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  • Sylvia Odio vs. Liebeler & the La Fontaines


    From the September-October, 1996 issue (Vol. 3 No. 6) of Probe


    Just declassified at the National Archives is the record of Gaeton Fonzi’s interview with Silvia Odio for the Church Committee. We choose to reprint it here in full for two reasons. First, because it is interesting to note the actions of one Wesley Liebeler, UCLA law professor, in his apparent attempt to discredit her. There are still some who believe today that the Warren Commission was actually a fairly neutral body that was just tricked and lied to by the FBI and CIA. We find this an untenable position. We think the Commission, from top to bottom, was prejudiced against Oswald from its inception.

    Wesley Liebeler is a good example of this. Liebeler was one of the strongest voices against the critics in their early days. As noted elsewhere (see page19), he spoke out against Jim Garrison early and often. The day after David Ferrie’s untimely and mysterious death, the New York Times and Associated Press quoted him to the effect that there was nothing of consequence to Ferrie’s role, the man was uninvolved and that was the reason for his name not appearing in the Warren Report. After that, it is apparent from one of his talks at UCLA, that he had been in contact with James Phelan and was preaching that FBI informant’s line on the “circus atmosphere” of the Garrison investigation. According to a memo from Sylvia Meagher’s 1965 files, when David Lifton was speaking to Liebeler about an upcoming private critics’ conference in New York, Liebeler corrected Lifton on the date of the meeting. Perhaps most revealing of all, before the HSCA, Liebeler had the following colloquy:

    Q: Had you prior to going to work for the Warren Commission had any prior experience with any of the federal agencies, investigative agencies, FBI, CIA?

    A: I was interviewed by a CIA agent once when I was younger.

    Q: Did you form any impressions about them?

    A: I was favorably impressed.

    The second reason we have decided to print the document is because of the treatment of the Odio incident in the recent La Fontaine book, Oswald Talked. In our last issue, Carol Hewett pointed out some serious errors that the La Fontaines made in their assessment and treatment of the John Elrod story. There are some other questionable aspects to this rather curious book. In some ways it attempts to take us back to 1964. Relying on Gerald Posner’s new variation, the book contains support for the single-bullet theory (p. 376). Ignoring the work of John Newman, John Armstrong, and the now indisputable evidence of Oswald’s Minox camera, they conclude that Oswald was a true Marxist (p. 161). Concerning David Ferrie, they take the rather breathless stance that he was an unwitting dupe hired to create a phoney trail that would unwittingly link him to the assassination (p. 189). Consider this logic: we are to believe that cagey Guy Banister decked Jack Martin because he knew that Martin would spill the beans about Ferrie and lead Garrison back to Banister himself.

    All of the above are reminiscient of those two veteran researchers Paul Hoch and Peter Dale Scott. The pair figure prominently in the book’s acknowledgements. Scott wrote a rave review about this book for the current issue of Prevailing Winds. Since Scott and Hoch have seen many of the new file releases, we find it odd that they would back a book that claims, in its very subtitle, to be based on the “New Evidence in the JFK Assassination.” For the truly new evidence completely contradicts the above deductions. For instance, it now appears that the cover-up about Ferrie and Clay Shaw goes all the way up to Allen Dulles’ old friend and protégé; McGeorge Bundy. In a recently declassified FBI memorandum of 5/10/67, the following paragraph is included:

    Branigan advised all information concerning investigation by SA Kennedy had been forwarded to the Department and to the Warren Commission, that certain of this information was sealed and this decision had been made by GEORGE McBUNDY [sic], Presidential Advisor, and members of the Warren Commission, and principally pertained to information showing certain people were homosexuals, etc., was not germane to the investigation, and McBUNDY [sic] and the Commission decided this should be sealed…

    (“SA Kennedy” refers to New Orleans FBI agent Regis Kennedy. )

    Since Bundy and Dulles had worked together since the Dewey campaign of 1948, and Bundy, according to “the new evidence,” was the point man in the White House delivering propaganda briefings on the Warren Report two months before it was issued, we find it hard to believe that the above is all completely innocent. Especially since both Shaw and Ferrie worked for the CIA when Dulles was chief.

    The above also belies another underlying tenet of the La Fontaines, namely that only the FBI was employing the Marxist Oswald while this brilliant Marxist manipulator was infiltrating all those unsuspecting, naive CIA agents and assets in New Orleans and finally Dallas. To do this, they ignore the fact of Oswald’s CIA files being shepherded by Counterintelligence Chief James Angleton through the darkest sections of the Agency; the highly suspicious roles of Ruth and Michael Paine; the fact that the FPCC was the subject of a CIA operation launched by David Phillips and James McCord; that Phillips then followed Oswald to Mexico City in October to prepare the false and incriminating transcripts in the Cuban embassy that Hoover was in the dark about on November 23rd!

    But the most disturbing aspect of the book is the chapter on the Odio episode. It is quite simply – in tone, method, and intent – a hatchet job that would bring smiles to the faces of Walter Sheridan and, of course, Liebeler. The method of personal ridicule extends down to comparing Odio to a delusionary victim of a UFO sighting and portraying her sister Annie as a dim-witted, weak-willed accomplice. In a case like this, no witness is above question, as long as the questioner plays fair and square. We won’t go into the La Fontaines’ specious methodology of carefully selecting certain aspects of the Odio record. Like Carol Hewett, Steve Bochan does a good expose of their incomplete presentation in the current Summer issue of Assassination Chronicles. Suffice it to say that we have problems with any researcher who chooses to trust and use the likes of Burt Griffin and Liebeler over Gaeton Fonzi and Sylvia Meagher.

    We would like to make one additional comment on the document below. This may further elucidate Odio quoting Liebeler about Earl Warren in regard to covering “this thing up” (see the callout on this page). When Probe interviewed an HSCA staffer about Odio, he told us that the reason Warren did not believe the “Odio incident” was because Liebeler told him that Odio was a “loose woman.” The reader will understand the import of that remark by reading the report below.


    REPRODUCED AT THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES

    RELEASED PER P. L. 102-526 (JFK ACT) 5-2-96

    Notes – Silvia Odio interviewed 1/16/76


    She first heard of the Kennedy assassination on the radio while on the way back from lunch and she immediately thought of the visit of the three men to her apartment and the conversation she had with them. It produced a tremendous amount of fear in her and she later passed out. (She had been under mental strain of marital problems and the responsibility of caring for her four children after her husband deserted her.) The next thing she remembered was watching television with her sister and seeing Oswald and both recognizing him as one of the men who came to the apartment. “We were just so scared because we both recognized him immediately.” They both were extremely frightened and very anxious about the welfare of their eight brothers and sister (10 children in the family) and their mother and father in prison in Cuba and, since they didn’t know what was going on or whether or not there had been a conspiracy of many involved in the assassination, they both decided not to bring their experience to the attention of the authorities. (“I never wanted to go to them, I was afraid. I was young at the time, I was recently divorced, I had young children, I was going through hell. Besides, it was such a responsibility to get involved because who is going to believe you, who is going to believe that I had Oswald in my house? I was scared and my sister Annie was very scared at the time, she was only 14.)

    She recalls when she was interviewed by Hosty that he kept pressing her to remember the specific day that the three men came to her apartment and she couldn’t specifically remember. Still they kept pushing her for the exact date. (I kept telling them that I don’t remember the date but I know that it was in the last days of September because we were moving at the time and that we had boxes all over the living room and that in order to open the door we had to jump all over the boxes. But I could swear I don’t remember the day, but when I read the Report I found they had set a day and that they had done it for me.”) (“I only remember it must have been the last days of September because we had already a lease for another apartment and that it was the middle of the week, not a Saturday or Sunday.”)

    She says she doesn’t specifically remember being asked about Loran Hall, Lawrence Howard or William Seymour but she was shown numerous photographs, many even after she had moved to Miami in September of 1964, but was never told the names of anyone whose photograph she was shown. She recognized no one but Oswald. (I showed her photographs of Hall, Howard and Seymour which were in Tattler, Sept. ‘75, and she recognized none of them.) I asked her about the possibility that it might have been someone who looked identical to Oswald. She said, “When you see someone as close as I’m seeing you now, even closer because we were standing by my door for about 15 minutes and the light was just coming down upon their faces, when I saw him on television I recognized him immediately. And this guy had a special grin, a kind of funny smile. He kept smiling most of the time, he kept trying to be pleasant, but the other guys did all the talking.”

    “Well, you know if we do find out that this is a conspiracy you know that we have orders from Chief Justice Warren to cover this thing up.”

    She remembers specifically that he was introduced to her as “Leon Oswald,” and he himself said, “My name is Leon Oswald.”

    She says the thing she remembers most about one of the guys is that he had a “funny kind of forehead. It just sort of went back, with no hair on the side. It was peculiar and it’s hard to explain.”

    She has the feeling, also, that the three men wanted her to know that they were going on a trip, that they specifically mentioned that they were going on a trip.

    She wrote her father and told him of the men but he said he didn’t know them and not to trust anyone.

    She also told her psychiatrist, a Dr. Einspruch, then at Southwestern Medical School, of the incident.

    She wonders why, after she was questioned by the FBI, they waited so long to call her back. It wasn’t until the middle of the summer that Liebeler came to Dallas to question her.

    She asked how candid she could be with me and I said I wished she would be totally candid. She said she could say something but she’s afraid she could get in trouble because it would be only her word, although she would swear to it. She said she hasn’t told this to anyone except a Mr. Martin Phillips who came to talk to her about putting her on Dan Rather’s CBS assassination special television show. She refused to [go] on the show but she did talk to Phillips. She said she told part of this story to Phillips but has never mentioned it to anyone else.

    She said that after Liebeler questioned her for the second time that day (the first interrogation started at 9 a.m.; the second at 6:30 p.m.) he asked her out to dinner. “That surprised me, but I was afraid and I went. We didn’t go out alone. We went out with someone who was supposed to be Marina Oswald’s lawyer. I don’t remember his name, but Mr. Phillips from CBS knew. We went to the Sheraton to eat dinner. I thought perhaps there was something behind it and there was a kind of double talk at the table between the lawyer and him. I wasn’t sure they wanted me to hear the conversation or they wanted to convince me of something or wanted me to volunteer something. He (Liebeler) kept threatening me with a lie detector test also, even though he knew I was under tremendous stress at the time. But one thing he said, and this has always bothered me, he said to this other gentleman, I don’t remember his name, he said, “Well, you know if we do find out that this is a conspiracy you know that we have orders from Chief Justice Warren to cover this thing up.” (I asked: Liebeler said that?) “Yes, sir, I could swear on that.” At the time, she said she thought that maybe it was a bait for her because she had the feeling that they thought she was hiding something more, that she was involved with other Cuban groups perhaps or that she knew more than she was saying. “That was the feeling that I got by the time that they took me to dinner, that maybe if I had a few drinks and the conversation became very casual, I would go ahead and volunteer information he thought I was hiding. I wasn’t hiding anything. But what he said struck me. I remember I had a Bloody Mary and thinking to myself, “My God, I’m not that drunk.” I had one Bloody Mary and that’s all I was having. If it was for my sake that he was saying that, it if it was a little game they were playing with me, I don’t know. That’s when I said to myself, “Silvia, the time has come for you to keep quiet. They don’t want to know the truth.”

    “But that made me angry. Not only that, he invited me to his room upstairs to see some pictures. I did go, I went to his room. I wanted to see how far a government investigator would go and what they were trying to do to a witness. Of course nothing happened because I was right in my right senses. He showed me pictures, he made advances, yes, but I told him he was crazy. He even mentioned that they had seen my picture and that they had even joked about it at the Warren Commission, saying like what a pretty girl you are going to see, Jim, and things like that. To me that was all so, I don’t know, anti-professional. I wasn’t used to this sort of thing and I was expecting the highest respect, you know, and I wasn’t expecting any jokes in the investigation of the assassination of a president. So that’s why I’m telling you why my feelings changed because I saw something I wasn’t expecting to see. I wanted to see someone who was carrying on an investigation who was serious about it but somehow I had the feeling it was a game to them and that I was being used in this game.”

    The fellow who Liebeler identified as Marina Oswald’s attorney had not been at her questioning but they picked him up on the way to dinner. He left after dinner and did not go up to Liebeler’s room with them.

    (Showed her all the photographs I had with me and she could identify only Oswald in any of them. Except for one photo which I believe was taken of individuals coming out of courtroom following hearing in New Orleans concerning the Bringuier-Oswald fracas.) She identified the man in the background (center left) as her uncle and said she didn’t know her uncle was involved with Bringuier. I told her that according to an FBI report, her uncle, Dr. Augustin Guitart, admitted to being at that court hearing. She said her uncle never mentioned his involvement with Bringuier but that she knew he was a “fierce” anticommunist. (She herself, she earlier said, was associated with the more liberal element of Manolo Ray’s party and had always been a Kennedy fan.)

    She said she has always wondered who the other two men who came with Oswald were and has always looked for photographs of them. She says she is pretty sure that one of them was a Mexican. Again she mentioned the “weird forehead.”

    “…he invited me to his room upstairs to see some pictures. I did go, I went to his room. I wanted to see how far a government investigator would go and what they were trying to do to a witness. Of course nothing happened because I was right in my right senses. He showed me pictures, he made advances, yes, but I told him he was crazy.”

    I asked her why she thought she was selected for the visit. She said probably because her father was well known. He was a millionaire who helped Fidel in the mountains. He transported all the arms that went into the Sierra Maestras. He supplied arms and medical supplies. There was hardly anyone in the underground, she said, who didn’t know who her father was. The family was exiled for three years when Batista was in power because her father refused to sell his transportation business. He was described in Time magazine as the “transport tycoon” of Latin America. She says he had a tremendous number of enemies, both business and political. He supplied the truck for the assault on the palace on the 13th of March. He went into exile after that in Miami. (I asked if she knew Pawley. She said she didn’t but that her father knew almost everyone.) “We were very strong supporters of Castro until we felt betrayed by him.”

    She said she was surprised at the details of her father’s life that was known by the three men who came to her apartment, the fact that they knew where her father was in prison. They mentioned the movements that her father had been in politically and called him Amador-Odio. They said they belonged to the JURE movement and knew she belonged to the JURE Movement, as did her father. (That was Manolo Ray’s movement.)

