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  • What Aaron Mate Got Wrong About the JFK Assassination?

    What Aaron Mate Got Wrong About the JFK Assassination?

    The Useful Idiots podcast lived up to the second half of its name on its June 23 episode hosted by Aaron Mate and Katie Helper. The episode also featured guests Aaron Good, host of the podcast American Exception and author of the same-name book, and David Talbot, a famous author and journalist.

    Click here to read our critique of the opinions shared by the guests. Alternatively, continue reading for a snapshot of Aaron Mate’s problematic statements regarding the assassination of John F. Kennedy.

    Mate’s Reading List: Sy Hersh and Noam Chomsky

    Aaron Mate is not just an ordinary podcaster fascinated with the JFK assassination and our country’s murky 1960s in general. He’s a respected journalist and writer from Canada who had Kennedys and King’s respect right up until he said the following individuals informed his theories and opinions:

    • Seymour Hersh of the recent Nord Stream “scoop.”
    • Noam Chomsky, who’s convinced that the Warren Commission’s findings are the be-all and end-all of the JFK assassination.

    As you’ll see, Mate’s misinformed reliance on these two individuals results in some of the falsest claims we’ve heard regarding the events surrounding the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

     Vietnam War scenes

    Mate’s Statements About the National Security Action Memoranda 263

    For those who don’t know, the National Security Action Memoranda 263, or NSAM, was an important document issued by President Kennedy on October 11, 1963. It announced a shift in the US military presence in Vietnam, ordering the withdrawal of 1,000 personnel by the end of 1963.

    In that unfortunate Useful Idiots episode, Aaron Mate supports Chomsky’s theory that this withdrawal had a catch: The 1,000 advisors would only withdraw if Saigon had the upper hand. This idea incorrectly suggests that Kennedy would’ve reversed the policy had he lived long enough to see the reverse happen.

    Chomsky’s theory falls flat once you reread the NSAM. It stresses the importance of training and preparing the South Vietnamese military to fight and defend their land against the North-endorsed Viet Cong insurgence. Kennedy wouldn’t have made such a statement if he wanted his military to stay in South Vietnam.

    Mate’s Support for a Debunked Chomsky Theory

    Our knowledge of the JFK assassination changes with each declassification. However, it seems Aaron Mate is content to support an outdated theory from a book written before the Assassination Records Review Board findings went public with the documents related to the Vietnam War.

    The documents contained the phased exit strategy of the US troops from Vietnam, which was to be completed by 1965. The documents indicate an unconditional withdrawal, with no hint of an escalation if the tide turned against South Vietnam.

    Explore Possible Motives Behind the JFK Assassination Online

    President Kennedy accepted that his military’s efforts in South Vietnam were largely futile. No stipulations or conditions were attached to his exit strategy and no ifs and/or buts regarding his final orders regarding the Vietnam War.

    The same cannot be said for his assassination, which remains the largest cover-up in the history of American politics. Learn what you can do to disclose the truth behind the JFK assassination.

    Please contribute to our platform to help us continue our tireless efforts in bringing the truth to light.

  • Remembering Christine King Farris: The Last of the King Siblings

    Remembering Christine King Farris: The Last of the King Siblings

    While we are familiar with the towering figure of Dr. Martin Luther King and the crucial contributions of Coretta Scott King, it is equally important to remember the lesser-known yet equally influential members of the King family.

    Christine King Farris was the first King sibling born and the last to pass on. A teacher and life-long civil rights activist, she died on June 29, 2023, at 95. Below is a snippet of her life and legacy.

    From Violent Beginnings

    Christine King Farris was born on September 11, 1927, in the heart of Atlanta, Georgia. As the eldest sibling of the King family, she experienced racial segregation and injustice from the time she could remember.

    Growing up amidst these challenges, she and her siblings were instilled with a profound sense of purpose and a belief that they could change the world.

    Like her brother Martin, Christine was profoundly influenced by their father, Martin Luther King Sr., a Baptist pastor. Their family’s faith transcended the walls of their church and became the driving force behind their activism. From an early age, Christine joined her brother and sister in tireless efforts to dismantle systemic racism in America.

    A Lifelong Champion of Justice

    As the civil rights movement gained momentum, Christine King Farris remained a steadfast advocate for justice.

    She was vital in organizing and participating in various civil rights endeavors alongside her siblings, especially the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC).

     Martin Luther King, Coretta Scott King, Dr. Ralph David Abernathy, and His wife Mrs. Juanita Abernathy Leading a March in 1965

    An Inspirational Educator

    Christine’s contributions extended far beyond the public eye. She was a devoted educator, sharing her wisdom at Spelman College in Atlanta.

    There, she inspired countless young minds and emphasized the transformative power of education as a tool for empowerment and societal change. Her commitment to education and civil rights created a profound legacy that continues to influence generations.

    Notable Contributions

    As the last surviving sibling of the King family, Christine King Farris assumed a unique role in safeguarding her family’s legacy. She penned several books, including Through It All: Reflections on My Life, My Family, and My Faith, offering a deeply personal window into her life and the impactful journey of her family.

    Through her writings and public appearances, she ensured that the world would always remember the story of the King family and their invaluable contributions.

    Christine also advocated for preserving the Martin Luther King Jr. National Historic Site. Her pivotal role in its establishment secured the historical significance of her family’s contributions to the civil rights movement, ensuring their story would be shared with the world for generations.

    Be the Torchbearers for Justice with Kennedys and King

    Christine was the torchbearer of civil rights for her family and community, just like her family before her. Now that the last of that generation has passed on, we must carry it forward, starting with advocating for the truth behind the Martin Luther King assassinationartin Luther King assassination. Contribute to our efforts through multimedia or by spreading the word.

    Contact us for more information and inquiries.

  • Mustafa Hassan: The Star Witness in the Malcolm X Case

    Mustafa Hassan: The Star Witness in the Malcolm X Case

    Mustafa Hassan’s side of the Malcolm X case was unveiled in a recent press conference led by renowned attorney Ben Crump. It is interwoven with the turbulent history of the civil rights movement in the United States.

    His account provides a fresh perspective on the tragic assassination of Malcolm X in 1965 and the subsequent investigations. Explore our website to learn more.

    But who is Mustafa Hassan, and why is his voice significant in this historical context?

    The Man Behind the Witness Stand

    Mustafa Hassan’s journey begins within the heart of a transformative era in American history—the civil rights movement of the 1960s. Born during societal upheaval, Hassan actively engaged in the struggle for racial justice, becoming a member of the Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU), an organization founded by Malcolm X.

    Hassan’s involvement with the OAAU positioned him on the frontlines of change, where he ensured the safety and security of those advocating for civil rights. Little did he know that his commitment to this cause would lead him to become an eyewitness to one of the most tragic and iconic moments in American history: The Malcolm X assassinationalcolm X assassination.

    The Long Silence

    Mustafa Hassan’s account of the Malcolm X case remained shrouded in mystery for decades. He witnessed the chaos that erupted at the Audubon Ballroom, where Malcolm X was gunned down.

    Hassan’s actions were marked by courage and conviction in the following days. He intervened, subduing a key suspect, and later found himself at the center of a perplexing scene involving police and the alleged assassin.

    What is most striking about Hassan’s story is that, despite the pivotal role he played and the valuable information he possessed, he was never questioned or interviewed during the ongoing Malcolm X case.

    colorized Malcolm X

    Confirming What We Long Suspected

    The recent press conference led by Ben Crump marked a turning point in Hassan’s life and the broader pursuit of justice.

    Hassan finally broke his silence, sharing his vivid recollections of that tragic day. His account, supported by archival photos and video footage, shed light on the events in the Audubon Ballroom.

    Hassan’s revelations resonate deeply, not only for the historical significance of the Malcolm X case but also for the broader discourse on civil rights, accountability, and the pursuit of truth.

    Advocate for the Truth with Kennedys and King

    Hassan’s voice, once silenced by time, now resounds as a call for truth and justice, urging us to confront the past and ensure that history is recorded and understood. Join hands with Kennedys and King in this endeavor.

    Call for the truth behind the political assassinations of the 1960s related to the civil rights movement and the prolific JFK and RFK assassinations.

    Get in touch for support and assistance.

  • The Illegal Postponement of the JFK Records Act: An Explainer

    The Illegal Postponement of the JFK Records Act: An Explainer

    Since the JFK Records Act reached its October 2017 deadline, the Trump and Biden Administrations have been hit with widespread criticism and, in President Biden’s case, a lawsuit for postponing the release of several important documents regarding the John F. Kennedy assassination.

    While the law allows exemptions, it outlines when they are allowed and puts the burden of proof on agencies. For more on these exemptions, read our full blog here.

    Let’s explore the postponement and why it’s against the law, shall we?

    It Happened One Friday

    In the late hours of Friday, June 30, 2023, long after Washington DC’s media elite had filed their reports and well after dedicated pundits had departed for their July 4th celebrations in the Hamptons, the Biden Administration issued an Executive Memorandum.

    This move has been widely criticized as an illegitimate attempt to terminate the JFK Records Act and seize control over legislative processes and records, hurting the very spirit of this Congressional Act.

    The JFK Records Act: A Background

    The JFK Records Collection Act of 1992 was enacted to promote transparency and public access to government records related to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Its primary purpose was to require federal agencies, particularly those involved in the investigation of the assassination, to disclose and make available to the public all records and documents related to this historic event.

    By passing this Act, the government aimed to provide a comprehensive and unclassified record of the Kennedy assassination, thereby enhancing public understanding of the event and addressing various conspiracy theories and uncertainties that had arisen over the years.

    This legislation was instrumental in ensuring that civilians had access to a significant historical record and could scrutinize the details surrounding President Kennedy’s tragic death. It also reflected a commitment to openness in government and the principle that certain historical records should be made accessible to the public after a specific period.

    George Bush

    Why is the JFK Records Act Postponement Illegal?

    Below are some reasons the incessant postponement is against the law.

    • The Act mandated the public release of JFK assassination-related records by October 26, 2017, unless stringent postponement criteria were met—they were not, hence the lawsuit against President Biden.
    • A postponement necessitated clear and convincing evidence, with the President required to provide unclassified explanations for each delayed record.
    • The President’s postponement authority extended solely to Executive Branch records, excluding legislative branch records.
    • Each record had to be accompanied by an Identification Aid detailing its particulars and the legal grounds for postponement.
    • The National Archivist’s role involved maintaining transparency through the upkeep of Identification Aids and a publicly accessible directory.
    • A “presumption of disclosure” was established, shifting the burden to agencies to demonstrate the necessity of postponement.
    • The Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) oversaw compliance, releasing records unless they strictly met the postponement criteria outlined in the Act.

    Discover more about the illegitimate nature of this postponement at Kennedys and King. We keep an eye on and call out each indiscretion of intelligence agencies and the government’s executive and administrative branches regarding the JFK assassination and other political assassinations of the 1960s.

    Reach out for queries and concerns.

  • A Little-Known Tale of Allen Dulles and “The Farm”

    A Little-Known Tale of Allen Dulles and “The Farm”

    Camp Peary, or “The Farm,” is a name whispered in the shadows. Ensconced in the woods of Virginia, this covert training facility has played a pivotal role in the history of American espionage. But many may not know its intriguing connection to the former director of the CIA, Allen Dulles, and the enigmatic JFK assassination. Check out our blog for the details.

    Stick around for a brief exploration of Allen Dulles’s whereabouts on the assassination weekend.

    The Purpose of Camp Peary

    Camp Peary,” “The Farm,” and “The Country Club” are all names used for a sprawling 9,000-acre property located near Williamsburg, Virginia.

    It is a highly secretive and secure US military reservation established during World War II that started as grounds for covert intelligence training, including espionage, sabotage, and other covert operations.

    The Allen Dulles and Camp Peary Connection

    Robert Morrow, a dedicated assassination of John F. Kennedy researcher, recently made a significant discovery in the Dulles Archives at the Princeton Library. David Talbot discusses this discovery in his Allen Dulles biography, The Devil’s Chessboard. Unfortunately, it had been lost during a Dulles files reorganization, which disrupted its reference pages.

    However, Morrow requested assistance from the archivists to recover this vital information, and they found it within a complex digital file. This finding reinforces the claim made in an invaluable day-by-day calendar datebook.

    The datebook indicates that Dulles was in Washington that day but did not spend the late afternoon or evening at his Georgetown home. Instead, he was at Camp Peary.

    The datebook records Dulles’s presence there from late Friday afternoon through the assassination weekend and the following events: The autopsy, Lee Harvey Oswald’s detention, and the latter’s assassination.

    Jack Ruby Pointing a Gun Shortly Before Fatally Shooting Lee Harvey Oswald

    The JFK Assassination and Allen Dulles Connection

    After being relieved of his CIA duties by President Kennedy in 1961, Dulles remained deeply connected to intelligence networks.

    Following his dismissal by President Kennedy after the Bay of Pigs, Dulles held regular meetings with high-ranking CIA officials. He also had encounters with a prominent Cuban exile leader, Paulino Sierra Martinez, as noted by Talbot in his book.

    In the spring of 1963, Martinez met Dulles and General Lucius D. Clay, who had clashed with Kennedy over issues like the Bay of Pigs and the Berlin Crisis.

    Martinez operated mainly from Chicago, a city linked to the infamous Chicago Plot to assassinate JFK. Homer Echeverria claimed his group would receive funds once they dealt with Kennedy. According to Secret Service sources, Echeverria’s weapon purchases were reportedly financed by Martinez with alleged mob funds.

    It doesn’t bode well for a CIA director who was relieved of his duties to meet with people tied to a different JFK assassination attempt.

    Explore These Lines of Inquiry at Kennedys and King

    Camp Peary, Allen Dulles, and their alleged connection to the JFK assassination is a tale shrouded in mystery, intrigue, and controversy.

    Explore this and other credible theories further at Kennedys and King, a platform dedicated to finding the truth behind the assassinations of John F. Kennedy, Bobby Kennedy, Malcolm X, and Martin Luther King.

    Reach out for further assistance.

  • What is the John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection Act?

    What is the John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection Act?

    The assassination of John F. Kennedy remains one of the most enduring mysteries in American history. In the subsequent decades, various investigations, conspiracy theories, public demand for transparency, and our collective endeavors resulted in the JFK Assassination Records Collection Act.

    As President Joe Biden and the CIA attempt to thwart this crucial legislation, let’s remind ourselves of its main points and significance in unraveling the mysteries surrounding the JFK assassination.

    Mandatory Disclosure

    The JFK Records Collection Act was signed into law by President George H.W. Bush on October 26, 1992. It mandated the release of all government records related to the assassination of President Kennedy classified by federal agencies.

    It set a deadline for disclosure, requiring all records to be made public no later than 25 years after its enactment, which was October 26, 2017. It’s worth noting that the most recent JFK documents were released earlier this year, jumping the deadline by almost six years.

    Establishment of the Assassination Records Review Board

    The JFK Records Collection Act established the Assassination Records Review Board, or ARRB. It is an independent agency overseeing the review and release of assassination records.

    The ARRB’s mission is to ensure maximum public disclosure of documents related to the assassination. It is also responsible for identifying and securing records that might not have been previously disclosed or redacted in previous disclosures.

    President John F. Kennedy Standing Alongside Center Director Kurt Debus

    The Exemptions

    While the JFK Records Collection Act aimed for transparency, it did provide for some exceptions. Records could be withheld if their release would harm national security, foreign relations, law enforcement, intelligence sources and methods, or any identifiable individuals’ privacy.

    While these exemptions were expected to be used sparingly and proven beyond a reasonable doubt by an agency, they have been abused by the powers that be to conceal the truth behind JFK assassination.

    Public and Congressional Access

    Lastly, and most importantly, the Act allowed the public and congressional committees to access the disclosed records, providing a mechanism for independent examination and scrutiny of the documents.

    The Impact and Importance of the JFK Records Collection Act

    The JFK Records Collection Act has profoundly impacted the public’s understanding of the assassination and the government’s handling of related records. By setting a clear framework for releasing documents and creating an independent oversight body, it aims to address suspicions of cover-ups and conspiracy.

    Unfortunately, if this Act of Congress can be denied, it can also be abolished, as evidenced by President Biden’s Executive Memorandum that all but wrote it off entirely. We need your support now more than ever to push for the truth behind the assassination of John F. Kennedy.

    Get in touch to know how you can help.

    The assassination of President John F. Kennedy remains one of the most enduring mysteries in American history. In the subsequent decades, various investigations, conspiracy theories, public demand for transparency, and our collective endeavors resulted in the JFK Assassination Records Collection Act.

