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  • Deeper into Dave Perry


    Remember the scene from the original Naked Gun movie, when Leslie Nielson as Lieutenant Frank Drebin talks to a crowd who was watching massive explosions at a fireworks warehouse after a doctor rode a missile into it? Nielson deadpans to the crowd, “Nothing to see here”.

    That scene sort of illustrates what Dave Perry has said about any and all conspiracy theories put forward regarding the JFK assassination.

    Which brings us to the curious case of Perry and Mary Bledsoe. Most people in the JFK assassination research community have heard the name Mary Bledsoe and the story she told the Warren Commission. In case you don’t recall, Bledsoe was reportedly Lee Harvey Oswald’s landlady for a brief time in October of 1963. She was also a witness to Oswald leaving the Texas School Book Depository via a bus.

    We will explore that situation, plus look into the Mary Bledsoe police report that has been debated in the research community. The report has been addressed by people like Jim Marrs and Jack White on the Warren Commission critics’ side, and by Perry on the Krazy Kid Oswald side. In addition, we will talk about some other interesting information regarding Bledsoe and people close to her. Information that, oddly, Perry has not noted in any of his writings on this issue.

    As a digression, let me address an important point first. Perry would probably object to me classifying him on the Krazy Kid Oswald side. The pose he has tried to maintain for himself goes like this: the Warren Commission screwed up the evidence to a point that they undermined themselves, and therefore we can never know what actually happened to President Kennedy. This was what he told Commission critics when he first moved to Dallas and tried to become friendly with the research community there. (In fact this is what Perry actually told Jim DiEugenio in a phone call right after Oliver Stone’s film JFK was released.) The problem is that, almost ever since he first appeared in Dallas, he has cooperated with his good friend Gary Mack and The Sixth Floor on more than one pitiful TV special endorsing the Oswald did it thesis. For instance, according to Mack, Perry was in on that infamous fiasco Inside The Target Car. (Click here for how bad that show was )

    But way before that, Perry was also involved in another phony Kennedy assassination reconstruction for Discovery Channel. It aired on November 19, 2003 as part of the Unsolved History series. This one tried to correct the allegedly false impression that, right after the shooting, Lee Oswald could not have run down from the sixth floor to the second floor in time for Roy Truly and Marrion Baker to seem him in the lunchroom. According to Perry and Mack, not only could it be done, but it could be done rather easily in the sensational time of 49 seconds. Which was hard to believe, since it would be over 20 seconds faster than what the Commission reconstructions were timed at. In other words, like what Vincent Bugliosi did with his shadowy sharpshooters in the introduction to Reclaiming History, the impression Perry was making is that the public perception on this issue was all wrong; the critics had been misleading everyone. Even though the information they used was extracted from the Commission volumes.

    As Jim DiEugenio showed in “Part One” of his review of Reclaiming History, it was Bugliosi who was wrong on his sharpshooter point. Because the episode Bugliosi used was not done under nearly the same conditions as the alleged one done by Oswald. And Bugliosi did not inform the reader of that important fact. (It’s no surprise that Bugliosi has kind words about Perry in his book. After all, Perry attacks the critics and condemns Oswald and that is all that matters to Bugliosi.)

    Well, Sean Murphy is one of the unsung heroes of JFK assassination forums – the places where, elsewhere, Perry tries to say no real research ever goes on. Sean began his critique of the 2003 Discovery show on the forum “JFK Assassination Research” with this: “The Dave Perry 6th to 2nd floor time-trial sequence … is one of the most dishonest pieces of television out there. The footage of the test subject strolling his way to the “lunchroom”, for instance is fake. The dimensions are wrong. The test subject is a fitness instructor.” (His name was Richard Black.)

    Perry staged his “reconstruction” in a different building, a warehouse on Ervay Street. As revealed in the show, that building is not laid out as the Texas School Book Depository is i.e. the floor dimensions are not the same. Plus it did not have the floor landings between each stairway that the TSBD does. But that’s not the worst of it. As Sean wrote: “It turns out that the footage purporting to show Richard doing the time trial … is nothing of the sort. It is a phony montage of bits of footage that have been synced in a most misleading manner to a ‘real-time’ on-screen clock.” It had to have been so. Because as Sean found out, there was only one camera used that day. This would have made it impossible to catch the whole flight down in one scene. (Unless one was using an expensive Steadicam.) Which means that when Perry showed the audience Mr. Black trotting across the sixth floor and down the stairs, we were actually seeing parts of other, and slower time trials, “as well as several staged shots taken from various vantage points.”

    In other words, the whole design was to deceive the audience with a rigged presentation. One that had no direct relation to the time clock depicted. But further, and this is crucial to our present discussion, Murphy only found out the true circumstances of the staged show through his questioning of Gary Mack. When Sean questioned Perry, Perry tried to conceal what the actual circumstances were. In other words, he was covering up the cover-up.

    Murphy’s exposure of Perry’s ethics and his Machiavellian intent help inform us what his real agenda is and has been. But let me add another instance that dramatically illustrates the personal morals and journalistic ethics Perry maintains. After Commission critic Cyril Wecht was indicted by the local Republican DA in Pittsburgh on a slew of rather weird charges, Perry printed Mary Beth Buchanan’s entire 55 page indictment on his web site. Now it is bad enough to print an indictment by a prosecutor who was part of a Justice Department at the service of Karl Rove. But what makes it worse is that Perry kept the document on his site even after the indictment, was first, drastically reduced (over half the charges were thrown out before trial), and even after the jury failed to convict Wecht of even a single charge. (It has since been removed, reportedly after Wecht’s son got in contact with Perry.)

    The evidence adduced above indicates that, contrary to what he himself purveys, Perry is not a Commission skeptic who doubts the Warren Report, and is therefore an agnostic on the subject of Oswald’s guilt. As with his 6th to 2nd floor reconstruction, the real Perry has no problem falsifying facts and evidence in order to shore up the holes in the Warren Report made by critics. He then uses that illicit process to manufacture a ‘new and improved’ case against Oswald; one that actually goes beyond anything the Commission ever did. And while doing so, he tries to personally discredit the critical community by any and all possible means. As he did by printing the flawed Buchanan indictment. This should be kept in mind in the following discussion of what Perry did and did not do in the Bledsoe case.

    Before we get to the Bledsoe police report, let’s take a look at her testimony to the Warren Commission. (See WC Vol. VI, p. 400) We should first note the following: Bledsoe was one of the few people to testify with an attorney at her side. But as author Rodger Remington has pointed out, Bledsoe’s attorney – Melody Douhit – did not just sit in a chair next to her and sip water. She intervened in the questioning in an obtrusive way. (See Remington, Biting the Elephant, pgs. 406-07)

    The reader should also be advised: Bledsoe utilized written notes to remember things, and she reversed herself more than once during her testimony. In fact, in this regard she at times sounded like Marina Oswald: “I forget what I have to say.” And Douhit added that the notes were prepared at the request of none other than Secret Service agent Forrest Sorrels. (James Folliard’s “The Bledsoe Bust”, The Fourth Decade, Vol. 2 No. 1, p. 32)

    The above two facts are especially interesting in light of the content of her testimony. For Bledsoe was an important witness for the Commission. This can be indicated by the simple fact that, although she was deposed in Dallas, there were three Commission lawyers in attendance: Joe Ball, David Belin, and Albert Jenner. And Bledsoe was important in more than one way. First, she was certain that her former renter Oswald got on a bus she was on after the assassination. And that he then left the bus after it became stuck in traffic a few minutes later at Lamar and Elm streets, four blocks from the Texas School Book Depository.

    Second, Bledsoe said something at odds with what, say Officer Marrion Baker or Oswald’s supervisor Roy Truly – who both saw him after the shooting – said about Oswald. She said Oswald, “looked like a maniac … he looked so bad in his face, and his face was so distorted.” (ibid, p. 409)

    Both Remington and Pat Speer point out the third reason Bledsoe was important: the shirt. As Remington writes, it was important to the Commission that someone testified as to the color of the shirt that Oswald was wearing at the time. And that the shirt be the same as the one he was later arrested in. Why? Because “the Commission has concluded that the fibers in the tuft on the rifle came from the shirt worn by Oswald when he was arrested …” (Remington, p.394) In other words, the FBI needed Oswald to be wearing the same shirt continuously after he left the Depository in order to match fibers taken from the end of the alleged rifle. As Remington writes, even Bugliosi admits that the evidence is confused on this issue. But Bledsoe was not. So the Commission, and the prosecutor, use her to uphold the dubious FBI analysis about these fibers.

    Before we get back to Bledsoe’s testimony, let’s take a look at what Dallas County Deputy Sheriff Roger Craig said he saw after the assassination, which seems to contradict Bledsoe.

    “As I was searching the south curb of Elm Street, I heard a shrill whistle. I looked up, and it just drew my attention, and it was coming from across the street. There was a light green Rambler station wagon driving real slow west on Elm Street.

    And the driver was leaning over to his right and looking up at a man running down the grass. So I immediately tried to cross the street to take these two people into custody for questioning. Everyone else was coming to the scene, these were the only two people leaving. This was suspicious in my mind at the time, so I wanted to talk to them.

    But I couldn’t get across the street because the city officer that was stationed at Houston and Elm had left his post and the traffic was so heavy, I just couldn’t get across the street. But I did get a good look at the man coming down the grassy knoll and he got into the station wagon and they drove west on Elm Street.

    That afternoon, after Officer Tippit was killed, they took a suspect into custody. I was thinking about this man getting away from me, the man who got into the green Rambler, and I called Captain Fritz at his office and gave him a description of the man I saw get into the Rambler. He told me, and I quote him, ‘It sounds like the suspect we have in custody, come on up and take a look at him.’

    I went into Captain Fritz’s inner office, and a man was sitting in a chair behind a desk and there was another gentleman, who I assume was one of Fritz’s people because he had the white cowboy hat on which was the trademark at the time of the Dallas homicide bureau.

    Fritz turned to me and asked if this was the man you saw. And I said yes it was. So Fritz said to the suspect this man saw you leave, at which time the suspect became a little excited. And he said, ‘I told you people that I did’, and Fritz said to take it easy son, we are just trying to find out what happened here.

    Now what about the car? He didn’t say station wagon, he said what about the car? At which time the suspect leaned forward and put both hands up on the desk and said. ‘that station wagon belongs to Mrs. Paine. Don’t try to drag her into this.’ Then he leaned back and very disgustedly said, ‘Everyone will know who I am now.’ This was not brag…he was disgusted he had blown his cover or has been caught.” (From Two Men in Dallas, and Gil Jesus’ short video, The Green Rambler.)

    The man Craig was talking about was Lee Harvey Oswald.

    As we know, the Warren Commission essentially disregarded Craig. But his story today has now been fortified by pictures garnered from the Assassination Records Review Board by researchers like John Armstrong and Anna Marie Kuhns Walko.

    II

    Yet the Commission vouched for the word of Bledsoe who, as we shall see, is difficult to believe. In fact, she appears to have been rehearsed. Also, notice in the exchange below, how delicate she is about her son Porter. She can’t seem to decide if he was at her home or not in September, right before Oswald allegedly arrived. As we shall see, Porter may play a part in this episode.

    Mr. Ball: In September of 1963, you were living there alone, were you?

    Mrs. Bledsoe: No; my son was living there.

    Mr. Ball: And he left?

    Mrs. Bledsoe: Uh-huh.

    Mr. Ball: Did you rent rooms before your son left your home?

    Mrs. Bledsoe: Well, let’s see, now, oh, yes; uh-huh, in September I –

    Mr. Ball: Except his bedroom?

    Mrs. Bledsoe: Yes; uh-huh.

    Mr. Ball: When he left you rented another bedroom, did you?

    Mrs. Bledsoe: Well yes; I am trying to. Haven’t got it rented.

    We will return to her son later. But let us first go to her identifying Oswald on the bus.

    Mr. Ball. All right, now, tell me what happened?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. And, after we got past Akard, at Murphy – I figured it out. Let’s see. I don’t know for sure. Oswald got on. He looks like a maniac. His sleeve was out here [indicating]. His shirt was undone.

    (Let’s jump a bit forward and continue with her identification:)

    Mr. Ball. When Oswald got on, you then weren’t facing him, were you?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. No; but I saw that it was him.

    Mr. Ball. How close did he pass to you as he boarded the bus?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. Just in front of me. Just like this [indicating].

    Mr. Ball. Just a matter of a foot or two?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. Uh-huh.

    Mr. Ball. When he got on the bus, did he say anything to the motorman?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. Oh, the motorman? I think – I don’t know. I don’t know.

    Mr. Ball. Where did he sit?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. He sat about halfway back down.

    Mr. Ball. On what side?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. On the same side I was on.

    Mr. Ball. Same side

    Mrs. Bledsoe. No, sir.

    (Let’s jump forward again:)

    Mr. Ball. Did he say anything to the motorman when he got off?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. They say he did, but I don’t remember him saying anything.

    Mr. Ball. Did you ever see the motorman give him a transfer?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. No; I didn’t pay any attention but I believe he did.

    Mr. Ball. Well, what do you mean he – you believe he did? Did you remember seeing him get on or are you telling me something you read in the newspapers?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. No; I don’t remember. I don’t remember.

    Mr. Ball. Did you pay any attention at that time as to whether he did, or did not get a transfer?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. I didn’t pay any attention to him.

    Mr. Ball. Well, did you look at him as he got off the bus?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. No; I sure didn’t. I didn’t want to know him.

    Mr. Ball. Well, you think you got enough of a glimpse of him to be able to recognize him?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. Oh, yes.

    Mr. Ball. You think you might be mistaken?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. Oh, no.

    Mr. Ball. You didn’t look very carefully, did you?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. No; I just glanced at him, and then looked the other way and I hoped he didn’t see me.

    As Rodger Remington has written, Bledsoe’s testimony on this issue seems confused. When asked if she might be mistaken, she says “Oh no”; but then when asked if she looked at him very carefully, she says, “No, I just glanced at him.” She also says that she didn’t look at Oswald as he left, because she “didn’t want to know him.” And she also throws in the comment that “I didn’t pay any attention to him.”

