone’s two documentaries released last year and this year. Those films had a worldwide impact. His strategy seems to be to try and demean the director by attacking the 1991 feature film. Talk about not thinking critically! But beyond that, I could find no reference by Gagne to The Book of the Film, published in 1992. That was a reference work to that movie. It included a profusely annotated script. Talk about loading the deck. These are the techniques Gagne uses to attack critics of the official story.

    In sum, here is a book that might be one of the worst written in the last few years. This review could be much longer, but it would just be repeating the pattern above. Routledge Publishing, the house that released it, should be held responsible for letting such a volume enter the public arena.

  • Cleaning up after My Debate with Buzzanco

    Cleaning up after My Debate with Buzzanco


    As our readers know, I wrote a column not long ago on Noam Chomsky’s appearance on a podcast called Green and Red. Chomsky and the podcast co-host, Bob Buzzanco, were fulminating about how Oliver Stone’s recent media appearances were misleading the left about both President Kennedy and the whole issue of what America’s role was in Vietnam. I replied to both of them. (Click here for that column) When Buzzanco later challenged the people behind JFK Revisited to a debate, I decided to oblige him. I would not do so on his show, since it would help him raise his audience, which I had moral reservations about. I said I would do so on Aaron Good’s American Exception podcast, a neutral site.

    That debate did take place. (Click here for that debate) When Oliver Stone heard it, he immediately called me, as he was excited about the result. The problem with debates, of course, is trying to balance out the positive points you wish to make with the necessity of playing defense, that is negating the charges being made by the other side. Therefore, in addition to doing a follow up show with Aaron on this, I would like to make some comments on that score here.

    First of all, to dispose of the last part of the debate, Buzzanco had said that there was little discovered about Oswald’s intelligence ties since the days of the House Select Committee (HSCA), which is an utterly false statement. John Newman wrote a whole book about this area which, contrary to what Buzzanco tried to imply, was not directly explored by the HSCA. In Oswald and the CIA, Newman discovered that both the CIA and FBI had anti Fair Play for Cuba Committee campaigns ongoing in the summer of 1963, which, of course, Oswald’s activities in New Orleans would seem to fit neatly into both. In addition to missing this, there was no place in those volumes where Oswald’s relationship with either the CIA or FBI was examined in any formal way. It turns out that the work of the HSCA’s Betsy Wolf, who was studying Oswald’s relationship with the CIA, was not declassified into the new millennium. To put it mildly, her work created a new plateau in this field. (Click here for details)

    In the last part of the debate, it is hard to comprehend how someone who likes to pontificate about the impact of JFK’s murder could declare he knows little or nothing about the actual circumstances of his assassination, but like Noam Chomsky, such is the case. Suffice it to say that what happened during Kennedy’s autopsy—both the main one and the supplementary—would appear to indicate just what Chomsky says did not occur: a high-level plot. In the film JFK: Destiny Betrayed, we show that:

    1. The photos of Kennedy’s brain cannot be of Kennedy’s brain, simply not possible.

    2. In all probability, General Curtis LeMay was in attendance that night and tried to disguise how he got there.

    Buzzanco is apparently ignorant of all this, as is Chomsky, which is no surprise really. What they lack in knowledge, they make up for in arrogance and snark.

    Like so many leftist critics of Kennedy, Buzzanco said that somehow I should watch myself in talking about JFK’s civil rights program. This shows that, in addition to swallowing Chomsky, he has bought into the almost incessant and deceptive MSM campaign to bury what Kennedy did on civil rights. I made it a purpose of mine to go back into the record and find out what the truth was about this issue. Why? Because a while back, someone said to me words to the effect: Jim what you did with Kennedy’s foreign policy, you could probably do with all the other aspects of his presidency.

    That turned out to be accurate. After a long four-part analysis, which surveyed literally dozens of books on the subject, I concluded that President Kennedy had done more for civil rights in less than three years than Presidents Roosevelt, Truman, and Eisenhower did in three decades. In fact, it was not even close. Kennedy went to work on the issue the night of his inauguration. He was disappointed that there were no African Americans in the Coast Guard parade that day. He called up Secretary of the Treasury Douglas Dillon and asked him about it. When Dillon said he had no idea why that was, Kennedy told him: Well, find out what the problem is.

    The result of this was two affirmative action orders within a year. The first taking place in March, just two months after his inauguration. That first order dealt with employees in the federal government. There was a second one about purchases by the federal government, that is any contracting, with say the Pentagon or State Department, by a private vendor made that company also responsible for affirmative action guidelines.

    What had happened was this: Kennedy was disappointed with the Civil Rights Commission set up by Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson while he was in the senate. Although Kennedy voted for it, he thought it was toothless. So, he decided to enlist the Commission’s lawyer, Harris Wofford, as a campaign advisor in 1960. After Kennedy was elected, he instructed Wofford to write out a program for civil rights. Wofford specifically wrote that the president should not even think of trying to pass an overall bill in the first or even the second year since it would be stymied by the southern filibuster. Wofford advised Kennedy to try and get some momentum through executive orders, the Justice Department and perhaps the courts.