    As President Joe Biden and the CIA attempt to thwart this crucial legislation, let’s remind ourselves of its main points and significance in unraveling the mysteries surrounding the JFK assassination.

    Mandatory Disclosure

    The JFK Records Collection Act was signed into law by President George H.W. Bush on October 26, 1992. It mandated the release of all government records related to the assassination of President Kennedy classified by federal agencies.

    It set a deadline for disclosure, requiring all records to be made public no later than 25 years after its enactment, which was October 26, 2017. It’s worth noting that the most recent JFK documents were released earlier this year, jumping the deadline by almost six years.

    Establishment of the Assassination Records Review Board

    The JFK Records Collection Act established the Assassination Records Review Board, or ARRB. It is an independent agency overseeing the review and release of assassination records.

    The ARRB’s mission is to ensure maximum public disclosure of documents related to the assassination. It is also responsible for identifying and securing records that might not have been previously disclosed or redacted in previous disclosures.

    Image Filename: JFK-with-Kurt-Debus

    Image Alt Text: President John F. Kennedy Standing Alongside Center Director Kurt Debus

    The Exemptions

    While the JFK Records Collection Act aimed for transparency, it did provide for some exceptions. Records could be withheld if their release would harm national security, foreign relations, law enforcement, intelligence sources and methods, or any identifiable individuals’ privacy.

    While these exemptions were expected to be used sparingly and proven beyond a reasonable doubt by an agency, they have been abused by the powers that be to conceal the truth behind the JFK assassination.

    Public and Congressional Access

    Lastly, and most importantly, the Act allowed the public and congressional committees to access the disclosed records, providing a mechanism for independent examination and scrutiny of the documents.

    The Impact and Importance of the JFK Records Collection Act

    The JFK Records Collection Act has profoundly impacted the public’s understanding of the assassination and the government’s handling of related records. By setting a clear framework for releasing documents and creating an independent oversight body, it aims to address suspicions of cover-ups and conspiracy.

    Unfortunately, if this Act of Congress can be denied, it can also be abolished, as evidenced by President Biden’s Executive Memorandum that all but wrote it off entirely. We need your support now more than ever to push for the truth behind the assassination of John F. Kennedy.

    Get in touch to know how you can help.

  • Part 2 of 6: Jack Ruby, the Dallas Police and Oswald’s Rights

    Part 2 of 6: Jack Ruby, the Dallas Police and Oswald’s Rights


    11. The Secret Service and The Picket Fence.

    “The Secret Service agents assigned to the motorcade remained at their posts during the race to the hospital. None stayed at the scene of the shooting, and none entered the Texas School Book Depository Building at or immediately after the shooting. Secret Service procedure requires that each agent stay with the person being protected and not be diverted unless it is necessary to accomplish the protective assignment. Forrest V. Sorrels, special agent in charge of the Dallas office, was the first Secret Service agent to return to the scene of the assassination, approximately 20 or 25 minutes after the shots were fired.” (WCR; p. 52.)

    When Sorrels testified before the Commission, he agreed with that time interval. (Volume VII; p. 347/348.)

    With the facts established regarding the movements of the Secret Service after the assassination, it is important to consider the following testimonies of Dallas Police Officers Smith, Weitzman, and Harkness along with a witness, Mrs Jack Frazen. These individuals testified or gave depositions, that in the immediate aftermath of the President’s murder, they each encountered individuals who claimed to be agents of the Secret Service and, in some instances, even produced Secret Service credentials.

    Joe Marshall Smith testified under oath that he encountered men claiming to be Secret Service behind the picket fence in the immediate aftermath of the assassination.

    Joe Marshall Smith. “Yes, sir: and this woman came up to me and she was just in hysterics. She told me, “They are shooting the President from the bushes.” So, I immediately proceeded up here [Grassy Knoll]”
    Wesley Liebeler. “You proceeded up to an area immediately behind the concrete structure here that is described by Elm Street and the street that runs immediately in front of the Texas School Book Depository, is that right?”
    Joe Marshall Smith. “I was checking all the bushes and I checked all the cars in the parking lot.”
    Wesley Liebeler. “There is a parking lot in behind this grassy area back from Elm Street toward the railroad tracks, and you went down to the parking lot and looked around?”
    Joe Marshall Smith. “Yes, sir; I checked all the cars. I looked into all the cars and checked around the bushes. Of course, I wasn’t alone. There was some deputy sheriff with me, and I believe one Secret Service man when I got there. I got to make this statement, too. I felt awfully silly, but after the shot and this woman, I pulled my pistol from my holster, and I thought, this is silly, I don’t know who I am looking for, and I put it back. Just as I did, he showed me that he was a Secret Service agent.”
    Wesley Liebeler. “Did you accost this man?”
    Joe Marshall Smith. “Well, he saw me coming with my pistol and right away he showed me who he was.”
    Wesley Liebeler. “Do you remember who it was?”
    Joe Marshall Smith. “No, sir; I don’t-because then we started checking the cars. In fact, I was checking the bushes, and I went through the cars. and I started over here in this particular section.” (Volume VII; p. 535.)

    Officer Smith said to the Texas Observer that after the assassination “A woman came up to me in hysterics. She said they’re shooting at the President from the bushes, and I just took off. A cement arch stands between the depository building and the underpass. On the underpass side of the arch, there is a fence that lets through almost no light and is neck-high; an oak tree behind the fence makes a little arbor there. A man standing behind the fence, further shielded by cars in the parking lot behind him, might have had a clear shot at the President as his car began the run downhill on Elm Street toward the underpass. Patrol-man Smith ran into this area. I found a lot of Secret Service men I suppose they were Secret Service men and deputy sheriffs and plain-clothes men, he said. He was so put off by what the woman had said—he didn’t get her name—that he spent some time checking cars on the lot, he said. He caught the smell of gunpowder there. he said: “a faint smell of it—I could tell it was in the air…a faint odour of it.” (Texas Observer; 13th December 1963, p. 9.)

    Smith characterized the Secret Service imposter in this way:“He looked like an auto mechanic. He had on a sports shirt and sports pants. But he had dirty fingernails, it looked like, and hands that looked like an auto mechanic’s hands. And afterwards it didn’t ring true for the Secret Service. At the time we were so pressed for time, and we were searching. And he had produced correct identification, and we just overlooked the thing. I should have checked that man closer, but at the time I didn’t snap on it.” (Anthony Summers, Not In Your Lifetime; p. 57)

    Seymour Weitzman testified that he encountered men claiming to be Secret Service behind the picket fence.

    Joseph Ball. “Did you go into the railroad yards”
    Seymour Weitzman. “Yes sir”
    Joseph Ball. “What did you notice in the railroad yards?”
    Seymour Weitzman. “We noticed numerous kinds of footprints that did not make sense because they were going different directions”
    Joseph Ball. “Were there other people besides you?”
    Seymour Weitzman. “Yes sir; other officers, Secret Service as well, and somebody started, there was something red in the street and I went back over the wall and somebody brought me a piece of what he thought to be a firecracker and it turned out to be, I believe, I wouldn’t quote this, but I turned it over to one of the Secret Service men and I told them it should go to the lab because it looked like human bone.” (Volume VII; p. 107)

    Mrs Jack Frazen. According to an FBI report dated 11/22/63 Mrs Franzen had: “observed police officers and plain-clothes men, who she assumed were Secret Service Agents, searching an area adjacent to the TSBD Building, from which area she assumed the shots which she heard had come.” (Volume XXIV; p. 525.)

    D. V. Harkness testified that 6 minutes after the assassination he had encountered men at the back of the Texas School Book Depository who claimed to be Secret Service.

    David Belin. “Was anyone around in the back when you got there?”
    D. V. Harkness. “There were some Secret Service agents there. I didn’t get them identified. They told me they were Secret Service”. (Volume VI; p. 312.)

    Jesse Curry. “I think he must have been bogus. Certainly, the suspicion would point to the man as being involved, some way or other, in the shooting since he was in an area immediately adjacent to where the shots were and the fact that he had a badge that purported him to be Secret Service would make it seem all the more suspicious.” (Not In Your Lifetime; p. 58)

    According to the Warren Commission’s own findings, the individuals encountered by these witnesses could not have been genuine Secret Service agents. These encounters occurred prior to the return of Forrest V. Sorrels to Dealey Plaza. The presence of these impersonators raises important questions for the case. Who were these individuals claiming to be Secret Service agents? What was their motive or purpose in impersonating members of the Presidents security detail in the immediate aftermath of the President’s murder?

    12. The Testimony Which Negates the Single Bullet Theory.

    Commission Conclusion: “Although it is not necessary to any essential findings of the Commission to determine just which shot hit Governor Connally, there is very persuasive evidence from the experts to indicate that the same bullet which pierced the President’s throat also caused Governor Connally’s wounds.” (WCR; p. 19.)

    The Testimonies of John & Nellie Connally Which Refute the Commission Conclusion.

    Mrs Connally. “When we got past this area I did turn to the President and said Mr President, you can’t say Dallas doesn’t love you. Then I don’t know how soon, it seems to me it was very soon, that I heard a noise, and not being an expert rifleman, I was not aware that it was a rifle. It was just a frightening noise, and it came from the right. I turned over my right shoulder and looked back and saw the President as he had both hands at his neck.”
    Arlen Specter. And you are indicating with your own hands, two hands crossing over gripping your own neck?
    Mrs. Connally. Yes, and it seemed to me there was—he made no utterance, no cry. I saw no blood, no anything. It was just sort of nothing, the expression on his face, and he just sort of slumped down. Then very soon there was the second shot that hit John. As the first shot was hit, and I turned to look at the same time, I recall John saying “Oh, no, no, no.” Then there was a second shot, and it hit John, and as he recoiled to the right, just crumbled like a wounded animal to the right he said, “My God, they are going to kill us all. (Volume IV, p. 147.)Picture1

    Governor Connally.

    ArlenSpecter. “As the automobile turned left onto Elm from Houston, what did occur there, Governor”?
    Governor Connally. “We had, we had gone, I guess, 150 feet, maybe 200 feet, I don’t recall how far it was, heading down to get on the freeway, the Stemmons Freeway, to go out to the hall where we were going to have lunch and, as I say, the crowds had begun to thin, and we could, I was anticipating that we were going to be at the hall in approximately 5 minutes from the time we turned on to Elm Street. We had just made the turn, well, when I heard what I thought to be a rifle shot. I instinctively turned to my right because the sound appeared to come from over my right shoulder, so I turned to look back over my right shoulder, and I saw nothing unusual except just people in the crowd, but I did not catch the President in the corner of my eye, and I was interested, because I immediately, the only thought that crossed my mind was that this is an assassination attempt. So, I looked, failing to see him, I was turning to look back over my left shoulder into the back seat, but I never got that far in my turn. I got about in the position I am in now facing you, looking a little bit to the left of centre, and then I felt like someone had hit me in the back.”
    Arlen Specter. What is the best estimate that you have as to the time span between the sound of the first shot and the feeling of someone hitting you in the back which you just described?
    Governor Connally. “A very, very brief span of time. Again, my trend of thought just happened to be, I suppose along this line, I immediately thought that this—that I had been shot. I knew it when I just looked down and I was covered with blood, and the thought immediately passed through my mind that there was either two or three people involved or more in this or someone was shooting with an automatic rifle. These were just thoughts that went through my mind because of the rapidity of these two of the first shot plus the blow that I took, and I knew I had been hit, and I immediately assumed, because of the amount of blood, and, in fact, that it had obviously passed through my chest, that I had probably been fatally hit.”

    To say that they were hit by separate bullets is synonymous with saying that there were two assassins.” Norman Redlich, Commission Counsel. (Inquest; p. 43 Volume IV, P132-133, watch this)

    13.Truth Is Our Only Client Here?

    “If this is truth, then black is white. Night is day. And war is peace. This is not truth. This is a false document.” Sylvia Meagher.

    Although Robert Kennedy openly endorsed the Warren Commission Report, he held a privately disdainful perspective towards it. RFK had derisively dubbed the extensive 888-page prosecutorial brief a: “shoddy piece of craftsmanship.” Moreover, the southern wing of the Commission, namely Senators Richard Russell, John Sherman Cooper, and Representative Hale Boggs, openly challenged the cornerstone of the Commission’s case: the Single Bullet Theory, expressing their significant dissent.

    John Sherman Cooper. “I could not convince myself that the same bullet struck both of them. No, I wasn’t convinced by [the SBT]. Neither was Senator Russell.” (James DiEugenio, JFK Revisited, pp. 30-31)
    John Sherman Cooper. “I, too, objected to such a conclusion; there was no evidence to show both men were hit by the same bullet.” (Edward Epstein, Inquest; p.149-150)
    Hale Boggs. “I had strong doubts about it [the single bullet theory], the question was never resolved.” (Inquest; pp.149-150)

    In a declassified telephone conversation with President Johnson, Russell expressed his frustration with the Commission’s proceedings.

    Richard Russell. “Now that damned Warren Commission business whupped me down so, we got through today and I just, you know what I did? I went over, got on the plane and came home and didn’t even have a toothbrush, I didn’t bring a shirt, I got a few little things here, I didn’t even have my pills, my anti histamine pills.”
    Lyndon Johnson. “Why did you get in such a rush?”
    Richard Russell. “Well, I was just worn out fighting over that damned report”.
    Lyndon Johnson. “Well, you got to take an hour out…to get your clothes.”
    Richard Russell. “Well, they were trying to prove that the same bullet that hit Kennedy first was the one that hit Connolly…went through him, through his hand, his bone, into his leg, everything else…just a lot of stuff that… I couldn’t hear all of the evidence and cross examine all of them but I did read the record and so I just I don’t know… but I was the only fellow there that practically requested any changes and what the staff got out of it…this staff business always scares me, I like to put my own views down…But we got you a pretty good report”
    Lyndon Johnson. “Well what difference does it make which bullet got Connally?”
    Richard Russell.“Well, it don’t make much difference but they said that they believed…that the Commission believed that the same bullet which hit Kennedy hit Connolly… well I don’t believe it.”
    Lyndon Johnson. I don’t either.”
    Richard Russell. “And so, I couldn’t sign it…. And I said that Governor Connolly testified direct to the contrary and I am not going to approve of that. So, I finally made them said that there was a difference in the Commission in that. Part of them believed that was not so. Course if a fellow was as accurate enough to hit Kennedy right in the neck on one shot and knock his head off with the next one…. Well, he didn’t miss completely with that third shot. But according to their theory he not only missed the whole automobile, but he missed the street. Well, if a man is a good enough shot to put two bullets right in Kennedy, he didn’t miss that whole automobile, nor the street.”

    These insights from the conversation between Russell and Johnson highlight the dissenting opinions and doubts surrounding the Single Bullet Theory within the Commission. It becomes apparent that the Warren Commission Report faced internal criticism and concerns regarding its findings. (read this, watch this and this)

    14. Jack Ruby and The Dallas Police Department.

    Picture2Dallas Police Chief Jesse Curry. “A great deal has been written about the relationship of the Dallas Police Department with Jack Ruby. We have twelve hundred men in our department, and we had each man submit a report regarding his knowledge or acquaintance with Jack Ruby. Less than fifty men even knew Jack Ruby. And less than a dozen had ever been in his place of business. Most of these that had been in his place of business had been in there because they were sent there on investigations or had answered a call for police service. I believe there was four men in our department that we were able to determine had been there socially. That is off duty. That were present in his nightclub.”


    Numerous witnesses have attested to the fact that Jack Ruby was a well-known associate of the Dallas Police Department. Many officers, detectives, and personnel were familiar with Ruby due to his frequent visits to police headquarters and his connections within the city’s nightclub and entertainment industry. Below I have reproduced just some of the testimony on the record, relating to Ruby’s acquaintance with the Dallas Police Department.

    Nancy Hamilton Former Employee of Ruby.

    Mark Lane. “Were you employed by Jack Ruby”?
    Nancy Hamilton. “Yes, I was. This was in 1961 in Dallas at his club The Carousel and I was bartender, waitress and rather the manager there”.
    Mark Lane. “How did you get that job”?
    Nancy Hamilton. “Well, I had gone into Dallas not knowing anyone and of course the first place I went was the Police Department and uh they were very kind and got me the job there”.
    Mark Lane. “They got you the job at Jack Ruby’s”?
    Nancy Hamilton. “Yes, they did”.
    Mark Lane. “Did they know Ruby”?
    Nancy Hamilton. “Personally, oh yes very well, vouched for him…wonderful person…great man…well known by the Dallas Police Department.”
    Mark Lane. “Other than Dallas Police officers what officials did frequent Ruby’s establishment”?
    Nancy Hamilton. “Oh…such as your District Attorney which would be Mr Wade”.
    Mark Lane. “How many police officers do you estimate Jack Ruby knew on a personal level”?
    Nancy Hamilton. At least half and probably two thirds”.
    Mark Lane. “There were almost twelve hundred police officers in Dallas in 1963. Would you say Ruby knew six hundred of them”?
    Nancy Hamilton. “Oh easily.”