    So why did the Commission rely on her to place Oswald on the bus? Because the other two witnesses who put him there were notably worse. They were the bus driver, Cecil McWatters, and a passenger named Roy Milton Jones. As Sylvia Meagher noted, the Commission considered McWatters’ testimony too vague to put Oswald on the bus. (Accessories After the Fact, p. 76) Or as Meagher writes, “McWatters explained that he had not actually identified any man in the police line-up, contrary to the impression conveyed by his affidavit off the same day …” When McWatters did indicate a man in a line-up, he thought he was identifying passenger Milton Jones. (p. 79) As Meagher points out, it is hard to believe McWatters could confuse Jones with Oswald since Jones was seven inches shorter than Oswald and seven years younger, actually a high school student.

    Jones was a better witness than McWatters, but he still gave the Commission problems. He said Oswald was 30-35 years old, five feet eleven inches tall, dark brown hair receding at the temples, and he was dressed in a blue jacket. (ibid, p. 77) As we will see, the Commission didn’t care for that last detail, the blue jacket. But there was something else Jones told the FBI that was quite interesting. He said that after the assassination, when the bus was stuck in traffic, a policeman notified the driver that “no one was to leave the bus until police officers had talked to each passenger.” (FBI report 3/30/64) Jones then said that two officers boarded the bus and checked to see if any passengers were carrying weapons. Further, McWatters told Jones that he thought Oswald left the bus before this happened. Jones description is not a good one since, if McWatters was correct about the man leaving being Oswald, then Oswald had been sitting behind Jones. (Meagher, pgs. 76-77) The Commission didn’t care for Jones. They did not call him as a witness “or make any attempt to test his story.” (ibid p. 82)

    As the reader can see, even though Bledsoe’s testimony was not convincing, since she knew Oswald from before, she was the best eyewitness they had to put him on the bus. But let me add one more detail of how the Commission put Oswald there. It was supposedly because of a bus transfer found on him after he was arrested. The police maintained that the way the transfer was punched is distinctive to each driver. Thus they linked it to McWatters. (Hmm) Yet, as Walt Cakebread pointed out, it looks like someone ironed this bus transfer beforehand. For it is completely flat and unwrinkled, not even bent at the corners. Yet Oswald was supposed to be running with this thin piece of paper in his pocket, and then wrestling with the police.

    Let’s close this section with Bledsoe’s mention of the “maniacal” look on Oswald’s face. Again, no one who saw Oswald after the assassination recalls this: not Truly, Baker, or his landlady at the time, Earlene Roberts. And they all got looks at Oswald as long as Bledsoe’s. But further, if Oswald had gotten on this bus and walked to his seat about halfway down, why would not one other single person notice that he “looked like a maniac … he looked so bad in the face, and his face was so distorted”? Clearly, the impression Bledsoe is trying to convey is that he just committed some sort of heinous act, like killing somebody. Yet, no one else recalls this bloodthirsty look on Oswald’s face. In fact, as shown above, no one else clearly recalls him being on that bus. But not only does Bledsoe recall him, she recalls that homicidal disturbance written all over him. Maybe because it was in her notes?

    If so, perhaps the following lines were also scripted for her: “Oh, it was awful in the city … and then all of us were talking about the man and we were looking up to see where he was shot and looking – and then they had one man and taking him, already got him in jail and we got – Well, I am glad they found him.” As Folliard rather gently points out, “Such conversation about an arrested man was hardly possible at 12:45.” (ibid, Folliard)

    III

    Let us address the third reason there were three Commission attorneys on the scene for the Bledsoe deposition: Oswald’s shirt.

    Mr. Ball. You are indicating a sleeve of a shirt?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. Yes.

    Mr. Ball. It was unraveled?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. Was a hole in it, hole …

    Mr. Ball. Did he have a hat on?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. No.

    Mr. Ball. Now, what color shirt did he have on?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. He had a brown shirt.

    Mr. Ball. And unraveled?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. Hole in his sleeve right here [indicating].

    Mr. Ball. Which is the elbow of the sleeve? That is, you pointed to the elbow?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. Well, it is.

    Mr. Ball. And that would be which elbow, right or left elbow?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. Right.

    (Some testimony deleted here.)

    Mr. Ball. Now, you say the motorman said something?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. Motorman said. “Well, the President has been shot,” and I say – so, and the woman over – we all got to talking about four of us sitting around talking, and Oswald was sitting back there, and one of them said, “Hope they don’t shoot us,” and I said, “I don’t believe that – it is – I don’t believe it. Somebody just said that.

    And it was too crowded, you see, and Oswald had got off.

    Mr. Ball. How far had he been on the bus before he got off? Until the time he got on until the time he got off?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. About three or four blocks.

    I have included the exchange towards the end about the actual shooting because, if you notice, Bledsoe says something interesting: she tries to suggest that she was not worried about being killed since Oswald got off the bus. Which is in keeping with her maniacal portrayal of him.

    But let us return to the shirt. Two authors have done good work on the issue of Bledsoe’s vital importance to the FBI and the Commission in identifying Oswald’s shirt on the bus as the same one he was wearing when he was arrested. They are Pat Speer and Rodger Remington. But before delving into their observations, let us define the circumstances and the evidentiary situation. What the FBI is saying is that Oswald got off the bus, took a cab to a point near his rooming house, and went inside briefly. But he did not change his shirt. The FBI cannot have this happening. Why? Because Oswald was arrested wearing a dark brown shirt with no jacket or coat over it. The FBI lab said that there were certain fibers recovered from the butt of the rifle that matched the shirt Oswald had on when he was arrested. So if Oswald changed his shirt at the rooming house from a shirt of a different color, then something is wrong in the handling of the evidence. The implication being that the Dallas Police or the FBI sweetened the case against Oswald.

    There were two serious problems with this finding. First, while being questioned in detention, Oswald said that he did change his shirt. (patspeer.com Chapter 4b “Threads of Evidence”.) Secondly, the FBI and the Commission had a devil of a time finding any witnesses who would say they saw Oswald after the shooting with a dark brown shirt and no jacket or overcoat. Speer does a meticulous and careful job going over all the witnesses the Bureau tried to get to say that they saw Oswald with just that garb on. I don’t have anywhere near the space or time to do justice to Speer’s work here but let me save the reader a lot of time by saying that besides Bledsoe, only one witness agreed to testify to that description, Marina Oswald. And as Remington points out, at first Marina did not recall the color of the shirt. But as usual, Marina eventually identified it by rote. For the Commission later showed her a black and white photo of the shirt for identification purposes and this now refreshed her memory. (Remington, Biting the Elephant, p. 390, 395)

    Needless to say, they needed someone else. But all the other witnesses they talked to – Howard Brennan, Robert Edwards, Marrion Baker, Earlene Roberts, Mrs. Robert Reid etc – either recalled a different color shirt, short sleeves, a t-shirt, Oswald wearing a jacket, or the witness could not recall specifically what the shirt color was. For instance, taxi driver William Whaley recalled a “dark shirt with white spots of something in it.” (CD 87, p. 275. As Speer revealingly notes, the FBI report refined Whaley’s testimony to make it closer to what they needed.)

    Because of the above, Bledsoe became crucial on this issue. But yet, when first shown the shirt, Bledsoe exclaimed, “No, no. That is not the shirt.” (Remington, pgs. 398-99) But a few days later, by December 4th, like Marina Oswald, she had her memory refreshed. She asked if the shirt had a “ragged” elbow. And when shown that there was a hole there, she now confirmed it was the right shirt. (Even Bugliosi notes that the word “ragged” does not necessarily denote there was a hole there. Remington, p. 399)

    Remington points out just how problematic Bledsoe’s testimony was on this issue. So much so, that even Commission counsel Ball was taken aback at points. First, she revealed that not only had the FBI been out to visit her, but so had the Secret Service. (ibid, p. 401) Remington notes that he could find no citation for this Secret Service visit in the Warren Report pertaining to Bledsoe. And Ball seemed surprised to learn of it. When asked why she thought this was the shirt Oswald had on while he was on the bus, she replied, “Well, let’s see the front of it. Yes. See all this … I remember that.” (Remington, p. 402) As Remington notes, this rather generic reply is quite puzzling. One would think that she would know it was the right shirt by the color and the hole in the elbow. But when Ball tries to prompt her to do just that, this is what happened:

    Mr. Ball. Tell me what you see there.

    Mrs. Bledsoe. I saw the – not; not so much that. It was done after – that is the part I recognize more than anything.

    Mr. Ball. You are pointing to the hole in the right elbow?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. Yes.

    Mr. Ball. What about the color?

    Mrs. Bledsoe. Well I – what do you mean?…Before he was shot? Yes, I remember being brown. (Italics added)

    I have italicized the two parts that are key to her relevancy to the FBI and the Commission i.e. the hole in the elbow and the color. The two italicized phrases again suggest that she was coached on these points. The first one indicates that she knows the hole in the shirt elbow was most likely made during Oswald’s altercation with the police in the Texas Theater. Which occurred after Oswald stopped at his rooming house. So it would not have been visible to her on the bus. It seems someone told her about this problem previously. The second italicized phrase, “Before he was shot?” indicates the same. Someone informed her about the specific timeline required by the Bureau and the Commission. Namely that Oswald said he changed his shirt prior to being arrested. And as Remington also notes, there is another indication of this confusion in the timeline. When Ball asked her if the shirt was open or buttoned, she replies, “Yes; all the buttons torn off.” (Remington, p. 405) But yet, since no one else noted this at that time, this most likely happened at the Texas Theater.

    Let us bring up one last point about the shirt. The FBI technician who testified on the fibers found on the butt of the rifle was Paul Stombaugh. As Speer points out, Stombaugh made all kinds of excuses for an apparent flaw in his analysis: there was a problem in his supposed “match”. (Remington also notes this problem.) Stombaugh said that he found “the shirt was composed of dark-blue, grayish-black, and orangish-yellow cotton fibers, and that these were the same shades of colors I had found on the butt plate of the gun.” (ibid, p. 397) When Remington looked up the colors that composed the color of brown, they were a combination of red, black, and yellow. (ibid) Or to paraphrase Speer, I guess there is “no brown in brown.”

    After calling her testimony “incredible” (p. 406), Remington suggests that the person who may have coached her on it was her attorney Ms. Melody Douthit. He points out that Douthit was allowed to do something quite rare for the Commission: to take over the questioning of the witness for 53 questions, three pages in the volumes. (WC Vol. 6, p. 422) And she clearly was allowed to ask a leading question of Arlen Specterish length and complexity about Bledsoe’s first meeting with Oswald. But the question that was never really answered about this whole Oswald/Bledsoe renting situation is this: Why did she ask Oswald to leave? Why did she never give him his full refund? Was it because of the ruckus described in the arrest report? Because the date of the arrest report incident, October 11th, was the day before she evicted Oswald.

    IV

    When I asked Roger Rainwater, the head of the Special Collections division of TCU’s Burnett Library, about the Mary Bledsoe arrest report, he would only say, “Although I am aware that this is part of the “folklore” of the department, I have no direct knowledge or recollection of this situation.” However, the Marguerite Oswald TCU collection DOES contain another very interesting document. It is a UPI story that mentions a man named H.H. Grant, who is also mentioned in the Bledsoe police report. The report describes a tussle between one “Alek Hidell” and J. R. Rubinstein, obviously Oswald and Ruby. Bledsoe was complaining because during the scuffle, some furniture in the room she rented to Oswald was damaged. But there was a fourth person named on the report. He was listed as a witness. His name was H. H. Grant. Here is the UPI story:

    Dallas, Nov. 21-UPI-“A DALLAS BUILDER TODAY DENIED THAT HE HAD BEEN ARRESTED IN 1963 WITH LEE HARVEY OSWALD AND JACK RUBY IN AN OAK CLIFF ROOMING HOUSE – AFTER A REPORTED ALTERCATION.

    H.H. GRANT, 35, SAID HE WAS TAKEN TO THE DALLAS POLICE STATION “SOMETIME IN OCTOBER” OF THAT YEAR FOR QUESTIONING. BUT THAT HE AND TWO OTHER MEN ALSO QUESTIONED WERE RELEASED “WHEN IT BECAME OBVIOUS THAT THE REPORT WAS A MISTAKEN ONE.”

    DALLAS POLICE CHIEF CHARLES BATCHELOR SAID DALLAS POLICE RECORDS SHOWED NO RECORD OF SUCH AN ARREST.

    GRANT’S STORY CAME TO LIGHT RECENTLY WHEN SEVERAL DALLAS NEWS-MEN GOT WIND OF THE POSSIBILITY THAT RUBY AND OSWALD MIGHT HAVE BEEN SEEN TOGETHER AT THE DALLAS POLICE DEPARTMENT. THE WARREN COMMISSION, REACHING THE CONCLUSION THAT BOTH APPARENTLY ACTED ALONE IN THEIR NOVEMBER, 1963 ACTIONS, INDICATED THERE WAS NO EVIDENCE THAT LINKED OSWALD TO THE FORMER NIGHTCLUB OWNER.

    GRANT, FORMERLY OF THE FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION IN DALLAS, DETROIT AND OTHER CITIES, NOW OPERATES A BUILDING FIRM IN DALLAS.

    IT IS REPORTED THAT GRANT HAS RECENTLY VISITED NEW ORLEANS FOR QUESTIONING BY DIST. ATTY. JIM GARRISON, WHO IS CURRENTLY INVESTIGATING PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY’S ASSASSINATION, ALONG WITH RELATED EVENTS THAT WERE SUPPOSED TO HAVE OCCURRED IN THE LOUISIANA CITY IN MID-1963. GRANT DENIED THAT HE HAD EVER MET GARRISON AND THE DISTRICT ATTORNEY WAS NOT AVAILABLE FOR COMMENT.

    GRANT DENIED HE HAD EVER MET RUBY, BUT SAID HIS WIFE…”_

    The UPI story does not give a year as to when the story was written. But if the report is genuine, it was probably done around 1967 or 1968, when Jim Garrison was doing his investigation._Notice, according to this report, a version of the incident did happen. And parties were questioned about it. (In this regard, when John Armstrong tried to find the matching report at DPD HQ, he was told that since no action was taken – no one was booked or prosecuted – the original was probably routinely destroyed. Folliard, p. 32) Further, Grant does not deny being there during the incident, he just denies being arrested. Notice too that, according to the story, Grant was in the FBI at one time. Oswald and Ruby were both believed to have been FBI informants as well.