    And that is what Kennedy did. For example, differing with Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon, Attorney General Robert Kennedy said the administration would support the Brown vs. Board decision. Bobby Kennedy then indicted the Secretary of Education in Louisiana for resisting that ruling. In Prince Edward County Virginia, the state would not support an integrated school system. The Kennedys collected contributions from wealthy donors and William Vanden Huevel actually built a new school system from scratch—superintendent, principal, counselors, teachers, and buildings—so that the local children could register for classes. (Click here for that story)

    I could go on and on, for example funding voting drives, integrating both state and private universities in the south, filing suits against voting rights violations. No previous president went as far on as many fronts than JFK did. It’s not even close. And this was before he submitted his omnibus civil rights bill to congress in February of 1963. (For all the details, click here) As with Indochina, Buzzanco drank the Kool-Aid on this one.

    Buzzanco also said that in my claim that Kennedy was much more reformist than what is made out to be, all I had to back me was Richard Mahoney’s book JFK: Ordeal in Africa, which shows that Buzzanco has not read this site very often. On the concept of President Kennedy’s reformist foreign policy, Robert Rakove’s book, Kennedy, Johnson and the Non-Aligned World is one of the best. That was published in 2013, decades after Mahoney’s 1989 book. On just the area of Africa, there is Philip Muehlenbeck’s fine work, Betting on the Africans. That volume was published in 2012, again decades after Mahoney. Decades prior to Mahoney, there was Roger Hilsman’s book To Move A Nation, which was astute on Kennedy’s foreign policy ideas, particularly about Indonesia. About the 1965 Indonesian upheaval, there is Bradley Simpson’s book Economists with Guns. Simpson says in that 2010 book, as he did for Oliver Stone in JFK: Destiny Betrayed, the epochal overthrow of Sukarno would not have happened if Kennedy had lived. Greg Poulgrain says the same thing in his book, JFK vs Allen Dulles: Battleground Indonesia, which was published in 2020.

    As far as Indochina goes, it is just as bad for Buzzanco. Since the film JFK came out, there have been books by Howard Jones, David Kaiser, James Blight, and Gordon Goldstein which all agree with the views of that film: that Kennedy was withdrawing from Vietnam at the time of his death. There is also John Newman’s second edition of his milestone work JFK and VIetnam. In my view, that version is even better than the 1992 edition. There is also Richard Parker’s biographical work on John K. Galbraith. Galbraith was one of the strongest influences advising Kennedy on this issue, and the president took his advice to begin his withdrawal plan. (Click here for details)

    Considering all this new scholarship, what is hard to understand is this: Why is Buzzanco still abiding by Noam Chomsky’s badly dated and intellectually shabby 1993 book? Because in the face of over 800 pages of new information declassified by the ARRB, no one else is. Need I add that since Chomsky’s book came out, both Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy (posthumously) published scholarly tomes in which they said the same thing: Kennedy was not going into Vietnam. Just how much evidence, how many witnesses, and how many scholars does one need in this regard?

    Like the late Alexander Cockburn, Buzzanco wants us to think that somehow President Kennedy was involved in the Ramadan Revolution of February 1963. This was the overthrow of the Iraq leader Karim Qasim and his (temporary) replacement by the Baath party. Since I found Cockburn about as convincing as Chomsky on the issue of Kennedy’s foreign policy, I did some research on this. I read three works on the issue—one book and two Ph. D. dissertations—and none of them agreed with either Cockburn or later the work of Vincent Bevins on this score. All three writers stated that, unlike Eisenhower, the Kennedy administration was not all that interested in Qasim. For instance, the interagency committee Eisenhower had on Iraq was more or less dropped under Kennedy. And by late 1961, Qasim had turned on the communists, so there was no Cold War motive to dethroning him.

    Where Qasim got into trouble was with the British and the Kurds. The former was over an oil rights dispute, the latter was over a territorial rebellion in the north. After the Kurds inflicted some defeats on the army, the Baath Party infiltrated the military and negotiated with the Kurds. And that is what set the stage for the overthrow in February of 1963. There is no credible evidence that the CIA or State Department commandeered the plot. (Peter Hahn, Missions Accomplished? p. 48) And unlike what Cockburn tried to imply, Saddam Hussein was not even in the country at that time. (For a longer treatment click here and scroll to part 6)

    Buzzanco also brought up the overthrow in Brazil. It is true that Kennedy was worried about Brazil, but this is due to the horrible advice he was getting from Lincoln Gordon, who he should never have approved as ambassador. But it’s also true that he sent Bobby Kennedy to Brazil to advise Joao Goulart to moderate his government to avoid any conflict. Gordon had actually told JFK that Brazil was in danger of becoming a new Red China. (See Merco Press, April 8, 2022) We do not know what Kennedy would have eventually done in Brazil, but it was President Johnson and Warren Commissioner John McCloy who actually arranged for the overthrow in 1964. The Brazilian military was given aid by Vernon Walthers of the CIA. Operation Brother Sam was done hand-in-glove with the Rockefeller interests in Brazil, which is why McCloy was the front man for it. (The Chairman, by Kai Bird, pp. 550–53) I would like to add that, in reference to Latin America, Kennedy did not recognize rightwing takeovers in either Dominican Republic or Honduras. Also, unlike what Buzzanco said, the American embargo of Cuba did not start under Kennedy. Its initial stages began first in 1958, under Eisenhower. Ike extended it in 1960 to include most exports. Kennedy expanded it again in 1962. It’s quite surprising that a history professor could be inaccurate about something as simple as this.