    But she also says that when she thought about it later it wasn’t that difficult for anyone to know of her and her involvement with JURE because the Cuban community in Dallas wasn’t that large and they all lived in about the same section of town. Also, there had been a big rally in a park on a liberation day (she didn’t remember which day) and she delivered the invocation. That was covered by the newspapers and the television stations and she said the FBI later told her that it thought that Oswald could have been there mingling with the Cubans.

    Also it was possible, she later thought, that the three men knew of her because when her father had been sentenced to prison it was a big story in the Dallas newspapers. It had all the information about a millionaire and his family and it also carried her sister Serita’s picture. (Serita had come to Dallas before Silvia and was attending the Univ. of Dallas.) At first her father was sentenced to die and that’s why it was such a big story. Silvia was still in Puerto Rico at the time. (Serita is now in Mexico.)

    She says that when the three men came to the door they first asked for Serita and that they seemed confused, but when she told them she was Silvia and that she was the oldest they said it was she they wanted to talk with.

    That reminded her of Johnny Martin. “Johnny Martin came out of the blue,” she said. “That was a very strange thing. I don’t know how he got involved with my sister Serita, how he was introduced to her. The strange thing about him was that his family lived somewhere in a Latin American country and he had this laundry, this coin laundry he operated. He would tell Serita to being (sic) her clothes there and he wouldn’t charge her. And then Serita brought him to our house and we started talking about a lot of things. He was very clever and we were very young and soon he was telling us he could get arms for our movement. I got in contact with Eugenio (Rogelio Cisneros) and he told Ray he was coming to Dallas to meet Martin.” Martin she says always seemed to be broke yet he said he had a lot fo (sic) contacts in Latin American governments. Nothing came of the meeting between Martin and Cisneros because Cisneros didn’t trust him.

    Re: Lucille Connell. She was a Protestant who got involved in the Catholic Welfare Bureau. She came on very strong with Silvia as soon as she arrived in Dallas and, in fact, had sponsored her trip from Puerto Rico. Connell had known her sister Serita first. “She struck me as the most fantastic, the most kind and considerate person I ever met,” says Silvia. “She was just so generous, and I had tremendous admiration for her.”

    “She was very involved with a lot of different groups and talked to me about them. She was very intense about the John Birch Society. She was also involved with the Rosicrusians. And also with the Mental Health Association in Dallas.”

    She was a very wealthy women (sic), married to a wealthy man but she divorced him and is now living in Long Island, remarried. (Name now Lucille Light

    50 Wynn Court-Muttontown

    Syoset, Long Island 516-921-3519

    Her husband (Connell) had a large CPA firm in Dallas. J. B. Connell?)

    Connell had even gotten her psychiatrist, Dr. Einspruch (who later went to Philadelphia Naval Hospital.) (She later visited him there; he was wearing a uniform.)

    She described Mrs. Connell as a person who knew all the key people in Dallas.

    “She was a very strong person. She tried to use the fact that I was ill in order to control me, my thoughts, my friends, my goings and comings, the way I raised my children. It came to a point when she called me every night to get a report on what I had done for the day, who I had seen, where I had been. She had a tremendous memory, a very tremendous memory. She could recall something, something she had seen or heard right away. I remember I mentioned the fact of the men’s visit just once to her and she never forgot.

    “You have to remember that I arrived in Dallas under tremendous pressure, I had just suffered the trauma of divorce, I had four children, I had all this responsibility of my brothers and sisters, it was a tremendous burden. And Lucille took me under her wing, took me to the country club, wanted to buy me dresses, wanted to introduce me in certain circles. I always had the feeling she was getting me ready for something.”

    “Then came this Father McChann. Father McChann and I became very close friends and he was going through his own crisis in his life. Lucille used him, managed him, handled him. I don’t know how to say it. Lucille tried to get us together and then tried to get us apart and got jealous of our relationship in the meantime. People are very complex. She was very moody and enjoyed playing with our lives. There was a time when I couldn’t say no to her for anything, She would call me at two o’clock in the morning and say, “I don’t want to sleep now, would you talk to me? and I felt I had to even though I didn’t want to and had to go to work the next morning.” Only with Dr. Einspruch’s help that she got strong enough to pull herself away from Mrs. Connell.

    “This is why she was angry with me and maybe why she called the FBI. She was very angry with me because I was pulling away from her and getting stronger.” She had also developed a relationship with a wealthy couple named Rodgers and Mrs. Connell was very jealous of that, also. (John Rodgers was the president of Texas Cement.)

    (I asked her about her knowledge of Reinaldo Gonzales and Alpha 66 founder Antonio Veciana.) She knew of them and of her father’s role in hiding Gonzales. She had never met Veciana and did not know what he looked like.

    She said she also knew Jorge Salazar (mentioned in O’Toole-Hoch piece as Dallas Alpha 66 leader whose home at 3126 Hollandale was meeting place where Oswald was seen), but was never at that address and was never involved with Alpha 66. Actually, she only knew of Salazar and doesn’t actually know what he looks like.

    (I had her review her testimony and she recalled certain details:)

    • That Leon Oswald’s name had been repeated. One guy said, “I’d like you to meet Leon Oswald.” Then he said, “My name is Leon Oswald.”
    • That Oswald had a slight beard and more of an indication of a moustache, as if he hadn’t shaved in a day or so or (as they said) had just come from a trip.
    • That he (Oswald) had on a green shirt.
    • That one of the men was very hairy and showed a lot of hair on his chest above his shirt.
    • Leopoldo, the tall one, was driving.
    • One of them called the day after and, more likely she thinks, the day after that.
    • That one of them had pockmarks on his face and a very bad complexion. He also had a “funny kind of head,” a lot of hair but “big entrance on the side.

    (re Mrs. Connell again: I asked her about Connell’s report to FBI re Gen. Walker and Col. Castorr) “Mrs. Connell was apparently involved in more than she pretended. Whenever she wanted to find out some information she would take me out to lunch. I wasn’t aware at the time she was using me. I knew she was involved with key people in Dallas and she was continually getting phone calls where she would lock herself in her library when she answered them. She was always mysterious, and always very careful not to mention information, she always asked. She did mention Gen. Walker, we talked about Walker. I knew she was involved with his movement and with the John Birch Society. I think that’s why she was involved with the Cubans, because we were very usable people, and expendable. (Did she ever mention Conservatives of the USA?) “Yes, she did. We discussed that, I remember the name.” (Re Connell-cont.) “And then all of a sudden one summer she decided to become a Rosicrusian, and she started traveling, was it Oklahoma or someplace where the Rosicrusians have a headquarters? She traveled quite a bit on that, I remember because she showed me a card, they issued her a card.

    She married a guy who takes tours to Europe and has a lot of money…

    Another association she recalled was the name of Russo, which she heard mentioned as part of Garrison’s investigation. She says the name rang a bell and she finds it interesting that he knew Oswald by the name of Leon Oswald also.

    Connell was not only involved with the Mental Health Association but very interested in psychology, mind control and brainwashing. She had a lot of books on the subject.

    That’s when I said to myself, “Silvia, the time has come for you to keep quiet. They don’t want to know the truth.”

    Silvia specifically remembers that when Leopoldo called her back on the telephone and told her about Oswald talking about killing Kennedy, it was not a weekend day (Sat. the 28th or Sunday the 29th) because she remembers working that day and getting the call after she came home from work, about 7:30 p.m. She is pretty sure it was not the day after their visit, but the following day (which would make it Friday the 27th at the latest; because Monday was the 30th and she was moving by then.)


    Big thanks to Steve Bochan for forwarding us this document. -Eds.

  • The Files Fiasco


    Probe Vol 3 No 6 (September-October 1996), pp. 27-28

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  • Marina Oswald Porter’s Statement to the Review Board


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  • CTKA’s Presidential Endorsement (1996)


    Pity a populace that must choose between Bob Dole and Bill Clinton as the chief executive of their government. Or even Dole, Clinton, and Ross Perot. In good conscience, CTKA cannot endorse any of them. There is someone we do support. But before we explain why, we will explain why not.

    For us, Bob Dole is, in political parlance, a “non-starter”. Many have recently pointed out Dole’s support for the tobacco companies as indicative of the kind of politician he is. We say the indications go back much further and deeper than just the tobacco companies. Dole was a fond admirer of the great divider of the American political system, Richard Nixon. And Dole staunchly supported Nixon through both the escalation of the Vietnam War and the paralyzing Watergate scandal. Dole has rarely found a corporate cause or thiet he didn’t like. When two multimillionaire oil entrepreneurs were hauled before a Senate committee for stealing 30 million in oil from Indian reservations, Dole used the old chestnut of launching diversionary attacks against witnesses in order to disrupt the proceedings. The Koch brothers then became major contributors to Dole and the Republican party (for a complete report on this, see The Nation of 8/26/96). Like husband, like wife. Liddy Dole is supposed to be his better half. Not true. When Ms. Dole ran the Red Cross in the early 90’s, her chief adviser was Mari Will, wife of Washington Post pundit, Oswald did it stalwart, and CIA defender George Will. Any candidate close to the Wills is an enemy of the research community, and consequently, good government.

    Most revealing about Bob Dole was his behavior during the Iran-Contra scandal. As the mainstream media tried to make Jim Garrison the criminal when he probed the Kennedy case, Dole tried to make Lawrence Walsh the culprit of that later scandal. According to Robert Parry, Dole detracted attention from the allegations against Reagan-Bush officials by hectoring Walsh over issues like where he paid his local taxes and his first class airfares. In other words, Dole was part of the Washington “insider” effort to defuse and defund Walsh’s investigation. After Bush stopped Walsh’s probe by pardoning his suspects, Dole boasted in public about his role in derailing Walsh. If one is looking for someone to fund and extend the Review Board, and later appoint an independent consul, Dole would be a hapless choice. Ross Perot is to be credited for offering an alternative to the two party system. He wants to clean the lobbyists and special interests out of Washington. He campaigned against NAFTA. But Perot has an erratic and dictatorial streak in him, as exemplified by the controversy in the nominating process of his Reform Party. Although people in the research community offered him material on Gerald Posner, he has not used it even though Citizen Perot is a hit piece timed for the presidential race. Also, like Dole, Perot was a strong supporter of Richard Nixon as is attested to in John Ehrlichmann’s bookWitness to Power. Reportedly, Perot also contributed to the candidacy of Oliver North in his run for the Senate. Recently another of North’s criminal activities was brought to light: the selling of cocaine for distribution to gangs in Los Angeles. So although Perot is better on some issues, he seems a bit myopic about the overall picture.

    Which brings us to the incumbent. Most of us at CTKA voted for Bill Clinton in ’92. George Bush, former DCI, had fought the JFK Act. During the campaign, Clinton made some overtures our way. He stated in McKeesport, Pennsylvania that he realized many people had lingering questions about the JFK case and they deserved answers. The centerpiece of his nominating convention was the famous film of himself at the White House in 1963 shaking hands with President Kennedy. After his election, he made a grand photo opportunity out of his visit to Kennedy’s grave at Arlington. After a slow start, he did finally get the Review Board nominated. But then in 1993, on the 30th anniversary of the assassination, he blindsided us. In response to a question by a CNN reporter Clinton said that, after reading Case Closed , he was now satisfied with the official verdict in the case. Since then, as noted in our last issue, he has yet to make a positive decision in favor of the Review Board in any of its disputes with the FBI over redactions in released documents. To our knowledge, he has made only one mention of the Board in public since Mr. Marwell was instated, and that was a passing notice. On the Robert Kennedy case, Clinton wrote the foreword to the recent book The Last Campaign, by Time-Life photographer Bill Eppridge and writer Hays Gorey. The book states that Sirhan killed RFK. Clinton implies the same in his unqualified opening endorsement. In retrospect, we should have known better about Clinton in 1992.

    With our knowledge of the media, painfully culled from its treatment of the JFK case, we should have known something was up with the Arkansas governor. Back in 1988, when Clinton blew his nationally televised nominating speech for Michael Dukakis, he was invited onto The Tonight Show where he was allowed to kid himself over his longwindedness thereby redeeming his national image. When he finished second in the New Hampshire primary in 1992, he was allowed the guest spot on Nightline and, unchallenged by Ted Koppel, he announced himself the “real” winner since he finished a closer second than expected. When the Gennifer Flowers sex scandal brimmed over, he got a spot on Sixty Minutes with Hillary as his Tammy Wynettish wife that patched up his “family man” image. Later in the campaign, when the Whitewater and Mena stories started to leak out of Arkansas, Time did its turn with a remarkably deceptive cover story. Entitled “The Doubts About Bill Clinton”, it masqueraded as an inquisition of his tenure as governor. In reality it ended up giving him the benefit of the doubt on every accusation. In other words, it was designed to put the rumors to rest.

    How does a candidate get the red carpet treatment into the White House? Why would NBC, ABC, CBS, and Time-Life smooth the rails to get a Democrat into power? Those are the questions we should have been asking ourselves amid these odd maneuverings. The answers are in Roger Morris’ new book on the Clintons, Partners in Power. In our Jan/Feb issue, we recommended the Morris biography of Richard Nixon as the best in that crowded field. He has repeated that feat with his work on the Clintons. Some of the things revealed in this book confirm the suspicions many people have had about the Clintons and explain the remarkable orchestrations to get him into office. Consider:

    1. Clinton lied to the University of Arkansas to escape the draft and used a crony of former governor Winthrop Rockefeller to stall his local draft board into delaying their decision on his case. These delay tactics were enough to get him out of serving in the Vietnam War since Nixon instituted a draft lottery in 1969. Clinton has orchestrated a cover-up of these facts since his first run for office in 1974.
    2. Morris cites three confidential sources in making his case that Clinton was a CIA informant at Oxford reporting on radicals in the anti-war movement abroad.
    3. The Rose Law Firm was the Sullivan and Cromwell of Arkansas. If Allen and John Foster Dulles had been attorneys in Little Rock instead of New York City, they would have felt at home there. It was a lawyers’ school for scandal that fits right into the contemporary–and well-deserved–caricature of attorneys who, as long as they are paid $300 an hour, will cover up any kind of corporate malfeasance. Clinton got Hillary her the job there. It is at this time that Hillary Clinton took part in her patently rigged commodities deal, which Morris exposes as a thinly disguised political bribe. If Hillary Clinton had any ideals, and Morris indicates she had some, they were lost when she went to work at Rose in 1976.
    4. If Clinton had any ideals–and the case is weaker for him–he lost them after his failed reelection bid for governor in 1980. Contrary to popular belief, that loss did not change him from a dewy-eyed idealist into a pragmatist. It put him even more solidly in the camp of the powerful and wealthy interests who had backed him from the start.
    5. If the drugs for weapons transfer site at Mena, Arkansas is ever honestly examined by the major media or a legislative body, it will destroy Clinton and put Oliver North and George Bush in jail. Which, of course, is where they should have been if Dole had not obstructed Walsh.