    In addition to this, we also have some interesting family connections with the Bledsoes. When Mary Bledsoe died in 1969, Penn Jones wrote an obituary and a brief story was done about her in The Midlothian Mirror. Jones wrote that her son Porter was in the Louisiana Civil Air Patrol with Oswald when David Ferrie was a Captain there. Where and how Jones garnered this information is not revealed. So it cannot be certified as being accurate. (See Michael Benson’s Who’s Who in the JFK Assassination, pgs. 42, 133) In addition, I have learned that in 1963, Porter Bledsoe lived with his mother Mary. I have also learned that Porter went to the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. In addition, the H.H. Grant who was also named in the infamous police report never denied that he was there and had been in the FBI at one time.

    If the police report is legitimate (and I stress the word ‘if’) then all three men in the report – Oswald, Ruby and Grant – could have been FBI informants at the time. And the rightwing Mary Bledsoe – she was reportedly a member of the Daughters of the Confederacy and the Dallas Navy Mothers Club – and her intelligence oriented son, would be willing to cover it all up. As, for obvious reasons, the Dallas Police would be after the fact. After all, they had two people involved in the JFK case in their hands over a month before Kennedy was killed.

    Let me add one more possible point. It is these connections that may have allowed Bledsoe to be such a pliable and cooperative witness for the FBI and the Commission.

    V

    It is necessary to lay out all this before discussing the controversy over the Bledsoe police report. Why? Because in his writing on the subject. Perry tells you nothing about any of the above. That’s right. Not a word about any of it. He doesn’t tell you how important Bledsoe was to the FBI and the Commission. He doesn’t tell you that Bledsoe was the eyewitness the Commission relied upon to put Oswald on the McWatters’ bus. Perry doesn’t tell you how she added that “homicidal look” on his face, which no on else recalled. He doesn’t tell you how she was the key witness in keeping the brown shirt constantly on Oswald after the murder, and how this helped the FBI in the matching of the fibers. (Which may not have matched anyway.) He doesn’t tell you how her testimony has hints of being rehearsed, how she brought her own notes, and how her attorney played an unusual role in the proceedings.

    The net effect of all these deletions is this: the whole controversy he details lacks any real context. Because he erases Bledsoe, and the troubling questions about her, from the picture. This allows him to perform his usual routine. That is to conceal and camouflage the failings of the FBI and the Commission, and second, to go after the critics. To the point of eliminating an alternative scenario as to the provenance of the report i.e. someone on the DPD or FBI might have faked the document to detract attention from how weak a witness Bledsoe was and how she was used to prop up the official story.

    Now let’s look at the Bledsoe police report that has been argued to be both real and fake.

    This report was found in 1994 by JFK assassination researchers Jack White, Jim Marrs and John Armstrong while browsing through the personal files of Marguerite Oswald at the Special Collections division of TCU’s Burnett Library. White and Marrs issued a press release that was printed in Probe, which, at the time was being edited by Dennis Effle. It was this press release that Perry used to attack the document as a forgery planted by mysterious conservative Dallas citizens disgruntled by how Mark Lane had made their city look silly. Perry’s theory – if it can be called one – was that the forgers wanted to make Lane look stupid when he publicized it. Apparently the plotters were not too smart. They got Lane’s address wrong somehow and the envelope containing the report was returned address unknown. An interesting point about Perry’s “research” is that although he was arguing for a conspiracy, he would never name anyone involved, or the date when the letter to Lane was sent. This is rather surprising since Perry actually said that he talked to one of the conspirators. (See, Perry’s “The Bledsoe Document Resurfaces“) In that article he does not say if he asked the nameless man how he could have gotten Lane’s address wrong. Lane was quite accessible at the time since he was traveling the country and also giving lectures in New York on a regular basis. Many, many people had access to him e.g. Ray Marcus, Marjorie Field etc. All that was necessary was to give the arrest report to one of them or ask them for Lane’s mailing address. Another way to have gotten him the report was through his publisher. A very common practice, both then and now. It’s odd that, apparently, Perry did not ask those questions.

    Perry also reports as fact that the arrest report first surfaced back in the sixties, and that it was then not investigated again until 1994. The first statement is really an assumption he makes; the second statement is false. And, as we will see, it is hard to believe that Perry did not know it was false when he wrote it.

    Concerning the first: How did Perry determine that the report first surfaced back in the sixties? He says he called Mary Ferrell. She had heard of it around the time of the Garrison inquiry and it was dismissed as a fraud. In fact, Perry wrote that the report actually got to Jim Garrison, he had a copy in 1967, and according to Ferrell, Garrison considered the report a fraud. This is a not completely warranted deduction. For two reasons. First, contrary to what Perry implies, Mary Ferrell never worked for Garrison. (ibid) You can scan through his extant files, you can interview anyone who worked for him at the time. They will tell you the same. So how is she a good source for this information? Secondly, as we have seen, there is evidence that Garrison actually interviewed a person named in the police report. Both Ferrell and Perry either were unaware of this or deliberately left it out.

    The other main source Perry uses to convey the information that the document was around for decades is a man named Randy Chapman. He also connects to Ferrell on this issue. For Mary said that she thought she got a copy from the late Al Chapman, Randy’s father. In other words, Perry was relying on the son’s memory for a document the father had in his possession about 27-28 years ago. Perry does not tell the reader what Randy’s age would have been at the time, or if he had such a strong interest in the JFK case back then to recall such a document. (Interestingly, Perry chose not to interview Marrs or White about this point. Because neither one of them, who have been in the area and interested in the case since the sixties, heard of the report back then.)

    But here is the most important point to recall about what Perry adduced from his call to Randy Chapman. Randy told him that “his father was very friendly with Marguerite Oswald and that Al did give her a copy of the report.” (See Perry’s “A CTKA Story“) The never curious Perry apparently did not ask Randy, “How would you recall such a thing? Were you there when the transfer happened?” Perry never asked another obvious question: “If the word was that the document was a hoax, why would your father give it to Marguerite if he was friendly with her?”

    Perry ends his “inquiry” into the report’s provenance with a huge understatement. He writes that his Arthurian quest has not completely resolved how the arrest report came to be found at the TCU archives or if indeed it had been fabricated. (ibid)

    But there is something that Perry may have left out of his report about his interview with Ferrell. For Ferrell told Folliard that, as she recalled it, Chapman was given the document by Lt. J. C. Day. (Folliard, p. 35) If true, this is rather important information. Because it would seem to vouch for the document’s authenticity. But if the document was forged, then it was possibly forged by someone on the Dallas Police.

    Let us address Perry’s second point: the arrest report had not resurfaced since Garrison had discarded it. This was wrong. For in February of 1992, the FBI had interviewed one Frank O. Mote about the document. What makes this interview interesting is a point that Perry ignores completely. The interviewing agent was Farris Rookstool. In Jim DiEugenio’s essay, “How Gary Mack Became Dan Rather”, he revealed that Rookstool was the FBI agent who became the Bureau’s beat cop in Dallas on the JFK case around the time that Oliver Stone’s film JFK was released. (Click here for the essay.) Further, that Perry also moved into the Dallas-Fort Worth area just prior to that time from his previous home back east. Perry had been lifelong friends with Gus Russo. Russo had ostensibly been a former Warren Commission critic who at this same time was now switching sides. (Click here for the story on Russo.)

    According to more than one Dallas based researcher, Rookstool’s job was to garner any new information coming out of the JFK research community there. One of the ways he did this was to occasionally drop in at the late Larry Howard’s JFK Assassination Information Center. By way of Gus Russo, who no one suspected of turning at the time, Perry also began to do his reconnaissance job on the JFK research community in Dallas. It appears they were both doing the same function. Except Perry was doing it in an unofficial capacity.

    If this is so, how could Rookstool have not alerted Perry to his interview with one Frank O. Mote in 1992 about the Bledsoe arrest report? And how could Perry have known what he did about Rookstool’s story, as he revealed in his article on the subject? Mote volunteered almost no information about the document. But how Rookstool discovered Mote, the document, and how Perry treats this episode is of the utmost interest.

    Rookstool says that Mote provided the document to his father! (See Perry’s, “The FBI’s Report on Frank Mote“) How Rookstool knew this, or precisely when he discovered it, is never mentioned by Perry. Neither is it explained why Mote would do such a thing. (And since Perry doesn’t reveal the Dallas Police giving the report to Chapman, he doesn’t have to explain why Rookstool never investigated the police angle.) Perry could easily shed light on those queries through his longtime acquaintance with Rookstool if he wanted to. And to detract from the importance of Rookstool and the Mote interview, Perry actually writes that the FBI did not make the discovery of the document in 1992, Rookstool did. This is a distinction without a difference. Rookstool was an officer of the FBI in 1992. His job was reconnaissance on the research community in Dallas. So if he found this out about his father, then the FBI found it out also.

    Let me make one other observation about this 1992 strange interlude: If one questions – as I do – Perry’s past attempts at moving the document’s provenance back to the sixties, this is the first time word of the document surfaced. Right after the furor over Stone’s film began.

    VI

    As previously noted, Perry tries to ridicule JFK forums and newsgroups. He titled one of his essays “Newsgroups – What Newsgroups?” The subtitle left little doubt where Perry stood on the issue: “Is there really any news on the JFK newsgroups?” Perry may want to discourage people from visiting these forums, since people like Sean Murphy are hard at work exposing some of his scams. And so is Joe Hall.

    Hall is another Kennedy researcher who frequents a newsgroup. He posts at the forum for the JFK Murder Solved site. Unlike others at more popular sites like John Simkin’s Spartacus, Hall didn’t buy Perry or his spin on the Bledsoe arrest report. So he took the report to the Dallas Police Department. He showed it to a police officer and a police secretary at headquarters. Both thought the report was genuine. Both thought the report was very indicative of a standard police report of that period, with the errors in the report common in a petty case of this nature.

    The police officer examined the report and said he felt about 90% sure the report was for real. The secretary was even more positive. And more interesting in her comments. She said she felt 100% that the report was a genuine one. She said the only thing false on it was the numbers running across the top. And she observed that these were typed on a different typewriter. There were indications of that because the dash shifted to the left on every number. But besides that, she felt the report was authentic.

    This is quite interesting. Why? Because a major way that Perry disputes the authenticity of the report is through those very numbers! (Which, according to Folliard, should not even be there. Folliard, p. 36) Yet, as the secretary told Hall, everything about the document looked real except those numbers. As Perry wrote, the numbers across the top, when matched to their numeric correspondence in the alphabet, spell out U-R-A-Fink. Yet as the secretary said, these were typed on a different typewriter. Therefore, if the document was a hoax, then it is very likely that someone else got hold of it and added this onto it to make it seem more of such. If the document is genuine, then the ersatz numbers were added to a real document to make it appear to be a false one.

    Mr. Hall talked to a librarian at the Special Collections division of TCU’s Burnett Library. As noted, this houses the Marguerite Oswald Collection. She had a fascinating tale to relate. For the librarian was very helpful to Hall. She got him everything he asked for. During their conversation she revealed that he was one of the very few people who had been there to inspect the Marguerite Oswald collection over the years. In fact, she said she only recalled three previous visits in her ten-year tenure.

    When Hall asked her about the Bledsoe police report, she had a curious response. The woman said it was not in the files, because it was not entered in the original Oswald index list. Therefore it was not a part of the donated collection. She then stopped for a moment, and said, “Wait a minute.. . I recall something else.” She then brought out another folder that held the disputed police report inside. Hall discovered from the woman that on one of the previous viewings, someone had tried to slip this report into the Marguerite Oswald collection. However the substitution was detected. Which is why she gave the inserted document to Joe in a different folder.

    Let me add why this last detail is important. First, it casts even more doubt on Perry’s “inquiry”. For if Chapman had given it to Marguerite back in the sixties, why was it not turned over to TCU? Especially since Marguerite apparently did include the UPI story about Grant. Second, when Marrs, White, and Armstrong made their visit in 1994, the report was there in a file folder. So it was not they who inserted the report. (Interviews with White and Marrs, 3/30/10) Someone else did so prior to that visit. The questions then become: Who? When? Why?

    As the reader can see, genuine or not, there is a lot more to the Bledsoe arrest report than Dave Perry ever let on. Perry’s writing is so incomplete, so one-sided, so agenda-driven as to be misleading. Which, as we have seen with Discovery Channel, is par for the course with him. I began this article with a comparison of Perry to the Naked Gun’s Lt. Frank Drebin. Specifically to his famous line, “Nothing to see here.” If you really want to investigate Mary Bledsoe and the arrest report, there is a lot to see here. And Perry won’t give it to you.

    Why?

  • David C. Heymann, Bobby and Jackie: A Love Story


    As a researcher into a controversial subject – the assassinations of the sixties – people often ask me this question: How do you know which sources to believe and which to disbelieve?

    My answer is this: When you read an author for the first time, check every single fact you don’t already know from elsewhere. If a nonfiction book isn’t even footnoted, it’s not worth your time other than as a source of leads you’ll have to check out on your own. Leads are not data. They are only possible data.

    Hearsay, what someone said when they were not under oath, when nothing was at risk for them personally, I also treat as a lead, not data. Personally, I don’t trust interviews much because people often misremember things, or enhance or embellish the truth, sometimes without realizing it. And some will simply lie for their own reasons, and none of us is so good that we can “just tell” who is lying or not. But by interviewing people you can sometimes get a lead on data for which there is some sort of a verifiable paper trail. And that can be valuable.

    If the book is footnoted, check out the footnotes. And I mean, really check it out – don’t just see if there is a footnote. Go to the library, go to the book referenced, go to that page number, and see if the note is correct. Was the correct reference on that page? Or did the author miss it? (Sometimes book pages change from one printing to the next so check a few pages on either side of the reference in case it’s nearby.)

    Most important, check to see if what is in the footnoted text is accurately represented. I’ve gone through people’s footnotes and found sometimes, to my dismay, that the author misread the original text or is deliberately misrepresenting it.

    What about things you can’t check out, like interviews with people? Then two additional considerations come into play: the credibility of the person being interviewed, and the reliability of the interviewer. Did either person have a reason to lie? Did either person work for an intelligence service, a career which requires one to lie well? Have they lied or misquoted people in the past?

    It is with these considerations in mind that I read C. David Heymann’s latest book, Bobby and Jackie: A Love Story. If I had to describe the book in a single word it would be this: puerile. But because this book has gotten so much media attention, I will say more than one word. And because the book depends nearly entirely on hearsay, I have to examine the overall credibility of the author, as well.