    My last point would be about the concept of what Rakove called “engagement.” This was his word for how Kennedy approached the concept of neutrality. Kennedy felt that if a country wanted to remain neutral in the Cold War, that was their decision. We could still send them aid and, in fact, we should send them as much as possible in order to keep them away from the communists. As Rakove notes, this was a large jump from John Foster Dulles, who did not want to deal with the concept of neutrality at all. With him, there was no neutral ground in the Cold War: you were either for the USA or against the USA. (See Rakove, pp. 6–11). A good example of this would be Kennedy’s attitude toward Nasser in Egypt versus Foster Dulles’ and, later, Johnson’s stance toward the charismatic pan-Arab leader. Any history scholar should be able to discern this wide difference. Nasser certainly did, as did most of the leaders in Africa. (Muehlenbeck, pp 227–228) For Buzzanco to say I agreed with him on this issue shows a combination of political spin and his lack of knowledge on who Foster Dulles was.

    I would like to append one last point about how leftist ideology clouds the picture of who Kennedy was. Peter Scott wrote an essay for the Gravel Edition of the Pentagon Papers back in 1971. That essay was one of the earliest efforts to detect that Kennedy was withdrawing from Vietnam at the time of his death. The editors of that series were Chomsky and Howard Zinn. They did not want to print that essay, because to them it would indicate that whoever is president makes a difference. I do not know any clearer way of showing that Chomsky’s concept amounts to writing history according to ideology. And to me, that is not writing history. Its polemics.

    John F. Kennedy was not a perfect president. We have never had a perfect president and there never will be one, but the best brief characterization of Kennedy was made by Richard Mahoney. He used Edward Gibbon’s description of the Byzantine general Belisarius as a point of comparison: “His imperfections flowed from the contagion of the times; his virtues were his own.”

  • CNN’s Apologia for LBJ, Part Two

    CNN’s Apologia for LBJ, Part Two


    see Part 1

    Early on in Joe Califano’s book, he writes the following about LBJ and Vietnam: “He certainly thought he was doing what John Kennedy would have done…” (p. 28). Califano’s book was published in 1991. The best one can say about that statement is that, even for that time, it was ill informed, because even back then, there was evidence that this was not even close to being the case. For example, Ken O’Donnell and Dave Powers had written that Johnson had actually broken with what JFK was doing. As they stated, Kennedy was going to withdraw a thousand advisors before the end of 1963. (The authors here were referring to Kennedy’s NSAM 263 without naming it.) Kennedy then told Defense Secretary Robert McNamara to announce this to the press in October of 1963. (Johnny, We Hardly Knew Ye, p. 17) Based on the paper trail in the Pentagon Papers, Peter Scott also wrote about this withdrawal plan. (Government by Gunplay, edited by Sidney Blumenthal and Harvey Yazijian, pp. 152–187)

    CNN more or less adapts the Califano stance for this all-important issue. Why is it so important? If one is trying to salvage Lyndon Johnson’s presidency, it is imperative to somehow show that his radical escalation of the Vietnam War was really not his idea. There are two underlying reasons for doing this. First, Johnson’s escalation was not one of degree—it was an escalation in kind. LBJ would end up sending 500,000 combat troops into Vietnam. On the day Kennedy was killed, there were none there; only advisors. (The program tries to alchemize this by saying Kennedy had 16,00 troops in theater—utterly wrong.) Secondly, LBJ began Operation Rolling Thunder, the largest air bombing campaign since World War II, over both parts of the country. Even Califano admits that these American strikes extended to targets in and around Hanoi and Haiphong and close to the Chinese border. (Califano, p. 293) Kennedy never did anything like this—let alone to the extent of bomb tonnage that Johnson dropped.

    So what does the film do to relieve this heavy cross on Johnson’s back? To anyone who knows what really happened, it attempts something kind of shocking. Through Andrew Young, the film tries to say that, in December of 1964, it was McNamara, National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy, and Secretary of State Dean Rusk who were trying to convince Johnson to go to war in Vietnam. How on earth the film makers from Bat Bridge Entertainment got Young—usually a smart guy in public—to say this is a mystery worthy of Sherlock Holmes. How they ignored all the evidence declassified by the Assassination Records Review Board which contradicts it, is even more mystifying. Let me explain why.

    II

    Two of the most important pieces of evidence in Oliver Stone’s documentary JFK Revisited: Through the Looking Glass concern the Vietnam War. Back in December of 1997, the Assassination Records Review Board declassified the records of the May 1963, SecDef meeting in Hawaii. These were regular meetings held by Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara on the progress of the war. Representatives of branches of the American government stationed in Saigon, for example CIA, Pentagon, and State, were in attendance. Those May 1963 documents were so direct and powerful that they convinced the New York Times and Philadelphia Inquirer that, at the time of his death, Kennedy was getting out of Vietnam. (Probe Magazine, Vol. 5 No. 3, p. 19) They showed that McNamara had given the order to begin a withdrawal program previously. And at this meeting various parties were submitting these schedules. To which McNamara replied: they were too slow. This supplied powerful corroboration for what O’Donnell, Powers, Scott and John Newman had written about—Newman in the 1992 edition of his breakthrough book JFK and Vietnam.

    The other important piece of evidence in this regard is a taped phone call that President Johnson had with McNamara on February 20, 1964:

    LBJ: I always thought it was foolish for you to make any statements about withdrawing. I thought it was bad psychologically. But you and the president thought otherwise, and I just silently.

    RSN: The problem is—

    LBJ: Then come the questions: how in the hell does McNamara think, when he’s losing a war, he can pull men out of there?