    Nancy Hamilton/Rich also reiterated to the Warren Commission the extent of Ruby’s popularity with the Dallas Police.

    Nancy Rich. “There is no possible way that Jack Ruby could walk in Dallas and be mistaken for a newspaper reporter, especially in the police department. Not by any stretch of the imagination.”
    Leon Hubert. “Is that your opinion?”
    Nancy Rich. “That is not my personal opinion. That is fact.”
    Leon Hubert. “Well, on what do you base it?”
    Nancy Rich. “Ye gods, I don’t think there is a cop in Dallas that doesn’t know Jack Ruby. He practically lived at that station. They lived in his place. Even the lowest patrolman on the beat…knew him personally” (Volume XIV; p. 359.)

    Mr Johnson Former Employee of Ruby.

    Mark Lane.“Did Ruby know many Dallas Police officers”?
    Mr Johnson. “Well yes, he did. I’d say he knew ah probably half of the people on the force”.
    Mark Lane.
    “There were about Twelve hundred police officers on the force”.
    Mr Johnson. “Yes, well I am sure he knew about half of them, and he was very nice to them.”

    Barney Weinstein Manager of The Theatre Lounge.
    “He [Ruby] did know a lot of police. He knew ’em all. He curried their favour all the time.” (Texas Observer, December 13 1963, p. 8.)

    Let us use some specifics, Sgt. Patrick Dean said he knew Ruby for approximately three years. (Vol. II, p. 407) Det. Jim Leavelle testified he knew him for approximately 12 years. (Vol. III, p. 16) Det. L. C. Graves, said he knew him for 10 years. (Vol. XIII p. 9) Officer Blackie Harrison, who Ruby concealed himself behind before shooting Oswald, said he knew him for 12 years. (Vol. XII, p. 237). Lt. Jack Revill also knew him for 12 years. (Vol. XII p. 82)

    If one goes through the volumes of Commission testimony, one will see that Lt. Rio Pierce knew Ruby for a dozen years, Captain O. C. Jones knew Ruby for over ten years, Detective Buford Lee Beaty knew him for a dozen years, Det. Combest knew him for about five years, Det. R. L. Lowery knew him for several years, Sgt. Steele knew him for about 8 years, Lt. W. Wiggins knew him for a number of years, and Detective Clardy knew him for about 8 years. And again, this does not begin to exhaust the number of police who admitted to knowing Ruby.

    Now consider the following exchange between the Commission and Ruby’s friend and roommate George Senator.

    Leon Hubert.“What was Jack Ruby’s attitude toward the police as a group?”
    George Senator. “Well, all I know is apparently he must like them. They always used to come to see him.”
    Leon Hubert. “Tell us about those who came to see him. Do you know who they were?”
    George Senator. “I knew a lot of them by face. I didn’t know them all by name.”
    Leon Hubert. “Did they come frequently?”
    George Senator. “Various ones, yes, every day.” (Volume XIV; p. 213)

    Now consider this statement by Detective Will Fritz.

    Leon Hubert. “Do you know Jack Ruby at all, or did you know?”
    Will Fritz. “Did I know him before; no, sir, I did not… That is the first time I ever saw him, when he was arrested.”(Volume XV; p. 148)

    Travis Kirk, Dallas Attorney, 23 Years.“It is inconceivable that Fritz did not know Ruby. Kirk described Fritz as a domineering, dictatorial officer possessing a photographic memory and a thorough knowledge of the Dallas underworld. In light of Ruby’s reputation and notoriety in Dallas prior to the murder of Oswald… Mr Kirk considers it utterly ridiculous that Captain Fritz might pretend that he did not know Ruby, including physical recognition. Mr Kirk states that he would have to question the veracity of Captain Fritz if Fritz were to disclaim knowledge or recognition of Jack Ruby.”

    Upon his arrest for the murder of Lee Oswald, Ruby exclaimed to the arresting officers: “You all know me, I’m Jack Ruby.” (Volume XII-XIII; p 399, 308, 30.)

    15. ‘The Abortive Transfer’? The Tragic Murder of Lee Oswald.

    “The ACLU hold the Dallas police responsible for the shooting of Oswald, saying that minimum security considerations were flouted by their capitulation to publicity…which exposed Oswald to the very danger that took his life”.

    We Are Going To Kill Him.

    Billy Grammer, a Dallas Police Communications Officer, received an urgent anonymous phone call around 9 pm on November 23, 1963. In an interview for the documentary The Men Who Killed Kennedy, Grammer recalled this incident, saying: “I thought I recognised the voice but at the same time I couldn’t put a face or name with the voice. We talked and he began telling me that we needed to change the plans on moving Oswald from the basement that, uh he knew of the plans to make the move and if we did not make a change the statement, he made precisely was we are going to kill him.” Grammer reported the threat made against Oswald’s life to his superiors. Grammer first learned that Ruby had in fact killed Oswald when he saw it on television the next morning: “No sooner than I had turned it on [TV] and they were telling that Jack Ruby had killed Oswald. Then I suddenly realized, knowing Jack Ruby the way I did, that this was the man I was talking to on the phone last night. At that time, I put the voice with the face, and I knew myself that Jack Ruby was the one that made that call to me the night before. I think it was obvious because he knew me, and I knew him, and he called me by name over the telephone and seeing this and knowing what I knew and what he had said to me it had to be Jack Ruby… He made the statement that we are going to kill him. Which leads me to believe that this was not a spontaneous thing that happened on the spur of the moment he was watching Oswald coming out of the door and all of a sudden, he decided to shoot him. I do not believe that. I think this was a planned event with him being the man to do the shooting.” (watch this)

    Will Fritz. “During the night on Saturday night, I had a call at my home from uniformed captain, Captain Frazier, I believe is his name, he called me out at home and told me they had, had some threats and he had to transfer Oswald… I have always felt that that was Ruby who made that call.” (Volume IV; p. 233)

    Officer Perry McCoy testified he got a call a few hours before Oswald was moved and this was from a member of a committee of one hundred, and they had voted to kill Oswald while he was being transferred to the county jail. (Volume XIX; p. 537/538) This same threat was given to the FBI and was sent to the DPD’s William Frazier at about 3:30 in the morning of the 24th. (Volume VII, pp. 53-54)Picture3

    J. Edgar Hoover

    In a declassified document authored by J. Edgar Hoover and written mere hours after Oswald’s murder, Hoover voiced his frustration towards the Dallas Police Department, blaming them for Oswald’s death despite explicit warnings from the FBI.

    “There is nothing further on the Oswald case except that he is dead. Last night we received a call in our Dallas office from a man talking in a calm voice and saying he was a member of a committee organised to kill Oswald. We at once notified the Chief of Police and he assured us that Oswald would be given sufficient protection. However, this was not done”.

    He continued, “Oswald having been killed today after our warnings to the Dallas Police Department, was inexcusable.” (check this)

    Sheriff Decker and Secret Service agent Forrest Sorrels disagreed with the timing of the transfer and the method. Both men thought a transfer in the middle of the night with no one around would be the proper way to do such an assignment. And Decker though he should be placed him on the floorboard of the car. (Volume XIX, pp. 537-38; Volume XIII, p. 63) Jim Leavelle thought that Oswald should have been led out to Main Street while the crowd had gathered thereby avoiding all the reporters and cameras. (Volume III, p. 17)

    L. C. Graves.“We knew better than to transfer him under those conditions, but we didn’t have any choice.” (watch this)

    The procedure used to transfer Lee Oswald, to the county jail, was fundamentally flawed and, without question, should never have been conducted in the manner that it was. A thorough assessment of the circumstances lays bare distinct irregularities and contradictions employed by the Dallas Police. There is indisputable evidence to show that the strategy employed during Oswald’s transfer was egregiously mishandled, serving as the immediate trigger for his untimely demise.

    Burt Griffin. “Were you given any instructions as to how you should guard him?”
    L. C. Graves. “As I said, I was–told to hold to the arm and walk close to him and Montgomery was to walk behind us and Captain Fritz, and Lieutenant Swain in front of us and that is the way we started out to the elevator, and out of the elevator door over to the jail office”.
    Burt Griffin. “Was there any discussion about staying close to Oswald?”
    L. C. Graves. “We were instructed to stay close to him, yes.” (Volume XIII; p. 5)Picture4

    Failure to Follow Established Security Protocols.
    Lee Oswald’s transfer to the county jail, was supposed to be safeguarded by a four-man protection team. The arrangement included Will Fritz at the forefront, Jim Leavelle handcuffed to Oswald’s right, L.C. Graves handcuffed to Oswald’s left, and L.D. Montgomery covering the rear. As the plan dictated, this team was to escort Oswald from the basement elevator to the ‘awaiting’ squad car. However, almost immediately after entering the basement, Captain Fritz strayed from the established protocol. Instead of maintaining close proximity to Oswald for protection, Fritz positioned himself several feet ahead, effectively abandoning his assigned post. This aberration in formation created an open space, a gap that Jack Ruby exploited to access Oswald.

    Throughout the entire process, Fritz did not check back on Oswald once, which raises concerns about the attentiveness and effectiveness of the protection measures afforded Oswald. Travis Kirk stated to the FBI that: “Anyone not having status in law enforcement or the legal profession who had access to the Dallas Police Department facilities would have to be known to Captain Fritz. Reports from Dallas specify that Ruby did have this access.” Kirk speculated that: “It was to captain Fritz’s advantage that Oswald was killed for it enabled him to close, in Fritz’s words, a murder case based on circumstantial evidence. And that the Oswald case was bound to involve the Dallas Police Department, including Captain Fritz, in controversy for years to come.” Kirk explained that “the Jack Ruby matter, insofar as Captain Fritz is concerned, can be more easily handled by the Dallas authorities.” (read this document and watch this video)

    Permitting Unsecured Crowd Proximity.
    One major issue in question is why any individuals especially newsmen, were permitted to be in such close proximity to Lee Oswald during his transfer. The police, cognizant of the substantial threats to Oswald’s life, should have enforced a secure perimeter around him. This hypothetical exclusion zone would have been monitored by police personnel, ensuring that anyone attempting to breach the boundary and approach Oswald would be immediately intercepted. The lack of such a safety measure raises serious questions about the adequacy of the security protocols during Oswald’s transfer.

    L. C. Graves. “I was under the impression there wouldn’t be any news media inside that rampway, that they would be behind that area over there, but they were in the way. Chief Curry told Captain Fritz that the security was taken care of, that there wouldn’t be nobody in that ramp. Anyway, that cameras would be over behind that rail of that ramp. So, what we expected to find was our officers along the side there, but we found newsmen inside that ramp, in fact, in the way of that car.”
    Burt Griffin. “You say you were quite surprised when you saw these news people?”L. C. Graves. “I was surprised that they were rubbing my elbow. You know,if you saw that film, you saw one of them with a mike in his hand. He actually rubbed my elbow. We were in a slight turn when this thing happened, and my attention had been called to that car door, and this joker was standing there with a microphone in his hand, and others that—I don’t know if they were newsmen—they weren’t officers—had cameras around their necks and everything.” (Volume XIII; p. 7/8)

    Absence of Personal Protective Equipment.
    While the unique circumstances surrounding Oswald’s transfer in 1963 were nothing short of extraordinary, it is nonetheless evident that critical safety measures were conspicuously absent. Oswald, a prisoner under intense scrutiny and heightened danger, was denied essential protective resources, such as body armour, even in the face of palpable threats to his life. While it’s understood that such equipment might not have aligned with the standard protocol at the time, the gravity of the situation undeniably called for extraordinary precautions. The omission of available protective gear, in this case, registers as a considerable oversight. The provision of body armour to Oswald, may have been instrumental in preserving his life.

    Lack of Armed Guard Presence.
    Despite the high-profile nature of Oswald’s case and the known threats against him, he was not escorted by an armed guard during the transfer. The presence of an armed guard could have potentially deterred an assassination attempt, like the one carried out by Ruby.

    Poorly Planned Vehicle Positioning.
    The vehicle intended to transport Oswald to the county jail, was not in the correct position at the time of transfer. This meant that Oswald was exposed to potential threats for a longer period.

    Jim Leavelle.“All right, when we left the jail cell, we proceeded down to the booking desk there, up to the door leading out into the basement, and I purposely told Mr. Graves to hold it a minute while Captain Fritz checked the area outside. I don’t know why I did that, because we had not made any plans to do so, but I said, Let’s hold it a minute and let him see if everything is in order. Because we had been given to understand that the car would be across the passageway.”
    Leon Hubert.
    “Of the jail corridor?”
    Jim Leavelle. “And that, and we would have nothing to do but walk straight from the door, approximately 13 or 14 feet to the car and then Captain Fritz, when we asked him to give us the high sign on it, he said, everything is all set.”
    Leon Hubert.“Did you notice what time it was?”
    Jim Leavelle.“No; I did not. That is the only error that I can see. The captain should have known that the car was not in the position it should be, and I was surprised when I walked to the door and the car was not in the spot it should have been, but I could see it was in back, and backing into position, but had it been in position where we were told it would be, that would have eliminated a lot of the area in which anyone would have access to him, because it would have been blocked by the car. In fact, if the car had been sitting where we were told it was going to be, see, it would have been sitting directly upon the spot where Ruby was standing when he fired the shot.”(Volume XIII; p. 17)

    L. C. Graves.“Well, we got down to the basement. We hesitated on the elevator until Captain Fritz and Lieutenant Swain stepped out. Then we followed them around the outside exit door into the hallway which leads to the ramp and then hesitated there a little bit with Oswald so they could check out there and see that everything was all right, and when we got the go-ahead sign, [from Fritz] that everything was all right we walked out with him… Now, we, Captain Fritz sent Dhority and Brown and Beck on down to the basement in plenty of time to get that car up there for us.” (Volume XIII; p. 7/8)

    L.D. Montgomery. “Captain Fritz stepped out into this door leading out to the ramp… and told us, [to] Come on… Like I say, we came out there. They crammed those mikes over there, and we had to slow up for just a second, because they was backing this car into position. It was supposed to have been in position when we got there, but it wasn’t there, so, we had to pause, or slow down for the car to come on back.” (Volume XIII; p. 28/29)

    Given the high-profile and volatile nature of Oswald’s case, it’s puzzling why Captain Fritz authorized the transfer process knowing full well that the vehicle was not yet in position to receive Lee? An optimally orchestrated transfer would have ensured that the car was situated correctly before initiating the process. Additionally, had the vehicle been correctly positioned, an additional precaution should have entailed stationing an armed police officer at the open door that Oswald was meant to enter. This would have facilitated a seamless and safer transfer from the basement to the vehicle, providing an extra layer of security to Oswald during this crucial process. This measure would have significantly minimized the potential for any unplanned incidents, such as what tragically transpired.

    The Car Horns.
    In an unusual occurrence, a car horn sounds as Oswald is led out into the basement, and again just before Ruby stepped out to shoot Oswald.Jim Di Eugenio points out in Reclaiming Parkland, “Once you’re aware of it, it is almost eerie to watch.” Whilst gravely ill in prison Ruby commented about the horns saying: “If you hear a lot of horn-blowing, it will be for me, they will want my blood.” (Reclaiming Parkland; p. 204)

    The Dallas Police Department, entrusted with Oswald’s safety, displayed an egregious level of negligence. Their missteps weren’t just minor oversights or simple mistakes. They bore the weighty implications of life and death, resulting in the irreversible consequence of a human life lost prematurely.

    Imagine an alternative scenario: Oswald, represented by legal counsel, could have experienced an entirely different outcome. A competent legal representative would likely have challenged the plan to transfer Oswald under such precarious conditions, thus potentially changing the course of history. Yet this was not the case.

    To this day, no one from the higher echelons of the Dallas Police Department has been called to account for their role in the circumstances leading to Oswald’s death. This grave oversight is not just a failure of an individual or a department, but a failure of the justice system itself, a sobering reminder of the devastating consequences when those sworn to protect and serve are negligent of their duties.