    When I started reading the book, I tried to look up certain items to find Heymann’s source. There were some footnotes, to be sure, but never for the items that interested me. Instead, he sourced the book generally, chapter by chapter, to a list of interviews conducted by Heymann and his researchers. Lacking access to those, the only way for me to evaluate the credibility of Heymann’s claims of a so-called love affair between Bobby and Jackie was to evaluate the credibility of Heymann himself.

    I’ve been researching Robert Kennedy for years. Early on, I picked up Heymann’s book RFK: A Candid Biography of Robert F. Kennedy. At the time, I knew nothing about Heymann. I was writing about Robert Kennedy’s ride to the Ambassador Hotel – a moment of no particular consequence. I just wanted to get the time correct and to quote something ironic that had been said on the drive.

    Here is what Heymann wrote for this episode:

    At six-fifteen, Kennedy and Dutton were driven by John Frankenheimer from Malibu to the Ambassador Hotel. … As Frankenheimer cruised along the Santa Monica Freeway, attempting to make the thirty-minute trip in half that time, Bobby said, “Hey, John, take it slow. I want to live long enough to enjoy my impending victory.”

    The footnote for the above said this:

    “At six-fifteen”: Schlesinger, RK, p. 980.

    If you go to page 980 in Arthur Schlesinger’s book Robert Kennedy and his Times, you find nothing but a page of footnotes with no reference to those events. But a page number mistake is easy to make – and it was easy enough to find the correct page. So I wasn’t going to be too hard on Heymann for such a simple error. I looked up “Frankenheimer” in Schlesinger’s book to get the correct page (p. 913), and found this text:

    About six-thirty Frankenheimer drove him to the Hotel Ambassador. He sped furiously along the Santa Monica Freeway. “Take it easy, John,” Kennedy said. “Life is too short.”

    Schlesinger sources this quote to Robert Blair Kaiser’s book R.F.K. Must Die!, page 15. Schlesinger’s quote of what Kennedy said exactly matches the original in Kaiser’s book, whereas Heymann’s strange misquote added a touch of arrogance (“my impending victory”). Heymann evidently improvised his version, and moved the time he explicitly footnoted up fifteen minutes for no apparent reason. Add that to the wrong page number, and for this inconsequential item, Heymann managed to make three mistakes. That’s way too high an error ratio for me. If he could make three errors on something so simple, what would he do with things more controversial or complex? At that point, I put away Heymann’s book, realizing it would be worthless to my research.

    Had I read further, I would have seen Heymann fabricating events from whole cloth. For example, on page 361 in his RFK book, Heymann wrote something wildly untrue:

    [I]n May 1997, Gerald Ford publicly admitted that in 1975, while president of the United States, he had suppressed certain FBI and CIA surveillance reports that indicated that JFK had been caught in a crossfire in Dallas, and that John Roselli and Carlos Marcello had orchestrated the assassination plot.

    Gerald Ford never said any such thing. What Gerald Ford did say in 1997 was in response to a document that surfaced showing it was his edits that changed the wound from Kennedy’s “back” to the “back of the neck,” a change of verbiage that managed to move the wound up five inches to support the single bullet theory. Never mind that the shirt (which was fitted and could not have bunched up five inches, as some have suggested) showed a bullet hole well down the back and definitely not in the “back of the neck.”

    Here is the passage from the 1997 AP report regarding Ford’s public comment:

    Thirty-three years ago, Gerald R. Ford took pen in hand and changed – ever so slightly – the Warren Commission’s key sentence on the place where a bullet entered John F. Kennedy’s body when he was killed in Dallas.

    The effect of Ford’s change was to strengthen the commission’s conclusion that a single bullet passed through Kennedy and severely wounded Texas Gov. John Connally – a crucial element in its finding that Lee Harvey Oswald was the sole gunman.

    A small change, said Ford on Wednesday when it came to light, one intended to clarify meaning, not alter history.

    “My changes had nothing to do with a conspiracy theory,” he said in a telephone interview from Beaver Creek, Colo. “My changes were only an attempt to be more precise.”

    So Heymann is freely mixing a real event (Gerald Ford’s public comment) with a fictional one (admitting to participating in a cover-up and naming Roselli and Marcello as the conspirators).

    How could Heymann be so wrong? Heymann wouldn’t deliberately lie, not in a nonfiction book, right?

    Wrong. Heymann not only would, he does, and provably so, right on the book’s dust jacket. Under Heymann’s picture, Heymann is described as a three-time Pulitzer Prize nominee. Finding that impossible to believe, I decided to check it out. As I suspected, Heymann was never nominated for any award by the Pulitzer Prize committee. The Pulitzer Prize committee goes to some trouble to ensure that nominees, called “finalists,” are listed on their Web site. Heymann is not there.

    Was it possible that Heymann pulled one over on his editor? I had to find out, so I contacted his current editor, Emily Bestler, at Atria Books, a subsidiary of Simon and Schuster. It never occurred to me that an employee of a Simon & Schuster property would knowingly perpetrate a fraud regarding one of their writers. How naive I was.

    When I queried Bestler about the fact that he was not listed as a Pulitzer Prize nominee on the Pulitzer Prize committee’s site, Bestler explained that his previous publishers had submitted his books for nomination.

    Now, I don’t know about you, but no one in Hollywood would dare call themselves an Academy Award nominee just because their agent submitted their reel to the Academy. They’d be laughed out of the business. The agent and actor would both lose all credibility.

    The same should be true in the publishing world. You can’t seriously claim to be a nominee just because your book, along with thousands of others, was sent to the Pulitzer committee. That’s patently ridiculous. Any author anywhere on the planet could then send in their book and claim the same. Is this the industry’s dirty little secret? Is this a widespread practice?

    I emailed the Pulitzer Prize Web site asking what the Pulitzer Prize committee does when someone claims to be a “nominee” when they’ve only been submitted for nomination. Claudia Weissberg, the Web Site Manager for the Pulitzer Prize committee, wrote back:

    Occasionally when we see misapplication of the term “nominated”, we send a straightforward message informing an author about the misstep and usually get compliance. Also, when people contact us to confirm such a claim, we try to set them straight. Unfortunately, our staff of four is too busy with other things to regularly police the situation.

    So the next time you see someone claiming to be a “Pulitzer Prize Nominee,” don’t believe it until you first confirm it for yourself. (Search www.pulitzer.org. If the author was truly a nominee or an award winner from the year, they will show up in the search, and the date and name of their nomination or prize will be listed. Gus Russo, author of Live By the Sword: The Secret War Against Castro and the Death of JFK, has also misused that term, claiming to be a nominee when he, too, was merely an entrant.) You would think some “truth in advertising” statute should apply here to protect consumers. Whatever else it is, it’s simply dishonest, on any level, and shame on Heymann and Bestler for participating knowingly in a deliberate deception. Shame on Atria Books. Shame on Simon and Schuster for misusing the prestige of the Putlizer Prize to sell some books.

    Why do I spend so much time on this false claim? Because if one is willing to lie about themselves to enhance the sales of their book, what else might they be willing to lie about?

    That question should be foremost in mind when reading Heymann’s book Bobby and Jackie because we, the readers, are not in a position to check the factual accuracy of his most sensational claims. First of all, the most outrageous claims are not footnoted specifically, but sourced generally to people who are now dead. We can’t go question them to see if Heymann quoted them accurately. So how can we check this out?

    We have to go back to Heymann’s past work, and hear from people he has quoted in the past, to assess his accuracy with people when they were living. As it turns out, credibility has long been an issue for Heymann.

    In his book Poor Little Rich Girl: The Life and Legend of Barbara Hutton, about the famous Woolworth heiress, Heymann inaccurately accused a doctor in Beverly Hills of overprescribing drugs for Ms. Hutton. The accused doctor was provably only 14 years old at the time and incapable of prescribing drugs for anyone, and sued Random House. Random House hesitated. They were not eager to destroy a book that had all the markings of a bestseller. After all, the film rights had already been optioned for $100,000.

    Heymann blamed the mistake on one of his researchers, and was upset when Random House held him, the author who had received the $70,000 advance for the book, accountable.

    Shortly after the doctor’s suit, Ned Rorem, an author and composer, pointed out that Heymann had lifted a passage from one of Rorem’s own books and attributed it to Hutton. That was enough, for Random House. The publisher recalled the book and destroyed all copies.

    Heymann was so depressed at this episode, which threatened to destroy the only career he’d ever loved, that he attempted suicide. He then changed his mind, sought emergency medical treatment, and headed to a Manhattan psychiatrist.

    How was it that Random House didn’t review the book for accuracy? The publicity director said Random House relied on Heymann’s assurances of accuracy. (Emily Bestler, his current editor, told me the same thing, that she never questioned him about his sources, never did any independent verification. “He’s the expert,” she said in all seriousness, the irony of which you will understand by the time you finish this review.)

    Heymann’s troubles with the Hutton book were still expanding. As reporter Curt Suplee described in his Washington Post article “The Big Book That Went Bad” (Feb. 8, 1984), “Meanwhile, the unthinkable got worse. Another author cried foul; some of Hutton’s longtime chums claimed they had never seen her keep notebooks; several people quoted in the book either denied that they had been interviewed or disowned the quotations. And in Los Angeles, some old Hutton hands openly doubted that Heymann – who says he conducted six weeks of intermittent interviews with the enfeebled heiress during 1978 – ever met her at all.”

    Heymann said he made no tapes of these alleged conversations, but that he could prove his presence there in a court of law if he had to. (In a separate interview, Heymann said the only person who could verify he conducted the interviews with Hutton was his wife.) No one put that claim to the test, although Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morganthau’s office did investigate Mr. Heymann for fraud. (No indictment was ever issued from Morgenthau’s investigation.)

    A handwriting expert determined that the so-called “diary” (a collection of notebooks and scribblings on random pieces of paper) was not from Hutton. Regarding the authenticity of the handwriting, Suplee noted, Heymann displayed “photocopies of letters Hutton wrote decades ago in an idiosyncratic, loopy script; and apparently more recent sheets of embossed letterhead stationery on which incoherent, broken sentences are printed in big block letters. How could both be written by the same hand? ‘They were written many years apart,’ Heymann says. ‘I didn’t question it.’” Sadly, neither did his editors. Fortunately for history, however, some reporters did.

    David Johnston, a reporter for the Los Angeles Times, said the Times contacted several of Heymann’s alleged sources in an attempt to verify Heymann’s work. Most of the sources were long dead, but a few were still alive.

    Of the nine people contacted, all nine seriously disputed Heymann’s accuracy.

    Seven of the nine said they never spoke to Heymann or his researchers. Heymann told the Times he had taken their anecdotes from Hutton’s notes and that neither he nor his researchers had contacted those people. Heymann claimed to Suplee, however, that these people had spoken with his researchers, which contradicts his earlier statement that he had gotten the anecdotes from the disputed journal entries. The eighth person said that, while part of what was quoted was true, nearly a page-worth of quotes attributed to that person were false. The ninth said he had been contacted by an aide of Heymann’s, but refused to be interviewed. (Los Angeles Times, Dec. 24, 1983)

    Johnston also noted that one lengthy anecdote in the book involved a physician who didn’t exist. Heymann explained that he used fictitious names in the book “in five or six cases.” The book, however, contains no disclaimer indicating that any fictitious names were used. And in a later interview with the Washington Post, Heymann changed the number of fictitious names used to two. “That’s not such an unusual ploy, is it?” Heymann asked the reporter. But, of course, it is. Nonfiction is supposed to be truthful in all aspects, with no made-up names, or, if necessary, with pseudonyms clearly identified as such.

    When asked if he had alerted his editor at Random House to the fact that he had used false names, Heymann said, “Yeah – it would have been impossible otherwise.” According to Suplee in the Post, “a company spokesman denies that Heymann said anything about fictitious names or mentioned that he would be using researchers for the preponderance of the interviews.” “Clem was not forthcoming,” said Heymann’s agent Peter Matson, “about the way he was working.”

    Heymann even dared blame his editor for not insisting on the use of a pseudonym for the doctor who ended up suing. “It seems to me an experienced editor would have said, ‘why use this guy’s real name? Why not use a pseudonym?’” (Wash. Post, Feb. 8, 1984)

    Philip Van Rensselaer, a one-time escort of Hutton’s, told the Post he was thinking of suing Heymann for plagiarism, saying Heymann had copied dozens of sentences from his own biography of Hutton. Heymann had quoted a news article from Van Rensselaer’s book without verifying its accuracy. Van Rensselaer had actually embellished the news item, itself a violation of journalistic standards. Yet Heymann had quoted it verbatim as if it was an actual news item, showing how poor a researcher he is.

    It’s odd, in retrospect, that Random House was so incurious about Heymann’s accuracy, given that his two previous works by that time had already been challenged for accuracy. Had they actually bought Heymann’s claim that, after any nonfiction book is published, “eight out of ten people will deny what they said”? That may be the standard for a Heymann book (and with good reason, if they didn’t, in fact, say what was quoted), but he presents no evidence to support that claim on behalf of other nonfiction authors.

    Random House’s spokesperson told the Post that Random House had been unaware of the problems with Heymann’s earlier books. The Village Voice had given Heymann’s 1980 book American Aristocracy: The Lives and Times of James Russell, Amy and Robert Lowell a “Most Mistakes Medallion” for the huge number of inaccuracies in that volume.

    One of Heymann’s earliest books was on the poet Ezra Pound, who happened to be a close friend of none other than the CIA’s former counterintelligence chief James Angleton. Heymann claimed he had interviewed Pound just before his death, which would have been at least four years before Heymann’s book was published. Time magazine lauded Heymann’s book, calling it “The most harshly realistic portrait of the poet so far produced.” But in 1983, a noted Pound scholar, Professor Hugh Kenner of John Hopkins University, accused Heymann of claiming someone else’s interview with Pound as his own. Heymann dismissed the charge, claiming Kenner was retaliating against Heymann for a negative review Heymann had given to Kenner’s book. Both offered to take and pass a lie detector test supporting their view in this matter. (Wash. Post, Dec. 21, 1983)

    In the wake of the problems resulting from the serious examination of his Hutton book, Heymann moved to Israel where, according to Heymann, he joined the Mossad. The Hutton book was eventually republished by Lyle Stuart (after Heymann rewrote nearly a third of it) and was made into a television miniseries.

    Since Heymann was never really punished for his lax standards, if not outright dishonesty, is it any surprise the errors and misrepresentations continued in subsequent works?