    That tape is played loud and clear in the film, which has been out since November of last year, but Stone could have gone even further in this regard. Because in another phone call on March 2, 1964, Johnson tried to convince McNamara to revise his prior statements about withdrawing from Vietnam. (James Blight, Virtual JFK, p. 310) Further, in a January 1965 phone call, Johnson has learned that some of Kennedy’s hires now felt the new president was trying to shift the blame for the escalation of the war from himself to his dead predecessor, which was quite a logical deduction. (ibid, p. 306)

    After his attempt to turn around McNamara on the war, Johnson set up an interagency committee headed by State Department employee William Sullivan. That committee was to plan the possible expansion of the war. (Eugene Windchy, Tonkin Gulf, p. 309) In six weeks, Sullivan concluded that nothing but direct intervention by America would stop the eventual triumph of the Viet Cong. (Joseph Goulden, Truth is the First Casualty, pp. 77­–88).

    In light of that conclusion, there is a telling point to be made about the choice of Sullivan to lead this committee. In October of 1963, Sullivan was one of the strongest opponents of Kennedy’s withdrawal plan. (John Newman, JFK and Vietnam, Second Edition, p. 410) To put it mildly, Johnson likely knew the result he was going to get from Sullivan.

    Taken as a whole, what this accumulation of evidence shows is not just that Johnson reversed Kennedy’s policy in Vietnam, but he knew he was reversing it and then tried to camouflage that reversal. It also indicates that Johnson’s intent in this regard was established fairly early. The usual point of no return is considered to be the signing of NSAM 288 in March of 1964. That document mapped out a large-scale air war over North Vietnam, which Johnson invited the Joint Chiefs to design for him. (Fredrik Logevall, Choosing War, p. 129) As one commentator wrote about it: “Henceforth the United States would be committed not merely to advising the Saigon government, but to maintaining it.” (ibid) At that time, Max Frankel of the New York Times wrote that the administration had now rejected “all thought of a graceful withdrawal.” (March 21, 1964) As Gordon Goldstein has noted, Johnson was now working hand in glove with the Joint Chiefs on these future plans. (Lessons in Disaster, pp. 108–09)

    This last is another marked difference with Kennedy. As former undersecretary Roger Hilsman wrote to the New York Times, JFK did not want any member of the Joint Chiefs to even visit South Vietnam, so the idea of him inviting them into the Oval Office to plan a massive air war there was simply a non-starter. (Letter of January 20, 1992) In other words, what Kennedy did not do for three years, Johnson did in three months.

    Make no mistake, this was a key step in Johnson’s escalation. It was the document that would supply the working thesis for future air operations Pierce Arrow—retaliation for the alleged Tonkin Gulf incident—and Flaming Dart—retaliation for the Viet Cong attack at Pleiku—and those would evolve into Rolling Thunder. All of this counters Califano’s excuse for escalation in his book: that somehow the Joint Chiefs pressured LBJ into escalating. (Chapter 2, pp. 50ff) This is made possible by Califano not mentioning or describing NSAM 288, or how that process differed from JFK.

    Why do I indicate that LBJ had all but certainly decided on a war against North Vietnam by the spring of 1964? Because one of his objectives was to get the Washington Post in his corner on this decision; so he enlisted their support in advance. In April of 1964, Johnson invited the executives of that paper, plus Kay Graham, the owner, to the White House. In the family dining room, he asked for their support for this planned expansion of the war in Vietnam. (Carol Felsenthal, Power, Privilege, and the Post, p. 234)

    III

    If that is not enough to convince the reader that the program and Andrew Young are wrong about the December 1964 date, how about this: the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution was drafted three months before it was submitted to congress. (Edwin Moise, Tonkin Gulf and the Escalation of the Vietnam War, p. 27) In other words, in May, one month after Johnson told the Washington Post he wanted their support for a future war, he had an attorney sketch a rough draft of a declaration of war in Vietnam. Like the other steps on the way to intervention, I could not find this event mentioned in either CNN’s film or Califano’s book. It would seem to me to be a quite important revelation as to intent. But let us go a step beyond it: What made Johnson rather certain that the war resolution would be used? Because Johnson’s planning even spoke of a “dramatic event” that could occur to cause the White House to go for a congressional resolution. (Moise, p. 30)

    Johnson had approved a covert action plan after Kennedy’s death. General Maxwell Taylor had drawn up designs for fast hit-and-run sea operations against North Vietnam in September of 1963, but that plan was not submitted to McNamara until November 20, 1963. (Newman, p. 385) These attacks were eventually titled OPLAN 34A. Originally, the draft of NSAM 273 limited naval forces to those of the government of South Vietnam. On November 26, 1963, Johnson altered McGeorge Bundy’s draft. When OPLAN 34A was submitted to the White House, it now allowed direct American military attacks against North Vietnam. (Newman, p. 463) As Edwin Moise shows, these PT boat operations owed just about everything to the USA and were completely controlled by Americans. (Moise, pp. 12–17) They likely could not have been done by Saigon alone.