    The amazing thing about all of the above points is that they were all evident to Arkansas observers before Clinton ran in the Democratic primaries. Yet the American people were not allowed to know the full truth about Bill Clinton. The fact that the media provided interference for him should have alerted us like a flare in the night. So the failures of his administration, not just on the JFK Act, should have been no surprise or provided little disappointment. As Robert Parry has pointed out, Clinton was in a great position to reopen the “October Surprise” investigation since the Russians offered him new evidence that it had actually happened. Clinton has had opportunities to expose the sordidness of the Reagan-Bush years on the horrors of the El Mozote massacre, on Iraqgate, on the GOP tampering with his mother’s State Department files. On all these, as well as the JFK case, he has remained silent. In many ways he has actually endorsed two political tendencies that CTKA most deplores and anyone who still values in the legacy of John Kennedy holds dear: the excesses of the national security state, and the wild maldistribution of wealth that has ravaged America since 1980. Clinton has doubled the number of FBI authorized wiretaps that Bush allowed. As exposed by the Los Angeles Times, he secretly authorized arms shipments into Bosnia through Iranian allies. Now that historians like Gar Alperovitz have exposed the myth of the “necessity” of dropping the atomic bomb, Clinton tries to reinflate it by saying he would have made the same choice as Truman did.

    On the economy, unlike JFK, Clinton does anything except battle Wall Street. Giant investment house Goldman Sachs was one of the major contributors to his ’92 campaign, so they are well represented with Robert Rubin at Treasury. The same Rubin who defended the FBI’s incineration of 96 people at Waco. Late Commerce Secretary Ron Brown was a partner of Tommy Boggs, a $500 per hour Washington lobbyist. Boggs is the son of Hale Boggs and brother of Cokie Roberts, George Will’s partner in bashing Stone’s JFK and Nixon in front of millions on TV. Clinton had an opportunity to replace Federal Reserve Chairman Allen Greenspan, that darling of Rockefeller-Morgan interests on Wall Street. He didn’t and this keeps Wall Street and other wealthy interests happy; happy enough to give Clinton twelve million on his recent August 19th birthday, a sum that smashes all records for Democratic, and possibly GOP, fundraisers.

    There must be a hitch to all this. Nobody shells out 12 million for nothing. There is. Far from reversing, or even halting the Reagan-Bush upward redistribution of wealth, Clinton has aided it. In a report issued in July, the standard of living for the poor is revealed as bad or worse in 1994 than in any year since 1967. The frightening pace of corporate mergers, especially in the media, has not abated. Pentagon and CIA budgets have not been seriously curtailed by the collapse of the “Red Menace”. Wall Street has been so cheered by Clinton’s policies that a headline in the Los Angeles Times of August 3rd actually reads, “Job Rate Growth Slows, Cheering Wall Street”. The defeat of Kennedy’s economic policies (so aptly portrayed by Donald Gibson), is so complete that Kennedy adviser Dick Goodwin can write an editorial lamenting the fact that Kennedy’s struggle for economic justice is now over; the rich have won out. Goodwin should have ended with the quote, “Bill, you’re no JFK.”

    This is unfortunate for both Clinton and the Democrats. It is also, in an American way, short-sighted on sheer political terms. First, as Kevin Phillips has pointed out, since the issue of the Warren Report the average American’s cynicism about government has grown to epidemic proportions. This has now spread to the GOP, i.e. there seems to be a dealignment of both parties marked by large defections to third parties or independent status. In a July poll, an astonishing 60% of the public favors the rise of a third party. One of the main reasons quoted was that: People have such an incredibly poor view of politics and politicians, and such incredibly low expectations that it takes very little to make them convinced that what they are seeing is the same “old stuff”.

    Concomitant with this is the voters’ knowledge that things weren’t always this bad on the economic front; there was a president we used to trust. This was demonstrated in a July New York Times /CBS poll. When the respondents were asked which former president they would like to have running the country today, the winner in a landslide was John Kennedy. He received double the votes of Reagan and triple the amount of Truman, Lincoln, or FDR. This is even more remarkable in light of the myriad attempts to defame both the man and his presidency in every kind of media. An attempt which, we feel, has demonstrably increased in recent years. When a respondent was asked specifically why she voted for Kenendy, the reply was because he was “for the poor people, while today everyone seems to be more for the rich.” In other words, he wasn’t part of the Washington crowd which Morris calls, “the culture of complicity”. For us there is very little difference between Clinton, Dole, and Perot. Or between those three and the corporate lobbyists and media pundits with whom they cavort. Kennedy wasn’t part of that Washington crowd. He felt they distorted his message. As he told Ben Bradlee, “I always said, when we don’t have to go through you bastards, we can really get our story to the American public.” Kennedy’s willingness to stand up for the public and against these money interests was never more vividly illustrated than in Executive Order 11110 of June 7th, 1963. This instructed Treasury to bypass the Rockefeller-Morgan Federal Reserve Board and begin minting its own silver dollars and silver certificates. Wall Street denizen Douglas Dillon pressed Johnson to reverse that decision. He did three weeks after the assassination.

    There is one candidate running for president this year that we can endorse. In fact as this is being written I am listening to his acceptance speech given at UCLA’s McGowan Hall. His name is Ralph Nader and he is the candidate of the Green Party. Some of our younger readers may not know who he is. As a young lawyer in Hartford, he noticed that many of his personal injury clients had been crippled as a result of automobile accidents. Upon investigation he discovered that the automobiles could have been manufactured more safely to minimize many of the injuries. In 1965 he wrote a book that exposed Detroit’s culpability: Unsafe at Any Speed. It became a bestseller and vaulted him to Capitol Hill where his Senate testimony forced Congress to pass the Motor Vehicle Safety Act of 1966. The next year he was instrumental in getting Congress to pass a law for more stringent inspection of slaughterhouses and meat processing plants. It was Nader who convinced Jock Yablonski to run against corrupt UMW leader Tony Boyle. When GM launched a secret investigation of Nader, he sued and won. With this money he set up Public Citizen Inc., the umbrella group for his investigations of misleading advertising, abuses in nursing homes, and yes, a sick political system that ignores citizens yet is all to quick to respond to corporate and Pentagon wishes. Nader’s example caused a whole slew of idealistic young people–Nader’s Raiders–to join him. Compared to Dole, Clinton, and Perot on a moral and political plane, Nader has the stature of Nelson Mandela. In fact, next to Mandela, he still looks OK. Recently, his name was enough to stop what he calls “tort deformation” in California, i.e. the limiting of malpractice awards in civil cases. Reportedly, James Carville, Clinton’s chief political adviser fears a well-funded, media exposed Nader candidacy more than any other. In other words, if Nader had Perot’s money, Carville would be having sleepless nights.

    To quote Malcolm X, what we are seeing now is the “chickens coming home to roost.” The beginning of the breakdown of the traditional two party system in America. To which Probe says “Good riddance”; but more in sorrow than in anger. The party of FDR and JFK was a good one. But a party that won’t demand the truth about the murder of its most popular leader, or the man who would have saved us from Nixon, Robert Kennedy, or its equivalent of Gandhi, Martin Luther King, does not deserve to persist. In Nader’s acceptance speech of August 19th, he talked about U. S. support of foreign dictatorships that exploit cheap labor; the debasement of democracy by giant corporations; the maldisribution of wealth in America and how to correct it; the bloated Pentagon budget in the wake of the Cold War; a revival of citizenship and democracy among in schools. In short, he sounded a bit like young John Kennedy. If he gets on the national debates, Carville might have some difficulty sleeping. Even if he doesn’t, we’re for him. We’d rather cast a vote for a new beginning, no matter how far off, than be a sucker for false hope, even if it comes cynically gift-wrapped in the mantle of JFK.

  • Ruth Paine: Social Activist or Contra Support Networker?


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  • Robert Tanenbaum interviewed by Probe


    From the July-August, 1996 issue (Vol. 3 No. 5) of Probe


    Robert K. Tanenbaum was chosen by Richard Sprague to be the House Select Committee’s first Deputy Counsel in charge of the John Kennedy murder investigation. Last year he wrote a fictionalized account of that experience entitled Corruption of Blood.The book was released as a mass market paperback this year in a million copy print run, the first highly successful release in the field since Case Closed. He was recently the keynote speaker at the 1995 COPA Conference in Washington.

    Bob attained his law degree at UC Berkeley’s distinguished Boalt Hall in 1968. In New York he served under legendary DA Frank Hogan where he rose to Deputy Chief of the Homicide Bureau, garnering an unbeatable record: he never lost a murder case.

    Bob felt morally resigned to leave the HSCA after Sprague’s forced departure. He has stated, “at that time I had a three year old daughter. . .and I didn’t want her to read about American history that I knew to be absolutely false, that her father may have participated in.”

    In Los Angeles, he has had a multi-faceted career. Although he is still in private practice, he recently served as Mayor of Beverly Hills. He has also written several books based on his legal career. Two of them were non-fiction, The Piano Teacher and Badge of the Assassin. The latter became a film starring James Woods and includes two detectives Tanenbaum used on the HSCA: Cliff Fenton and L. J. Delsa. Bob has written six fictional books based on his Butch Karp character, a New York City Assistant District Attorney. Bob kindly granted Probe’s Jim DiEugenio an interview at his home in Beverly Hills, which he shares with his wife of 29 years and two children. The following are only excerpts from a candid 85 minute talk that can be obtained in the current catalog.


    JD: In the book, you describe this meeting with a guy named Crane, who we guess is probably Dick Sprague. Is that how it actually happened? Did Dick Sprague call you to come down to Washington?

    BT: Well, keep in mind the book is all fiction. But the way I went to Washington was that Dick Sprague, who was then in private practice in Philadelphia was named Chief Counsel and he asked me if I wanted to come down as Deputy Chief and take over the Kennedy side of the investigation, because the House Select Committee was investigating the assassinations of both Martin Luther King and President Kennedy.

    JD: So, how did you know Sprague?

    BT: I didn’t know him. I never knew him, I never met him, I never spoke to him. I’d heard about him as a top-notch D.A. in Philadelphia. He was chief assistant and he’d been in that office about seventeen years or so. And of course he’d tried the Tony Boyle case, the United Mine Workers, so he was a great D.A. and a terrific trial lawyer.

    JD: If you take a look at the structure of the first phase of the House Select Committee as opposed to what is generally considered to be the second phase, when Blakey came in, you guys had a lot of first-class investigators, attorneys, etc. and it really appeared for the first time that it was going to be a real murder investigation.

    BT: That’s what we expected. That’s the only reason we went down there. After all, we were coming out of the homicide bureau of the New York County D.A.’s office and we had tried scores and scores and scores of murder cases. And Sprague was going down there for the same reason. When I met the committee members that’s what they said this was all about, before I said I was going to go down there. So, that’s what we expected. And if the evidence was that Oswald did it and did it alone, we were going to say that. But if he didn’t and the evidence said he didn’t, then we were going to say that. That is what the committment was.

    JD: Did you actually know much about the case before you got into it?

    BT: No, I knew nothing about the case. I had read none of the books, I didn’t follow any of it, I had read all of the negative publicity about Garrison and really had no understanding of what was going on other than the fact that the Warren Commission had concluded that Oswald did it and did it alone.

    JD: So, you really didn’t have an opinion, one way or the other?

    BT: I had no opinion.

    JD: I interviewed a friend of yours down in New Orleans, L.J. Delsa. He said that he felt that one of the reasons the Congress turned against the Committee was, because of Sprague’s approach. It could have set a precedent in Washington to have really serious investigations instead of fact-finding commissions. Did you get any feeling about that?

    BT: In my opinion, Congress never wanted to go forward with these investigations at all. That’s just based upon my having spoken with a lot of the membership of the House as I was asked to do by the Committee, in order to get funding. That’s something I never thought would be an issue before I went down there. They sort of politicized into it with some very distinguished members of Congress who were retiring in 1976, requesting that the Kennedy portion be investigated because they had seen Groden’s presentation of the Zapruder film and were very persuaded by it. Then the Black Caucus got involved and said well, investigate the murder of Dr. King. It was an election year and they said, “Ok, why not? We’ll do that.” But there was no commitment to really do it, unfortunately, which regrettably we found out while we were in the midst of investigating the case. They pulled our budget, they pulled our long-distance phone privileges, our franking privileges, we couldn’t even send out mail. And all of this was happening at a time when we were making some significant headway. So, L. J. may be right with respect to his perception, but at the same time I don’t believe they were ever committed to it. Tip O’Neill, who was the Speaker, was never committed to it. Only many, many years later did he realize that he’d made a tragic mistake.

    JD: When you mentioned retiring members of Congress, was one of the persons you were referring to Downing?

    BT: Yes. Downing from Virginia, right.

    JD: Was his leaving a blow to the Committee?

    BT: Absolutely, because of his prestige. As you know, teaching Civics 101 to a certain extent as you do, it all matters who you are and the power and friendships and the debts that are owed you in Washington, as far as things happening positively. The nature of Congress is, everything is political and they move forward by way of compromise. There was no way to compromise on the investigation of a murder case. There is no Democrat or Republican way to evaluate evidence. You can’t compromise on truth. That’s why the Congress should not be investigating these kinds of cases, particularly if they are going to short circuit an investigation when they realize they’re really doing what they’re supposed to be doing.

    JD: So, by implication you’re saying Gonzalez didn’t have the kind of stature that Downing had?

    BT: From what we learned in Washington there’s no question that that was the case. Gonzalez had never been the chairman of a committee before. But, the answer is basically that he was removed, which was unprecedented.

    JD: One of the problems you mentioned in the book and you’ve mentioned in the talks I’ve heard you give, is that the special status of the Committee made money a real problem.

    BT: Like everything in Washington, you can’t get the engine running without dollars. They didn’t fund us. The Committee started its work in late ’76 and then had to be reestablished, reconstituted and funded in ’77. That didn’t happen until the end of March, 1977. That affected us as far as our ability to have investigators and do the kinds of things you have to do, like travel. This case was not going to be solved in Washington, it happened in Dallas. So, you can’t just stay in Washington, obviously. Although, a lot of things happened in Washington, unfortunately, which resulted in the assassination in Dallas.