    When Heymann’s book A Woman Named Jackie: An Intimate Biography of Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy Onassis, came out, Mike Wilson of the Miami Herald did an in-depth review, similar to what the Los Angeles Times and Washington Post reporters had done with the Hutton book. Wilson opens his review with this:

    C. David Heymann has called his book “A Woman Named Jackie” “a search for the real Jackie Kennedy.”

    Sometimes, it seems, the author didn’t search farther than his own bookshelf.

    Wilson goes on to quote a passage from Kitty Kelley’s earlier biography of Jackie, and compares it to Heymann’s. It’s not a direct copy, but it’s a very similar passage. He does this again with a passage from Ralph Martin’s book and compares it to Heymann’s passage, which is even more similar than the first example.

    Wilson also noted that Heymann lifted material from one of Jack Anderson’s columns. “No question about it. It’s obvious. That’s outrageous,” Wilson quotes Anderson as saying. (Heymann’s publicist Sandra Bodner tried to explain this away by suggesting the story was perhaps told to Heymann by Anderson’s source in exactly the same words.)

    Wilson notes some of the key allegations in the book, but adds, “much in the book is not new. And much, Heymann’s sources are saying, is not true.” For example, Larry O’Brien challenged several remarks in the book, telling the Miami Herald he had never said those things. And worse, Heymann has O’Brien essentially lying, saying something O’Brien couldn’t, wouldn’t have ever said because he’d already said the opposite in his own book! (Heymann claimed O’Brien said he refused to speak to Lyndon Johnson on the plane back from Dallas after Kennedy had been assassinated. But in O’Brien’s own book he noted he spoke to Johnson twice on the plane – once on the ground in Dallas and a second time in the air.)

    The first time I cracked Heymann’s book on Jackie open, I randomly turned to a page where a name caught my eye. Heymann quotes “James T. Angleton, director of covert operations for the CIA” talking about Mary Meyer. Surely he meant James J. Angleton, director of counterintelligence for the CIA. But it’s no wonder he got the name and title wrong. When I checked the footnotes, there was no source for the Angleton quote listed, and, according to the footnotes, Heymann sourced no interview with Angleton for that chapter. So whom was he quoting? What source gave him that Angleton quote about Meyer? How could his editor, Allan Wilson, have missed the fact that there was literally no source for that quote? That wouldn’t pass muster in a History 101 course. I had expected more from publisher Lyle Stuart, Heymann’s post-Random House sponsor.

    Heymann does get Angleton’s full middle name correct in his book The Georgetown Ladies’ Social Club: Power, Passion, and Politics in the Nation’s Capital. Unfortunately, according to Washington Post reporter Roxanne Roberts, the book had little to recommend it. Roberts opens with this line:

    There are lies, damn lies, and statistics … and autobiographies, biographies and books by C. David Heymann.

    As with so many before her, Roberts describes Heymann’s work as “unfettered by live subjects,” noting,

    This makes it harder to determine what is true and what is not, assuming one cares about those things. “When you write about people who are dead, you’re libel-proof,” author Kitty Kelley says. “They can’t sue and neither can their families. It just breaks your heart sometimes.”

    When Heymann wrote Liz: An Intimate Biography of Elizabeth Taylor, he told the press that “discussions will continue” with Liz Taylor about whether she would approve the biography as official. But Taylor’s representatives responded they had never been in touch with Heymann and that she would definitely “not be participating” in his project. (Wash. Post, Aug. 15, 1989)

    You would think Heymann would have learned some serious lessons about checking facts, not relying on researchers, verifying everything, and heeding the notion that extraordinary claims deserve extraordinary evidence. You would be so wrong.

    Heymann came under the scrutiny of New York Observer reporter Andrew Goldman when, in the wake of John Kennedy Jr.’s death, Heymann put out the story that John hadn’t wanted to fly to Martha’s Vineyard, but that his wife made him do it. (See Goldman’s article detailing challenges to Heymann’s credibility with several of his books here: http://www.observer.com/node/41806.)

    In the wake of John’s death, Heymann had told Cindy Adams, a New York gossip columnist, that Heymann had just spoken to John a few weeks before his death, and that John had complained about having to drop his wife’s sister off in Martha’s Vineyard the day his plane went down.

    Curiously, this is the same Cindy Adams I wrote about years ago, who wrote a biography of the Indonesian President Sukarno during the period in which the CIA was trying to overthrow him, and the same Cindy Adams who interviewed the Shah of Iran in his last days – the man the CIA had installed as the leader in Iran after overthrowing Iran’s democratically elected leader Mossadegh in 1953. Cindy wrote that Heymann was a frequent source of hers.

    Cindy’s story put Heymann in Rupert Murdoch’s New York Post, and got him interviews on Chris Matthews’ MSNBC show Hardball, among others.

    Heymann claimed to have had a ten-year relationship with John. But, as with the Hutton stories, people close to John found that impossible to believe. No one at John’s magazine George knew of any association. John’s appointment secretary had no appointments with Heymann listed.

    The only person Goldman could find to in any way corroborate an acquaintance between Heymann and John was Heymann’s girlfriend, who claimed only to have seen a man from behind as he departed whom Heymann told her had been John.

    Even Cindy Adams came to believe Heymann had lied to her, and issued a probable mea culpa to her readers, having been assured by the Kennedy clan that Heymann had never spoken to John (New York Post, July 29, 1999). Indeed, it is hard to believe on the face of it that John would have spoken one word to the guy who had trashed his parents in print.

    So who is Heymann? What drives him? His father was a German Jewish novelist, who fled the Nazis with his wife and came to New York in 1937. There, the family entered the hotel business, and Heymann sometimes worked behind the desk. Suplee quotes Heymann as saying, “When I looked at these people coming and going, I always made up imaginative stories of how fascinating their lives were.”

    After the Hutton episode, Heymann expressed a desire to write a novel based on his experiences with the book “to examine myself as if I were a biographical subject.”

    Did he really join the Mossad? If so, why does he openly acknowledge it? Isn’t that, like the CIA, the kind of organization you cannot admit to being a member of?

    And now we come, at last, to the book I started out to review: Heymann’s Bobby and Jackie: A Love Story. I submit that even the title is false, because Heymann doesn’t even attempt to paint a love story. He paints a lust story, and a lopsided one at that. And really, the title should have been: Heymann and the Kennedys: A Hate Story. That would have been a more honest description of the book.

    Heymann goes after nearly all the Kennedys, starting with the father, who he accused of being an “ardent admirer of the Third Reich,” a gross misrepresentation of Joe Kennedy’s views. Joe was an ardent pacifist, who feared that another world war would bring socialism not just to more of Europe, but to America as well. For his reluctance to go to war, or, as historian Will Swift puts it, for his willingness to explore every avenue for peace, he was branded an appeaser. And for that, people made the leap that an opponent of war was a friend of Hitler, when in fact that is an unjustified leap. Those of us who opposed George W. Bush’s war in Iraq did not do so out of any admiration for Saddam Hussein. It’s a ridiculous meme about Joe Kennedy that has persisted for reasons beyond the scope of this book review.

    Heymann goes after John Kennedy, portraying him in such sexual terms one wonders when the guy had a chance to govern. He even claims Kennedy’s youthful glow in the debates was due to his having had sex just prior to the debate, saying “The results of the exercise were obvious to anyone who watched the debates. Kennedy looked refreshed and composed on camera, whereas Nixon seemed nervous and out of sorts.” And pre-debate sex is his only possible explanation? Whatever else Kennedy was, he was ambitious as hell and believed in preparation. It’s just not credible that he would have allowed a moment of pleasure to interfere with the most important political moment of his career.

    Heymann sources this episode to “a longtime congressional and senatorial aide to JFK,” Langdon Marvin. Author David Pietrusza, in his book 1960 – LBJ Vs. JFK Vs. Nixon: The Epic Campaign That Forged Three Presidencies, challenged Marvin’s credibility on this episode, which first appeared in Heymann’s book on Jackie.

    Pietrusza notes that in the original account, Heymann’s version in the Jackie book claims the sex happened at the Palmer House in Chicago. Pietrusza notes that the Palmer House is nowhere near the studio in which the debate was filmed. He also noted that the route there would have taken Kennedy “perilously close” to Nixon’s “Pick-Congress” headquarters. As Pietrusza puts it, “There are risks, there are John Kennedy risks, and there are risks not even a Jack Kennedy would take.”

    Pietrusza also questions Marvin’s assertion, conveyed by Heymann, that just prior to the debates, Jack Kennedy had sex with a stripper in New Orleans while her fiancé, Governor Earl Long, held a party in the next room. The problem with that is that the debate was filmed September 26, Long had left office in May, and had died September 5. So either Marvin or Heymann’s account of what Marvin said is simply not credible.

    Pietrusza notes that Marvin did have a motive to attack the Kennedys. Marvin was an aviation consultant. But for whatever reason, Bobby Kennedy wrote the following to reassure airline industry representatives who expressed concern about Marvin having a role overseeing their industry. Pietrusza quotes the following letter from Bobby Kennedy:

    I assure you that Langdon Marvin will not be a part of the administration. He will not have a job of any kind and will play no role, directly or indirectly, in the policies of the administration.

    Your sentiments regarding Mr. Marvin are exactly in accord with mine, and I assure you that, when I say that Langdon Marvin will have nothing to do with the government for the next four years, I mean what I say.

    As Pietrusza summarized, “Langdon Marvin’s story is a good story. Repeating it uncritically is not very good history.”

    Heymann paints Jackie as, forgive the words, a royal bitch. There is no nuance. There are no other colors. He has her throwing fits at publishers, threatening to sue, demanding payments from the Kennedys for her wardrobe and expenses after John’s death, and, of course in the centerpiece to the book, sleeping with Bobby. Of course, Heymann has no direct source for that. He has all kinds of innuendo, but not one credible account from anyone who can verify their quote to show that the two were in love or had any sexual contact of any kind.

    One of his racier episodes, where he claims a witness spied Bobby with his hand on Jackie’s naked breast at the Kennedy estate in Palm Beach, has already been disputed by Andrew Goldman in his review of Bobby and Jackie in the Daily Beast (July 24, 2009). The witness in question is Mary Harrington, who, according to Goldman, died a year before Heymann ever quoted her. Heymann has Harrington supposedly watching the two on the grass from Harrington’s third-floor window next door to the Kennedy estate.

    The problem with this, Goldman notes, is that, according to Ned Monell, the listing agent for the Kennedy residence when it was sold in 1995, the entire property was walled. The only place, therefore, from which Harrington could have been staying would have been a beach shack which was 10 feet lower than the Kennedy house. And given that heavy vegetation surrounded the house, she couldn’t have seen anything on the lawn at all.

    Many of Heymann’s sources for the affair between Bobby and Jackie are people saying they heard it through the grapevine, so to speak. Here’s a typical factless piece of innuendo:

    Film producer Susan Pollock had a friend who occupied a suite opposite Jackie’s at the Carlyle. On several occasions, the friend saw Bobby and Jackie return to the suite late at night, then leave together in the morning. “You can look at people and tell if they’ve been intimate,” said Pollock. “My friend could tell. In any case, their affair was an open secret. Everyone knew it.”

    What standards of proof does this meet? That is sheer speculation. And of course, there’s a very innocent explanation for overnights. Bobby had taken over the responsibilities of father for his brother’s two children. He read to them at bedtime. He took them to school in the morning. It makes sense he’d spend the night. Anything else is unproven speculation.

    Only a few claim to have any direct knowledge. And while Heymann starts off quoting someone as saying that, while Bobby wasn’t faithful to Ethel, he treated his paramours as “second or third wives,” Heymann then has Bobby and John having sex with their respective females in the same room, being open with friends about it, and coming on to people like Joan Braden, the former wife of the longtime CIA media operative Tom Braden. And this from the same Bobby Kennedy Heymann quotes, via another source, as having said “nothing you saw or heard leaves this office. Is that understood?”

    I had previously read another equally disgusting book, Nemesis, by Peter Evans. That, too, was a book designed to make Jackie look like a bed-hopping whore, selling her body to Onassis in exchange for protection for her children. Not surprisingly, in Bobby and Jackie, Heymann borrows liberally from Evans work. What did surprise me is that Evans found fault with Heymann. He implied Heymann concocted, in his Jackie book, a quote Heymann attributed to Christina Onassis. It seems even Evans has standards which Heymann cannot meet.

    One episode seems inspired more by news that surfaced while Heymann was working on his book rather than by his interviewee, who died in 1998, ten years earlier. In 2008, a story surfaced in the New York Post (April 14, 2008, not April 15, as Heymann has in his footnote) about an alleged FBI tape showing Marilyn Monroe in a “perverted” sex act with a man whose face is never seen. Evidently, Hoover tried to prove, unsuccessfully, that the man was John or Robert Kennedy.

    Heymann claims that Clark Clifford told him about this tape. Clifford ala Heymann even has Jackie asking Clifford if he’s seen a ‘certain film’ of a sex act between Bobby and Marilyn, looping her into this ridiculous scenario as if to give credibility to that having been Bobby. First, Jackie would have been too discreet to ever ask such a question if she had seen such a film. Second, Clifford died in 1998. I find it hard to believe Heymann would have sat on that salacious tidbit for ten years. He would have put it in one of his earlier books.

    Missing from the book is any hint of the loyalty the Kennedy operatives had to the family. He quotes Kenneth O’Donnell, who would have practically taken a bullet for the Kennedys, saying things that, even if true, he would never share. Heymann quotes from him liberally, which is extremely odd, since O’Donnell died in 1978, many years before Heymann wrote about any of the Kennedys. Did he interview him and then sit on that material for years and years? If O’Donnell had talked of an affair in 1978 just before he died, why did it take Heymann nearly 30 years to write that up? And how did he remember something O’Donnell said in 1978 for his 2009 book that he had presumably forgotten for his 1989 book about Jackie? In his 2009 book, Heymann quotes O’Donnell as saying he thought Bobby loved Jackie, but that he understood the “limitations of their romance.” If O’Donnell had really said that, why didn’t Heymann mention that in his book on Jackie, where he briefly quotes several people as having “suspected” there was an affair between them? If he has O’Donnell confirming it, why didn’t he surface that earlier?