    It was the combination of OPLAN 34A with the already-in-practice DeSoto patrols that all but guaranteed an exchange between Hanoi and the Pentagon in the Gulf of Tonkin. The PT boats were designed and equipped with armaments that could be used to attack Hanoi’s military installations near the shore, which they did. The idea was for the OPLAN 34A missions to create a disturbance and then the destroyers in the gulf could theoretically gain some kind of intelligence from the reaction. The problem was that both the boats and the ships violated the territorial waters of North Vietnam. (Moise, pp. 50–51) The PT boats attacked the islands of Hon Me and Hon Ngu off the coast of North Vietnam on the night of July 30–31. The latter was 4 kilometers off the coast, the former about 12. Hanoi was claiming their waters ended at 12 miles, therefore both islands would be within their boundaries. When the PT boats retreated, they were within sight of one of the destroyers on a DeSoto mission, the Maddox, which had just entered the gulf. (Moise, p. 56)

    Therefore all the elements were in place for a confrontation. On the night of August 2nd, Hanoi sent out three torpedo boats to counter the raiders. They were all severely damaged by American fire and four North Vietnamese sailors were killed. The Maddox endured one bullet hole from a machine gun round. In spite of this engagement, President Johnson continued the patrols and the Navy added a second destroyer, the Turner Joy, to the mission. What made it even worse is that the PT boats attacked another North Vietnamese base on the evening of the 3rd of August. (Moise, p. 97) This is why many, including George Ball of State, considered the missions to be clear provocations. (Moise, p. 100)

    Needless to say, the alleged Hanoi attack on the two destroyers on the night of August 4th never really occurred. Yet Johnson used this false reporting to launch the first American air strikes against the north, based on the NSAM 288 target list, and also to pass the Tonkin Gulf Resolution which has been penned three months earlier. (Moise, p. 212) But all of the above is not the worst. The worst is this: Johnson realized the second attack did not occur about one week after he ordered the air strikes. (Moise, p. 210)

    In light of all the above, to say that Johnson was being talked into a war by Bundy, McNamara, and Rusk in December is simply hogwash. And to say, as the program does, that Johnson was not a war monger is equally wrong. The total debate time on the Tonkin Gulf Resolution was about 8 hours. (Goulden, p. 75) And everyone sent up by the White House to testify for the resolution denied there was any connection between the DeSoto missions and the OPLAN 34A operations—which was false. (Goulden, p. 76)

    But there were two grand benefits garnered from the provocations:

    1. LBJ’s approval ratings on the war skyrocketed. As one commentator noted, he had turned his one weakness against GOP candidate Barry Goldwater into a strength.

    2. He got his declaration through. (Goulden, p. 77) The very fact he did the latter undermines what Tom Johnson says about the war: that the SEATO Treaty alone necessitated our involvement.

    IV

    Califano deals with the case of William Fulbright in one desultory page near the end of his book. (Califano, p. 360) CNN and Bat Bridge do not really deal with him at all. The Arkansas senator and Johnson had been friends prior to 1965. In fact, Johnson used Fulbright to get his Tonkin Gulf resolution through the Senate; the unsuspecting Fulbright trusted him. He ended up regretting it.

    The CNN series does not mention the 1965 invasion of the Dominican Republic either. Yet the two subjects are related, because Fulbright’s relationship with LBJ collapsed over the lies Johnson had told him about that 25,000 man Marine invasion in the Caribbean in 1965. Fulbright was the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee. He had helped expedite both the Latin American invasion and the Tonkin Gulf resolution. Ironically, it was Fulbright’s reinvestigation of the former that led to his doubts about Tonkin Gulf and ultimately wrecked the relationship. One can even argue this was the main engine for Johnson’s capsized approval ratings, which resulted in his abdication.

    In June of 1965, Fulbright’s staff had begun to examine the reasons Johnson had given for the April 28, 1965, invasion of the island. At every opportunity, the reasons for the invasion were escalated and sensationalized. This culminated in June with the excuse that 1,500 people were killed, heads were cut off, the American ambassador called while hiding under a desk with bullets flying through windows, and Americans were huddled in a hotel screaming for protection. (Goulden, p. 166) The staff found out that this was mostly nonsense and Fulbright decided to give a scathing speech in which he said that there was simply no evidence to back up what Johnson had told him about decapitations and bullets flying through embassy windows. The democratically elected leader, Juan Bosch—who the Marine invasion fatally crushed—had been favored by President Kennedy. (Donald Gibson, Battling Wall Street, pp. 78–79) Therefore, Johnson’s reversal of JFK’s policy “lent credence to the idea that the United States is the enemy of social revolution in Latin America…” (Goulden, p. 167)

    Fulbright now suspected that maybe the White House had also lied about the Tonkin Gulf Resolution. In November and December of 1965, he and his staff now prepared for full-blown hearings on the Vietnam War. Fulbright called up administration official after official and quizzed them on both what the real purpose of the Tonkin Gulf resolution was, and if the administration had been candid about its provenance. The hearings themselves were damaging enough to Johnson, but when CBS and NBC decided to run them at full length for days on end, they began to really hurt him politically. For the first time, administration officials had to defend the remarkable escalation of the Indochina conflict and reply to questions about if the Gulf of Tonkin resolution was justified. There had been nothing like it since the Army/McCarthy hearings and there would be nothing like it again until the Watergate hearings.

    Average Americans now began to be informed about how America got into an open-ended conflict that had seemingly escalated beyond what anyone had ever thought it could be. But perhaps most importantly, the hearings dramatically illustrated the formula for the following:

    …what had happened to turn the liberal supporters of President Kennedy into opponents of the policies of President Johnson…and the right-wing opponents of Eisenhower and Kennedy into supporters of the present administration… (Goulden, p. 166)

    In other words, how Johnson had fragmented the Democratic Party beyond saving.