    “Who else could have timed it so perfectly by seconds? If it were timed that way, then someone in the police department is guilty of giving the information as to when Lee Harvey Oswald was coming down.” Jack Ruby. (Volume V; p. 206)

    16. Did Ruby’s Life Hinge on Killing Oswald?

    Picture5“Everything pertaining to what’s happening has never come to the surface. The world will never know the true facts of what occurred—my motives. The people have had so much to gain and had such an ulterior motive for putting me in the position I’m in. Will never let the true facts, come above board to the world.” Jack Ruby.

    Following the murder, Ruby was promptly detained and transported to a cell in the city jail. Police Officer Don Archer, who had direct contact with Ruby during this time, reported intriguing observations about Ruby’s behaviour in the aftermath of his arrest.

    Don Archer. “His behaviour to begin with, he was very hyper. He was sweating profusely. I could see his heart. Course we had stripped him down for security purposes and he asked me for one of my cigarettes, so I gave him a cigarette. Finally, uh after about two hours had elapsed, which put it around 1pm the head of the secret service came up and I conferred with him, and he told me that Oswald had in effect died and it should shock him [Ruby] cause it would mean the death penalty. So, I returned and said Jack it looks like its gon be the electric chair for you. Instead of being shocked he became calm, he quit sweating, his heart slowed down, I asked him if he wanted a cigarette, and he advised me that he didn’t smoke. I was just astonished that this was a complete difference in behaviour of what I had expected. I would say that his life had depended on him getting Oswald.” (watch this and this)

    17. The People V. Lee Harvey Oswald.

    “Justice denied anywhere diminishes justice everywhere.” Martin Luther King Jr.

    Commission Conclusion. “The numerous statements…made to the press by various law enforcement officials, during this period of confusion and disorder in the police station, would have presented serious obstacles to the obtaining of a fair trial for Oswald. To the extent that the information was erroneous and misleading, it helped create doubts, speculations, and fears in the mind of the public which might otherwise not have arisen”. (WCR; p 20.)

    The Presumption of Innocence.
    “It is a cardinal principle of our system of justice that every person accused of a crime is presumed to be innocent unless and until his or her guilt is established beyond a reasonable doubt. The presumption is not a mere formality. It is a matter of the most important substance.” (read this)Picture6

    The following statements made by Dallas Law Enforcement Officials expressing their firm belief in Oswald’s guilt, seriously undermined Oswald’s presumption of innocence and confirmed a prejudgement of Oswald’s culpability.

    DA Henry Wade. “I would say that without any doubt he’s the killer, the law says beyond a reasonable doubt and to a moral certainty which I…there’s no question that he was the killer of President Kennedy.”

    Reporter. “How do you sum him up, as a man based on your experience with criminal types?”
    Wade. “Oh I think he’s…uh… the man that planned this murder, weeks or months ago… and has laid his plans carefully and carried them out and has planned at that time what he’s gonna tell the police that are questioning him at present”

    Gerald Hill. 11/22/63.
    Reporter. “Do you believe he is the same man that killed the police officer?”

    Gerald Hill. “Having been in it from the very beginning, as far as the officer’s death is concerned, I am convinced that he is the man that killed the officer.” (watch this)

    “Any prosecutor can convict a guilty man. It takes a great prosecutor to convict an innocent man.” Hidden motto of Wade’s office. (Reclaiming Parkland; p.74)

    The notion of a “great prosecutor” convicting an innocent man, as indicated above, raises serious concerns about the practices of the Dallas prosecutor’s office. This implies a mindset that prioritizes securing convictions over ensuring the integrity of the legal process. This approach contradicts the fundamental principles of justice, which demand fairness, objectivity, and a commitment to the pursuit of truth rather than the mere tallying of convictions.

    In a divergent assessment from District Attorney Henry Wade’s public statements, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover communicated a differing evaluation of the evidence in the case against Oswald to President Johnson on November 23, 1963. Hoover revealed his disappointment with the Dallas Police Department’s inability to build a convincing case proving Oswald’s guilt, a view that stood in stark contrast to Wade’s publicized optimistic portrayal of the investigation’s progress.

    Hoover conveyed: “This man in Dallas. We, of course, charged him with the murder of the President. The evidence that they have at the present time is not very, very strong…The case as it stands now isn’t strong enough to be able to get a conviction.” (read this)

    On November 24th, Hoover detailed his attempts to manage the media narrative surrounding the investigation, frustrated with the local police’s public discourse. He recounted,“I dispatched to Dallas one of my top assistants in the hope that he might stop the Chief of Police and his staff from doing so damned much talking on television. They did not really have a case against Oswald until we gave them our information… all the Dallas police had was three witnesses who tentatively identified him as the man who shot the policeman and boarded a bus to go home shortly after the President was killed.”

    Hoover expressed his concern over Oswald’s potential defense, remarking, “Oswald had been saying he wanted John Abt as his lawyer and Abt, with only that kind of evidence, could have turned the case around, I’m afraid. All the talking down there might have required a change of venue on the basis that Oswald could not have gotten a fair trial in Dallas.”

    He expressed his exasperation with the police department’s uncontrolled dissemination of information to the press, emphasizing:“Chief of Police Curry I understand cannot control Capt. Fritz of the Homicide Squad, who is giving much information to the press… we want them to shut up.”

    Regarding the way in which Oswald’s murder transpired Hoover continued, “It will allow, I’m afraid, a lot of civil rights people to raise a lot of hell because he was handcuffed and had no weapon. There are bound to be some elements of our society who will holler their heads off that his civil rights were violated—which they were.” (read this)

    Nick Katzenbach also echoed Hoovers frustrations with the Dallas officials.“The matter has been handled thus far with neither dignity or conviction. Facts have been mixed with rumour and speculation. We can scarcely let the world see us totally in the image of the Dallas police when our President is murdered.” (read this)

    The following remarks by Mark Lane and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) highlight the profound concerns about Lee Oswald’s presumption of innocence status and his prospects of receiving a fair trial anywhere in the United States.

    “In all likelihood there does not exist a single American community where reside 12 men or women, good and true, who presume that Lee Harvey Oswald did not assassinate President Kennedy.” A Lawyers Brief, Mark Lane. (read here)

    “The American Civil Liberties Union charged yesterday that the police and prosecuting officials; of Dallas committed gross violations of civil liberties in their handling of Lee H. Oswald, the accused assassin of President Kennedy. The group said that it would have been “simply impossible” for Oswald, had he lived, to obtain a fair trial because he had already been “tried and convicted” by the public statements of Dallas law enforcement officials. The organization proposed that the special panel created by President Johnson to investigate the assassination of President Kennedy should also examine the treatment accorded Oswald. The Dallas police and District Attorney Henry Wade have contended that Oswald’s rights were not infringed. The liberties union raised these questions:

    Q. How much time elapsed before Oswald was advised of his rights to counsel?
    Q. How much time elapsed before Oswald was permitted access to a telephone to call his family and an attorney?
    Q. During what periods and for how long was Oswald interrogated?
    Q. What methods of interrogation were used?
    Q. Was Oswald advised of his right to remain silent?

    The ACLU described the transfer of Oswald as “a theatrical production for the benefit of the television cameras…. It is our opinion that Lee Harvey Oswald, had he lived, would have been deprived of all opportunity to receive a fair trial by the conduct of the police and prosecuting officials in Dallas, under pressure from the public and the news media. From the moment of his arrest until his murder two days later, Oswald was tried and convicted many times over in the newspapers, on the radio, and over television by the public statements of the Dallas law enforcement officials. Time and again high–ranking police and prosecution officials state[d] their complete satisfaction that Oswald was the assassin…As their investigation uncovered one piece of evidence after another, the results were broadcast to the public. All this evidence was described by the Dallas officials as authentic and incontestable proof that Oswald was the Presidents assassin. The cumulative effect of these public pronouncements was to impress indelibly on the public’s mind that Oswald was indeed the slayer. With such publicity, it would have been impossible for Oswald to get a fair trial in Dallas or anywhere else in the country. Oswald’s trial would have been nothing but a hollow formality. The American Civil Liberties Union (see this)

    Oswald declines the right to counsel?
    “The ACLU recalled that Greg Olds, president of the Dallas Civil Liberties Union and three volunteer lawyers went to the city jail late in the evening Nov. 22, the day the President was assassinated. They were told by police officials, including Capt. Will Fritz, head of the homicide bureau, and Justice of the Peace David Johnston before whom Oswald was first arraigned that Oswald had been advised of his right to counsel but that he had declined to request counsel. Since the ACLU attorneys had not been retained by either Oswald or his family, they had no right to see the prisoner nor give him legal advice”. (The American Civil Liberties Union) (see this)

    11/22/63, Oswald Requests A Lawyer.
    Lee Oswald consistently expressed his desire for legal representation during his detention. He repeatedly requested legal assistance and expressed confusion about the charges against him. These statements, captured by reporters illustrate Oswald’s awareness of his rights and his desire to have legal counsel present during his questioning.

    Lee Oswald. “These people have given me a hearing without legal representation or anything”
    Reporter. “Did you shoot the President?”
    Lee Oswald. “I didn’t shoot anybody, no sir.”

    Reporter. “Oswald did you shoot the President?”
    Lee Oswald. “I didn’t shoot anybody sir I haven’t been told what I am here for.”
    Reporter. “Do you have a lawyer?”
    Lee Oswald. “No sir I don’t.”

    Lee Oswald. “I would like some legal representation, but these police officers have not allowed me to, to have any. I don’t know what this is all about.”
    Reporter. “Kill the President?”
    Lee Oswald. “No sir I didn’t. People keep asking me that.”

    Friday Night Press Conference.

    Lee Oswald. “I positively know nothing about this situation here. I would like to have legal representation. Well, I was uh questioned by a judge however I uh protested at that time that I was not allowed legal representation during that very short and sweet hearing. I really don’t know what this situation is about, no one has told me anything except I am accused of murdering a policeman. I know nothing more than that and I do request someone to come forward to give me a legal assistance.”
    Reporter. “Did you kill the President?”
    Lee Oswald. “No, I have not been charged with that in fact no one has said that to me yet. The first thing I heard about it was when the newspaper reporters in the hall asked me that question.”
    Reporter. “You have been charged.”
    Lee Oswald. “Sir?”
    Reporter. “You have been charged.” (watch this)

    William Whaley. “He showed no respect for the policemen, he told them what he thought about them. They knew what they were doing, and they were trying to railroad him, and he wanted his lawyer.” (Volume II p. 261)

    Gerald Hill. “He had previously in the theatre said he wanted his attorney.”
    David Belin. “He had said this in the theatre?”
    Gerald Hill. “Yes; when we arrested him, he wanted his lawyer. He knew his rights.” (Volume VII; p. 61)

    Lawyers such as Percy Foreman and Joe Tonahill expressed doubts about the strength of the evidence against Oswald and believed that a fair trial would likely result in a verdict of not guilty due to insufficient evidence. Their opinions further support the contention that Oswald’s trial would have been an exercise in futility and lacked the substance necessary for a fair determination of his guilt or innocence.

    Lawyer Percy Foreman. “Authorities are running a serious risk of jeopardizing their case against Oswald by failing to observe his constitutional rights.” He went on to state: “Officials may have already committed reversible error in the case by permitting the accused to undergo more than 24 hours of detention without benefit of legal counsel.” Citing grounds for reversal, Foreman further asserted: “Under recent decision of the United States Supreme Court, federal procedural guarantees must be observed in state prosecutions. Their abridgement can be grounds for a reversal or even a conviction. This is a new law. They could get a conviction in Texas and get it thrown out on appeal, but it takes a long time for these dim-witted law enforcement officers to realize it.” (St Louis Post Dispatch, 11/24/63)

    Joe Tonahill, Counsel for Jack Ruby.

    Interviewer. “Mr. Tonahill, what, in your opinion, would have been the outcome of a trial, had Oswald gone to trial?”
    Joe Tonahill. “In my opinion…. Under Texas Law…a trial judge, trying him… the judge would have had a weak circumstantial evidence charge to go to the jury. In my opinion he wouldn’t have had that. He would have been forced to instruct the jury to return a verdict of Not Guilty, on the grounds of insufficient evidence.” (watch this)
    “At about 5:30 p.m. [Oswald] was visited by the president of the Dallas Bar Association with whom he spoke for about 5 minutes.” (WCR; p199.)

    President of the Dallas Bar Association Louis Nichols:
    “I asked him if he had a lawyer, and he said, well, he really didn’t know what it was all about, that he was, had been incarcerated, and kept incommunicado.” When asked who Oswald wanted to represent him, Oswald confirmed, “Either Mr. Abt or someone who is a member of the American Civil Liberties Union. I am a member of that organisation, and I would like to have somebody who is a member of that organisation represent me.” Nichols replied, “I’m sorry, I don’t know anybody who is a member of that organization. Although, as it turned out later, a number of lawyers I know are members.” Oswald stated that, “if I can find a lawyer here who believes in anything I believe in, and believes as I believe, and believes in my innocence, then paused a little bit, and went on a little bit and said, as much as he can, I might let him represent me.” Nichols testified to the likelihood that he personally could have represented Oswald, “I wanted to know whether he needed a lawyer, and I didn’t anticipate that I would be his lawyer, because I don’t practice criminal law.” (Volume VII; p. 325-332)

    Oswald’s distress should have been alarming to Nichols. However, it remains unclear why, following their meeting, Nichols didn’t reach out to Mr. Olds to inform him about Oswald’s plea for ACLU representation? Press conference conducted by Nichols in which he confirms Oswald’s request to be represented by John Abt or a lawyer from the ACLU: watch here.

    Oswald had explicitly expressed his concerns, not only to the Nichols but also directly to the press, about his maltreatment at the hands of the Dallas Police. He protested that he wanted his, “basic fundamental hygienic rights, I mean like a shower… and… uh… clothes.” (watch here)

    President of the Dallas ACLU Gregory Lee Olds.

    Gregory Lee Olds. “I called the police department to inquire about this [counsel for Oswald], and finally talked to Captain Fritz, Capt. Will Fritz, and was-raised the question, and he said, “No” that Oswald had been given the opportunity and declined.”
    Sam Stern. “Excuse me. Did Captain Fritz say that Oswald did not want counsel at that time, or that he was trying to obtain his own counsel?”
    Gregory Lee Olds. “What I was told that he had been given the opportunity and had not made any requests… Captain King [also had] assured us that Oswald had not made any requests for counsel.” (Volume VII p.323)

    Denied legal representation, Oswald’s opportunity to mount a defense in the face of hours of questioning was drastically compromised. Compounded by severe media bias and prejudiced public statements from Dallas police and prosecution officials, his chances of receiving a fair trial rapidly dwindled. Here is an object lesson in the presumption of innocence, the right to legal counsel, and providing an impartial platform for every accused person to defend themselves.

    Louis Nichols, despite publicly stating and testifying that he did not practice criminal law, was paradoxically allowed to meet with Oswald. In contrast, Gregory Lee Olds, the President of the Dallas ACLU whom Oswald had sought for representation, was unequivocally denied access on the grounds that Oswald did not want legal counsel. This puzzling discrepancy further underscores the gravity of Oswald’s situation and the troubling injustice perpetuated in his case.

    The disturbing parallels between Oswald and the other suspects prosecuted by Wade become apparent when examining public statements made by Craig Watkins, who took over as DA from Wade in 2006. Watkins asserted “There was a cowboy kind of mentality, and the reality is that kind of approach is archaic, racist, elitist and arrogant.”

    Detractors of Wade, including Watkins, have pointed out numerous problems with cases prosecuted under Wade’s tenure. Allegations of shoddy investigations ignored evidence, and lack of transparency with defense lawyers paint a grim picture of the justice system under Wade. His promotion system, which allegedly favoured prosecutors with high conviction rates, has come under intense scrutiny. As Michelle Moore, a Dallas County public defender and president of the Innocence Project of Texas, observed, “in hindsight, we’re finding lots of places where detectives in those cases, they kind of trimmed the corners to just get the case done.”

    John Stickels, a criminology professor at the University of Texas at Arlington and a director of the Innocence Project of Texas, identifies a culture of “win at all costs” as a key problem. In his view, once a suspect was arrested under Wade’s tenure, their guilt was often presumed.”When someone was arrested, it was assumed they were guilty. I think prosecutors and investigators basically ignored all evidence to the contrary and decided they were going to convict these guys.”

    The parallels between Wade’s regime and the miscarriage of justice in Oswald’s case is compelling.

    As a result: “No other county in America — and almost no state, for that matter — has freed more innocent people from prison in recent years than Dallas County, where Wade was DA from 1951 through 1986.”