    Pierre Salinger, who is dead, is liberally quoted talking openly about an affair. That makes no sense. Salinger was so trusted he was the President John Kennedy’s press secretary. Only the most closed-mouth, trusted associates are considered for such a sensitive role in any administration. John Greenya, in his review of Bobby and Jackie for The Washington Times (August 11, 2009), challenges this point too. Greenya knew Pierre Salinger very well, as they spent over a year together working on Salinger’s book P.S. A Memoir. Said Greenya:

    In the hundreds of hours we spent in conversation, over the phone and in person, he never sounded the way he sounds in this book. And for him to tell Kennedy stories out of school, which he allegedly did to Mr. Heymann, strikes me as completely out of character.

    And I simply cannot believe he would use a crude, locker room term in talking about Mr. Kennedy, the man he devotedly served as press secretary.

    And that’s another point I want to make. I’ve been studying screenwriting for some time now. Good writers know that people don’t all speak the same. Every person has a different vocabulary, with different idioms that give them away. But in Heymann’s book, everyone sounds the same. They all talk like crass older men with a chip on their shoulder. They all talk in grammatically perfect, short, clipped sentences. Most interviewees aren’t writers, and don’t talk like that. They wander. They get off topic. You have to bring them back. This would be indicated by an ellipses in the quote. But when Heymann interviews people, they seem to speak in ready-for-publication phrases.

    Also missing from the book is any sense of the historical context. Bobby was running for the Senate, and later the presidency. J. Edgar Hoover had already tried and failed to link Bobby to Marilyn Monroe. If it was an “open secret” that Bobby and Jackie were having an affair, there’s not a chance in hell that Hoover wouldn’t have found out about it and run to one of his media assets, like James Phelan, with the story of the century. He would have had files on their affair, and maybe even photos.

    Photos. That’s another funny thing. In many research books, people include not just photos of people, but of documents. Howard Hughes books contain photos of his handwriting. JFK books include photos of CIA and FBI files. But Heymann books contain photos of no documents whatsoever. Even ones he mentions in his text. For example, at one point, Heymann mentions a letter from Bobby Kennedy to Katherine Graham. The letter sounded plausible to me, like something Bobby might actually have written. How hard would it have been to put a photo of that in the book? I asked his editor, Emily Bestler, why, given the past charges against Heymann’s credibility she hadn’t asked for that item to be shown. Bestler said the author was responsible for all the content, and that she didn’t recall that particular item from the book, but that if she’d seen it, she would probably have asked for it to have been included. I then asked her: So what was her role as editor, if not to help shape the content? Was she really more of a proofreader? I could tell that offended her by her abrupt change of voice. She said she edited the book for flow. Well, it flows fine. It’s an easy read. There were no typos that I noted. Clearly, she did her job well. But to me, that’s what a copy editor does, not a book editor. A book editor should challenge one for sourcing and demand to see backup for anything not verifiable elsewhere. That’s what people expect when they see a big name publisher. They expect credibility.

    My takeaways from this experience?

    1. I would never believe anything Heymann writes unless I could confirm it elsewhere.
    2. “Pulitzer Prize nominee” is a deliberately misused term.
    3. Editors at major publishers do not fact-check nonfiction books. They simply trust the author. You should not. Believe nothing in a nonfiction book that you can’t independently verify yourself. Check all footnotes. A pattern of honesty or deception will quickly present itself. Judge all else in the book accordingly.

    I feel compelled to note that about 80% of the data in this article was compiled over a two-day period, using only the Internet (with access to past issues of newspapers via a couple of online databases) and copies of a few of Heymann’s previous books. It’s just beyond belief that someone would sign on to be this guy’s editor and not do at least that much due diligence to find out if he’s credible. Especially when he claims to be a Pulitzer Prize nominee – and is provably not.

    Believe it or not, I’m not mad at Heymann. While I dislike intensely what he’s written, I can imagine the situation from his point of view. In his mind, he’s a crafty guy who figured out a way to make a great living, while breaking, to my knowledge, no enforceable laws to do so. That he broke all laws of decency and historical faithfulness, if you put yourself in his shoes, is beside the point. In his mind, he may well be P. T. Barnum, reveling over the number of suckers born a minute. Or worse, he may actually think he did a good job with the historical record! Hey, if no editor ever holds you accountable, how do you know you are failing?

    Whatever the reality inside his mind, in the actual world, Heymann’s work should never have been published without a proper factual, not just textual, review. For that, the blame really must be shouldered by the enablers: the editors who functioned more as proofreaders than as shepherds of content; book reviewers who were too lazy to check to see whether what he wrote was true (with a few notable exceptions); and fellow authors who recycle his writing and spread it around in their own books like a virus, infecting the historical record for future generations.

    What can you do? You know I never like to leave you without a course of action. Why don’t you write to his current publisher, Atria Books, and ask them to make available his audio recordings of the interviews he claims to have made for this book? That would be a real service to the historical record, assuming the voices are authentic and unaltered, and that the tapes even exist.

    In his notes at the end of Bobby and Jackie, Heymann wrote, “Much of the interview material, including tapes and transcripts, has been placed in the author’s personal archive, located in the Department of Special Collections, State University of New York at Stony Brook, Stony Brook, New York, where it is available for viewing and/or listening.” That’s funny, because when the Miami Herald went after Heymann for his book on Jackie, Heymann’s publicist at the time, Sandra Bodner, said that, unless someone sued Heymann, he would not play his tapes for anyone. So who told the truth? Heymann, or his publicist? Can you hear the tapes, or would you have to sue for the privilege?

    Ask Atria Books and find out. You can reach his editor, Emily Bestler, c/o:

    Atria Books

    1230 Avenue of the Americas

    New York, NY 10020

    “I always wanted to write fiction,” Heymann told a Washington Post reporter in 1989. You have the power to determine if his wish came true.

  • Alex Jones on the Kennedy Murder, Addendum: Who is James Bamford? And what was he doing with the ARRB?


    Operation Northwoods and Logic Gone Southwards


    This is an addendum to my two-part critique of Alex Jones. (Please see: Part One & Part Two.) What follows isn’t so much an examination of Operation Northwoods, but how it came to be so entwined with the Kennedy assassination, very often incorrectly. The reader has a series of old notes made over the best part of some 9-10 years on the subject and a reading of  Jones’ chief researcher Paul Joseph Watson’s awful book, Order Out of Chaos, to thank for what follows.

    In his work, Watson more than makes mention of Operation Northwoods and its origins. So when Watson grabs hold of something and clings to it, by now the reader should automatically sense trouble. As you will find in the following sections, Watson, as usual, is wrong on practically every detail about Northwoods:

    Long hidden documents, uncovered in 2001 by former ABC News investigative reporter James Bamford, code-named Operation Northwoods, put a haunting perspective behind the events of September 11.

    I can recall skimming through extracts of the Northwoods proposal in either 1999 or 2000. I didn’t give it too much thought. Except, that it was important because it was a clear indication from the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) of Kennedy rejecting another hare-brained proposal from the military. (This reaction, I later found, was fairly common throughout the research community.) I gave it such a flickering glimpse that, when I saw 9/11 unfold, I did not register any parallel. Nor did the name of the man who most heavily associated himself with it, James Bamford, (whom I shall discuss shortly) come to the fore.

    To give credit where credit is due, I was reawakened to Northwoods (rather ironically) when watching the first version of Bermas’ Loose Change and remembering that no credit was given to the ARRB for unearthing the documents. But from what we know of Jason Bermas, it’s a stretch to think he would have known where it came from. After 9/11, in particular when Loose Change came out, researchers had slowly become aware of a new movement arising out of the carnage and rubble in New York. While on one hand, it was nice to see so many people – young and old alike – galvanized by what had occurred, on the other, I didn’t like what I was seeing from the various 9/11 groups and blogs. And one of the biggest frights I received was finding out that the Bushes had gone from being fringe dwellers (if even that) in pretty much all of the established JFK circles, to being full-fledged orchestrators of both the JFK hit and the 9-11 attacks in many unlearned parts of the new 9/11 milieu.

    Kennedy’s refusal to engage in Operation Northwoods had become one of the main causes, if not the main cause, of his death. People like Jim Fetzer – who also believes that the idea of no planes flying into the World Trade Center should be considered – seemed in support of this double view (a viewpoint even Prison Planet hasn’t swallowed, and which caused a major falling out between Fetzer and Steven Jones) and one time Fetzer supporter, Alex (no relation to the former) Jones himself.

    As Jim DiEugenio and I have tried to explain in our works on John Hankey and Russ Baker, the notion of the Bush family orchestrating the Kennedy assassination is seriously flawed disinformation foisted upon an unwitting public by these two pals.  As is the idea that Kennedy was killed as a result of his refusal to follow through on Northwoods. There are three major problems with this mode of thought:

    1. Kennedy lived for another year or so after the proposal.
    2. There were myriad other causes for his horrific death before, during, and after Northwoods. These issues have been well covered in Donald Gibson’s Battling Wall Street, John Newman’s JFK and Vietnam, and in Jim Douglass’ JFK and the Unspeakable, to name but a few “big-picture” books.
    3. Many people involved in the 9/11 field (and rather alarmingly within the Kennedy assassination fold) forget that Northwoods itself was just one of many contingency plans dreamed up by the Pentagon. It’s a little known fact that the US army has created contingency plans to invade Canada. (Please see this Washington Post article: Raiding the Icebox.) And much has been made from some quarters by the likes of Fetzer about McNamara supposedly lying about its importance. But someone as long in the game as Fetzer should know that McNamara, who liaised with the Pentagon daily and who saw contingency plans big and small on a weekly basis as part of his job description, can be forgiven for being blasé about it. (Larry Hancock: email; 29 April. Greg Parker: Email; 30 April 2010)

    And further, as David Talbot in his 2007 book, Brothers, so authoritatively informs us:

    There is no record of how McNamara responded to this cynical proposal by his top military officers when Lemnitzer met with him that Tuesday afternoon. But the sinister plan, which was codenamed Operation Northwoods, did not receive higher approval. When I asked him about Northwoods, McNamara said, “I have absolutely zero recollection of it. But I sure as hell would have rejected it…. I really can’t believe that anyone was proposing such provocative acts in Miami. How stupid! (David Talbot, Brothers, p. 107).

    What makes the document important, as I have said, is that it was more hard evidence of Kennedy’s negative attitude towards an invasion of Cuba, which ran counter to disinformation that he was bent on Castro’s destruction. What makes it unique is that it is the only government document released that called for US casualties to be incurred on US soil to whip up popular support for an invasion of a foreign land. Note that I have said “released”, and as Larry Hancock states, there are likely others lurking around, and these could make Northwoods pale in comparison to other such initiatives. (Larry Hancock: email; 29 April, 2010)

    One such initiative, which makes Northwoods look more than a little humble, was the top secret NATO/CIA/MI6 Operation Gladio “false flag” initiative that went from 1948-1990 right across Western Europe and was focused largely in Italy. Gladio itself had consisted of numerous fascist groups murdering and bombing innocent civilians to stir up ill feeling against the very leftist organizations they had infiltrated.

    The Blind Eye of Activism

    What follows may come as something of a shock for the many peace activists, as well as critics of the official word on 9/11, who have devoured James Bamford’s literature over the last twenty-eight years. Bamford became a hero with his 1982 work, The Puzzle Palace, which detailed the National Security Agency (NSA). This was followed by his 2001 book, Body of Secrets, which contained the details of Northwoods. As has been discussed, the ARRB, was a body set up to declassify a massive amount of government documents pertaining to the Kennedy assassination from 1994-1998. In his brief and begrudging acknowledgement to the press about where the documents had come from – i.e., the ARRB – Bamford seemed more concerned about bragging as to how he’d got wind of them – i.e., via a tip from a friend in the ARRB.

    Now before we delve into that little quagmire, perhaps one question is in order: If Northwoods was just one of many gruesome plans cooked up by the Pentagon, surely intelligence/military advisors like Bamford, who litter the major networks and are familiar with contingency planning, would have been immune to such initiatives? Because by 1997, Northwoods should have come as little surprise to anyone within Bamford’s line of work. Thus, it was interesting that during an ABC interview Bamford got extremely expressive about what he had found:

    The Joint Chiefs of Staff drew up and approved plans for what may be the most corrupt plan ever created by the US government.

    Thus Bamford, who was born in 1946, is either a master of hyperbole or, like a latter-day Rip Van Winkle, had been asleep for a long, long time. Perhaps we should refresh Mr. Bamford’s memory. George W. Bush, (perhaps the worst President in US history) had just stolen the 2000 election by alienating thousands of black voters in Miami and key states across America. There had been over 50-odd US interventions in foreign countries since World War II, the majority of them in support of right-wing or fascist initiatives which have resulted in the murder, rape and torture of millions. If Bamford doesn’t think MK/Ultra was an initiative that has ruined hundreds if not thousands of peoples lives, or that, say, Operation Phoenix is not one of the most “corrupt” plans created under the banner of the United States government – amongst numerous other atrocities – then what credibility can the man have? In 1990, Bamford, the whistleblower, was working for ABC in Washington when the aforementioned news of Operation Gladio broke. Why no noise from him then? And where was he during the CIA drugs smuggling scandals that first came out in the mid-1980’s and then erupted in 1996 – thanks to Gary Webb. Yet Bamford, for all the hype, made a big song and dance about something that never actually was even put in place or seriously contemplated. So what is Bamford playing at?

    Joe Backes, writing for JFK Lancer in 2001, was one of the first JFK researchers to rally against the Northwoods document being misappropriated in the controversy surrounding 9/11. But he was also one of the first JFK researchers to go public with his suspicions about Bamford’s posturing and clearly had problems with Bamford’s “tip off”. He noted that the full body of the document was available from January 29th, 1998. Bamford’s book came out in 2001. This was far too long a lapse for Bamford to claim any scoop. (Assassination Chronicles, Vol 7, 4, pg 2, 2001)

    Thus Bamford stood out not only for his being highly selective in his examples of corrupt government practice, he was clearly exaggerating – if not lying – about inside access in trying to hype his book. Bamford is a smart guy, he isn’t that brazen, and his work, while imperfect, certainly doesn’t indicate that he is a liar. Can it be that Bamford is simply not as good as he thinks?