    Neither Califano’s book nor the CNN series figuratively lifts up the hood to show the audience just how Johnson was finally convinced to get out of Indochina. Since they will not, the present reviewer shall. After the Tet offensive, and during the siege of Khe Sanh, several foreign policy luminaries were asked to attend a Pentagon briefing at the White House—after which LBJ ranted and raved for about 45 minutes. This compelled former Secretary of State Dean Acheson to walk out. A White House staffer called him and asked him why he left. Being blunt, Acheson told him to “Shove Vietnam up your ass!” Johnson got on the phone and Acheson told him he would no longer listen to “canned briefings.” He only wanted to hear from people on the scene in Vietnam and would only accept raw data, not finished reports. About a month after this, Johnson sent his new Secretary of Defense over to the Pentagon. Clark Clifford went over the data and then quizzed the Joint Chiefs on the overall situation on the ground. He concluded that the only way to win the war was to expand it into Cambodia and Laos. Clifford reported back to Johnson that he should get out; Vietnam was a hopeless mess. (Walter Isaacson and Evan Thomas, The Wise Men, pp. 683–89; see also Clifford in the documentary film Hearts and Minds.)

    That is apparently too strong a truth for CNN and Bat Bridge Entertainment, which tells the reader a lot about the value and candor of this disappointing production. The program ends with the Richard Nixon/Anna Chennault subterfuge of Johnson’s attempt at a truce in Vietnam—which was about four years too late. (Click here for details)

    In sum, this is a disappointing and less-than-candid four-part series about Johnson and his presidency.  These kinds of programs make it difficult to understand the past, and therefore stifle our attempts to deal with the present.

  • Marilyn, Tony Summers, and his Paper Tiger

    Marilyn, Tony Summers, and his Paper Tiger


    June 1st of this year will mark the 96th anniversary of the uncelebrated birth of Norma Jeane Mortenson. The inevitable passing of sixty plus five days will lead to August the 4th, a date that will mark the 60th anniversary of the tragic and untimely death of Norma Jeane’s unforgettable creation, Marilyn Monroe. Due to Marilyn’s exorbitant fame, the entertainment industry will undoubtedly use the occasion of her birth and her death to recycle and sell what Sarah Churchwell, eighteen years ago, correctly called the same bromides. Authors and producers that have already been involved in the Marilyn industry, have started to queue at the head of Marilyn’s Pierce Brothers Cemetery crypt. One such entrant is Anthony Summers: he has an updated publication to sell.

    In 1985, the BBC used Summers’ then recently published pathography, Goddess: The Secret Lives of Marilyn Monroe, as the basis for a documentary entitled Say Goodbye to the President. Consequently, based on the updated version of that pathography, on April the 27th, Netflix plans to broadcast a brand spanking new documentary pertaining to Marilyn’s invariably labeled mysterious death, a documentary entitled The Mystery of Marilyn Monroe: The Unheard Tapes.

    The unheard tapes. Entire books have been written about the numerous tapes allegedly obtained by all the BIG letter agencies, bureaus, and sundry criminals: CIA, FBI, KGB, MOB, Hoffa, Giancana, Marcello, Trafficante, obtained surreptitiously by the MOB’s slimy shamus henchmen: Barney Ruditsky, Bernard Spindel, and the slimiest of them all, Fred Otash. The documentary’s title, selected I assume by Netflix in consult with Summers, suggests that tape recordings heretofore never played for the public will be drawn through analogue playback heads during the Netflix documentary. Naturally, a few pertinent questions follow. Are these heretofore unheard tapes:

    1. Of Marilyn actually speaking with the middle Kennedy brothers during the many telephone and face to face conversations in which they purportedly engaged and all of which were purportedly taped by the previously mentioned agencies, criminals and slimy private-eyes;

    2. Of Marilyn actually making love with the middle Kennedy Brothers, perhaps the alleged to have occurred titillating JFK/RFK/MM threesome;

    3. Of Marilyn actually being murdered; or just

    4. Of Summers interviewing this or that testifier during the past four decades that he has pursued the facts and the truth about Marilyn’s many secret lives?

    Unfortunately, I—unfortunately we—will not know the answer to those questions until Netflix unveils their new documentary, however, like a bookish carnival barker hawking the publication of his updated Marilyn pathography and the new Netflix documentary, Summers wrote an article for Vanity Fair, a slick glossy that never passes on a juicy yarn involving Marilyn. Published two weeks ago on March the 23rd, Summers’ article collided against several topics regarding his updated version of Goddess and the Netflix documentary.  And the Irish name-dropper mentioned a few new names that he has evidently added to his inordinately long list of dropped names. Those topics and persons, their alleged names, may or may not be relevant, may or may not add any verity to testimony previously presented by Summers as issuing from anonymous sources. The alleged associations of the testifiers with Marilyn, their alleged relationships with her, and the context of their testimony, can only be evaluated after watching the documentary. However, in his Vanity Fair article, Summers repeated an anecdote that also ap­peared in his 1985 version of Goddess; and Summers’ treatment of the anecdote exemplifies his modus operandi: after analysis, and to quote the Bard, it is sound and fury signifying nothing.