    18. Rush to Judgement.

    “Had I known at the outset, when I wrote that article for the National Guardian, that I was going to be so involved that I would close my law practice, abandon my work, abandon my political career, be attacked by the very newspapers in New York City which used to hail my election to the state legislature; had I known that – had I known that I was going to be placed in the lookout books, so that when I come back into the country, I’m stopped by the immigration authorities – only in America, but no other country in the world – that my phones would be tapped, that not only would the FBI follow me around at lecture engagements, but present to the Warren Commission extracts of what I said at various lectures – I am not sure, if I knew all that, that I ever would have written that article in the first place.” Mark Lane. (watch here)

    J. Edgar Hoover and Nicholas Katzenbach, the Deputy Attorney General, revealed their pressing concern about convincing the public of Lee Oswald’s sole guilt in the immediate aftermath of his murder.

    J Edgar Hoover, 11/24/63. “The thing I am concerned about and so is Mr. Katzenbach is having something issued so we can convince the public that Oswald is the real assassin.”

    Nicholas Katzenbach, 11/25/63. “The public must be satisfied that Oswald was the assassin; that he did not have confederates who are still at large; and that the evidence was such that he would have been convicted at trial.”

    This haste in determining Oswald’s guilt following his preventable death exemplified an alarming compromise between public reassurance and the respect for essential legal principles. The urgent need to alleviate public anxiety overshadowed the necessity for a thorough investigation and due process. This swift conviction of Oswald exposed a troubling discrepancy between societal demands during a crisis and the principles of justice, casting a pall over the entire case.

    Unquestionably, every US citizen, is constitutionally granted the presumption of innocence and a fair trial. However, these inherent rights were hastily disregarded in Oswald’s case, representing not only an individual miscarriage of justice but also inhibiting a broader, more comprehensive investigation.

    The hasty conclusions drawn by officials such as Hoover, Katzenbach, and Dallas law enforcement egregiously compromised the fundamental legal maxim of ‘presumed innocent until proven guilty.’ This resulted in a severe infringement of Oswald’s civil and constitutional rights. The abrupt demise of Oswald exacerbated this problem, forever eliminating the possibility of a trial and thus amplifying the precipitous rush to judgment. As a result, this premature rush towards a verdict prompted the untimely abandonment of several potential investigative pathways. These could have included exploring the potential involvement of accomplices, delving into various avenues of conspiracy, and thoroughly assessing Oswald’s claimed innocence.

    19. Are You Lee Oswald? Or Alek Hidell?

    Commission Conclusion. “The arresting officers found a forged selective service card with a picture of Oswald and the name “Alek J. Hidell” in Oswald’s billfold.”(WCR; p. 181)Picture7

    Picture8What is the chain of custody of the Selective Service Card?

    Immediately following his arrest at the Texas Theatre, Oswald was placed in a squad car heading to city hall. Officers Gerald Hill, Bob Carrol, Paul Bentley, C.T. Walker, K.E. Lyons, and the suspect Lee H. Oswald were all present in the squad car.

    The statements and reports of the witnesses.

    Gerald Hill. 11/22/63, NBC News.
    Gerald Hill.“The only way we found out what his name was, was to remove his billfold and check it ourselves; he wouldn’t even tell us what his name was.”
    Reporter.“What was his name on the billfold?”
    Gerald Hill. “Lee H. Oswald, O-S-W-A-L-D.” (Volume XXIV; p. 804/805)

    4/8/64. In his testimony to the Warren Commission. Hill said he first heard the name Hidell in the car transporting Oswald to the station from Paul Bentley.: “I can’t specifically say that is what it was…but that sounds like the name I heard.” Hill said they had two different identifications and two different names. (Volume VII, p. 58)

    Paul Bentley. 12/2/63. Report To Chief Curry.
    “On the way to city hall I removed the suspect’s wallet and obtained his name…I turned his identification over to Lt. Baker. (Volume XXIV; p. 234)

    Paul Bentley was not called to testify.

    Bob Carrol provided testimony to the Commission on two separate occasions. The first testimony took place on April 3, 1964, while the second testimony occurred on April 9, 1964. During his second appearance, Carrol specifically mentioned the ‘Hidell’ card. It is reasonable to infer that he was called back to testify because of this particular detail.

    David Belin. “Was he ever asked his name?”
    Bob Carroll. “Yes, sir; he was asked his name.”
    David Belin. “Did he give his name?”
    Bob Carroll. “He gave, the best I recall, I wasn’t able to look closely, but the best I recall, he gave two names, I think. I don’t recall what the other one was.”
    David Belin. “Did he give two names? Or did someone in the car read from the identification?”
    Bob Carroll. “Someone in the car may have read from the identification. I know two names, the best I recall, were mentioned.” (Volume VII; p.25)

    Officer C. T. Walker. 4/8/64.

    David Belin.“You recall any other conversation that you had with him, or not?”
    Officer Walker. “No; he was just denying it.” “About the time I got through with the radio transmission, I asked Paul Bentley, why don’t you see if he has any identification. Paul was sitting sort of sideways in the seat, and with his right hand he reached down and felt of the suspect’s left hip pocket and said, “Yes, he has a billfold,” and took it out. I never did have the billfold in my possession, but the name Lee Oswald was called out by Bentley from the back seat, and said this identification, I believe, was on the library card. And he also made the statement that there was some more identification in this other name which I don’t remember, but it was the same name that later came in the paper that he bought the gun under.”
    David Belin. “Anything else about him on your way to the police station?”
    Officer Walker. “He was real calm. He was extra calm. He wasn’t a bit excited or nervous or anything. That was all the conversation I can recall going down.”
    David Belin. “After you got down there, what did you do with him?”
    Officer Walker. “We took him up the homicide and robbery bureau, and we went back there, and one of the detectives said put him in this room. I put him in the room, and he said, “Let the uniform officers stay with him.” And I went inside, and Oswald sat down, and he was handcuffed with his hands behind him. I sat down there, and I had his pistol, and he had a card in there with a picture of him and the name A. J. Hidell on it.”
    David Belin. “Do you remember what kind of card it was?”
    Officer Walker. “Just an identification card. I don’t recall what it was.”
    David Belin. “All right.”
    Officer Walker. “And I told him, “That is your real name, isn’t it?”
    David Belin. “He, had he earlier told you his name was Lee Harvey Oswald?”
    Officer Walker. “I believe he had.”

    K. E. Lyons was not called to testify.

    12/2/63. Reports To Chief Curry.
    The arresting officers present in the squad car – K.E. Lyons, Bob Carroll, and C.T. Walker – provided reports to Chief Curry that intriguingly made no mention of the Selective Service card baring the name Hidell. (Sylvia Meagher, Accessories After The Fact, p.186)

    According to the testimony of Dallas Police officer W. M. Potts, he along with two other officers, E. L. Cunningham, Bill Senkel and Justice of The Peace David Johnston, went out to 1026 North Beckley shortly after 2pm on 11/22/63. Potts testified that:

    Joesph Ball. “And you went out to where?”
    Walter Potts. “1026 North Beckley”.
    Joesph Ball. “What happened when you got there?””
    Walter Potts. “We got there, and we talked to this Mrs.–I believe her name was Johnson.”
    Joesph Ball. “Mrs. A. C. Johnson?”
    Walter Potts. “Mrs. Johnson and Mrs. Roberts.”
    Joesph Ball. “Earlene Roberts?”
    Walter Potts. “Yes; and they didn’t know a Lee Harvey Oswald or an Alex Hidell either one” (Volume VII; p. 197)

    However, the mention of the name Hidell by the attending officers is disputed by witnesses who were present in the rooming house on November 22, 1963. When the police arrived at the Beckley rooming house, both the owner Mrs. Johnson and the manager Mrs Robert said they were only asked about Oswald, not Hidell. And they said that Oswald registered as O. H. Lee. (Volume X, pp. 303-04; Volume X p. 295; Volume Vi p. 438)

    In a report by Justice Johnston on 11/22/63, listing all of Lee Oswald’s particulars, Justice Johnston writes: Alias, O. H. Lee- 1026 N Beckley. No mention of A. J. Hidell. (Volume XX; p. 313)

    Detective Richard Sims testified that he had taken off Oswald’s identification bracelet before administering his paraffin test on November 22, 1963.

    Joseph Ball.“Did you see any identification bracelet on Oswald?”
    Richard Sims. “Yes, sir; he had an identification bracelet.”
    Joseph Ball. “Did he have that on at the time of the showup?”
    Richard Sims. “Yes.”
    Joseph Ball. “Did you ever remove that?”
    Richard Sims “Yes, sir; when they were getting his paraffin cast on his hands.”
    Joseph Ball. “And what did you do with that identification bracelet?”
    Richard Sims. “I placed it in the property room cardsheet.”
    Joseph Ball. “Did you examine that identification bracelet?”
    Richard Sims. “Yes, sir”.
    Joseph Ball. “What did it have on it, if you remember?”
    Richard Sims. “It had his name on it.”  (Volume VII; p. 174)Picture9

    Picture10Challenging the Existence of the Hidell Card on November 22, 1963.

    1. Upon his arrest and subsequent detention, Lee Oswald had on a identification bracelet inscribed with the name ‘Lee’. Given this fact, it seems perplexing how the Dallas Police could have possibly thought his name was Alek?
    2. The alias- ‘Hidell’ does not appear in any of the records or statements from the Police, FBI, or Secret Service dated November 22, 1963. On the other hand, the alias ‘O. H. Lee’ was prominently circulated among the media on the day of the assassination.
    3. Upon the Dallas Police’s arrival at 1026 North Beckley, around 2pm on November 22, 1963, three separate witnesses confirm that the Dallas officers, inquired solely about a Lee Harvey Oswald. There was no mention of ‘Alek J. Hidell’.
    4. Oswald’s possession of the Service card, featuring his picture and a name directly linked to the Carcano stashed on the sixth floor, raises some perplexing questions. If Oswald were solely culpable, why would he take the gamble of retaining this potentially condemning evidence?
    5. What proof is there that Oswald made use of the Select Service card prior to the assassination?
    6. Has there been any testimony of anyone having seen this ID in Oswald’s possession prior to November 22, 1963?
    7. When and where was this ID card manufactured?
    8. Did any fingerprints found on the card match those of Oswald’s?
    9. Were any photographs taken of this card on November 22, 1963?
    10. Was this card itemized on an inventory of Oswald’s personal effects at the time of his booking on November 22, 1963?
    11. Selective Service Cards did not typically include the holder’s picture. The presence of a photograph would inevitably raise suspicion to anyone who saw the ID.
    12. The card appears to be a complex forgery, necessitating the forger’s access to high-quality equipment like a professional-grade camera, often found in photo labs or printing facilities, and a typewriter. (Volume IV; p. 388)
    13. Commission Conclusion: “Two typewriters were used in this typing, as shown by differences in the design of the typed figure 4.” The Commission however made no attempt to trace the typewriters, alleged to have been used in the creation of the forged Hidell card. Establishing Oswald’s access to these machines would have been instrumental in validating that he could have created the forged Hidell card. As noted in forensic examination principles, “To determine whether a particular typewriter produced a questioned document, examiners search for individual characteristics that can include misaligned or damaged letters, abnormal spacing before or after certain letters, and variations in the pressure applied to the page by some letters. For example, certain letters can have telltale nicks or spurs that are imprinted on the page, or they can lean to one side or print slightly higher or lower than the others. These defects can be compared to a sample from a suspect typewriter and thus offer powerful individualizing characteristics.” (WCR;p. 572) (see this)
    14. The Commission relates to the creator of the card as the “counterfeiter” not specifically to Oswald. (WCR; p. 571)
    15. The Selective Service Card, along with the introduction of the alias ‘Hidell’, only emerges in the case on November 23, 1963. Interestingly, this is the same day the FBI linked the alias to a mail-order purchase for the Mannlicher Carcano C2766. Yet this correlation appears a full day after the alleged finding of the card. The timing inconsistency not only impacts the chain of custody but also coincides with the sudden connection of the alias to the mail order purchase. This raises substantial questions about the evidence handling process, the chronology of the case, and the overall integrity of the chain of custody. (Meagher, pp. 181-200)

    20. Could Marina have testified against Lee?

    The question of whether Marina Oswald could have legally testified against her husband, Lee Oswald, raises interesting forensic considerations for the case. Under Texas law, spouses are generally permitted to serve as witnesses for each other in criminal cases. However, a crucial exception exists they cannot testify against each other unless one spouse is being prosecuted for an offence committed against the other. In the context of Oswald’s hypothetical trial, Marina’s testimony would have been excluded based on this spousal privilege. This means that the controversial backyard photographs, which were allegedly linked to Lee, could not have been admitted into evidence to be used against him. This is because Marina’s testimony, which was the sole source of corroboration for the photographs, would have been inadmissible due to the spousal privilege. (see this)


    Go to Part 1 of 6

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    Go to Part 4 of 6

    Go to Part 5 of 6

    Go to Part 6 of 6

  • Mark Mahoney’s Take on the Sixth Floor Museum’s Claims

    Mark Mahoney’s Take on the Sixth Floor Museum’s Claims

    The official narrative is that President John F. Kennedy was shot from the window of what is now The Sixth Floor Museum. This was established decades ago, but seeing how it holds up now is imperative. Click here to check out the longer version of Mark Mahoney’s findings.

    Keep reading for a brief overview of the same.  

    The Sixth Floor Museum Treatment of Witness Testimony

    The Dallas museum acknowledges witnesses’ accounts of gunfire from the grassy knoll, smoke seen, and suspicious activity near the rail yards.

    However, it fails to mention fresh cigarette butts and footprints where the smoke was reported. Lee Bowers’ flash of light and an unusual shape in the Moorman photo strengthen the case for an unidentified presence at the scene.

    These overlooked clues shed new light on the JFK assassination.

    The Contradictions from the Photographic Evidence

    The Sixth Floor Museum also states that “the easternmost window on the south wall was half open,” though photographic evidence indicates that the window was merely a quarter open.

    Additionally, the mention of a paper bag in the far east corner, supposedly used to transport the rifle, belies the absence of this bag in crime scene photos. Moreover, examining the Warren Commission’s subchapter, “The Long and Bulky Package,” reveals substantial doubts regarding the feasibility of a rifle fitting inside Oswald’s bag.

    These discrepancies prompt a critical reevaluation of the John F. Kennedy assassination narrative.

     JFK motorcade

    The Finger and Palm Prints

    The museum asserts that Lee Harvey Oswald’s fingerprints and palm prints were discovered on numerous cartons and a paper bag. However, referencing Chapter 4 of the Warren Report, it becomes evident that the Commission itself admitted that the key box at the window, used as a gun rest, and the adjacent box contained no prints attributable to Oswald.

    Significantly, Oswald’s prints were found on one box and another nearby. This, however, should be considered, given that Oswald was employed in the building, and the Commission acknowledged the possibility that he had handled these cartons as part of his routine duties.

    Furthermore, only one of these prints was less than three days old, with the Commission acknowledging that it could have been placed on the carton at any time during this period. Consequently, they concluded that the prints do not definitively establish the exact time Oswald was present.

    Read the Blog for More Insights About the Sixth Floor Museum

    The Sixth Floor Museum is a harmful exhibit, for most of the tidbits it perpetuates are factoids and have been debunked by photographic evidence and the Warren Commission results. Read the complete blog for a thorough analysis, and follow us to keep tabs on new developments in the JFK assassination.

    Contact us for inquiries and concerns.

  • Part 1 of 6: No Motive, plus the Silenced Witnesses

    Part 1 of 6: No Motive, plus the Silenced Witnesses


    “For, in the final analysis, our most basic common link is that we all inhabit this small planet. We all breathe the same air. We all cherish our children’s future. And we are all mortal.” John Fitzgerald Kennedy

    Picture1For as long as I can remember, I have held a profound admiration for President John F. Kennedy. I find Kennedy’s firm leadership during the Cuban Missile Crisis particularly admirable. Kennedy chose peaceful negotiation with the Soviet Union to the dismay of the aggressive, first-strike demands of his hawkish Joint Chiefs of Staff. One of their plans for a pre-emptive first strike on the Soviets “involved the use of 170 atomic and hydrogen bombs in Moscow alone, intending to annihilate every major city in the Soviet Union, China, and Eastern Europe, resulting in hundreds of millions of deaths. Sickened by this plan, Kennedy walked out of the briefing mid-presentation. As Secretary of State Dean Rusk recalled, Kennedy had a strange look on his face as he muttered: And we call ourselves the human race.”