    JD: It was a Special Committee, right?

    BT: It was a Select Committee instead of a standing committee, exactly. Standing committees automatically reconstitute after the congress convenes, select committees have to be reestablished. And that should have happened the first or second week in January, pro forma. There shouldn’t have had to be a debate.

    JD: So, basically you were being a lobbyist.

    BT: Unfortunately, I was asked by the Committee to go and speak to the entire membership of the House to try and get them to vote for this Committee. And if I’d known that going down, I never would have gone down there, for all the obvious reasons. We weren’t going down there to conduct a political investigation or to be part of a political action committee, or anything else. We were apolitical. The Republicans could have asked us, the Democrats could have asked us. The issue was, were we going to focus on what the evidence was in the investigation, which is what we were trained to do. So, in order to get funding, I was asked by the Committee to go around and speak to the membership, individually and in groups. I met with some individually.

    JD: Go ahead and describe your meeting with Jim Wright.

    BT: I met with Jim Wright, obviously as one of the individuals with whom I had to meet at the time. He was the House Majority Leader. And fortunately, with staff people present, I was sitting at the edge of his desk in front of his desk and he was leaning back in his chair with his foot pressed against his desk drawer, listening. And I was explaining to him that the anti-Castro Cuban connection to the case was substantial. And thrusting forward in his chair from his relaxed position, his eyebrows shooting up all over the place, he said, “You mean to tell me that Sirhan Sirhan was involved with anti-Castro Cubans?!” And I said, “Mr. Wright, this may be part of the problem we’re having getting funding for this Committee, because we’re investigating the murder of President Kennedy not Senator Kennedy.” He sort of realized he had blundered and said, “Oh yes, of course, of course!” Keep in mind this conversation took place some time in March, is my recollection, and this had been a front-page story and there had been hit-pieces done on Sprague since his selection, which were outrageous. Various newspapers had hired people just to do negative reporting on him.

    JD: You’ve singled out some members of the Committee, particularly Richardson Preyer and Stew McKinney, as being people with whom you enjoyed working and who were very sincere in their efforts to progress with the case. Weren’t there actually some members of the Committee who voted against it?

    BT: There were some less than honorable people on the Committee, yes.

    JD: Did that give you pause at the outset?

    BT: When I say less than honorable, I was somewhat surprised that these Committee members were making comments about the cooperation of the executive intelligence agencies with the Committee, which was non-existent. That is to say, the executive intelligence agencies gave us no cooperation. And at public meetings, these members would simply go out of their way, as if we were watching a scene out of The Godfather where the senator from Utah gets up and makes some silly, gratuitous comment about the Al Pacino character, while he’s being called before the Congress. Out of the clear blue a couple of these members, in a non-sequitur fashion, make comments on how great the CIA and the FBI are in helping the Committee. So, I’m saying to them, they must be working for a different Committee because they’re certainly not helping us! They’re not giving us any information, they’re thwarting us in every aspect of what we’re trying to do and we had to deal with them in court, which was probably the only way we were going to successfully deal with them.

    JD: That’s what you had planned on doing with them?

    BT: Absolutely. We were not interested in receiving documents that were redacted. We were only interested in seeing who questioned a witness, what evidence they received and what they did. Period. We’re not interested in their little sources and methods. We’re not interested in “Mission Impossible” here. We’re interested in who investigated the murder cases, what did they find out, who they found it out from and what did they do if anything in follow-up. That’s what we wanted to find out. This is the Congress. It’s a tripartheid, co-equal branch of government. Why couldn’t the Congress get that material from the executive branch? There is no reason for executive branch intelligence agencies to “clear” members of Congress. That’s preposterous! Particularly, when you are investigating aspects of what they did or didn’t do, not for the purposes of any indictments, but for the purpose of trying to find out what happened.

    JD: It was you who originally invited Dr. Michael Baden down to Washington, right?

    BT: Oh, yeah. Dr. Baden along with Cyril Wecht, is the finest forensic pathologist in the country. I knew Mike because he was deputy chief medical examiner in New York and we had worked on scores and scores of murder cases, together. And he is a brilliant, wonderful person. When Mike was with me and the Committee, using the Z film, we demonstrated that Kennedy did not turn his head at the time of impact, which would have suggested that the shot came from the right front. Mike Baden was satisfied with this conclusion at that time. But, after I left Baden changed his opinion. He didn’t change it in bad faith, in my opinion.

    JD: You’ve mentioned previously the photographs taken of the sixth floor window at the time and the problem of how someone could be at the window and then disappear from the window in 3 or 4 seconds.

    BT: Well, even if it were 15 to 30 seconds, what we see there is a window open maybe 12″ and an opaque wall of maybe 4′ from where the window starts. It’s not a window from floor to ceiling. At best, you could see just a partial of a shooter’s face, if in fact someone was shooting. Because what we know is, as you look at the photographs, whoever shot from that window, if anyone, did not wait around and say, “I just murdered the President! Thank you very much!” There was this covert operation. The person who shot from there immediately left. Now, that being the case, the question is how did the Dallas police, at 12:48pm, just about 18 minutes after the assassination, get the description of someone who was in that window?

    JD: One of the more interesting subjects you’ve mentioned in some of your talks, is this meeting you had with Senator Schweiker which, I’m assuming, you give a lot of weight to, because of the evidence and because of who it was coming from.

    BT: Well, it was shocking! I went up there with Cliff Fenton and Schweiker told me in his opinion the CIA was responsible for the assassination. That’s a heck of a statement to come from a United States Senator and one who had even been Ronald Reagan’s running mate in 1976, even though they didn’t make it.

    JD: Was it just you in the room when he told you that?

    BT: Yeah, it was just the two of us. I was stunned! He had asked Cliff to leave and he had his own staff people leave. I had that material he had given us which contained all that information about Veciana and the Alpha 66 group and this Bishop character.

    JD: When I interviewed Schweiker, one of the last questions I asked him was if he had been on the oversight committee, for which he had not been nominated, which avenue would he have pursued. And he said, “I would have gone after Maurice Bishop.”

    BT: Well, as I said, I was stunned. Even after investigating this case, I’m not going to say that the CIA did it. He was saying it definitively. What the evidence suggested when we were in Washington was there were certain rogue elements who were involved with Bishop and others, the “plumber” types in the Nixon White House, who were involved with Oswald, who were substantially involved with anti-Castro Cubans who, the evidence suggests, were involved in the assassination. I keep saying that the evidence suggested it because we weren’t there long enough to make the case. So, there was a short-circuiting that occurred. But, that’s the area we were moving, inexorably toward. And then I spoke with Gaeton Fonzi and Gaeton would corroborate this to the extent that he worked with Schweiker, he knew what Schweiker’s feelings were and he knew all about that file on Veciana. And that’s when we asked Gaeton to come on board, because he had worked on the Church senate oversight committee and he had a lot of connections that would be very helpful. And he’s a very honest guy.

    JD: You actually invited him on board?

    BT: Yeah. With Sprague. I basically staffed the Committee and Dick basically rubberstamped everything I wanted to see happen, after explanation, of course. But, Gaeton turned out to be what I expected he was: a very honest, hardworking, serious person. And a good person.

    JD: Another thing you’ve discussed and it’s featured in your book, is this incredible movie of the Cuban exile training camp.

    BT: To the best of my recollection, we found that movie somewhere in the Georgetown library archives. The movie was shocking to me because it demonstrated the notion that the CIA was training, in America, a separate army. It was shocking to me because I’m a true believer in the system and yet there are notorious characters in the system, who are being funded by the system, who are absolutely un-American! And who knows what they would do, eventually. What if we send people to Washington who they can’t deal with? Out comes their secret army? So, I find that to be as contrary to the constitution as you can get.

    JD: Was it really as you described in the book, with all the people in that film? Bishop was in the film?

    BT: Oh, yeah. Absolutely! They’re all in the film. They’re all there. But, the fact of the matter is the Committee began to balk at a series of events. The most significant one was when [David Atlee] Phillips came up before the Committee and then had to be recalled because it was clear that he hadn’t told the truth. That had to do with the phony commentary he made about Oswald going to Mexico City on or about October 1st, 1963.

    JD: Would you describe that whole sequence, because I feel that is one of the real highlights of your book.

    BT: As I said, I had never followed the sequence of these events and I wasn’t aware of any of this, before I went to Washington. If you had told me all this before I went, I would have said, “This is madness. Talk to me about reality!” So, Phillips was saying that an individual went to Mexico City on or about October 1st and the CIA was claiming this was Lee Harvey Oswald, just as the Warren Commission claimed. However, the following occurred: “Oswald” goes to the Russian Embassy and identifies himself as Lee Henry Oswald. He wants to fake everybody out by changing his middle name. There were tapes of what he said because the CIA was bugging the Embassy the same as they were doing to the U.S. Embassy, according to Phillips. And the CIA was photographing people going in and out of the Embassy, the same as they were doing to the U.S. (We found out, from our own sources that the CIA had a contract employee named Lee Henry Oswald, in their files.) Phillips testimony was that there was no photograph of “Oswald” because the camera equipment had broken down that day and there was no audio tape of “Oswald’s” voice because they recycled their tapes every six or seven days. The problem with his story was, we had obtained a document, it was from the desk of J. Edgar Hoover, it was dated November 23rd, 1963, the very next day after the assassination. This document was a memo to all FBI supervisorial staff stating, in substance, that FBI agents who have questioned Oswald for the past 17 hours approximately, have listened to the tape made on October 1st, by an individual identifying himself as Lee Henry Oswald inside the Russian Embassy, calling on the phone to someone inside the Cuban Embassy and the agents can state unequivocally that the voice on the tape is not the voice of Lee Harvey Oswald, who is in custody.

    JD: Did you have this document while you were questioning Phillips?

    BT: No. It was a whole separate sequence of events that occurred. But, I wanted to get him back before the Committee so we could confront him with this evidence, because we were in a position to demonstrate that that whole aspect of the Warren Report, and what he had testified to, was untrue. And of course, the Committee was not interested in doing that.

    JD: You guys actually did get Trafficante before the Committee, because I’ve read the transcript and I remember the first question that Sprague asked him was, ” Mr. Trafficante, have you ever been a contract employee of the CIA?” So, you were on to the whole CIA-Mafia connection at a very early date, weren’t you?

    BT: Oh, absolutely. Once we got down to Washington, we were trying to play catch up early on, trying to get as much material as we could. If there had been a connection between organized crime and the assassination, we would have said so. But, based upon what our information was, that wasn’t the case. We clearly wanted to question Trafficante but he wasn’t going to answer anything.

    JD: You’ve said that you’ve actually seen a CIA document that says they were monitoring and harrassing Jim Garrison’s witnesses.

    BT: Right. We had that information. I was shocked to read that because I remember discounting everything Garrison had said. I had a negative point of view about Garrison based upon all the reportage that had gone on. And then I read all this material that had come out of Helm’s office, that in fact what Garrison had said was true. They were harrassing his witnesses, they were intimidating his witnesses. The documents exist. Where they are now, God only knows. It’s a sad commentary on the lack of oversight on the executive intelligence agencies.

    JD: I read something about you to the effect that during the brief period you ran the Committee, after Sprague left, one of the areas that really interested you was New Orleans and its connection to JM/Wave and Miami. Also, Delsa told me, as far as he was concerned, that was one of the most productive areas they were working.

    BT: That’s correct. The meeting in Clinton and the Clay Shaw connection and the fact that the government was lying about Clay Shaw and the aliases and so on. That the fact that the government and the executive intelligence agencies, not Garrison, were lying about that, was definitely an area to probe to find out what the justification for that was. Why were they involved in all this, if in fact, nothing had occurred? If it was meaningless, why get involved in creating a perjurious situation for a prosecutor in New Orleans? What was he really on to?

    JD: How long did you stay on after Sprague left? BT: Until about mid-summer I guess. About three months.

    JD: What’s interesting about the day that Sprague resigns, is that’s the day De Mohrenschildt is found dead.

    BT: Right. The night before the Committee vote, we had sent an investigator to serve him a subpoena. The night of the day he received the subpoena from the Committee is when he was found dead.

    JD: I guess the Committee was so crippled at that time, that it couldn’t really pursue whatever investigation there may have been into his murder. And he was a key witness, right?

    BT: Right. We desperately wanted to find out what happened. He was someone who had not been subpoenaed before, certainly not by the Warren Commission. [CTKA note: he was questioned, but not subpoenaed.] And you’re right, he was a key player.

    JD: Another thing you guys were on to that Blakey never seemed to be on to, was the connection between the people in the background of the assassination and the scandal that had just happened in Washington – namely, Watergate.

    BT: Right. E. Howard Hunt, Frank Sturgis. Interestingly, some of them had been with Castro in the Sierra Maestra during the revolution and became players after the revolution. And then wound up in the Nixon White House as the “plumbers.”

    JD: You’ve stated that the Committee never got any cooperation from the Kennedys.

    BT: We called Senator Kennedy 20-30 times. He never responded once to an inquiry. I found that to be astounding, because after all, he is a member of this legislative branch of government. He conducts probes, he engages in fact-finding missions. How could he stonewall from his brethren in the other chamber? He could have just simply acknowledged a phone call. How could he know what information we wanted? The fact of the matter was, as a matter of courtesy, we wanted to let him know we knew he was around and we wanted to discuss with him areas that he felt we should look into and get his opinions. We certainly felt that they would be valid. So, we were very disappointed in that regard. Frank Mankiewicz came by as a representative of the Kennedy family, wanted to see whether or not Sprague and I had two or three heads. He told us, interestingly, Bobby Kennedy couldn’t put a sentence together about the assassination, he couldn’t even think about it, he couldn’t focus on it. Which explains, in large measure why the Kennedy family was willing to accept what the Warren Commission said, without concern. The event was so horrific, in and of itself, they really weren’t concerned with bringing someone to justice other than what the Warren Commission had said. In their minds, from what Mankiewicz said, if it wasn’t Oswald-some nonperson-then it was some other nonperson. What difference would it make?

    JD: When the attacks on Sprague began, most notably in the New York Times and a few other newspapers, did you begin to see a parallel between what was happening to Sprague and what had happened to Jim Garrison?