    In 2006, Bamford and the ACLU harangued the NSA for their illegal gathering of information on US citizens. Now this may sound big of him, but in this very article Bamford mentions Arlen Specter’s criticism of the Bush administration’s illegal wire tapping of US citizens, in rather glowing terms. Bamford never mentioned that government “toady” Arlen Specter (who saw the writing on the wall for the GOP in 2008 and was likely making calculated criticisms so as he could become a Democratic candidate at the time) was a highly ironic person for him to make mention of. (For those of you new to this, Specter is regarded as the father of the magic bullet theory, and one of the most unscrupulous politicians of recent times.) Now many people will say that Bamford doesn’t have to be interested in the Kennedy assassination at all. As far as Specter is concerned, Bamford’s just calling the shots as he sees them. Right?

    OK. But when I came across an article in which Bamford (as per his schtick) gloated about spending time on his very own “60-foot motor yacht,” cruising the Potomac with a soon-to-be-deceased CIA operative friend, and in the company of another soon-to-be-spook-friend, the infamous double-agent Bob Hanssen, well, Bamford’s background starts becoming the story itself. Because it also appears that Bamford is not just friends with US intelligence officers, he is one himself. In another interesting article by Justin Raimondo, a rather prominent peace activist, Raimondo actually names Bamford – in a rather positive light – as a member of the “intelligence community.” An allegation that Bamford has apparently never denied.

    And so it was about this time that I checked out Bamford’s profile on the Random House website – which makes for quite an interesting read.

    The Charmed Life of James Bamford

    Bamford is an ex-Navy man who upon the end of his three-year service eventually gained a degree in law. However, he became fascinated with the goings-on around Watergate and became a journalist. But, as the blurb says, he didn’t work for any paper. He worked freelance to become an author. And what an author. His first ever book was his 1982 hit, The Puzzle Palace. (First published by Hougton Mifflin and then Penguin in paperback.) Herein he had used the FOIA (Freedom of Information Act) to write the first profile of the NSA. What happened next is a classic case of Jimmy Stewart-like rash judgement, atonement, and forgiveness. Believing that Bamford had obtained the information illegally, the NSA (National Security Agency) first prosecuted Bamford, but then realized “no,” it was they who were wrong: Bamford had gained the information through legal means. Apparently, they then felt so bad, they dropped the case and eventually decided to use The Puzzle Palace as a core textbook in its Defense Intelligence College.  (George Bailey, in It’s A Wonderful Life, never had it so good.)

    FOIA requests take a lot of time and a lot of money. One could argue that Bamford was a trained lawyer and probably “knew the ropes” to speed up the process. The question is: How could the NSA, which monitors vast tracts of the planet, have missed the fact that Bamford (or a representative of his) was soliciting information from them via the FOIA? Could Bamford be a first? After all, since when does a book once prosecuted become a training manual? And since when does the author of said book eventually gain employment lecturing the NSA staff?

    But it’s Bamford’s time spent with Peter Jennings from 1987 till 1998 that should raise eyebrows. (In an interview with Timothy W. Maier, Bamford says 1998 which differs from the Random House date of 1997.) His role as Investigative Producer for ABC’s World News Tonight with Peter Jennings meant the two were close. Now, let us turn back to the long-suffering Paul Joseph Watson. While I could find little concerning Jennings within the Alex Jones matrix, what I did find was fairly alarming. Because Jennings, like Dan Rather, had earned folk hero status for mentioning that the collapse of one of the WTC towers seemed like a controlled demolition.

    Now anybody truly familiar with the Kennedy case knows that in 2003 Jennings would go on to besmirch his reputation with an appallingly bad show on the assassination of John Kennedy: Peter Jennings Reporting – The Kennedy Assassination: Beyond Conspiracy. Gus Russo was his chief consultant. What is funny here is that Prison Planet had once endorsed conspiravangelist John Hankey’s 2003/2004 released JFK II in which Hankey launched a laughable attack on 9/11 hero Jennings and ABC. Yet, bizarrely, Watson’s detailing of Rather’s and Jennings’ demolition comments were being made as late as September 11, 2006 – with absolutely no mention of their previous obfuscations in the Kennedy arena.

    Returning to Bamford, what’s most significant is the year he left Jennings. As stated previously, this was either 1997 or 1998. Most interestingly, regardless on whose year you go by (as of this date, Bamford hasn’t bothered to correct Random House), it was in and around the time that Operation Northwoods first appeared publicly, i.e., on the 17th November, 1997.

    Random who?

    The above may seem just a bunch of coincidences to the reader. But it’s clearly no coincidence to Random House that Bamford left ABC to join them. And in so doing he became something of a “Mr. Fix it” for US intelligence (if he was not before). Though one wouldn’t anticipate someone of Paul Watson’s skill level conceiving of the issues surrounding Random House, how anybody versed in the Kennedy case could miss Bamford’s ongoing association with the company that employed James Angleton’s wife and cuddled up to Gerald Posner, amongst numerous other sins, is quite incredible. Especially in light of the numerous critiques of this most dubious of publishing companies.

    Should it come as any surprise, then, that Bamford’s coziness with the NSA and Random House turns out to be anything but random? :

    Unlike before with The Puzzle Palace, this time the NSA cooperated with Bamford. Alarmed by Hollywood films like Enemy of the State that portrayed his agency as a ruthless cadre of assassins, the director of the NSA, Lt. Gen Michael V. Hayden, wanted the American public to have a more accurate picture of how the NSA functioned. In order to encourage better communication between the NSA and the press, Hayden granted Bamford unprecedented access to Crypto City (the NSA campus in Ft. Meade, MD), senior NSA officials, and thousands of NSA documents while he researched Body of Secrets. The NSA even hosted a book signing for Bamford on the grounds of Crypto City. It lasted more than four hours as hundreds of NSA employees lined up to have their copies of Body of Secrets autographed. (Ibid., Bamford’s profile from Random House)

    It is with great shame that no one – bar a certain Carol A. Valentine (a crank similar to Jones and Watson) – has commented on Bamford’s Random House rÈsumÈ. Valentine is typically “off the planet” with regards to Northwoods being a fake document. But she was certainly the first to note that Bamford’s spiel about Northwoods was published in a book wholly designed not so much to inform but as to protect the reputation of a vital component of the U.S intelligence establishment, the NSA.

    Finding the Real Parallel

    Many people try and make parallels between Northwoods, the Kennedy assassination, and 9/11, quite often forgetting that when an event of international significance occurs, like an untimely death, or a group of them, that there are often similarities. Kennedy’s death and 9/11 were never the first purported pretexts for expansion into foreign territories. There are numerous parallels right throughout U.S history: The 1898 sinking of the USS Maine in Havana Harbor, and the 1964 Gulf of Tonkin incident are classic examples. Sometimes no act of aggression is needed on behalf the intended victims. The U.S government just doesn’t have to like a government and that’s that. It need not be bloody or dramatic. Just look at the CIA’s ousting of Australia’s Whitlam government. (William Blum, Killing Hope, pgs 244-249)

    But the biggest parallel one can see between Operation Northwoods (after one dispels the utter crock that the Bush family organized both 9/11 and the Kennedy assassination) is not the crimes themselves, nor the use of airplanes, but that the book Northwoods first appeared in (i.e., Body of Secrets) was created for the exact same purpose and by the exact same company as Gerald Posner’s 1993 joke, Case Closed, which was clearly a response from the CIA to counter public reaction after the 1991 film JFK. What’s funny here is that while JFK was a political drama based around actual events and thus infinitely more serious in tone than the Will Smith Enemy of the State vehicle, we can see that Random House has clearly stated the NSA’s justification for publishing a counterpoint, and seem rather proud of themselves for doing so. Now I ask the reader to contrast Bamford’s profile with that of his fellow playmate at Random House, Gerald Posner. In Posner’s bio they say nothing about the CIA (or their intermediary Bob Loomis of Random House) approaching him to create a reply to Stone’s film, as this link here shows. And in their blurb about Case Closed, Random House clearly wants you to believe the lie that Posner – of his own accord – jumped up and defended the Warren Commission.

    Backes to the Egg

    Let’s us go back to the egg, or Joe Backes to be precise. Where once it looked as if Bamford was exaggerating how he came across Northwoods, it’s highly likely he was actually telling the truth when he says he got a “tip off” from someone in the ARRB. Bill Kelly, like Backes, was one of the few people to comment about this situation anywhere (albeit six years later). Initially, he believed that the NSA itself was behind the leak. (4/29/2007 Post at Spartacus Kennedy Education Forum). However, it is more than likely that it came from the ARRB itself because Doug Horne has since spoken and written that the ARRB was stacked with Warren Commission defenders and hints at intelligence plants (Horn: BOR, #459 1/28/2010). Debra Conway, in fact, confirmed that a number of leaks or more precisely “tip offs” did come from the ARRB, particularly concerning issues such as Cuba and Vietnam, not to mention information on Military Intelligence agent James Powell, which was leaked to Max Holland. However, Conway had no knowledge of who leaked the Northwoods documents. (Debra Conway: email; 6 May 2010) Returning to Bill Kelly. Though incorrect about the NSA leak, he asked questions about Bamford and Northwoods few people have ever voiced:

    The NSA doesn’t just give journalists tours of their operations, and retired CIA officers don’t just send documents to writers from the grave. There is a reason behind all this that isn’t what it appears to be.

    Kelly’s right. It’s hard to take seriously a man who was given access to practically all areas within the NSA apparatus who then says the “NSA never handed me any documents, it was a question of digging.” For 9/11 Truthers raised on a diet of Northwoods and James Bamford, what follows might be depressing: Though Bamford lamented the NSA’s not releasing the cockpit tapes, he openly praised the work of the 9/11 Commission. Did Fletcher Prouty, Victor Marchetti, Bill Turner, or John Newman ever praise the Warren Commission or the HSCA?

    Speaking of those two bodies, Bamford seemed to have little or no interest in Arlen Specter’s checkered history. Thus, one assumes he had no real interest in the Kennedy assassination. Yet one would be wrong in that assumption. Because Bamford addressed the JFK Accountability Conference on the 18th– 20th of November, 2005. I have little or no idea what Bamford discussed at this conference. According to the blurb, he discussed the 1962 book by Fletcher Knebel and Charles W. Bailey II, Seven Days in May, a fictional account of a military coup in America, and a book that Kennedy admired. One brief account by attendee and Probe co-editor Lisa Pease is also available. She wrote:

    Bamford discussed documents from Operation Northwoods, a plan that called for a wave of terrorism inside the United States that falsely would be blamed on Fidel Castro and become the justification for invading Cuba.

    Like much of Bamford’s work, this sounds good on the surface. But things take an interesting turn when Pease says one of the only people prepared to engage in a fully conspiratorial conversation at the conference was Bamford’s contemporary John Newman. This left me thinking. If anybody is familiar with Newman and Bamford they would understand that Newman’s quest for accuracy and detail in his works far surpasses anything Bamford has ever written. Because, Newman is a bonified and genuine intelligence expert. Bamford for all his bluster isn’t. But this should be no surprise. Bamford just happens to be an associate of a well-known lone gunman figure in the JFK research community, Gus Russo. Russo, you may recall, was the adviser for the awful Peter Jennings’ special, and a man long considered by many in the Kennedy assassination research community to be a CIA plant.

    The Return of Bamford’s Blindness

    At the above conference, Bamford was likely reading from the fourth chapter of his book Body of Secrets The question never asked by anyone in attendance (quite mercifully for Bamford) was: Why would anyone want to pay money to hear him talk about the assassination or Northwoods anywhere at any time? Judging by his chapter on Northwoods, Bamford quite clearly has no knowledge whatsoever of Kennedy-era covert operations, nor Operation Mongoose.

    Operation Mongoose was run in conjunction with the newly formed SG(A) or Special Group Augmented and was not really led by General Lemnitzer but by General Maxwell Taylor who was appointed by the President. Furthermore, civilians such as Robert Kennedy and Robert McNamara often turned up to the meetings. The Central Intelligence Agency was represented by their Director John McCone and by his deputy Richard Helms. Helms was working closely with General Edward Lansdale, the coordinator of the project. Lansdale was purely a creature of the CIA, not the U.S military. Thus, the CIA retained a large amount of control over the operation, in particular with the rabid William Harvey leading Task Force W which was based in Miami at the JM Wave Station. This is all explained in the Church Committee Report. (pgs 139-145)

    So why did Bamford turn a blind eye to Lansdale’s real employers and the agency behind Mongoose? It may be his relationship with a one Richard Helms, a person heavily involved in Mongoose. I first became suspicious of this when I came across a glowing Helms review of Bamford’s work on the USS Liberty. This was followed up by a very odd call by Bamford regarding Helms’ non-assistance to John Roselli. This information recently surfaced through the CIA’s 2007 release of its so-called “family jewels,” a post-Watergate “limited hangout” which had been overseen by the then Director of Central Intelligence (DCI), James R. Schlesinger, and which detailed numerous illegal actions the CIA had partaken in from its inception in 1947 through to 1973.

    Bamford’s take on a piece of “the jewels” is a real gem:

    In the early 1960s the C.I.A. hired members of the Mafia, including mobster Johnny Roselli, to help in the assassination of Fidel Castro in Cuba. The operation never panned out. I found the section interesting in that it shows the crazy extent of the C.I.A.’s thinking in those days. I also found it somewhat uplifting that Richard Helms did not lift a finger to help Roselli after he was arrested and threatened to go public with the details of the plot.

    I have to ask what’s so uplifting about this? Was Bamford “hoping” Helms would be found doing no wrong? The man who Richard Case Nagell nicknamed Dirty Dick? Or is he trying to say that Helms had nothing to fear because he was not involved in the plots against Castro enough to be threatened by any revelations? If so, this is patently false as one can clearly see on the documents that Bob Maheu and Bill Harvey were more than prepared to become the Deep Throat and Oliver North of the scenario.

    Helms was no stranger to the covert shenanigans of countless CIA operations around the world and a man who was involved in more than a few incidents. Bamford’s selective eye for atrocities by the United States government never picked up on some of them. I say this because Bamford, in his usual name-dropping style, can’t help but tell the reader of sharing lunch with Helms on a number of occasions. Yes, they were lunch partners. If you want see how much Jim enjoys Dick, then read this rather delusional eulogy of Helms’ lousy 2003 biography, which was also released by (you guessed it) Random House.

    You may also want to check out how he gently lets Dick off of the murder of President Kennedy and ponder why on earth Bamford felt the need to even bring it up? Bamford kind of gives the game away here. Quoting Helms, he actually says that Operation Chaos was started at the instigation of LBJ to locate Russian funding for the anti-war movement. In fact, in Angus McKenzie’s splendid little book, Secrets, it was revealed that the CIA started it as a reaction to the numerous exposures by Ramparts magazine of its domestic operations. So when Bamford writes of Helms’ rueful, teary-eyed comment that Chaos had violated the CIA’s domestic operations charter, one does not know whether to laugh or cry.