    This moment encapsulates the essence of what I admire in John Kennedy: his ability to look beyond immediate power struggles, to consider the profound human consequences, and to act with both wisdom and compassion. His leadership not only averted a catastrophe but also established an enduring example that continues to inspire those, like myself, who believe in compassionate leadership. His actions provide a profound lesson that vibrates at the very core of our collective human values.

    However, the radiant legacy of President Kennedy, is tinged with an unsettling undertone of disquiet. His unresolved and tragic assassination on November 22, 1963, marked a pivotal moment in American history, signalling for many, the onset of a profound disenchantment with the government. This disquiet was not an isolated sentiment, but rather the beginning of a troubling pattern.

    The subsequent assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr., on April 4, 1968, and Robert F. Kennedy, on June 5, 1968, reinforced this disillusionment. These men were not just political leaders; they were emblematic of the very ideals of social justice, equality, and moral integrity that defined the ethos of the 1960s. Their deaths were more than personal tragedies; they symbolized the loss of hope itself.

    The spectre of Lee Harvey Oswald looms large in the American psyche. Despite his emphatic proclamation of innocence, he was denied the opportunity to establish it in a court of law. Murdered while in the hands of the Dallas Police, his voice became another eerie echo in the symphony of uncertainties surrounding The President’s murder.

    A mere two weeks following the killings of Kennedy, Oswald and patrolman J. D. Tippit, the Warren Commission was convened with the mandate to bring clarity and resolution to the tumultuous circumstances surrounding Kennedy’s death. However, this so-called ‘investigation’ did little to assuage public mistrust. Critics argue that the Commission’s conclusions relied too heavily on fragile circumstantial evidence against the conveniently deceased Oswald, who had no opportunity to defend himself. The narrative was tied up in a bow, packaged neatly for a nation eager for answers. But many Americans remained unconvinced, seeing instead the enforcement of a preordained conclusion rather than the revelation of truth.

    In this multi-part essay, I’ve assembled 60 critical points—both facts and queries—that not only challenge the Commission’s primary conclusions but also strongly argue for Oswald’s complete innocence. The widely accepted narrative that portrays Oswald as the assassin begins to crumble under rigorous scrutiny, especially when faced with a torrent of evidence teeming with inconsistencies and contamination. As we mark the 60th anniversary of President Kennedy’s assassination, the need for a fresh, unbiased investigation becomes increasingly urgent. It’s a striking paradox that the most intensely debated case in human history seems to have sidestepped a comprehensive investigation. As Robert Groden aptly put it, “Lee Harvey Oswald is a question mark to history. The debate is often raised, was Lee Harvey Oswald alone as the assassin or was he part of a conspiracy? The question is never raised, is it possible that he didn’t do it at all?”

    This exploration does not intend to pinpoint the true perpetrators of President Kennedy’s assassination, uncover the exact hideouts of the killers, unmask the orchestrators, or reveal those who facilitated the crime. As the late Mark Lane once succinctly put it, “That really calls for some speculation on my part, I think that area has been pre-empted by the Warren Commission, I prefer to stay in the area of fact.” Honouring his words, this work strives not to speculate, but to illuminate the facts. It aims to cast light on the glaring inconsistencies within the Warren Commission’s narrative and to build a compelling case for Lee Oswald’s total innocence, grounded in factual analysis and empirical evidence.

    “Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring those ripples build a current which can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance.” Robert Francis Kennedy. Full speech (Thirteen Days; p. 106, JFK And the Unspeakable; p. 236/237); check this article, this video, this speech and this video.

    1. What Was Lee’s Motive?

    Commission Conclusion. “The Commission could not make any definitive determination of Oswald’s motives.” (WCR; p. 22)

    Throughout the past 60 years, no substantial motive has been ascertained to elucidate why Lee Oswald is purported to have assassinated President John F. Kennedy. The Commission lent credibility to theories such as, “Oswald had a deep-rooted resentment of authority”, questioning “Oswald’s ability to enter into meaningful relationships” and, the most fanciful of all, speculated on Oswald’s “urge to try and find a place in history.”

    However, these suppositions fall significantly short of establishing a solid motive, given their lack of concrete evidence in support. Nicholas Katzenbach, the acting attorney general, cognizant of the challenges a motiveless Oswald presented to the official narrative, emphasized in his renowned Katzenbach memo, “Speculation about Oswald’s motivation ought to be cut off”. If Oswald truly possessed an “urge to try and find a place in history”, why would he subsequently deny the accusations levelled against him? Oswald fervently professed his innocence, by proclaiming: “I don’t know what dispatches you people have been given but I emphatically deny these charges…I have not committed any acts of violence.” (WCR; p.23) (watch this video and read this document)

    There is an abundance of testimony on the record which strongly indicates that Lee Oswald fostered profound admiration and unambiguous support for President Kennedy:

    Francis Martello. “He gave me the impression that he seemed to favor President Kennedy more than he did Khrushchev in his statement…he showed in his manner of speaking that he liked the President.” (Volume X; p. 60)

    Sam Ballen. “I just can’t see his having any venom towards President Kennedy.” (Volume IX; p. 48)

    Jeanne De Mohrenschildt. “I don’t think he ever said anything against, and whatever the President was doing, Kennedy was doing, Lee was completely exactly with the same ideas, exactly.” (Volume IV; p. 325)

    George De Mohrenschildt. “As far as I am concerned, he was an admirer of President Kennedy. I thought that Kennedy was doing a very good job with regard to the racial problem, you know…And he [Oswald] also agreed with me, [Oswald stated] Yes, yes, yes; I think he is an excellent President, young, full of energy, full of good ideas.” (Volume IX; p. 255)

    Albert Jenner. “Did Lee ever speak of President John Fitzgerald Kennedy or Mrs. Jacqueline Kennedy?”
    Lillian Murret. “He said one time that he thought Mrs. Jacqueline Kennedy was a very fine person, and that he admired her for going around with her husband, and so forth, but he never spoke about that again, or never said anything about it. In fact, I think he said he liked him.”
    Albert Jenner. “Liked President Kennedy?”
    Lillian Murret. “Yes.”(Volume VIII; p. 153)

    Marilyn Murret. “I can’t remember whether it was, if that was before or if it was on that program, where he said something complimentary about Kennedy.” (Volume VIII; p. 173)

    Paul Gregory. “Whenever he would speak about Khrushchev, Kennedy would naturally come into mind, and he expressed admiration of Kennedy. Both he and Marina would say, Nice young man. I never heard him say anything derogatory about Kennedy. He seemed to admire the man, because I remember they had a copy of Life magazine which was always in their living room, and it had Kennedy’s picture on it, or I believe Kennedy or someone else, and he always expressed what I would interpret as admiration for Kennedy.”

    Wesley Liebeler. “Can you recall any specific details concerning his remarks about Kennedy or the conversation that you had with him concerning Kennedy?”

    Paul Gregory. “No, just that one time, as I can remember in their apartment that we did look at this picture of Kennedy, and Marina said, He looks like a nice young man. And Lee said something, yes, he is a good leader, or something, as I remember, was a positive remark about Kennedy.”

    Lee Oswald. “My wife and I like the Presidential family. They are interesting people. I am not a malcontent. Nothing irritated me about the President.” (JFK Assassination File; p. 123)

    2. Houston vs Elm?

    Why would Oswald choose to shoot the President on Elm Street, where the view was more difficult and obstructed, instead of maximising his chances of success by targeting President Kennedy as he was approaching the Texas School Book Depository from Houston Street, which offered an unobstructed view? From a logical standpoint, the shot from Houston Street would seem to be the most advantageous for a lone assassin to take.Picture2

    Picture3

    3. Four Is the Magic Number?

    Why would Oswald choose to attempt the assassination with only four bullets, considering that the ammunition clip of the Carcano could hold a maximum of six, with one in the chamber totalling seven? How did Oswald determine that such a limited amount of ammunition would be sufficient for successful assassination and subsequent ‘escape’ from the Texas School Book Depository?Picture4

    4. The Carcano’s Assembly Tool.

    What tool did Oswald use to assemble the disassembled Carcano prior to the assassination? Is there any physical or pictorial evidence in the record which supports the assertion that Oswald utilised a specific tool, such as a screwdriver or dime coin, for assembly purposes? FBI Agent Cortland Cunningham testified to the Commission, that he could assemble the Mannlicher with a dime coin within 6 minutes:

    Joseph Ball. “Let’s take it out of the sack and put it before the Commission. Do you need any special tools to assemble this rifle?”
    Cortland Cunningham. “No, sir.”
    Joseph Ball. “I notice you have a screwdriver there. Can you assemble it without the use of a screwdriver?”
    Cortland Cunningham. “Yes, sir.”
    Joseph Ball. “What can you use?”
    Cortland Cunningham. “Any object that would fit the slots on the five screws that retain the stock to the action.”
    Joseph Ball. “Could you do it with a 10-cent piece?”
    Cortland Cunningham. “Yes, sir.”
    Joseph Ball. “Will you do that – about how long will it take you?”
    Cortland Cunningham. “I know I can do it, but I have never been timed as far as using a dime. I have been timed using a screwdriver, which required a little over 2 minutes.”
    Joseph Ball. “2 minutes with a screwdriver. Try it with the dime and let’s see how long it takes. Okay. Start now. Six minutes.”
    Cortland Cunningham. “I think I can improve on that.”
    Joseph Ball. “And the only tool you used was a 10-cent piece?”
    Cortland Cunningham. “That is correct.” (Volume II; p.252)

    There’s no doubt that the late, esteemed English researcher Ian Griggs had delved extensively into this area of research. He conducted numerous experiments, focusing on the assembly and disassembly of the Mannlicher-Carcano. Here’s what Ian had to offer on this crucial aspect of the case:

    “Well, firstly, it is no simple task to reassemble this rifle. Certainly not as simple as those glib words in the Warren Report or that deliberately misleading CE 1304 photograph would suggest. Secondly, whilst it was reasonably easy to tighten the screws with a screwdriver, it was certainly no simple task using a dime coin. The coin is thin enough to fit the recessed head of the screws but due to its tiny diameter, about two thirds of an inch, there is hardly any leverage, and itmakes it very difficult to exert sufficient pressure to tighten the screws sufficiently.”

    Ian also goes on to conclude that:

    “Finally, I had practiced many times before undertaking my ‘real attempt’ at putting the gun together. I knew precisely where each part was and in what order it should be fitted. I knew exactly when I had to change position of the rifle from horizontal (across my lap) to vertical (between my knees)”.

    “There is no evidence that Oswald had either the time or the opportunity to carry out ‘dry runs’ or rehearsals. How long did it take me to reassemble the Mannlicher-Carcano? Well, my best time was two minutes and four seconds.”

    “I have to confess that I admitted defeat using a dime coin. Having begun several times and fallen hopelessly behind the clock, I have to look on SA Cunningham’s time of six minutes with a certain degree of skepticism. Trying to put that rifle together using just a dime resulted in me sustaining two blood-blisters on my fingers and a small cut on the joint of my right thumb.” (No Case To Answer; pp. 165-172)Picture5

    Given the gravity of the situation and Ian’s account, which stands as a rebuttal to Cunningham’s testimony, it would seem highly improbable that an aspiring assassin would rely on something as basic as a dime coin for rifle assembly. If Oswald was permitted to stand trial, what tool would DA Henry Wade have presented to the jury as evidence to support the charge that Oswald assembled the weapon?

    Ian Griggs demonstrates the process of assembling a Mannlicher Carcano in this video.

    5. How Did Oswald Wipe Down the Carcano?

    Commission Conclusion. “An FBI fingerprint expert testified that the poor quality of the metal and wooden parts would cause them to absorb moisture from the skin, thereby making a clear print unlikely.” (WCR; p. 647)

    Drawing on the logical assumption that an individual would instinctively seek to erase incriminating evidence, like fingerprints from a weapon used in an assassination, the theory that Oswald thoroughly cleaned the heavily oiled Carcano post-assassination warrants careful exploration. Crucial points of inquiry include the existence of solid evidence supporting this claim, Oswald’s potential methods for fingerprint removal, particularly considering the weapon’s oily surface, and the likelihood of oil residue on any cloth or piece of clothing he may have employed for the task. Is there any tangible or photographic evidence which would substantiate this assertion? However, it is crucial to note that even if the testimony regarding the poor quality of the metal and wooden parts of the Carcano causing them to absorb moisture and make clear prints unlikely is true, Oswald would have had no way of knowing this. This further reinforces the likelihood that he would have sought to eliminate any potential fingerprints from the weapon.

    6. Lee Oswald, Assassin or Fall Guy?

    “They will pick up somebody within hours afterwards, if anything like that would happen, just to throw the public off.” Extremist Joseph Milteer.

    Commission Conclusion. “Shortly after the Assassination, the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle belonging to Oswald was found partially hidden between some cartons on the sixth floor.” (WCR; p. 19)

    Firstly, was Lee Oswald capable of independently devising and executing the assassination of President Kennedy? Popular narratives often depict Oswald as an irrational, volatile individual consumed by political fanaticism, eager to commit political assassination, indifferent to the costs he might incur personally or for his family. Contrary to these characterizations, the evidence strongly indicates that Oswald was an intelligent, articulate, 24-year-old introvert. A man who was more passive than aggressive, a devoted father, an admirer of John Kennedy, who possessed ties to intelligence agencies, and bolstered by a carefully constructed legend, was unknowingly turned into the perfect patsy.Picture6

    The following testimonies offer insightful perspectives that may shed some light on these questions.

    Wesley Liebeler. “When you subsequently heard that Oswald had been arrested in connection with the assassination, were you surprised?”
    Francis Martello. “Yes, sir; I was, I was very much surprised…he did not give me the impression of being a violent individual. He was a very passive type of an individual. He did not impress me at the time I interviewed him as a violent person by any of the responses to questions, by observing his physical make-up. Not in any way, shape, or form did he appear to me as being violent in any way…as far as ever dreaming or thinking that Oswald would do what it is alleged that he has done, I would bet my head on a chopping block that he wouldn’t do it.” (Volume X; p. 60/61)

    Sam Stern. “Did you get any indication that he was a dangerous individual or that he was, potentially, a violent individual?”
    John Quigley. “Absolutely none at all.”(Volume IV; p. 437)

    Wesley Liebeler. “Were you surprised when you learned that Oswald had been arrested in connection with the assassination of President Kennedy?”
    Sam Ballen. “I told my wife that evening that there must have been some mistake, that I didn’t believe this chap was capable of this kind of thing, and she said what do you mean? she said they picked him up and got the gun. I said Oswald wasn’t that sort of guy. I told my wife that if you lined up 50 individuals. the one person who would stand out as being suspicious or strange would-be Lee Harvey Oswald, but I was very surprised when Oswald was arrested.” (Volume IX; p. 54/55)

    Buell Wesley Frazier. “He [Lee] liked children very much. That is one of the things that I could get Lee to talk about…the children of the neighbourhood, all of them at one time or another seemed to find their way up to the Paine house, where Lee lived, to play with him and his daughter.”. (watch this video)

    Ruth Paine. “The idea of his having shot the President, skews what everyone thinks, it seems to me, we forget how ordinary he was. He would play with his children and with mine at the house on weekends…he seemed concerned about his little girls—very much so.”. (watch this video)

    Will Fritz. “I think he was above average for intelligence. I know a lot of people call him a nut all the time but he didn’t talk like a nut.” (Volume IV; p. 240)

    Robert Oswald. “The Lee Harvey Oswald I knew would not have killed anybody.” (Volume I; p. 314)

    The same meme is expressed by the following witnesses, Lillian Murret, (Vol. 8, p. 154; John Murret, Vol. 7 pp. 193-94; Marilyn Murret, Vol. 8, pp. 176-77; Adrian Alba, Vol. 10, pp. 227-28; George Bouhe, Vol. 8, pp. 376-77, Elena Hall, Vol. 8, p. 405)

    Now that we have established that extreme violence was not a hallmark of Lee Oswald’s nature, we’re led into the speculative territory for our ensuing discourse. If we consider the possibility that Oswald was the mastermind and executor of the assassination, we are immediately faced with pressing questions about his plan for the weapon purportedly used in the crime. Why, for instance, would Oswald opt for a traceable rifle for such a high-profile assassination, only to partially conceal it behind boxes at the crime scene? Oswald surely would have understood that if the rifle weren’t discovered by the Dallas Police, there would be little to tangibly link him to the President’s murder. Officer Seymour Weitzman’s testimony provides a glimpse:“When we got up to the fifth or sixth floor, I forget, I believe it was the sixth floor, the chief deputy or whoever was in charge of the floor, I forget the officer’s name, from the sheriff’s office, said he wanted that floor torn apart. He wanted that gun, and it was there somewhere”Given that the rifle was ultimately located on the sixth floor, where it was always going to be discovered, it raises serious doubts about the wisdom of using and discarding the Carcano in such a manner.Picture7

    Moreover, it seems that Oswald devoted significant time and resources to concealing the weapon. As stated in Seymour Weitzman’s testimony, the Carcano was well hidden, shielded by an array of boxes, which rendered its detection challenging. In Weitzman’s words, “I would venture to say eight or nine of us stumbled over that gun a couple of times before we thoroughly searched the building.” Nevertheless, the question arises – where is the substantiating evidence that Oswald indeed performed this act of concealment? (Weitzman Testimony; Volume VII; p.107).