    BT: Of course. But, I didn’t pay much attention to it because it didn’t mean anything to me. I’m not moved to any great extent, by what people write in newspapers. They were trying to cause controversy. But, we were on a mission to do a job and nothing some dope in the New York Times or any other newspaper was going to write, that was blatantly untrue, was going to interfere with what we were doing. Whether it was a positive article or a negative article, it didn’t matter.

    JD: Did anybody ever call you for an interview?

    BT: All the time. I just summarily rejected them all.

    JD: Oh, you never did any? Was that just a matter of policy?

    BT: No. I was there to do the job, I wasn’t interested in being interviewed. Dick was being interviewed left and right, by everybody.

    JD: Was that a strategy, Dick would talk to the press and you would do most of the work behind the scenes?

    BT: Basically, right. Exactly.

    JD: If you had to do all over again, would you go down and try to do it again?

    BT: Only if we had the authority, the backing and if we had the ability to convene a grand jury. In essence, be a special prosecutor, accountable to the courts, who, I believe, would be a lot more independently directed and focused than any political organization in Washington.

    JD: Bob, thank you very much. It was very entertaining and most informative.

    BT: My pleasure. Thank you.

  • JFK, Indonesia, CIA & Freeport Sulphur


    Lisa Pease Reports on Freeport Sulphur:

    Whitney, the Ambassador, and Batista’s Tax Break for Freeport Sulphur

    David Atlee Phillips, Clay Shaw and Freeport Sulphur

    Freeport Sulphur’s Powerful Board of Directors

    Maurice Bishop and “The Spook” Hal Hendrix


    What is Past is Prologue.
    Inscribed on the National Archives, Washington, D.C.

    In Part One of this article (Probe, March-April, 1996) we talked about the early years of Freeport up through the Cuban takeover of their potentially lucrative mine at Moa Bay, as well as their run-in with President Kennedy over the issue of stockpiling. But the biggest conflict that Freeport Sulphur would face was over the country housing the world’s single largest gold reserve and third largest copper reserve: Indonesia. To understand the recent (March, 1996) riots at the Freeport plant, we need to go to the roots of this venture to show how things might have been very different had Kennedy lived to implement his plans for Indonesia.

    Indonesia Backstory

    Indonesia had been discovered by the Dutch at the end of the 1500s. During the early 1600s they were dominated by the Dutch East Indies Company, a private concern, for nearly 200 years. In 1798, authority over Indonesia was transferred to the Netherlands, which retained dominion over this fifth largest country in the world until 1941, at which time the Japanese moved in during the course of World War II. By 1945 Japan was defeated in Indonesia and Achmed Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta rose to become President and Vice President of the newly independent Indonesia. But within a month of the Sukarno/Hatta proclamation of independence, British army units began landing in Jakarta to help the Dutch restore colonial rule. Four years of fighting ensued. In 1949, the Dutch officially ceded sovereignty back to Indonesia, with the exception of one key area – that of a hotspot which is now known as Irian Jaya or, depending on who you talk to, West Papua.

    Authors Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett, in their book Thy Will Be Done, explain the situation in what was then called Dutch New Guinea:

    To Westerners, New Guinea was like a gifted child pulled in opposite directions by covetous guardians. The Dutch clung to the western half as the sole remnant of their once-vast East Indies empire. Their longtime British allies, acting through Australia, controlled the eastern half. Neighboring Indonesians, on the other hand, thought that all New Guinea was part of their national territory, even if it was still colonized by Europeans.

    Dutch New Guinea, or West Irian as the Indonesians called it, was populated by native tribes not far removed from a stone age culture, such as the Danis and the Amungme. When Indonesia fought to claim independence from the Dutch, West Irian became a symbol for both sides that neither wanted to relinquish. It would take the efforts of President Kennedy to eventually pass control of this area to the newly independent Indonesians, removing the last vestiges of Dutch colonialism.

    Indonesia experienced various types of government. When Sukarno first rose to power in 1945, foreigners pointed out that Sukarno’s rule appeared “fascistic,” since he held sole control over so much of the government. Bowing to foreign pressure to appear more democratic, Indonesia instituted a parliamentary system of rule and opened the government to a multiparty system. Sukarno related what followed to his biographer (now cable gossip show host) Cindy Adams:

    In a nation previously denied political activities, the results were immediate. Over 40 dissimilar parties sprang up. So terrified were we of being labeled “a Japanese-sponsored Fascistic dictatorship” that single individuals forming splinter organizations were tolerated as “mouthpieces of democracy.” Political parties grew like weeds with shallow roots and interests top-heavy with petty selfishness and vote-catching. Internal strife grew. We faced disaster, endless conflicts, hair-raising confusion. Indonesians previously pulling together now pulled apart. They were sectioned into religious and geographical boxes, just what I’d sweated all my life to get them out of.

    Sukarno related that nearly every six months, a cabinet fell, and a new government would start up, only to repeat the cycle. On October 17, 1952 things came to a head. Thousands of soldiers from the Indonesian army stormed the gates with signs saying “Dissolve Parliament.” Sukarno faced the troops directly, firmly refusing to dissolve parliament due to military pressure, and the soldiers backed down. The result of this was a factionalized army. There were the “pro-17 October 1952 military” and the “anti-17 October 1952 military.” In 1955, elections were held and parliamentary rule was ended by vote. The Communists, who had done the most for the people suffering the aftereffects of converting from colonial rule to independence, won many victories in 1955 and 1956. In 1955, Sukarno organized the Bandung Conference at which the famous Chinese Communist Chou En Lai was a featured guest. During the 1955 elections, the CIA had given a million dollars to the Masjumi party-an opposition party to both Sukarno’s Nationalist party and the Communist party in Indonesia (called the PKI)-in an attempt to gain political control of the country. But the Masjumi party failed to win the hearts and minds of the people.

    In 1957, an assassination attempt was made against Sukarno. Although the actual perpetrators were unknown at the time, both Sukarno and the CIA jumped to use this for propaganda purposes. The CIA was quick to blame the PKI. Sukarno, however, blamed the Dutch, and used this as the excuse to seize all former Dutch holdings, including shipping and flying lines. Sukarno vowed to drive the Dutch out of West Irian. He had already tried settling the long-standing dispute over that territory through the United Nations, but the vote fell shy of the needed two-thirds majority to set up a commission to force the Dutch to sit down with the Indonesians. The assassination attempt provided a much needed excuse for action.

    The victories of the Communists, infighting in the army, and the 1957 nationalization of former Dutch holdings, led to a situation of grave concern to American business interests, notably the oil and rubber industries. The CIA eagerly pitched in, helping to foment rebellion between the outer, resource rich, islands, and the central government based in Jakarta, Java.

    Rockefeller Interests in Indonesia

    Two prominent American-based oil companies doing business in Indonesia at this time were of the Rockefeller-controlled Standard Oil family: Stanvac (jointly held by Standard Oil of New Jersey and Socony Mobil-Socony being Standard Oil of New York), and Caltex, (jointly held by Standard Oil of California and Texaco.) In Part I of this article we showed how heavily loaded the Freeport Sulphur board was with Rockefeller family and allies. Recall that Augustus C. Long was a board member of Freeport while serving as Chairman of Texaco for many years. Long becomes more and more interesting as the story develops.

    1958: CIA vs. Sukarno

    “I think its time we held Sukarno’s feet to the fire,” said Frank Wisner, then Deputy Director of Plans for the CIA, in 1956. By 1958, having failed to buy the government through the election process, the CIA was fomenting a full-fledged operation in Indonesia. Operation Hike, as it was called, involved the arming and training of tens of thousands of Indonesians as well as “mercenaries” to launch attacks in the hope of bringing down Sukarno.

    Joseph Burkholder Smith was a former CIA officer involved with the Indonesian operations during this period. In his book, Portrait of a Cold Warrior, he described how the CIA took it upon themselves to make, not just to enact, policy in this area:

    before any direct action against Sukarno’s position could be taken, we would have to have the approval of the Special Group-the small group of top National Security Council officials who approved covert action plans. Premature mention of such an idea might get it shot down …

    So we began to feed the State Department and Defense departments intelligence … When they had read enough alarming reports, we planned to spring the suggestion we should support the colonels’ plan to reduce Sukarno’s power. This was a method of operation which became the basis of many of the political action adventures of the 1960s and 1970s. In other words, the statement is false that CIA undertook to intervene in the affairs of countries like Chile only after being ordered to do so … In many instances, we made the action programs up ourselves after we had collected enough intelligence to make them appear required by the circumstance. Our activity in Indonesia in 1957-1958 was one such instance.

    When the Ambassador to Indonesia wrote Washington of his explicit disagreements with the CIA’s handling of the situation, Allen Dulles had his brother John Foster appoint a different Ambassador to Indonesia, one more accepting of the CIA’s activities.

    In addition to the paramilitary activities, the CIA tried psychological warfare tricks to discredit Sukarno, such as passing rumors that he had been seduced by a Soviet stewardess. To that end, Sheffield Edwards, head of the CIA’s Office of Security, enlisted the Chief of the Los Angeles Police Department to help with a porno movie project the CIA was making to use against Sukarno, ostensibly showing Sukarno in the act. Others involved in these efforts were Robert Maheu, and Bing Crosby and his brother.

    The Agency tried to keep its coup participation covert, but one “mercenary” met misfortune early. Shot down and captured during a bombing run, Allen Lawrence Pope was carrying all kinds of ID on his person to indicate that he was an employee of the CIA. The U.S. Government, right up to President Eisenhower, tried to deny that the CIA was involved at all, but the Pope revelations made a mockery of this. Not cowed by the foment, as Arbenz had been in Guatemala, Sukarno marshalled those forces loyal to him and crushed the CIA-aided rebellion. Prior to the Bay of Pigs, this was the Agency’s single largest failed operation.

    1959: Copper Mountain

    At this point, Freeport Sulphur entered the Indonesian picture. In July, 1959, Charles Wight, then President of Freeport-and reported to be fomenting anti-Castro plots and flying to Canada and/or Cuba with Clay Shaw (see Part I of this article)-was busy defending his company against House Committee accusations of overcharging the Government for the nickel ore processed at the Government-owned plant in Nicaro, Cuba. The Committee recommended that the Justice Department pursue an investigation. Freeport’s Moa Bay Mining Company had only just opened, and already the future in Cuba looked bleak. In August, 1959, Freeport Director and top engineer Forbes Wilson met with Jan van Gruisen, managing director of the East Borneo Company, a mining concern. Gruisen had just stumbled upon a dusty report first made in 1936 regarding a mountain called the “Ertsberg” (“Copper Mountain”) in Dutch New Guinea, by Jean Jacques Dozy. Hidden away for years in a Netherlands library during Nazi attacks, the report had only recently resurfaced. Dozy reported a mountain heavy with copper ore. If true, this could justify a new Freeport diversification effort into copper. Wilson cabled Freeport’s New York headquarters asking for permission and money to make a joint exploration effort with the East Borneo Company. The contract was signed February 1, 1960.

    With the aid of a native guide, Wilson spent the next several months amidst the near-stone age natives as he forged through near impassable places on his way to the Ertsberg. Wilson wrote a book about this journey, called The Conquest of Copper Mountain. When he finally arrived, he was excited at what he found:

    an unusually high degree of mineralization … The Ertsberg turned out to be 40% to 50% iron … and 3% copper … Three percent is quite rich for a deposit of copper … The Ertsberg also contains certain amounts of even more rare silver and gold.

    He cabled back a message in prearranged code to the soon-to-be President of Freeport, Bob Hills in New York:

    … thirteen acres rock above ground additional 14 acres each 100 meter depth sampling progressive color appears dark access egress formidable all hands well advise Sextant regards. </P><P>

    “Thirteen acres” meant 13 million tons of ore above ground. “Color appears dark” meant that the grade of ore was good. “Sextant” was code for the East Borneo Company. The expedition was over in July of 1960. Freeport’s board was not eager to go ahead with a new and predictably costly venture on the heels of the expropriation of their mining facilities in Cuba. But the board decided to at least press ahead with the next phase of exploration: a more detailed investigation of the ore samples and commercial potential. Wilson described the results of this effort:

    [M]ining consultants confirmed our estimates of 13 million tons of ore above ground and another 14 million below ground for each 100 meters of depth. Other consultants estimated that the cost of a plant to process 5,000 tons of ore a day would be around $60 million and that the cost of producing copper would be 16¢ a pound after credit for small amounts of gold and silver associated with the copper. At the time, copper was selling in world markets for around 35¢ a pound. From these data, Freeport’s financial department calculated that the company could recover its investment in three years and then begin earning an attractive profit.

    The operation proved technically difficult, involving newly invented helicopters and diamond drills. Complicating the situation was the outbreak of a near-war between the Dutch-who were still occupying West Irian-and Sukarno’s forces which landed there to reclaim the land as their own. Fighting even broke out near the access road to Freeport’s venture. By mid-1961, Freeport’s engineers strongly felt that the project should be pursued. But by that time, John F. Kennedy had taken over the office of President. And he was pursuing a far different course than the previous administration.

    Kennedy and Sukarno

    “No wonder Sukarno doesn’t like us very much. He has to sit down with people who tried to overthrow him.” – President Kennedy, 1961

    Up until Kennedy’s time, the aid predominantly offered to Indonesia from this country came mostly in the form of military support. Kennedy had other ideas. After a positive 1961 meeting with Sukarno in the United States, Kennedy appointed a team of economists to study ways that economic aid could help Indonesia develop in constructive ways. Kennedy understood that Sukarno took aid and arms from the Soviets and the Chinese because he needed the help, not because he was eager to fall under communist rule. American aid would prevent Sukarno from becoming dependent on Communist supplies. And Sukarno had already put down a communist rebellion in 1948. Even the State Department in the United States conceded that Sukarno was more nationalist than Communist.

    But the pressing problem during Kennedy’s short term was the issue of West Irian. The Dutch had taken an ever more aggressive stance, and Sukarno was assuming a military posture. America, as allies to both, was caught in the middle. Kennedy asked Ellsworth Bunker to attempt to mediate an agreement between the Dutch and Indonesian governments. “The role of the mediator,” said Kennedy, “is not a happy one; we are prepared to have everybody mad if it makes some progress.”