    Agnes Flanagan and the Toy Tiger

    According to Summers, Agnes Flanagan, one of Marilyn’s many hairdressers, visited the actress at Fifth Helena on August the 4th, probably in the late morning. Not long after Agnes arrived, a messenger appeared and delivered a mysterious and unidentified package. Marilyn opened it and walked out to the pool carrying its contents, Summers divulged. And he then revealed the contents of the package: a stuffed toy tiger. Marilyn did not utter a word as she sat down by the pool, holding the tiger and Agnes thought that Marilyn appeared to be “terribly, terribly depressed.” Summers set off the preceding three words in quotation marks, as if the hairdresser had uttered those words to the author. However, Agnes did not offer any type of explanation, did not say why she thought the delivery of the toy tiger had abruptly depressed Marilyn; and since her host had lapsed into a sullen silence, Agnes, “wholly at a loss, got up and left.”

    Summers then began to speculate about what he labeled one of the bizarre incidents of a most mysterious weekend; and he wondered if Marilyn possibly discovered a written, devastating message that arrived with the toy tiger—or was the stuffed object itself the message? Summers then disclosed that an actual, full-size “stuffed tiger had pride of place in Robert Kennedy’s office,” not an irrelevant fact, he noted. Summers then informed his readers: Marilyn, at all events, now lost control, an odd declaration.[1] Since Marilyn would be dead a few hours later, to what events was Summers referring? But then, I digress.

    Sunday morning, August the 5th. Many photographers descended on Marilyn’s property and snapped many photographs of both the interior and the exterior of Fifth Helena Drive. One such photograph, as denoted by Summers in both Goddess and his Vanity Fair article, depicted two small stuffed animals abandoned near Marilyn’s swimming pool. “One of them could be a tiger,” Summers asserted.[2]

    More than a few writers have accepted Summers’ stuffed tiger tale. In his goofy 2012 publication about Marilyn’s life and death, Coroner’s Cold Case #81128: Marilyn Monroe, Peter Wright wrote:

    […] Marilyn received a present by messenger. It was a small, stuffed toy tiger that meant nothing to anyone except Marilyn, for its message was very special, and very dark. That present crashed her world (KE:34).

    Wright did not mention a visit by Agnes Flanagan or offer any explanation regarding why the toy animal represented a special and dark message to Marilyn, a message that destroyed her world. Six years earlier, in her wild 2006 memoir, My Wild Wild Life, Jeanne Carmen alleged that she received her account of the toy tiger anecdote directly from Marilyn during a telephone call with the actress on the evening of August the 4th. Jeanne then used the tiger tale to fabricate an elaborate and humorous yarn about a love quadrangle involving Marilyn and her publicist, Pat Newcomb, Robert Kennedy, and Ethel Kennedy. Additionally, in the globally connected world of the 21st century, Summers’ stuffed tiger tale has appeared regularly on Marilyn Monroe websites, with variations, of course. Those websites often feature wildly inaccurate articles written by journalists who play fast and loose with the truth by ignoring the facts.

    But then: What is the truth and what are the facts?

    I’ll start with this: there is no evidence at all that Agnes Flanagan visited Marilyn on the morning of August the 4th in 1962, not at any time. Donald Spoto, who comments on Agnes’ interactions with Marilyn more than a few times, does not mention a Saturday morning visit by the hairdresser or the stuffed tiger tale. Other legitimate biographers and conspiracists authors mention the Summers’ anecdote and others do not.

    But wait. We have Summers’ written account, a firsthand account delivered to Summers by the hairdresser herself who witnessed the delivery of the package and Marilyn’s obvious negative reaction. Right? Well, not exactly. Summers implied that he interviewed Agnes Flanagan and even used quotation marks which would indicate testimony that Summers actually heard, but plainly, based on Summers’ own source notes, that implication is simply not supported by the record, Summers’ own record. According to the source notes for Chapter 43, page 443, Summers interviewed a man by the name of Don Feld: Flanagan visit: int. Don Feld, 1985 (638). Therefore, Feld’s testimony was hearsay; and his story, once repeated by Summers, fell into the category of third hand hearsay. Furthermore, Summers does not stipulate that Feld’s original source was Agnes Flanagan. Don Feld possibly repeated testimony from an acquaintance who had a friend with a cousin who knew and received the story from Agnes Flanagan’s podiatrist.

    But wait. We have the photograph mentioned by Summers which depicts the stuffed tiger abandoned by Marilyn’s swimming pool. Right? Well, again not really. As verified by the photograph below, the stuffed animals were not anywhere near Marilyn’s swimming pool.


    Also, the stuffed animals can be easily identified as a dog’s chew toys: a lamb in the foreground and another stuffed animal slightly up, an obvious declination away from Marilyn’s swimming pool. That animal, which Summers asserted could be a tiger, was most certainly a floppy-eared dog, not a tiger.[3] A member of David Marshall’s DD Group, Sabine Grella, attended a Christie’s auction (possibly the 1999 event) that sold the stuffed animals appearing in the above photograph. Sabine testified that the animals sold at auction were a stuffed lamb and a dog and each was “heavily worn and gnawed.”[4] David and his investigative group finally concluded that the stuffed toys depicted in the above photograph “had been at the house long before” August the 4th; and they were not a secret message that depressed Marilyn immediately; they were nothing more than dog toys. “[…] like so many other stories that have cropped up concerning Marilyn’s last days,” David asserted, “the Stuffed Animal story is likely fiction.”[5]

    But what about the stuffed toy tiger? Should we conclude, along the lines of the DD Group’s conclusion, that the mysterious tiger did not even exist? And if it did exist at that time, from where and from whom did it cometh? And also, what about Robert Kennedy’s stuffed tiger mentioned by Anthony Summers, the one that possessed Pride of Place?