    One might ponder, why didn’t Oswald choose to use an untraceable rifle for the attempted assassination? Also why did he choose to stage the assassination attempt from his workplace, the Texas School Book Depository, which significantly eroded any possibility of retaining anonymity as the assassin? More perplexing is his alleged decision to overlook the Dal-Tex building, which, located conveniently across Elm Street, offered a superior view compared to the southeast corner window of the Depository. Even more interesting, the discovery of an untraceable weapon in that building would not have directly implicated any specific individual, thereby preserving the identity of any suspected assassin.Picture8

    Indeed, it is compelling to consider what would have transpired had ‘Oswald’s’ purported assassination attempt failed? What would he have done with the damning Carcano in such a scenario? With the odds of failure being monumental, considering the defective surplus World War II rifle, Oswald’s atrocious marksmanship, and the near two-decade-old ammunition in play in 1963, the prospect for successful assassination appears minuscule.

    Considering all these factors, the endeavour could be seen as the actions of a madman. This characterization starkly contrasts with the facts that Oswald was a rational, intelligent human being. In the final analysis, the use and subsequent discarding of the ‘Hidell’ Carcano appears nonsensical. Its only logical purpose in being on the sixth floor seems to be for its inevitable discovery in the aftermath of the assassination, thereby serving as the crucial link tying Oswald to the murder.

    7. The Credibility of Howard Brennan.

    “Attention all squads, the suspect in the shooting at Elm and Houston is supposed to be an unknown white male, approximately 30, 165 pounds, slender build, armed with what is thought to be a 30-30 rifle.” (Volume XXIII, p. 916.)

    Commission Conclusion. “The information for the initial broadcast most probably came from Howard Brennan, who saw Oswald in the window when he was firing the rifle” (WCR; p. 649)

    However, there is evidence in the record that challenges the Commission conclusion. One important question raised is whether DA Henry Wade would have relied on Howard Brennan’s testimony as far as being able to clearly identify him as the source for the initial broadcast?

    Inspector Sawyer, who broadcast the description at 12:45 pm, 15 minutes after the President’s murder, stated that “It’s unknown whether he [the suspect] is still in the building or not known if he was there in the first place”. This raises doubts about it being Brennan’s description. Also, if Brennan told the police that the man he saw was firing from the sixth floor then why didn’t the police immediately converge upon the window? Sheriff’s Deputy Luke Mooney put his discovery of the area “at around 1 o’clock.” (Volume XXIII; p. 917; Volume III; p. 285; Volume XIX; p. 528/529)

    Sawyer testified, “That [the] description came to me mainly from one witness who claimed to have seen the rifle barrel in the fifth or sixth floor of the building and claimed to have been able to see the man up there”. However, Sawyer did not know the witness’s name or any details about him, except that he was white and neither young nor old. (Volume IV; p. 322) Mooney stated that he was the only person on the 6th floor when he discovered the expended shells. At that point he yelled out the window to Captain Fritz and Sheriff Decker. And that is when the crime lab officers and Fritz came up the stairs. Mooney said this was around 1 PM. (Vol. XXIII, p. 917; Vol.III, p. 285, Vol. XiX, pp. 528-29)

    It is important to note that Brennan testified that he gave his description to Secret Service Agent Forrest V. Sorrels, not to Herbert Sawyer. (Volume III; p. 145) Agent Sorrels, on the other hand, testified that he did not arrive back in Dealey Plaza until 12:55 pm, 10 minutes after the initial broadcast went out. (Volume VII; p. 347/348)

    It was much later when the Commission asked for help from J. Edgar Hoover in ascertaining whether or not Brennan was the source of the broadcast. However, Hoover replied on November 12, 1964, “With regard to your suggestion that we determine the precise sources of the description of the suspected assassin broadcast by the Dallas Police Department…the Dallas Police Department advised the broadcast was initiated on the basis of a description furnished by an unidentified citizen who had observed an individual approximating Oswald’s description running from the Texas School Book Depository immediately after the assassination. It is not felt that recontact with the Dallas Police Department on the same matter would be justified at this late date.” The FBI did not pursue the matter further, as they could not produce any evidence regarding the identity of the individual. (Mary Ferrell Foundation)

    Commission Conclusion. “Brennan also testified that Lee Harvey Oswald, whom he viewed in a police line-up on the night of the assassination, was the man he saw fire the shots from the sixth-floor window of the Depository Building.” (WCR; p.143.)

    In addition to the above problems, persistent question marks remain regarding the circumstances behind Brennan’s description and his credibility as a witness. Brennan testified seeing the gunman come to the window before President Kennedy arrived, and he could see most of his body, from his hips up, but during the shooting he could only see him from the belt up. Brennan testified that “Well, as it appeared to me, he was standing up and resting against the left windowsill, with gun shouldered to his right shoulder, holding the gun with his left hand and taking positive aim and fired his last shot. As I calculate a couple of seconds. He drew the gun back from the window as though he was drawing it back to his side and maybe paused for another second as though to assure himself that he hit his mark, and then he disappeared.” (Volume III; p. 144)

    However, a significant problem arises when we consider his testimony in relation to the height of the window. At the time of the assassination, the window described by Brennan was only open to about waist height. So how could the man Brennan allegedly saw be standing up while firing at the President? Unless, of course, the Commission is suggesting an even more incredible scenario, than the Magic Bullet, where the gunman fires three bullets through unscathed glass?

    The Commission backed Brennan. However, evidence in the record contradicts his claim. Hours after the President’s murder, Brennan participated in a police lineup to identify the suspect he had witnessed. Brennan testified that that prior to viewing the suspect he had seen Lee Harvey Oswald “on television…I saw his picture twice on television before I went down to the police station for a line-up.” In his affidavit to the Dallas Sheriff’s Office prior to the line-up, Brennan expressed his belief that “he could identify the man if he ever saw him again”.

    However, even under these ideal circumstances, Brennan “was unable to make a positive identification of Lee Harvey Oswald.” [This raises a significant question, did Brennan actually attend a line-up at all? This concern is further explored in point 24]. Subsequently, Brennan changed his story regarding his identification. In an interview with the FBI on December 17th, 1963, he stated “that he now can say that he is sure that Lee Harvey Oswald was the person he saw in the window at the time of the President’s assassination. He pointed out that he felt that a positive identification was not necessary when he observed Oswald in the police line-up at the Dallas Police Department at about 7 P.M., November 22, 63, since it was his understanding Oswald had already been charged with the slaying of Dallas Police Officer J. D. Tippit.”

    Yet in an interview with the Bureau, on January 7, 1964, Brennan reverted to his original identification, stating that he had observed Oswald’s picture on television prior to the line-up but “it did not help him retain the original impression of the man in the window with the rifle.” In his testimony before the Commission, Brennan once again proclaims that Oswald was the man, he saw firing at the President.

    In my opinion the intense public scrutiny and the desire to solve the crime quickly, from the Dallas Police, may have influenced Brennan’s perception and recollection of events. The possibility of confirmation bias cannot be ruled out, as Brennan may have felt compelled to identify Oswald as the gunman to support the emerging narrative. The pressure to conform to the prevailing theories can distort an eyewitness’s memory and testimony, further diminishing Brennan’s credibility. (WCR; p. 145. Volume III, p.147/148 p.155; Volume XXIV, p.203 p. 406.)

    Another significant aspect of the Brennan saga relates to the suspect’s clothing. According to Captain Will Fritz’s notes, Oswald wore “a reddish-colored, long-sleeved shirt with a button-down collar and gray-colored trousers” to work on November 22, 1963. Brennan’s description, on the other hand, was of “a man wearing light-colored clothing but definitely not a suit”. When Brennan was shown the shirt Oswald wore that day, he rejected it, stating that he expected it to be a shade lighter. He also noted that the man he observed did not have the same clothes on as Oswald. (see this document)

    David Belin. “Do you remember the specific color of any shirt that the man with the rifle was wearing?”
    Howard Brennan. “No, other than light, and a khaki color—maybe in khaki. I mean other than light color, not a real white shirt, in other words. If it was a white shirt, it was on the dingy side.”
    David Belin. “I am handing you what the court reporter has marked as Commission Exhibit 150. [Oswald’s shirt] Does this look like it might or might not be the shirt, or can you make at this time any positive identification of any kind?”
    Howard Brennan. “I would have expected it to be a little lighter—a shade or so lighter.”
    David Belin. “Than Exhibit 150?”
    Howard Brennan. “That is the best of my recollection.”
    David Belin. “All right. Could you see the man’s trousers at all? Do you remember any color?”
    Howard Brennan. “I remembered them at that time as being similar to the same color of the shirt or a little lighter. And that was another thing that I called their attention to at the lineup.”
    David Belin. “What do you mean by that?“
    Howard Brennan. “That he [Oswald] was not dressed in the same clothes that I saw the man in the window.”
    David Belin “You mean with reference to the trousers or the shirt?”
    Howard Brennan. “Well, not particularly either. In other words, he just didn’t have the same clothes on.” (Volume III, p. 161)

    Given the contradictions in Brennan’s testimony and his inability to positively identify Oswald in the lineup, he was not a reliable witness. In contrast, there were other witnesses who observed a gunman on the sixth floor, such as Arnold Rowland, Caroline Walther, and Amos Euins. However, none of them could definitively identify that man as Lee Harvey Oswald.

    Rowland described the man as having “had on a light shirt, a very light–colored shirt, white or a light blue or a color such as that. This was open at the collar. I think it was unbuttoned about halfway, and then he had a regular T–shirt, a polo shirt under this, at least this is what it appeared to be. He had on dark slacks or blue jeans; I couldn’t tell from that. I didn’t see but a small portion.” (Volume II; p. 171).

    Caroline Walther described “the man [as] wearing a white shirt and had blond or light brown hair.” (Volume XXIV; p. 522.)

    Amos Euins described the man he seen as having “a bald spot on his head. I was looking at the bald spot. I could see his hand; you know the rifle laying across in his hand. And I could see his hand sticking on the trigger part. And after he got through, he just pulled it back in the window.” (Volume II; p. 204)

    Despite the chaotic nature of the assassination, no other witness has come forward to confirm Brennan’s observations or provide an independent account of the events he described. In a case of such historical significance, the absence of corroborating testimony weakens Brennan’s credibility and raises doubts about the accuracy of his recollection. This further raises an important question: why would the figure in the sixth-floor window draw so much attention to himself prior to the killing? One would assume that as a lone assassin, anonymity is crucial. The logical approach would be to stay well back, hidden from view, and emerge only at the precise moment the President came into sight. None of the actions attributed to this man seem to make sense unless, of course, the purpose was to be seen all along.

    In an interview with author Jim Marrs, Sandy Speaker, who was Howard Brennan’s foreman, stated that after the assassination, Brennan disappeared for about three weeks. Speaker was unsure whether it was the Secret Service or the FBI, but federal authorities were involved. When Brennan returned, “he was a nervous wreck, and within a year, his hair had turned snow white.” Brennan refused to discuss the assassination thereafter, seemingly terrified. Speaker claimed that Brennan was coerced into saying what the federal authorities wanted him to say. (Crossfire; p. 25)

    8. The Sequence of The Shots.

    For a Lone Gunman to have accomplished the murder by utilizing the Carcano [C2766], there had to be an absolute minimum of 2.3 seconds necessary to operate the rifle between the shots in Dealey Plaza. The problem is that there are about 60 witnesses who heard a different pattern. These testimonies indicate that there were multiple assassins targeting President Kennedy in Dealey Plaza. I will describe some in detail and then list the others. Let this testimony stand as an indictment of the Commission’s, preconceived, Lone Gunman theory. (WCR; p.117)

    Lee Bowers.
    MarkLane. “Mr. Bowers, how many shots did you hear?”
    Lee Bowers. “There were three shots, and these were spaced with one shot a pause and two shots in very close order such as perhaps Knock, Knock Knock (Bowers taps table to simulate shots) almost on top of each other while there was some pause between the first and the second shots.”

    Seymour Weitzman.
    Joesph Ball. “How many shots did you hear”?
    Weitzman. “Three distinct shots.”
    Joseph Ball. “How were they spaced?”
    Weitzman. “First one, then the second two seemed to be simultaneously.” (Volume VII; p. 106)

    Roy Kellerman.
    Arlen Specter. “Now, in your prior testimony you described a flurry of shells into the car. How many shots did you hear after the first noise which you describe as sounding like a firecracker”
    Roy Kellerman. “Mr. Specter, these shells came in all together.”
    Arlen Specter. “Are you able to say how many you heard?”
    Roy Kellerman. “I am going to say two, and it was like a double bang-bang, bang” (Volume II; p. 76.)

    William Greer.
    Arlen Specter. “How much time elapsed, to the best of your ability to estimate and recollect, between the time of the second noise and the time of the third noise?
    William Greer. “The last two just seemed to be simultaneously, one behind the other.(Volume II; p. 118.)

    William Greer. “The last two were closer together than the first one. It seemed like the first one, then there was, you know, bang, bang, just right behind it almost.” (Volume II; p.130)

    Linda Kay Willis.Mr. Leibeler. “Did you hear any shots, or what you later learned to be shots, as the motorcade came past you there”?
    Linda Kay Willis.Yes, I heard one. Then there was a little bit of time, and then there were two real fast bullets together. (Volume VII; p. 498.)

    S.M. Holland.
    Mr. Stern.“What number would that have been in the—”
    Mr. Holland.“Well, that would—they were so close together“
    Mr. Stern. “The second and third or the third and the fourth”?
    Mr. Holland. “The third and the fourth. The third and the fourth.” (Volume VI; p. 244)

    Governor Connally. “…It was extremely rapid, so much so that again I thought that whoever was firing must be firing with an automatic rifle because of the rapidity of the shots; a very short period of time.” (Volume IV; p. 134.)

    Mary Ann Moorman.
    Johnny Cairns. “Can you remember what the sequence of the shots were?
    Mary Ann Moorman. “Noise, brief second then noise, noise”
    Johnny Cairns. “So how long would you say between the second and the third shots?”
    Mary Ann Moorman. “Immediate” (Personal Correspondence)

    Senator Ralph Yarborough. “I have handled firearms for fifty year(s) and thought immediately that it was a rifle shot. When the noise of the shot was heard, the motorcade slowed to what seemed to me a complete stop (though it could be a near stop). After what I took to be about three seconds , another shot boomed out, and after what I took to be one-half the time between the first and second shots (calculated now, this would have put the third shot about one and one-half seconds after the second shot—by my estimate—to me there seemed to be a long time between the first and second shots, a much shorter time between the second and third shots—these were my impressions that day) a third shot was fired.” (Volume VII; p.440)

    Forrest V. Sorrels.
    Mr. Stern. “Now, did you recognise it at the time as a shot?”
    Forrest V. Sorrels. “I felt it was because it was too sharp for a backfire of an automobile. And to me, it appeared a little bit too loud for a firecracker. Within about 3 seconds, there were two more similar reports”
    Mr. Stern. “Can you tell us anything about the spacing of these reports?”
    Forrest V. Sorrels. “Yes. There was to me about twice as much time between the first and the second shots as there was between the second and the third shots.
    Mr. Stern. “Can you estimate the overall time from the first shot to the third shot?”
    Forrest V. Sorrels. “Yes. I have called it out to myself, I have timed it, and I would say it was very, very close to 6 seconds.” (Volume VII; p. 345.)