    It did make everybody mad. But it did make progress. Ultimately, the U.S. pressured the Dutch behind the scenes to yield to Indonesia. Bobby Kennedy was enlisted in this effort, visiting both Sukarno in Indonesia and the Dutch at the Hague. Said Roger Hilsman in To Move a Nation:

    Sukarno came to recognize in Robert Kennedy the same tough integrity and loyalty that he had seen in his brother, the President, combined with a true understanding of what the new nationalisms were really all about.

    So with preliminary overtures having been made to Sukarno and the Hague, Bunker took over the nitty gritty of getting each side to talk to each other. The Dutch, unwilling to concede the last vestige of their once-great empire to their foe, pressed instead for West Irian to become an independent country. But Sukarno knew it was a symbol to his people of final independence from the Dutch. And all knew that the Papuan natives there had no hope of forming any kind of functioning government, having only just recently been pushed from a primitive existence into the modern world. The United Nations voted to cede West Irian fully to Indonesia, with the provision that, by 1969, the people of West Irian would be granted an opportunity to vote whether to remain with or secede from Indonesia. Kennedy seized the moment, issuing National Security Action Memorandum (NSAM) 179, dated August 16, 1962:

    With the peaceful settlement of the West Irian dispute now in prospect, I would like to see us capitalize on the U.S. role in promoting this settlement to move toward a new and better relationship with Indonesia. I gather that with this issue resolved the Indonesians too would like to move in this direction and will be presenting us with numerous requests.

    To seize this opportunity, will all agencies concerned please review their programs for Indonesia and assess what further measures might be useful. I have in mind the possibility of expanded civic action, military aid, and economic stabilization and development programs as well as diplomatic initiatives.

    Roger Hilsman elaborated on what Kennedy meant by civic action: “rehabilitating canals, draining swampland to create new rice paddies, building bridges and roads, and so on.”

    Freeport and West Irian

    Kennedy’s aid in brokering Indonesian sovereignty over West Irian could only have come as a blow to Freeport Sulphur’s board. Freeport already had a positive relationship with the Dutch, who had authorized the initial exploratory missions there. During the negotiation period, Freeport approached the U.N., but the U.N. said Freeport would have to discuss their plans with the Indonesian officials. When Freeport went to the Indonesian embassy in Washington, they received no response.

    Lamented Forbes Wilson:

    Not long after Indonesia obtained control over Western New Guinea in 1963, then-President Sukarno, who had consolidated his executive power, made a series of moves which would have discouraged even the most eager prospective Western investor. He expropriated nearly all foreign investments in Indonesia. He ordered American agencies, including the Agency for International Development, to leave the country. He cultivated close ties with Communist China and with Indonesia’s Communist Party, known as the PKI.

    1962 had been a difficult year for Freeport. They were under attack on the stockpiling issue. Freeport was still reeling from having their lucrative facilities expropriated in Cuba. And now they sat, staring at a potential fortune in Indonesia. But with Kennedy giving tacit support to Sukarno, their hopes looked bleak indeed.

    Reversal of Fortunes

    Kennedy stepped up the aid package to Indonesia, offering $11 million. In addition, he planned a personal visit there in early 1964. While Kennedy was trying to support Sukarno, other forces were countering their efforts. Public dissent in the Senate brewed over continuing to aid Indonesia while the Communist party there remained strong. Kennedy persisted. He approved this particular aid package on November 19, 1963. Three days later, Sukarno lost his best ally in the west. Shortly, he would lose the aid package too.

    Sukarno was much shaken by the news of Kennedy’s death. Bobby made the trip the President had originally planned to take, in January, 1964. Cindy Adams asked Sukarno what he thought of Bobby, and got more than she asked for:

    Sukarno’s face lit up. “Bob is very warm. He is like his brother. I loved his brother. He understood me. I designed and built a special guest house on the palace grounds for John F. Kennedy, who promised me he’d come here and be the first American President ever to pay a state visit to this country.” He fell silent. “Now he’ll never come.”

    Sukarno was perspiring freely. He repeatedly mopped his brow and chest. “Tell me, why did they kill Kennedy?”

    Sukarno noted with irony that the very day Kennedy was assassinated, his Chief of Bodyguards was in Washington to study how to protect a president. Looking to the future, he was not optimistic:

    I know Johnson … I met him when I was with President Kennedy in Washington. But I wonder if he is as warm as John. I wonder if he will like Sukarno as John Kennedy, my friend, did.

    LBJ and Indonesia

    As others have noted, foreign policy changed rapidly after Kennedy’s death. Donald Gibson says in his book Battling Wall Street, “In foreign policy the changes came quickly, and they were dramatic.” Gibson outlines five short term changes and several long term changes that went into effect after Kennedy’s death. One of the short term changes was the instant reversal of the Indonesian aid package Kennedy had already approved. Hilsman makes this point as well:

    One of the first pieces of paper to come across President Johnson’s desk was the presidential determination … by which the President had to certify that continuing even economic aid [to Indonesia] was essential to the national interest. Since everyone down the line had known that President Kennedy would have signed the determination routinely, we were all surprised when President Johnson refused.

    Someone at Freeport was so pleased with Johnson’s behavior that he supported his presidential run in 1964: Augustus C. “Gus” Long.

    Long had been Chairman at Texas Company (Texaco) for many years. In 1964, he and a bunch of other conservative, largely Republican business moguls, joined together to support Johnson over Goldwater. The group, calling themselves the National Independent Committee for Johnson, included such people as Thomas Lamont, Edgar Kaiser of Kaiser Aluminum, Robert Lehman of Lehman Brothers, Thomas Cabot of Cabot Corporation of Boston, and many other luminaries of the business world.

    Long had two toes in the Indonesian fray-one for Freeport, one for Texaco. In 1961, Caltex-jointly owned by Standard Oil of California (Socal) and Texas Company (Texaco)-was one of the three major oil companies in Indonesia forced to operate under a new contract with Sukarno’s government. Under the new terms, 60% of all profits had to be given to the Indonesian government. So he had two reasons to be concerned by Kennedy’s support of Sukarno’s brand of nationalism, which threatened the interests of both companies in which he had a substantial stake.

    In Part I, we mentioned that Long had done “prodigious volunteer work” for Presbyterian Hospital in New York, said by a former employee of their PR firm, the Mullen Company, to be a “hotbed of CIA activity.” Now we add that Long was elected President of Presbyterian Hospital two years running-1961 and 1962. In 1964, Long retired his role as Chairman of Texaco. He would be reinstated as Chairman in 1970. What did he do in the interim?

    In March of 1965, Long was elected a director of Chemical Bank-another Rockefeller-controlled company.

    In August of 1965, Long was appointed to the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, where he would approve and suggest covert activities.

    In October of 1965, covert activities sealed Sukarno’s fate.

    1965: The Year of Living Dangerously

    After Kennedy’s death, Sukarno had grown ever more belligerent towards the West. The British were busy forming a new country out of Indonesia’s former trading partners Malaya and Singapore, called “Malaysia.” Since the area included territory from which the CIA had launched some of its 1958 activities, Sukarno was justifiably concerned by what he felt was an ever tightening noose. On January 1, 1965, Sukarno threatened to pull Indonesia out of the United Nations if Malaysia was admitted. It was and he did, making Indonesia the first nation ever to pull out of the U.N. In response to U.S. pressure on Sukarno to support Malaysia, he cried, “to hell with your aid.” He built up his troops along the borders of Malaysia. Malaysia, fearing invasion, appealed to the U.N. for support.

    By February, Sukarno could see the writing on the wall:

    JAKARTA, Indonesia, Feb. 23 (UPI)-President Sukarno declared today that Indonesia could no longer afford freedom of the press. He ordered the banning of anti-Communist newspapers. …

    “I have secret information that reveals that the C.I.A. was using the Body for the Promotion of Sukarnoism to kill Sukarnoism and Sukarno,” he said. “That’s why I banned it.” (New York Times, 2/24/65)

    The country was in disarray. Anti-American demonstrations were frequent. Indonesia quit the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The press reported that Sukarno was moving closer to the Chinese and Soviets. Sukarno threatened to nationalize remaining U.S. properties, having already taken over, for example, one of the biggest American operations in Indonesia, the Goodyear Tire and Rubber Company. And then, in an unexpected move, Singapore seceded from Malaysia, weakening the newly formed state bordering Indonesia.

    With American money interests threatened, all the usual carrots of foreign aid shunted, no leverage via the IMF or World Bank, and Freeport’s Gus Long on the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, it was only a matter of time, and not much, at that.

    October 1, 1965: Coup or Counter-Coup?

    INDONESIA SAYS PLOT TO DEPOSE SUKARNO IS FOILED BY ARMY CHIEF; POWER FIGHT BELIEVED CONTINUING

    KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia. Oct. 1-An attempt to overthrow President Sukarno was foiled tonight by army units loyal to Gen. Abdul Haris Nasution, the Indonesian radio announced. …

    In Washington, a State Department spokesman said Friday the situation in Indonesia was “extremely confused.” Robert J. McCloskey told a news conference the State Department was getting reports from the American Embassy at Jakarta, but “it is not presently possible to attempt any evaluation, explanation, or comment.”

    Late yesterday, a mysterious group calling itself the 30th of September Movement seized control of Jakarta.

    Colonel Untung, who had announced over the Indonesian radio that he was the leader of the movement, said the group had seized control of the Government to prevent a “counterrevolutionary” coup by the Generals’ Council. (New York Times, 10/2-3/65, International Edition)

    In a strange, convoluted move, a group of young military leaders killed a bunch of older, centrist leaders who, they claimed, were going to-with the help of the CIA-stage a coup against Sukarno. But what happened in the aftermath of this turned Indonesia into one of the bloodiest nightmares the world has ever seen. This original counter-coup was branded a coup attempt instead, and painted as brightly Red as possible. Then, in the disguise of outrage that Sukarno’s authority had been imperiled, Nasution joined with General Suharto to overthrow the “rebels.” What started ostensibly to protect Sukarno’s authority ended up stripping him of it wholly. The aftermath is too horrible to describe in a few words. The numbers vary, but the consensus lies in the range of 200,000 to over 500,000 people killed in the wake of this “counter-coup.” Anyone who had ever had an association with the Communist PKI was targeted for elimination. Even Time magazine gave one token accurate description of what was happening:

    According to accounts brought out of Indonesia by Western diplomats and independent travelers, Communists, Red sympathizers and their families are being massacred by the thousands. Backlands army units are reported to have executed thousands of Communists after interrogation in remote rural jails. … Armed with wide-bladed knives called parangs, Moslem bands crept at night into the homes of Communists, killing entire families and burying the bodies in shallow graves. … The murder campaign became so brazen in parts of rural East Java that Moslem bands placed the heads of victims on poles and paraded them through villages.

    The killings have been on such a scale that the disposal of the corpses has created a serious sanitation problem in East Java and northern Sumatra, where the humid air bears the reek of decaying flesh. Travelers from those areas tell of small rivers and streams that have been literally clogged with bodies; river transportation has at places been impeded.

    Latter day thumbnail histories frequently depict the actions like this: “An abortive Communist coup in 1965 led to an anti-Communist takeover by the military, under Gen. Suharto.” (Source: The Concise Columbia Encyclopedia.) But the truth is far more complex. A persuasive indicator for this lies in the following item, cited in a remarkable article by Peter Dale Scott published in the British journal Lobster (Fall, 1990). Scott quotes an author citing a researcher who, having been given access to files of the foreign ministry in Pakistan, ran across a letter from a former ambassador who reported a conversation with a Dutch intelligence officer with NATO, which said, according to the researcher’s notes,

    “Indonesia was going to fall into the Western lap like a rotten apple.” Western intelligence agencies, he said, would organize a “premature communist coup … [which would be] foredoomed to fail, providing a legitimate and welcome opportunity to the army to crush the communists and make Soekarno a prisoner of the army’s goodwill.” The ambassador’s report was dated December 1964.

    Later in this article, Scott quotes from the book The CIA File:

    “All I know,” said one former intelligence officer of the Indonesia events, “is that the Agency rolled in some of its top people and that things broke big and very favorable, as far as we were concerned.”

    Ralph McGehee, a 25-year veteran of the CIA, also implicated the agency in an article, still partially censored by the CIA, published in The Nation (April 11, 1981):

    To conceal its role in the massacre of those innocent people the C.I.A., in 1968, concocted a false account of what happened (later published by the Agency as a book, Indonesia-1965: The Coup That Backfired). That book is the only study of Indonesia politics ever released to the public on the Agency’s own initiative. At the same time that the Agency wrote the book, it also composed a secret study of what really happened. [one sentence deleted.] The Agency was extremely proud of its successful [one word deleted] and recommended it as a model for future operations [one-half sentence deleted].

    Freeport After Sukarno

    According to Forbes Wilson, Freeport had all but given up hope of developing its fabulous find in West Irian. But while the rest of the world’s press was still trying to unravel the convoluted information as to who was really in power, Freeport apparently had an inside track. In the essay mentioned earlier, Scott cites a cable (U.S. delegation to the U.N.) which stated that Freeport Sulphur had reached a preliminary “arrangement” with Indonesian officials over the Ertsberg in April of 1965, before there could legitimately have been any hope in sight.

    Officially, Freeport had no such plans until after the October 1965 events. But even the official story seemed odd to Wilson. As early as November, a mere month after the October events, longtime Chairman of Freeport, Langbourne Williams, called Director Wilson at home, asking if the time had now come to pursue their project in West Irian. Wilson’s reaction to this call is interesting:

    I was so startled I didn’t know what to say.

    How did Williams know, so soon, that a new regime was coming to power? Sukarno was still President, and would remain so formally until 1967. Only deep insiders knew from the beginning that Sukarno’s days were numbered, and his power feeble. Wilson explains that Williams got some “encouraging private information” from “two executives of Texaco.” Long’s company had managed to maintain close ties to a high official of the Sukarno regime, Julius Tahija. It was Tahija who brokered a meeting between Freeport and Ibnu Sutowo, Minister of Mines and Petroleum. Fortune magazine had this to say about Sutowo (July 1973):

    As president-director of Pertamina [the Government’s state-owned oil company], Lieutenant General Ibnu Sutowo receives a salary of just $250 a month, but lives on a princely scale. He moves around Jakarta in his personal Rolls-Royce Silver Cloud. He has built a family compound of several mansions, which are so large that guests at his daughter’s wedding party could follow the whole show only on closed-circuit television.

    … The line between Sutowo’s public and private activities will seem hazy to Western eyes. The Ramayan Restaurant in New York [in Rockefeller Center-author’s note], for example, was bankrolled by various U.S. oil-company executives, who put up $500,000 to get into a notoriously risky sort of business. Presumably its backers were motivated at least in part by a desire to be on amiable terms with the general.