    Even though I have not been able to find photographic evidence that a stuffed toy tiger actually existed, a receipt from Vicente Pharmacy conclusively proves that Marilyn, for the huge sum of $2.08, purchased a toy tiger on April the 2nd in 1962.[6]


    Of course, the receipt does not tell us why Marilyn purchased the toy tiger; and the sum she paid in 1962 equals approximately $20 US in today’s currency, a sum that could purchase a stuffed tiger larger than her small dog. Also, the receipt does not tell us what happened to the toy. Should we follow Anthony Summers’ lead and speculate? If Marilyn bought the tiger as a chew toy for her Maltese Terrier, Maf, perhaps he destroyed the tiger during the four months leading to August; but, then again, perhaps Marilyn did not purchase the toy for Maf. Perhaps she invested the equivalent of $20 US for a gift that she gave to the child of an acquaintance or a friend, a large and plush stuffed animal, which her $2 could have purchased. Regardless of where the toy tiger landed, it was not a sinister message dispatched to Marilyn by John or Robert Kennedy, Ethel Kennedy, or Pat Newcomb. In her memoir, Jeanne Carmen suggested that the stuffed tiger could have been dispatched by Pat Newcomb who, according to Jeanne according to Marilyn, also liked Robert Kennedy.

    Summers referenced Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. as the source for the existence of Robert Kennedy’s life-size stuffed tiger. Over the years, the Kennedy biographer noted, the attorney general cluttered his justice department office with many objects, one of which was a life-size taxidermied big cat; but, Schlesinger noted, the Attorney General carefully explained to a foreign newspaperman that he had not shot the tiger himself (239).[7] In fact, Indonesian President Sukarno presented the stuffed Sumatran tiger to Robert Kennedy as an expression of gratitude and appreciation from the Indonesian government: the attorney general had helped resolve a tense territorial conflict between Indonesia and the Dutch, and the resolution generally favored Indonesia.

    Along with the Sumatran tiger, President Sukarno sent Robert Kennedy, Jr. two living Komodo dragons; but when the carnivorous lizards grew to a dangerous size, they were given to a nearby zoo. According to an article written by Kathleen O’Brien for Inside Jersey, Robert Kennedy, Jr. reported that the attorney general displayed the life-size tiger in his office only briefly before the tiger was transferred to Hickory Hill and given to the junior Robert Kennedy: I think my father gave me the tiger as a consolation. The photograph displayed below depicts a taxidermist, also named Robert Kennedy, restoring the worn and aging trophy.[8]


    If Robert Kennedy willingly gave the stuffed tiger to his son, should we therefore conclude that Anthony Summers’ comment regarding the stuffed tiger’s pride of place in the attorney general’s office was nothing more than pointed speculation. Or that he really did not know of what he spoke at all?

    As many have pointed out it is all too easy for authors to distort and misrepresent the facts pertaining to Marilyn Monroe and Robert Kennedy, particularly if the author has an agenda  to fulfill. Obviously the anecdote about the mysterious stuffed toy tiger was not presented with all of its factual background intact by Mr. Summers.  He did not present firsthand testimony obtained by interviewing Agnes Flanagan; a fact one has to dig into his footnotes to detect; and he did not present the actual facts about Robert Kennedy’s stuffed Sumatran tiger; or the provenance of the stuffed tiger that Marilyn purchased.

    When all the facts are presented, it becomes dubious as to whether the event happened. Why Vanity Fair never fact checked the article or called in a neutral outside expert to play the judge is quite puzzling, because, as of now, due to any lack of rigor the Monroe field has become a veritable cesspool.

    But at least we have a warning. As you watch the upcoming Netflix documentary, I hope you will keep this example of Summer’s Monroe journalism in mind.

    (More to follow after the documentary has been aired by Netflix.)


    [1] All quotations unless noted otherwise can be found on pages 442 and 443 in Chapter 43 of Goddess: The Secret Lives of Marilyn Monroe, published by Open Road Integrated Media, New York, 2012. According to Sarah Churchwell’s scholarly analysis of Marilyn’s many lives, in the 1985 edition of Goddess, the toy tiger anecdote, and Summers deft presentation of it, appeared on pages 350 through 352.

    [2] “Marilyn Monroe’s Final Hours: Nuke Fears, Mob Spies, and a Secret Kennedy Visitor” by Anthony Summers, Vanity Fair, March 23, 2022.

    [3] A caption that I cropped from the photograph, indentified that animal as a teddy bear, also clearly an incorrect identification.

    [4] Marshall, David. The DD Group: An Online Investigation into the Death of Marilyn Monroe. Lincoln: iUniverse. Kindle Edition, 2005. Chapter: “Timeline: The Morning of Saturday, August 4, 1962 8:00 AM to Noon.” Section: “Interlude: The Stuffed Animal Story.”

    [5] Ibid.

    [6] Receipt provided by Gary Vitacco-Robles.

    [7] Schlesinger, Jr., Arthur M. Robert Kennedy and His Times. New York: Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company, 1978. Kindle Edition, 2002.

    [8]Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s tiger being restored by a familiar name,” by Kathleen O’Brien, Inside Jersey, May 6. 2013.