    Mary Mitchell. “She and her companion heard a loud report or explosion, then, after a short pause of four or five seconds, there were two more rapid explosions.” (FBI Report, 1/18/64)

    Edward Shields. “I heard one shot then a pause and then this repetition—two shots right behind the other.” (Volume VII; p. 394)

    Carolyn Walther. “At about the time they reached the curb at Elm Street, she heard a loud report and thought it was fireworks. There was a pause after this first report, then a second and third report almost at the same time, and then a pause followed by at least one and possibly more reports.” (Volume XXIV; p. 522)

    Steven Wilson. “It is my opinion that there was a greater space of time between the second and third shots than between the first and second. The three shots were fired within a matter of less than five seconds.” (Volume XXII; p. 685)

    James Worrell Jr.
    Arlen Specter. “Well, did these four shots come close together or how would you describe the timing in general on those.”
    James Worrell Jr. “Succession”
    Arlen Specter. “Were they very fast?”
    James Worrell Jr. “They were right in succession.” (Volume II; p. 194)

    Winston Lawson. “Then I heard two more sharp reports, the second two were closer together than the first. There was one report, and a pause, then two more reports closer together, two and three were closer together than one and two.” (Volume IV; p. 353.)

    With the above, the point is made. But there are many more. In the interests of brevity let us list them with the proper sourcing so the interested reader can survey the field so to speak.

    Jesse E. Curry. (Volume IV; p. 161, p. 172)
    Luke Mooney. (Volume III; p. 282)
    William Shelley. (Volume VI; p. 329.)
    James Crawford. (Volume VI; p. 172)
    Joe Molina. (Volume VI; p. 371)
    Garland Slack.(Volume XXVI; p. 364)
    Victoria Adams. (Volume VI, p388)
    Danny Arce. (FBI Report, 11/22/63)
    Cecil Ault. (Volume XXIV; p. 534)
    Glen Bennett. (Volume XXIV; p. 541/542)
    Jane Berry. (FBI Report 11/24/63)
    Earle Cabell (Volume VII; p. 478)
    Mrs Cabell. (Volume VII; p. 486.)
    Rose Clark. (Volume XXIV; p. 533)
    George Davis. (Volume XXII; p. 837)
    Harold Elkins. (Volume XIX; p. 540)
    Clyde Haygood. (Volume VI; p. 287)
    Ruby Henderson. (Volume XXIV; p. 524)
    Pearl Springer. (Volume XXIV; p. 523)
    Robert Jackson. (FBI Report, 11/22/63)
    Ladybird Johnson. (Volume V; p. 565)
    C.M. Jones. (Volume XIX, p. 512)
    Sam Kinney. (Volume XVIII; p. 731)
    Billy Lovelady. (Volume XXIV; p. 214)
    John Martin Jr. (FBI Interview 3/31/64)
    A.D. McCurly. (Volume XIX; p. 514)
    William McIntyre. (Volume XVIII; p. 747)
    Austin Miller. (Volume XIX; p. 485)
    Lillian Mooneyham. (Volume XXIV; p. 531)
    F. Lee. Mudd. (Volume XXIV; p. 538)
    Barbara Rowland.(Volume VI; p. 184)
    Ruth Smith. (FBI Interview; 12/21/63)
    Allan Sweatt. (Volume XIX; p. 531)
    James Tague. (FBI Report; 12/14/63)
    Warren Taylor. (Volume XVIII; p. 783)
    Ruth Thornton. (Volume XXIV; p. 537)
    Roy Truly. (Volume III; p. 221)
    James Underwood. (Volume VI; p. 169)
    Mary Woodward. (Dallas Morning News; 11/23/63)
    Rufus Youngblood. (Volume II; p. 150)
    Roger D. Craig. (Volume VI; p. 263)

    “To say that they were hit by separate bullets is synonymous with saying that there were two assassins.” Norman Redlich, Commission Counsel. (Inquest; p. 43)

    9. The Cartons of The South East Corner.

    During the London Weekend Television (LWT) mock trial of Lee Harvey Oswald in 1986, a significant exchange took place involving Vincent Bugliosi and Eugene Boone regarding the stacks of cartons near the south-east corner window on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository (TSBD). Bugliosi, a proponent of the lone nut theory, attempted to imply that Oswald had constructed the carton shield to hide his rifle assembly, possession, and eventual use of it. Boone seemed to agree with Bugliosi’s inference, suggesting that the cartons were deliberately arranged for concealment.

    Vincent Bugliosi. “Exhibit number 11 [CE723, Shield of cartons around sixth floor south-east corner window] Now on the screen is a photograph, Mr. Boone of stacks of cartons or boxes near a window. Do you recognise what is depicted in this photograph?”
    Eugene Boone. “The boxes on the inside of the southeast building uh southeast uh floor of the-sixth floor of the School Book Depositary, southeast corner.”
    Vincent Bugliosi. “When you arrived on the sixth floor is this the way the cartons were stacked around that window?”
    Eugene Boone. “Yes sir”
    Vincent Bugliosi. “So, you could almost say that there was a ‘Snipers Nest’ around that window?”
    Eugene Boone. “Yes sir.”

    Jerry Spence objects to Bugliosi’s leading question.

    Vincent Bugliosi. “What does those cartons and boxes look like to you?”
    Eugene Boone. “They look like an attempt to hide something on the other side”
    Vincent Bugliosi. “If someone had been walking on that sixth floor and someone was behind those boxes uh could the person behind those boxes had been seen?”
    Eugene Boone. “They would be concealed from either the elevator or the stairwell across the building”

    However, Bugliosi’s line of questioning overlooks the testimony of Bonnie Ray Williams, which sheds light on the true origin of the carton arrangement.

    Williams testified, “We had to move these books to the east side of the building, over here, and those books – I would say this would be the window Oswald shot the President from. We moved these books kind of like in a row like that, kind of winding them around.”

    Therefore, based on Williams’ testimony, it can be concluded that the evidence contradicts Bugliosi’s claim that Oswald constructed the shield of cartons. (Volume VIII; p. 167)Picture9

    10. The Men Behind the Picket Fence.

    Significant testimony from Lee E. Bowers, who worked for the Union Terminal, places two individuals behind the picket fence during the crucial moments of the assassination. Bowers testified that he witnessed a flash of light or some other significant occurrence that drew his attention to the immediate area on the embankment where the two men were located. This detail is vital because it suggests a possible link between these individuals and the shots that were allegedly fired from the picket fence. Bower’s observation aligns with the claims made by multiple witnesses who insisted that the fatal shots originated from this area.Picture10

    Joseph Ball. “Now, were there any people standing on the high side—high ground between your tower and where Elm Street goes down under the underpass towards the mouth of the underpass”?
    Lee Bowers. “Directly in line, towards the mouth of the underpass, there were two men. One man, middle-aged or slightly older, fairly heavy-set, in a white shirt, fairly dark trousers. Another younger man, about mid-twenties, in either a plaid shirt or a plaid coat or jacket.”
    Joseph Ball. “In what direction were they facing”?
    Lee Bowers. “They were facing and looking up towards Main and Houston, and following the caravan as it came down.” (Volume IV; p. 287)

    Bowers informed Mark Lane that he witnessed a peculiar incident near the unknown individuals in the vicinity during the assassination.

    Lee Bowers. “At the time of the shooting, in the vicinity of where the two men I have described were, there was a flash of light or…there was something which occurred which caught my eye in this immediate area on the embankment. Now, what this was, I could not state at that time and at this time I could not identify it, other than there was some unusual occurrence – a flash of light or smoke or something which caused me to feel like something out of the ordinary had occurred there.”

    Julia Ann Mercer

    On November 22, 1963, Julia Ann Mercer had a significant encounter while driving on Elm Street towards the triple underpass. As she approached, she noticed a truck parked near the right entrance road to the underpass. The truck prominently displayed the words “Air Conditioning” on its side and had toolboxes in the back. Notably, the truck appeared to have one or two wheels up on the curb. While waiting for the left-hand lane to clear so she could pass, Mercer’s attention was drawn to the driver of the truck. She observed that he was slouched over the wheel and wore a green jacket. Based on her estimation, he “was a white male and about his 40’s and was heavy set.” In a remarkable turn of events, Mercer also witnessed another individual at the back of the truck. “[he] reached over the tailgate and took out from the truck what appeared to be a gun case…it was brown in color. The man who took this out of the truck then proceeded to walk across the grass and up the grassy hill which forms part of the overpass…The man who took what appeared to be the gun case out of the truck was a white male, who appeared to be in his late 20’s or early 30’s and he was wearing a grey jacket, brown pants and plaid shirt as best as I can remember.” (Volume XIX; p. 483/484.)

    When comparing the descriptions provided by Mrs. Mercer and Mr. Bowers, it is evident that there are striking similarities between the individuals they observed.
    Mrs. Mercer described the driver of the truck as a white male in his 40s, wearing a green jacket and appearing heavy-set. The man who took the apparent gun case out of the truck was described as a white male in his late 20s or early 30s, wearing a grey jacket, brown pants, and a plaid shirt.

    On the other hand, Mr. Bowers witnessed two individuals behind the picket fence during the assassination. He described one man as middle-aged or slightly older, fairly heavy-set, wearing white shirt and dark trousers. The other man he observed was younger, in his mid-twenties, and was either wearing a plaid shirt or a plaid coat/jacket.

    Considering the similarities in the descriptions, it is reasonable to deduce that Mrs. Mercer and Mr. Bowers were likely referring to the same individuals. The age ranges, physical appearances, and clothing descriptions align closely between the two accounts. This correlation strengthens the possibility that these men were indeed connected and involved in the events surrounding President Kennedy’s murder.

    Several witnesses in Dealey Plaza also testified or stated that they observed smoke emanating from the trees near the picket fence after the President’s assassination. These famously include S. M . Holland who said he had no doubt about seeing a puff of smoke and hearing a gunshot from under those trees. (Volume VI, pp. 243-44)Picture11

    R.C. Dodd.
    Mark Lane. “Did you see anything which might indicate to you where the shots came from?”R.C. Dodd. “Well…ah…we all three/four seen about the same thing as the shots. The smoke came from the hedge on the north side of the plaza.” Mr. Dodd was not called to testify before the Warren Commission.

    James Simmons.
    Mark Lane. “What did you see and what did you hear?”
    James Simmons. “As the Presidential limousine was rounding the curve on Elm Street, there was a loud explosion. At the time I didn’t know what it was, but it sounded like a loud firecracker or a gunshot. And it sounded like it came from the left and in front of us. Towards the wooden fence. And there was a puff of smoke that came underneath the trees on the embankment.”
    Mark Lane. “Where was the puff of smoke Mr. Simmons in relation to the wooden fence?”
    James Simmons. “It was right directly in front of the wooden fence.”
    Mr. Simmons was not called to testify to the Warren Commission.
    Ed Johnson. “Some of us saw little puffs of white smoke that seemed to hit the grassy area in the esplanade that divides Dallas main downtown streets.” (Fort Worth Star Telegram 11/23/63)
    Clemon Johnson. “Mr. Johnson stated that white smoke was observed near the pavilion, but he felt that this smoke came from a motorcycle abandoned near the spot by a Dallas policeman.” (Volume XXII; p. 836)
    A.D. McCurley. “I ran over and jumped a fence and a railroad worker stated to me that he believed the smoke from the bullets came from the vicinity of the stockade fence which surrounds the park area.” (Volume XIX; p. 514.)
    Austin Miller. “I saw something which I thought was smoke or steam coming from a group of trees north of Elm off the Railroad tracks.” (Volume XIX; p. 485.)

    Thomas Murphy.
    Stewart Galanor. “Could you tell me where you thought the shots came from?”
    Thomas Murphy. “Yeah, they come from a tree to the left, of my left which is to the immediate right of the sight of the assassination.”
    Stewart Galanor. “That would be on that grassy hill up there.”
    Thomas Murphy. “Yeah, on the hill up there. There are two or three hackberry and Elm trees. And I say it come from there.”
    Stewart Galanor. “Was there anything that actually led you to believe that the shots came from there?”
    Thomas Murphy. “Yeah, smoke.”
    Stewart Galanor. “You saw smoke?”
    Thomas Murphy. “Sure did”.
    Stewart Galanor. “Could you tell me exactly where you saw the smoke?”
    Thomas Murphy. “Yeah, in that tree.” (Cover-Up; p. 59.)Picture12

    Nolan Potter. “Recalls seeing smoke in front of the Texas School Book Depository Building rising above the trees.” (Volume XXII; p. 834.)
    Royce Skelton. “No, sir; definitely not. It sounded like they were right there-more or less like motorcycle backfire, but I thought that they were theses dumbballs that they throw at the cement because I could see the smoke coming up off the cement.”
    Joesph Ball. “You saw some smoke come off of the cement?”
    Royce Skelton. “Yes.” (Volume VI; p.237)

    Walter Wiborn.
    Stewart Galanor. “Did you see anything else that might be of interest?”
    Walter Wiborn. “I just saw some smoke coming out in a—a motorcycle patrolman leaped off his machine and go up towards that smoke that come out from under the trees on the right-hand side of the motorcade. Now that was—”
    Stewart Galanor. “That’s up that grassy hill.”
    Walter Wiborn. “Yes.”
    Stewart Galanor. “Grassy knoll. There’s a wooden fence there.”
    Walter Wiborn. “Yes.”
    Stewart Galanor. “And you saw smoke.”
    Walter Wiborn. “Yes.”
    Stewart Galanor. “How many? Was it puffs of smoke?”
    Walter Wiborn. “It looked like a little haze, like somebody had shot firecrackers or something like that. Or somebody had taken a puff off of a cigarette and maybe probably nervous and blowing out smoke, you know. Oh, it looked like it was more than one person that might possibly have exhaled smoke. But it was a haze there. From my general impression it looked like it was at least ten feet long and about, oh, two or three feet wide.”
    Stewart Galanor. “And this was where now exactly?”
    Walter Wiborn. “That was back over the sidewalk underneath those trees, that—of that fence that you were talking about…”
    Stewart Galanor. “The FBI spoke with you March 17th, 1964, I believe.”
    Walter Wiborn. “That’s right.”
    Stewart Galanor. “And they make no mention about the smoke that you saw. Did you tell them about that, that you saw smoke on the grassy knoll?”
    Walter Wiborn. “Oh yes. Oh yes”
    Stewart Galanor. “They didn’t include it in their report.”
    Walter Wiborn. “Well.”
    Stewart Galanor. “Do you have any idea why they didn’t?”
    Walter Wiborn. “I don’t have any idea. They are specialists in their field, and I’m just an amateur.” (Stewart Galanor, May 5th, 1966)

    J.L.Oxford. “We jumped the picket fence which runs along Elm Street and on over into the railroad yards. When we got over there, there was a man that told us that he had seen smoke up at the corner of the fence.” (Volume XIX; p. 530)

    Who were the men observed by Julia Ann Mercer shortly before the assassination? Who were the men witnessed by Lee Bowers near the picket fence during the assassination? Was the peculiar incident that caught Bowers’ attention the smoke from a rifle, as described by multiple witnesses? Is it possible to provide an innocent explanation as to why these two men have neglected to come forward in 60 years?


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  • ACTION ALERT: Secret Service Protection for RFK Jr.

    ACTION ALERT: Secret Service Protection for RFK Jr.


    To Our Readers:

    There was a very strange event in Los Angeles on late Friday afternoon. Robert Kennedy Jr. was delivering a speech at a theater just two miles from the old Ambassador Hotel, where his father was assassinated. A man approached him brandishing two loaded guns with one in his backpack. The man had previously posted on Tik Tok, closing his message by saying Donald Trump was the president. The man was stopped and then arrested by the LAPD. 

    There was next to no coverage of this strange event in the MSM. But in the face of this, why has the DHS not granted Kennedy Secret Service protection? After the murder of Robert Kennedy in Los Angeles in 1968 candidates for president were provided Secret Service protection. The turnaround time after the request was usually 14 days. But when Kennedy requested it, after 88 days it was denied. Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas wrote, “I have determined that Secret Service protection for Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is not warranted at this time.” The Kennedy submission included a 67 page report describing security and safety requests including death threats. The reply was that this was only granted 120 days prior to a general election. Which would mean it would be denied to Kennedy almost throughout the primary season. Yet, to mention just one example, when Barack Obama requested it in 2007, prior to the primary season, it was accorded to him. Donald Trump was also in that category.

    This combination of the DNC and the corporate media has done everything it can to try and marginalize Robert Kennedy Jr. and his candidacy. Is this the ultimate marginalization? Whether or not the incident on Friday was real or the man was deluded, it certainly does seem to point out a need for protection. (See this segment of Strange Bedfellows for a discussion of the affair)

    Please notify Secretary Mayorkas for a reversal of this decision.

    Phone Comment Line: 202-282-8495

    US Mail: The Honorable Alejandro Mayorkas,
    Secretary of Homeland Security,
    Washington DC 20258

    Thanks and please do ASAP.

    Jim DiEugenio