    But beyond these dubious accolades, a hint of something else, as well was revealed:

    Sutowo’s still small oil company played a key part in bankrolling those crucial operations [during the October 1965 events.]

    Given the wealth of evidence that the CIA was deeply involved in this operation, it seems equally likely that Sutowo was acting as a conduit for their funds.

    After Sukarno’s fall from power, Sutowo constructed a new agreement that allowed oil companies to keep a substantially larger percent of their profits. In an article entitled “Oil and Nationalism Mix Beautifully in Indonesia” (July, 1973), Fortune labeled the post-Sukarno deal “exceptionally favorable to the oil companies.”

    In 1967, when Indonesia’s Foreign Investment Law was passed, Freeport’s contract was the first to be signed. With Kennedy, Sukarno, and any viable support for Indonesian nationalism out of the way, Freeport began operations.

    In 1969, the vote mandated by the Kennedy brokered U.N. agreement on the question of West Irian independence was due. Under heavy intimidation and the visceral presence of the military, Irian “voted” to remain part of Indonesia. Freeport was in the clear.

    The Bechtel Connection

    Gus Long was a frequent dinner partner of Steve Bechtel, Sr., owner with CIA Director John McCone, of Bechtel-McCone in Los Angeles in the thirties. McCone and Bechtel, Sr. made a bundle off of World War II, split, and went their not so separate ways. Writes author Laton McCartney in Friends in High Places: The Bechtel Story,

    [I]n 1964 and 1965, CIA director John McCone and U.S. ambassador to Indonesia Howard Jones briefed Steve Bechtel Sr. on the rapidly deteriorating situation in Indonesia. Bechtel, Socal, Texaco … had extensive dealings in that part of the world and were concerned because Indonesia’s President Sukarno was nationalizing U.S. business interests there. … In October 1965, in what a number of CIA alumni have since charged was an Agency-backed coup, Sukarno was ousted and replaced by President Suharto, who proved far more receptive to U.S. business interests than his predecessor.

    Bechtel was no stranger to the CIA. Bechtel Sr. had been a charter member of the CIA conduit Asia Foundation from its inception as Allen Dulles’ brainchild. Former CIA Director Richard Helms himself joined Bechtel, as an “international consultant” in 1978. Said a former executive, Bechtel was:

    loaded with the CIA … The agency didn’t have to ask them to place its agents … Bechtel was delighted to take them on and give them whatever assistance they needed.

    Bechtel Sr.’s “oldest and closest friend in the oil industry,” Gus Long, had a problem. Freeport’s project was far more difficult than they had foreseen, and they needed outside help. The mountainous path to the “copper mountain” made extraction nearly impossible. Freeport hired Bechtel to help them construct the appropriate infrastructure to turn their dreams into reality.

    Bechtel came with extras. Freeport needed additional financing for their costly Indonesian project. Bechtel Sr. had gotten himself appointed to the advisory committee of the Export-Import (Exim) bank after a long period of cozying up to Exim bank president Henry Kearns. Freeport was not happy with the lack of progress and costs of Bechtel’s operation. Forbes Wilson threatened to drop them from the project. Bechtel Sr. jumped in, saying he would make the project Bechtel’s top priority. He also guaranteed them $20 million in loans from the Exim bank. When the Exim bank’s engineer didn’t think that Freeport’s project seemed commercially viable and wouldn’t approve their loan, Bechtel Sr. called Kearns, and the loan went through over the objections of the bank’s engineer. Three years later, Kearns would resign from the bank when it revealed the bank had made generous loans to several projects in which Kearns was personally invested. Although Senator Proxmire called it “the worst conflict of interest” he had ever seen in seventeen years in the Senate, the Justice Department declined to prosecute. Said Proxmire:

    It will appear to millions of American citizens that there is a double standard in the law, one for the ordinary citizen and quite another for those who hold high positions in government and make thousands of dollars in personal profit as a result of official actions.

    Bechtel denies allegations from former employees that it spread over $3 million in cash around Indonesia in the early ’70s.

    Unhappily Ever After

    The tragedy of the Kennedy assassination lies in the legacy left in the wake of his absence. Without his support, Indonesia’s baby steps toward a real, economic independence were shattered. Sukarno, hardly a saint and with plenty of problems, nonetheless was trying to assure that business deals with foreigners left some benefit for the Indonesians. Suharto, in dire contrast, allowed foreigners to rape and pillage Indonesia for private gain, at the price of lives and the precious, irreplaceable resources of the Indonesians. Cindy Adams wrote a book about her experiences with Sukarno, called My Friend the Dictator. If Sukarno was a dictator, what term exists for Suharto?

    Freeport’s Grasberg mine in Indonesia is one of the largest copper and gold reserves in the world. But the American based company owns 82% of the venture, while the Indonesian government and a privately held concern in Indonesia split the remaining percent.

    How much influence does Freeport carry in Indonesia? Can they really say they have Indonesia’s best interests at heart?

    Kissinger and East Timor

    In 1975, Freeport’s mine was well into production and highly profitable. Future Freeport Director and lobbyist Henry Kissinger and President and ex-Warren Commission member Gerald Ford flew out of Jakarta having given the Indonesian Government under Suharto what State Department officials later described as “the big wink.” Suharto used the Indonesian military to take over the Portuguese territory of East Timor, followed by a mass slaughter that rivaled the 1965 bloodbath.

    Says a former CIA operations officer who was stationed there at the time, C. Philip Liechty:

    Suharto was given the green light [by the U.S.] to do what he did. There was discussion in the embassy and in traffic with the State Department about the problems that would be created for us if the public and Congress became aware of the level and type of military assistance that was going to Indonesia at that time. … Without continued heavy U.S. logistical military support the Indonesians might not have been able to pull if off.

    In 1980, Freeport merged with McMoRan-an oil exploration and development company headed by James “Jim Bob” Moffett. The two become one, and Moffett (the “Mo” in McMoRan) eventually became President of Freeport McMoRan.

    Friends in High Places

    In 1995, Freeport McMoRan managed to spin off it’s Freeport McMoRan Copper & Gold Inc. subsidiary into a separate entity. The Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) wrote Freeport McMoRan Copper and Gold that they planned to cancel their investment insurance based on their poor environmental record at their Irian project, stating Freeport has “posed an unreasonable or major environmental, health, or safety hazard in Irian Jaya.”

    Freeport didn’t sit still over this cancellation. Kissinger executed a major lobbying effort (for which he is paid $400,000 a year), meeting with officials at the State Department and working the halls of Capitol Hill. Sources close to the matter, according to Robert Bryce in a recent issue of the Texas Observer, say Freeport hired former CIA director James Woolsey in the fight against OPIC.

    Freeport, now headquartered in New Orleans, manages to keep friends in high places. In 1993, the head of the pro-Suharto congressional lobby was the Senator from Louisiana, Bennett Johnson. Representative Robert Livingston, of Louisiana, invested in Freeport Copper and Gold while the House debated and voted on H.R. 322-the Mineral Exploration and Development Act. And when Jeffery Shafer, one of the directors of OPIC, recently was nominated for an appointment to Undersecretary of National Affairs, it was another Louisiana pol, this time Senator John Breaux, who voted to block the appointment until Shafer provided an explanation of OPIC’s cancellation of Freeport’s insurance. Jim Bob Moffett, head of Freeport McMoRan, is listed in Mother Jones‘ online “MoJo Wire Coin-Op Congress” survey of the top 400 people who gave the most money in campaign contributions.

    Freeport’s actions abroad are not the only one’s worth tracking. In Louisiana itself, Freeport and three other companies (two of which Freeport later acquired) petitioned for a special exemption to the Clean Water Act in order to legally dump 25 billion pounds of toxic waste into the Mississippi river. Citizens protested, and Freeport’s petition was denied. Freeport then lobbied for the weakening of Clean Water Act restrictions.

    The citizens of Austin, Texas, have fought to block a Freeport plan for a real estate development that will foul Barton Springs, a popular outdoor water park there.

    According to a recent article in The Nation (July 31/August 7, 1995), Freeport is part of the National Wetlands Coalition, a group which wrote much of the language of a bill designed to eliminate E.P.A. oversight of wetlands areas, freeing them for exploitation. The same coalition has also lobbied to weaken the Endangered Species Act. The Nation revealed that Freeport’s political action committee since 1983 has paid members of congress over $730,000.

    Scandal at UT

    Freeport’s record caused an uproar at the University of Texas at Austin recently. The university’s geology department, which has done research under contract for Freeport, was recently given $2 million dollars by Jim Bob Moffett for a new building. The school’s Chancellor, William Cunningham, wanted to name the building after his friend and co-worker (Cunningham is also a Freeport Director) Moffett. Many on campus protested this development. Anthropology professor Stephen Feld resigned his position with the university over this issue, saying UT was “no longer a morally acceptable place of employment.” The protests about Cunningham’s conflict of interest-serving UT and Freeport-led to Cunningham’s resignation last December. He resigned a day after Freeport threatened to sue three professors at the University who had been loudest in protest.

    Poised on the Brink

    While moral victories are lauded in Texas, the real terror continues at Freeport’s plant in Indonesia.

    In March of 1996, just as our last issue went to press, riots broke out at the Freeport plant in Irian Jaya (the current name for West Irian). Thousands were marching in the streets around the Freeport plant, where the military had as recently as December held and tortured in Freeport mining containers the people who lived and protested in that region. The protests are deeply rooted in the desire for the independence of the Papuans, the Amungme, and the many native inhabitants of Irian Jaya who were never Dutch, and never really Indonesian.

    As we go to print, Indonesian sources report that the military has taken over the numerous Freeport Security stations around the mine. “Military Exercises” are intimidating the people who in March rioted at Freeport, causing the plant to lose two days of work and millions of dollars. Although no curfew has been called, people report a fear of being out at night.

    The native Amungme tribes, the Papuans, and others are still hoping to retain independence from what they see as only a new form of colonialism: subservience to Freeport’s interests. According to a New York Times article (4/4/96), Freeport is the largest single investor in Indonesia.

    With Kennedy’s support, Indonesia had a chance for real economic independence. The peoples of Irian were promised a real vote for self-government. But when Kennedy was killed, a military dictatorship was installed and paid off so that the interests of businesses like Freeport have been given higher priority than any demands of the natives whose resources are still being pillaged.

    Sometimes, what we don’t understand about today’s news is what we don’t know about the Kennedy assassination.


    Original Probe article

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  • The Creation of the Warren Commission


    From the May-June, 1996 issue (Vol. 3 No. 4) of Probe


    Most of the people who have done research on or are knowledgeable about the performance of the so-called Warren Commission are convinced that a number of its members and counsel played an important role in the post-assassination cover-up. Those seriously interested in its work, including the author, are convinced that the commission’s oversights, distortions, and other shortcomings represent something that is explainable only in terms of the intentions of people such as Allen Dulles, John J. McCloy, J. Lee Rankin, and Gerald Ford.

    Although a massive amount of work has been done on the Commission’s performance, the story of how the Commission was created has remained incomplete. This story needs to be completed because both reason and the facts indicate that the formation of the Commission, like the performance of elements of the FBI and the media, was as much a part of the cover-up process as was its Report.

    We can get closer to that complete story now because of the release in 1993 of the White House telephone transcripts for the period immediately following the assassination. In combination with material already in the public domain, those transcripts allow us to clearly identify the people who were directly responsible for the establishment of the President’s Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy, later dubbed the “Warren Commission.”

    These transcripts demonstrate that the people who have been “credited” with the creation of the Commission had little to do with it-like LBJ’s longtime friend and advisor Abe Fortas-or were following the lead of others, as with President Johnson and Deputy Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach. The transcripts show that the idea of a commission was pushed on LBJ by people who were outside of the government at that time and that this effort began within minutes of Lee Harvey Oswald’s death. Until Oswald was dead, there was no way that such an effort could be undertaken.

    Blakey’s Version

    The first extensive and official description of the events leading to the creation of the Warren Commission appears in the 1979 account from the Select Committee on Assassinations of the House of Representatives. Two stories emerge from their hearings. One is the Committee’s description of the events; the other is in the testimony of Nicholas Katzenbach, Deputy Attorney General at the time of the assassination. The two accounts are not identical even though the first is ostensibly dependent on the second.

    The Select Committee’s Report contains a section entitled “Creation of the Warren Commission.” It begins by saying that on November 22nd, “President Johnson was immediately faced with the problem of investigating the assassination.” This is misleading. As long as Oswald was alive, there wasn’t any real question about the investigation; it would be conducted in Dallas during a trial of Oswald. Second, as the evidence will show, President Johnson “was faced” with a problem after Oswald was killed, not “immediately” after the assassination. The problem for LBJ was not just one of investigating the assassination. There was also a problem presented to him by people trying to shape the investigatory process.

    The Committee’s rendition of events goes on to say that on November 23, 1963, J. Edgar Hoover “forwarded the results of the FBI’s preliminary investigation to him [LBJ]. This report detailed the evidence that indicated Lee Harvey Oswald’s guilt.” In fact, Hoover told LBJ on the morning of the 23rd that the case against Oswald was not then very good. The Committee’s account goes on to say that on the 24th, Hoover called LBJ aide Walter Jenkins and said that Katzenbach had told him that the President might appoint a commission. (As the record will show, Katzenbach was not speaking for the President, who on the 24th opposed the idea of a commission.) Hoover expressed his opposition to the creation of a commission, suggesting that the FBI handle the investigation and submit a report to the Attorney General. Hoover makes a vague reference to problems a commission might cause for U.S. foreign relations. He also mentions that he and Katzenbach are anxious to have “something issued so we can convince the public that Oswald is the real assassin.”

    The Committee’s report then summarizes parts of Katzenbach’s testimony to the Committee, stating that Katzenbach was very concerned about the multitude of conspiracy theories which had already emerged. Consequently, he wrote a memo on November 25th to LBJ aide Bill Moyers which emphasized the need to quiet these rumors. The Katzenbach memo recommends that a statement be issued immediately indicating that the evidence shows Oswald did it and that there were no conspirators. The memo suggests furthermore that the FBI would be the primary investigating body and that a Presidential commission would “review and examine the evidence and announce its conclusions.” The memo went on to say that there is a need for “something to head off public speculations or congressional hearings of the wrong sort.” Katzenbach did also say in his testimony that he always wanted to know the truth, including the facts concerning possible conspiracy.

    The HSCA continues, stating that on November 25th President Johnson ordered the FBI and the Department of Justice (run at this time by Katzenbach instead of the distraught RFK) to investigate the assassination and the murder of Oswald. By November 27th, Senator Everett M. Dirksen had proposed a Senate Judiciary Committee investigation and Representative Charles E. Goodell had proposed a joint Senate-House investigation. Also, Texas Attorney General Waggoner Carr had announced that a state court of inquiry would be established. The Committee cited a statement by Leon Jaworski, who worked for the offices of both the Texas Attorney General and the U.S. Attorney General, indicating that LBJ told him on November 25th that he (LBJ) was encouraging Carr to proceed with the Texas Court of Inquiry.

    The Select Committee account then skips to a November 29th memo from Walter Jenkins to LBJ which stated that:

    Abe [Fortas] has talked with Katzenbach and Katzenbach has talked with the Attorney General. They recommend a seven man commission-two Senators, two Congressmen, the Chief Justice, Allen Dulles, and a retired military man (general or admiral). Katzenbach is preparing a description of how the Commission would function.

    This memo and some of Katzenbach’s statements before the committee imply that Katzenbach and perhaps Abe Fortas, and even Robert Kennedy, were the source of the idea for the Commission. Also, there is an implication the memo of the 29th was critical in LBJ’s decision making. It was not. LBJ had agreed to the Commission idea not later than November 28th.

    The 1979 Robert Blakey-HSCA version is certainly more elaborate than the official story circulated in 1964. The problem is that it substitutes one misleading story for another. The original suggested that LBJ initiated the process. The latter implies that Katzenbach is the most important figure.

    Katzenbach’s Incomplete Tale

    Katzenbach’s own 1978 testimony before the Select Committee was part of the basis for the Committee’s account of the creation of the Warren Commission. Much of his testimony and deposition is consistent with that account. But some of it is not. And there were times when Katzenbach hinted at important undisclosed facts that the Committee staff did not bother to pursue. Katzenbach did imply that there was more to the story. The 1993 release of the White House telephone transcripts makes clear what Katzenbach hinted at.

    The HSCA first asked Katzenbach to explain why he was “exerting tremendous pressure right after the assassination to get the FBI report out and to get a report in front of the American people.” A November 25, 1963, memo from Katzenbach to Bill Moyers is referenced as evidence of Katzenbach’s activities. Katzenbach explains that his concern was to quiet rumors and speculation about conspiracy. Katzenbach then added that his activities were related to the idea of creating a commission “such as the Warren Commission” and that he did not view the FBI investigation as the final or only investigation.

    In his testimony Katzenbach represents the commission idea as his own several times. He also says, “I was never opposed to it.” This, of course, suggests that it was not his idea.

    Later in the questioning, Katzenbach mentions that by November 25th he was aware of Oswald’s stay in Russia and his visit to Mexico. He says he was also then aware that the FBI had concluded that there was no conspiracy. It is beyond any doubt that such a conclusion was completely unfounded just three days after the assassination and one day after the murder of Oswald. There is no possibility that the FBI could have eliminated the possibility that Oswald, even if guilty, could have had assistance or direction from others.

    A memo from Alan Belmont, an assistant director and number three man in the FBI, to Hoover’s assistant, William Sullivan, dated November 25th, refers to conversations between Katzenbach and Hoover about the assassination. The memo emphasizes that the FBI’s report should cover all the areas that might cause concern with the press and the public. Belmont wrote:

    In other words, this report is to settle the dust, in so far as Oswald and his activities are concerned, both from the standpoint that he is the man who assassinated the President, and relative to Oswald himself and his activities and background, et cetera.

    This and other information provided here establish Belmont as one of the primary forces in the FBI pressing for an immediate conclusion about the assassination.

    The intertwining of Katzenbach’s actions and those of Belmont is indicated in a comment by Katzenbach in his oral deposition. A 12/9/63 letter to Chief Justice Warren suggested that either the Commission or the Justice Department release a statement saying that the FBI had established “beyond a reasonable doubt” that Oswald killed Kennedy and that the investigation had so far uncovered no information suggesting a conspiracy. Katzenbach had signed this letter, but in his deposition he said that this letter was probably drafted by the FBI. The fact that the Deputy Attorney General is signing his name to something this important that he didn’t write suggests how closely interconnected his actions were with those of Belmont and, perhaps, others in the Bureau. In this oral deposition Katzenbach also reveals, in contradiction to his testimony, that he was not acting on his own when he proposed a commission to investigate the assassination.

    Katzenbach told the Committee that Hoover opposed the creation of a Commission and that President Johnson “neither rejected nor accepted the idea. He did not embrace it. I thought there was a period of time when he thought that it might be unnecessary.” As we shall see, this understates Johnson’s initial opposition.

    We come now to what was an important set of statements which should have been followed by specific questions from the House staff. Katzenbach was asked who else (presumably beyond the President and Hoover) he talked to during the time he was arriving at the idea of a commission. Katzenbach said that he believed he “recommended it to Bill Moyers” and raised the issue with Walter Jenkins and President Johnson. Katzenbach was then asked about “people outside the President’s immediate circle” and he responded that he did talk to such people. He mentioned Dean Rusk and Alexis Johnson as two people he may have talked to. Katzenbach then said:

    I am sure I talked about it with people outside the government entirely who called me and suggested old friends or former colleagues.

    Katzenbach does not identify-and is not asked to identify-those people “outside the government entirely.” There is no naming of the “old friends” and “former colleagues.” Instead, the questioning shifted to the views of Rusk and others already mentioned by Katzenbach. Given an opportunity to actually find out how the Warren Commission came into being, the HSCA’s staff decided to go on to other things. Because of the release of the White House telephone transcripts, we will now be able to identify some or most of those people who were “outside the government entirely.”

    [Read the rest of this article in its original version, attached below.]


    Original Probe article

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  • Maurice Bishop and “The Spook” Hal Hendrix

    Lisa Pease Reports on Freeport Sulphur:

    Whitney, the Ambassador, and Batista’s Tax Break for Freeport Sulphur

    David Atlee Phillips, Clay Shaw and Freeport Sulphur

    Freeport Sulphur’s Powerful Board of Directors

    JFK, Indonesia, CIA & Freeport Sulphur


    Gaeton Fonzi has written a book that details his search for Maurice Bishop called The Last Investigation. To Fonzi’s detailed summary of reasons that David Atlee Phillips was indeed the Maurice Bishop that Veciana saw with Oswald, there is a more recent addition. In the back of his updated paperback version of Conspiracy, Anthony Summers tells of Jim Hougan’s talk with CIA agent Frank Terpil. Jim Hougan will be familiar to Probe readers from our last issue. He’s the author of the best book on Watergate, Secret Agenda.

    Hougan got to know Terpil rather well while making a PBS documentary about him. In a tape-recorded interview, Hougan asked why Terpil was going on and on about David Phillips and the AFIO. Among other things, Terpil alleged (as have others) that Phillips’ “retirement” from the CIA was phony, and that he continued to work for the CIA through the AFIO. Hougan asked Terpil why he kept talking about Phillips-was it personal, or political? Political, Terpil replied. Hougan asked where Terpil and Phillips had met. Terpil’s answer is astonishing, and terribly important. Terpil had met him in Florida while living there with Hal Hendrix’s daughter. Really? Asked Hougan. Yeah, said Terpil, Phillips used to come around with Hal Hendrix, but he wasn’t using his real name. He was using an alias. What alias? Bishop, Terpil said, Something Bishop. Maurice Bishop? Hougan asked. Yeah, Terpil replied, Maurice Bishop. Hougan wanted to be sure Terpil wasn’t putting him on, but came away convinced that Terpil did not understand the significance of what he was saying and that Terpil was answering honestly. Hougan asked how Terpil knew Bishop was Phillips. Terpil said he had run Bishop through the agency’s file system in the CIA’s Miami headquarters to find out who this Bishop character was. The name that came out: David Atlee Phillips.

    When Probe asked Hougan about this incident, he responded, “Now, in my opinion, Terpil was telling the truth about this-because, frankly, the subject of David Phillips’ background and alias would never have come up if I hadn’t grown irritated with Terpil’s constant kvetching about the AFIO.” As a follow-up, Hougan contacted both Seth Kantor, who confirmed his call to Hendrix, and Hendrix’s daughter, who Hougan says “seems to be as big a spook as her father was.” She issued an “I’m afraid I don’t remember” when queried about having lived with Terpil, which, as Hougan noted, “is not a denial.”

    In 1975, Seth Kantor, a Scripps-Howard reporter and one of the first journalists to report on Oswald’s background immediately following the assassination, noticed that one of the Warren Commission documents still being suppressed from the public was a record of his own calls the afternoon of the assassination. Kantor was curious what could have been so sensitive among those calls to require such suppression, and starting actively seeking the document. Listed in the FBI report he finally got released-but not listed in the report of his calls published in the Warren Commission volumes-was a call Kantor made, at the request of his managing editor in Washington, to another reporter named Hal Hendrix, then working out of the Miami office. Hendrix was about to leave for an assignment in Latin America but had told the Washington office he had important background information on Oswald to relay. Kantor received from Hendrix a detailed briefing of Oswald’s defection to the Soviet Union, his pro-Castro leafleting activities and other such details. Kantor didn’t think, at the time, to ask Hendrix where he got his information. Years, later, he wished he had, as Hendrix was quite an interesting character.

    Hal Hendrix had a claim to fame for his insightful reporting on the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962. His efforts garnered him a Pulitzer Prize. It was perhaps because of his deep sources that Hendrix was nicknamed “The Spook.” Or perhaps it was for his near clairvoyance. In a Scripps-Howard piece dated September 23, 1963, Hendrix wrote a colorful article about the toppling of the Dominican Republic’s president Juan Bosch. The only problem was, the coup didn’t happen until a day later.

    In 1976, Hendrix pleaded guilty to charges of withholding information when a Senate Committee was looking into the corporate ties of ITT to the Chilean coup. Hendrix had worked for ITT in Chile at the time ITT was working with the CIA to bring about the fall of Chilean president Salvador Allende. David Phillips was in charge of the CIA’s end of that operation. It is therefore of the greatest significance that Terpil puts Bishop/Phillips in the presence of Hendrix, and that Veciana puts Bishop in the presence of Lee Harvey Oswald. Add the new revelation that a “Mr. Phillips” was “running the show” in conjunction with Sergio Arcacha Smith and Guy Banister in New Orleans, and we know where the Assassination Records Review Board should be devoting the utmost attention.

  • Freeport Sulphur’s Powerful Board of Directors


    Lisa Pease Reports on Freeport Sulphur:

    Whitney, the Ambassador, and Batista’s Tax Break for Freeport Sulphur

    David Atlee Phillips, Clay Shaw and Freeport Sulphur

    JFK, Indonesia, CIA & Freeport Sulphur

    Maurice Bishop and “The Spook” Hal Hendrix


    Freeport Sulphur’s Board of Directors has always held an astounding number of heavy hitters. Look at some of the Directors from the ’60s and ’70s.

    Arleigh Burke

    An early participant in the Bay of Pigs planning, he also was one of the ones strongly pushing for the assassination of Fidel Castro. Burke served on the Committee for a Free Cuba, along with Time/Life mogul Clare Booth Luce and Virginia Prewett-a journalist David Phillips said he knew quite well. The former Chief of Naval Operations also gave an endorsement to an organization well know to readers of Probe, INCA-Information Council of the Americas, a CIA-allied Latin American propaganda organization.

    Augustus Long

    Augustus “Gus” Long was Chairman of Texaco for years. Texaco, like Freeport, had investments in Cuba. Unlike Freeport, Texaco’s operation was designed to run at a loss, as a tax write-off. Long had also done “prodigious volunteer work for Columbia Presbyterian Hospital.” Those of you who read our last issue of Probe will recall the that Columbia Presbyterian was a client of the Mullen Company, and that a former employee of the Mullen Company had described Columbia Presbyterian as a hotbed of CIA activity. Gus Long once had to step aside so a building at Columbia University could be named after Armand Hammer instead. Long then got a library named after himself. The Rockefellers are generous donors to Columbia University.

    Robert Lovett

    Lovett had been General Partner at Brown Brothers, Harriman (he married a Brown.) He had served as Undersecretary of State, Assistant Secretary of War, and Secretary of Defense. He sat on the National Security Council. Ruling class researcher and author G. William Domhoff called Lovett a “Cold War architect.” Lovett once accused Army Intelligence (G-2) of ineptitude when he learned that German scientists hadn’t been brought out of Nazi Germany yet. Lovett was also best friends with Chase Manhattan Bank Chairman and Warren Commission member John J. McCloy. These two, along with Harvey H. Bundy, formed a close working relationship. Harvey H. Bundy was the father of McGeorge and Bill Bundy.

    President Kennedy tried to sign up Lovett for a role in his administration. Although Lovett declined, his suggestions must have carried a lot of weight with Kennedy. For the State Department, Lovett proposed Dean Rusk. For Defense Secretary, either his friend John J. McCloy or Robert McNamara, his protege. And for the Treasury, McCloy or C. Douglas Dillon. Kennedy took Rusk, McNamara, and Dillon.

    Jean Mauze

    As the third husband of Abby Rockefeller-sister of David, Laurance, John III, and Nelson-Mauze was the Rockefellers’ brother-in-law.

    Godfrey Rockefeller

    Second cousin to Nelson, David, Laurance and Abby, Godfrey was the brother of James Stillman Rockefeller. Godfrey was a trustee of the Fairfield Foundation, which provided funds to Encounter, a British publication later revealed to be financed by the CIA. Fairfield also financed the Congress for Cultural Freedom, also exposed as a CIA front.

    Benno C. Schmidt

    Benno C. Schmidt was an original partner in J. H. Whitney & Company, where he knew former deputy director of the CIA William Jackson. Schmidt taught law at Harvard, and had worked for the War Production board. Schmidt eventually ran Yale University, the CIA’s favorite academic recruiting ground. He was Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Memorial Hospital for Cancer and Allied Diseases, a center that had become a pet project of the most secretive of the Rockefeller brothers, Laurance Rockefeller. Schmidt was also heavily involved with David Rockefeller, as the two of them jointly owned “Orleans Farm” in Australia-a showcase ranch.