    Similarly, Bamford praises Helms for keeping the CIA out of the Watergate scandal. When, in fact, one can argue that Helms created a cover story to disguise the Agency’s prime role in originating that scandal that brought down Richard Nixon. The icing on the cake is how Bamford deals with the Thomas Powers’ cover-up biography of Helms, The Man Who Kept the Secrets. He first says that Helms was actually disdainful of reading the book since he thought it would be unfair to him. In fact, the Powers book was a set up all the way. Helms sat for four long interviews with Powers. And this book was one of the first to shift the blame for the Castro assassination plots from the CIA onto the Kennedys. The book was published before the CIA Inspector General report on the subject was declassified by the ARRB. If Bamford had read that report he would have realized that Helms and the CIA were lying to Powers and Powers went along with the lie. The IG report was written for Helms. It clearly states that the CIA concealed the Castro plots from the Kennedys. In fact, the CIA had actually lied to Bobby when they said the plots had been halted in 1962. They were not. They continued through 1963 and beyond. Powers later became a favorite of the intelligence community and the New York Times. This seems to be the kind of career advancement ladder that Bamford is seeking.

    A Final Consensus

    So what of Northwoods? Well, consensus abounds from many experienced Kennedy researchers that Northwoods was, at the time, a false flag contingency plan of some (but not massive) significance. It is agreed by many – Bob Groden, Greg Parker, Larry Hancock, Bill Davy, Pat Speer – that its coverage clouded many more important issues concerning the ARRB. Bill Davy went a little further saying that it could have been used as a ploy or limited hangout (William Davy: email 06/17/2010). If so, what more important revelations was Northwoods obscuring from the world? Well it’s quite a list:

    This accusation has sometimes been bandied at researchers with backgrounds in military and intelligence circles like Col. Fletcher Prouty or John Newman. Despite his earlier apparently staged troubles with the NSA, however, Bamford has never ever had his books pulled from the shelves as has Prouty, who wrote the following:

    After excellent sales of The Secret Team, during which Prentice Hall printed three editions of the book, and it had received more than 100 favorable reviews, I was invited to meet Ian Ballantine, the founder of Ballantine books. He told me he liked the book and would like to publish 100,000 copies in paperback as soon as he could complete the deal with Prentice Hall. Soon there were 100,000 paperbacks in bookstores through out the country.

    Then one day a business associate in Seattle called to tell me that the bookstore next to his office building had had a window full of books the day before and none the day of his call. They claimed they never had the book. I called other associates from across the country, I got the same story. The paperback had vanished. At the same time I learned that Mr. Ballantine had sold the company. I travelled to New York to visit the new “Ballantines Books” president. He professed to know nothing about me, and my book. That was the end of that surge of publication. For some unknown reason Prentice Hall was out of my book also. It had become an extinct species. (The Secret Team, Author’s Note, pgs.xi, xii)

    And neither has Bamford ever encountered the kind of hassles that JFK and Vietnam brought upon its author:

    John Newman’s book went much further than any of the above. So much further, that the publisher ditched the book. As Galbraith writes in his fine 2003 essay in Boston Review, 32,000 copies of JFK and Vietnam were initially printed in 1992. After 10,000 were sold, Warner Books ceased selling the hardcover. Even though the book had high visibility because of Oliver Stone’s film JFK, the company never spent anything on promoting the book. Incredibly, it was never reprinted in trade paperback. When Newman complained about this in 1993, the company quietly returned his rights. (Virtual JFK: Vietnam if Kennedy Had Lived; Part Two of a review by James DiEugenio)

    In defending the integrity of both Newman and Prouty, we can see that Bamford is hardly frightening to the power structure at large. The “Northwoods guru” seems to be an incredibly poorly disguised (or overt to the point you can’t believe it the first time you look) intelligence asset. While this may be big news for those in the more wild-eyed 9/11 crowd, for those seasoned in the Kennedy case, Bamford’s posturing is nothing new – as Pat Speer explains:

    Bamford is not surprising to me. I realized some years ago that it’s all about access. Journalists get scoops based on who they know. Authors get published based on who they know. And who they know is related to the favors they’ve performed, and are willing to perform. As a result, some of the biggest stories in recent times have been broken by writers with contacts within the FBI or CIA, who have quite possibly repaid this access by burying important information related to other stories. These writers include well-known personalities such as Jack Anderson, Bob Woodward, and Seymour Hersh… it also includes lesser figures such as Max Holland and Joe Trento IMO. (Pat Spear: email; 16 June,2010)

    Greg Parker, Larry Hancock, William Davy all gave very similar statements (emails; June 2010). One prominent researcher (who refused to be named and who was strongly against this piece) commented along the lines: “Some people out there just aren’t very smart with their associations. He still has some good intel work.” The last part of this sentiment – i.e., that Bamford has inadvertently revealed something of the intelligence state – is not an opinion without some appeal to a few researchers of note. (Pat Speer, Deb Conway, emails June 2010)  Famed activists Nicky Hagar and Mike Frost have also utilized his work to great effect. Hence the warning here is clearly: “Don’t throw the baby out with the bath water.”

    In the complex inter-departmental turf war struggles between agencies, enlightening information often comes out. Bamford may well be one of those conduits. But this is hardly “free” information, and no matter how “useful” Bamford may be in some areas, he certainly demands to be thought of in a wholly new light. As does the myth that Operation Northwoods is of huge significance to the assassination of President Kennedy. Or of it being the most significant document unearthed by the ARRB. Indeed, Northwoods may be important for a wholly different reason. When Bill Kelly stated all was not what it seemed with Northwoods he was not wrong and Bill Davy’s comment about it being a limited hangout exercise rings ominously true. Thus, it’s time to cast the myths about Northwoods aside along with the myth that Bamford is some fearless truth seeker. This much should by now be clear: No matter what waters the ex-Navy man, James Bamford, may be navigating, the NSA’s “limited-hangout baby” certainly has his limits.

  • The Impossible One Day Journey of CE 399


    (with a little help from J. Edgar Hoover)

    In 1966, Ray Marcus wrote a very important monograph called The Bastard Bullet. It detailed the journey of the bullet found by hospital attendant Darrell Tomlinson and chief of security O. P. Wright at Parkland Hospital to FBI headquarters on the evening of November 22, 1963. Marcus’ work was exemplary for that time. But since then, and with help from the Assassination Records Review Board, more information has emerged that fills in some of the cracks and crevices in that incredible journey. Specifically this is the work of Gary Aguilar and Josiah Thompson in the essay entitled “The Magical Bullet of the Kennedy Assassination” (The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease) and two essays at the JFK Lancer site by John Hunt: “Phantom Identification of the Magic Bullet” and “The Mystery of the 7:30 Bullet”.

    With this new work in mind, let us update the work of Ray Marcus in regard to the impossible journey of CE 399 on the day President Kenendy was shot. Keeping in mind, that as Dr. Cyril Wecht has noted, the Single Bullet Theory is the “sine que non” of the Warren Commission. Without it, the Commission’s verdict collapses and you hae a conspiracy. And without the Commission’s shiny copper coated, virtually pristine CE 399, there is no Single Bullet Theory.

    1. CE 399 begins its magical journey at Parkland Hospital. A bullet rolls out from under a mat and lodges against the side of the gurney. (Mark Lane, Rush to Judgment, p. 79) Question: How did it get under the mat? Remember, the Commission will later say this bullet was in John Connally’s body last. No one has ever answered this question.
    2. Even Vincent Bugliosi admits that the stretcher it originated from is under question. (Reclaiming History, End Notes, p. 426) But Bugliosi understates the problem here. The weight of the evidence says that the gurney it was found on belonged to neither President Kennedy nor Governor John Connally. (Sylvia Meagher, Accessories After the Fact, pgs. 174-176; Josiah Thompson, Six Seconds in Dallas, pgs. 154-64) It would be a physical impossibility for the bullet to somehow jump from Ron Fuller’s stretcher—where Thompson concludes it was found on- to someone else’s.
    3. When hospital attendant Darrell Tomlinson notices it, the bullet has no blood or tissue on it. (Meagher, p. 173) Yet the Commission will say that this bullet went through two men and caused seven wounds.
    4. But yet, it’s even worse than that. Why? Because the Commission will eventually say that the last resting place of this bullet was in the thigh of Governor Connally. How could 1.) The bullet reverse trajectory and work its way out? 2.) How could it emerge out of a wound it already made? Most pathologists will tell you that entry wounds slightly shrink afterwards. 3.) Further, how could it have no blood or tissue on it if it traversed backwards?
    5. Tomlinson picks up the bullet at about 1:45 PM and takes it to security officer O. P. Wright. (Thompson, p. 156) Wright is very familiar with firearms since he was with the sheriff’s office previously. (ibid, p. 175) Wright gets a good look at the bullet, he notes it as a lead colored, pointed nosed, hunting round. (ibid) This is extremely important since this bullet will change shape and color by the end of its journey.
    6. This bullet will be passed through to Secret Service officers Richard Johnsen and Jim Rowley. (Hunt, “The Mystery of the 7:30 Bullet; http://www.jfklancer.com/hunt/mystery.html) Yet neither of them will initial the bullet. (Hunt, “Phantom Identification of the Magic Bullet”; http://jfklancer.com/hunt/phantom.htm) And later, neither positively identified it. (Aguilar, p. 282)
    7. At the White House, Rowley turns a bullet over to FBI agent Elmer Todd. They sign a receipt. The time of the transfer is 8:50 PM on the 22nd. (Hunt, “The Mystery of the 7:30 Bullet”)
    8. Yet as John Hunt shows, agent Robert Frazier at the FBI lab enters the stretcher bullet’s arrival into his notes at 7:30! (ibid) As Hunt notes, if Frazier and Todd can both tell time, something is really wrong here. Frazier has received a bullet that Todd has not given him yet.
    9. But it’s even worse. For in an FBI document it says that Todd’s initials are on the bullet. (CE 2011, at WC Vol. 24, p. 412) Yet as Hunt has amply demonstrated, they are not there. (Hunt, “Phantom Identification of the Magic Bullet”) In other words, no one who carried this bullet in transit for law enforcement purposes–Johnsen, Rowley, Todd–put their initials on it. When that is what they are trained to do.
    10. Later on, J. Edgar Hoover realizes he has a problem. So he writes up a document saying that agent Bardwell Odum visited Parkland, and Wright and Tomlinson did identify the bullet in June of 1964. (Aguilar, p. 282)
    11. But later, when visited by Gary Aguilar and Tink Thompson, this is exposed as another in the long line of Hoover generated lies in this case. For Odum did no such thing, and he says he would have recalled doing so since he and Wright were friends. (ibid, p. 284)
    12. The night of the assassination, the FBI calls Tomlinson about midnight. They tell him to be quiet about what he found that day. Since what he found that day was a lead colored, sharp nosed hunting round, they must not want him to tell anyone about the bullet. (Jim Marrs, Crossfire, p. 365; David Lifton, Best Evidence, p. 591) A natural question to ask is: Why? A natural answer is: Because they have realized that the original bullet will not match the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle now attributed to Oswald.
    13. When Wright composes his affidavit for the WC, incredibly, he leaves out his co-discovery of the bullet and his giving it to the Secret Service. (Lifton, ibid) Even though Johnsen recorded this and its in the volumes. (Thompson, p. 155) Since he was a former law enforcement officer, to leave something like that out, he was probably directed to.
    14. When it comes time to write the Warren Report, Wright’s name is not in it. And there is no evidence Arlen Specter interviewed him.
    15. In late 1966, we find out why Specter avoided him. Thompson interviews him and he rejects CE 399 as the bullet he gave Johnsen. Twice. (Thompson, p.175) Interestingly, in Reclaiming History, Vincent Bugliosi leaves this powerful incident out of his discussion of the issue. (Bugliosi, End Notes, pgs. 426-27, 544-45)

    To say that the chain of evidence rule has been violated in this case is a monumental understatement. Former Chief of Homicide in New York, attorney Bob Tanenbaum once said that it would be embarrassing to present this material to a jury for the prosecution. For me, the most incriminating elements is the evidence that the FBI knew that CE 399 was not the original bullet i.e. the call to Tomlinson, the fake Odum document, possibly the influence over Wright to leave it out of his affidavit, Specter avoiding Wright in the Commission inquiry.

    So from the beginning, with its reverse trajectory out of the thigh of Connally, to its incredible tunneling under a mat, to its leaping out of Ron Fuller’s stretcher and magically knowing it has to be on the governor’s, to its shocking ability to alter its form and color, and then to actually crack the time barrier and be in Frazier’s office before Todd gives it to him, the Impossible Journey of CE 399 is even more magical than anyone ever could imagine.

    What is truly incredible about the above demonstration is that I have left all the other arguments about the Magic Bullet out i.e. weight and trajectory etc. To me, in the face of the above, they are irrelevant. The CE 399 we know was not found at Parkland. And that ends this argument.

    Everything else—the computer simulations, the drawings etc.—is irrelevant. As Shakespeare said, it is sound and fury signifying nothing. At the time of the assassination, CE 399 as we know it today, did not exist.

  • Donald Byron Thomas, Hear No Evil: Social Constructivism and the Forensic Evidence In the Kennedy Assassination – Two Reviews (1)


    At this late date, it could be fairly asked whether or not we need another book offering a “reconstruction” of the JFK assassination. The official investigations were so poorly conducted, the post mortem inquest so sloppy and incomplete, that concerned and curious citizens were left with many more questions than answers about exactly what transpired in Dealey Plaza. However, as author Don Thomas argues, the problem lies not so much with the evidence itself but with the way in which the forensic scientists tasked with analyzing it allowed political considerations to color their judgement and dictate their conclusions. This Thomas labels as “Social Constructivism.” As he writes, “science is a social process” and “scientific conclusions are social constructs. The consequences of the results, as much if not more than the empirical evidence itself, will often steer the scientist to one conclusion or another.” (Thomas, p. 8) And as Thomas sets forth, when properly analyzed, the forensic evidence in this case demonstrates overwhelmingly that President Kennedy’s murder was the result of a well-executed conspiracy.

    Don Thomas is one of very few experts on the acoustics evidence—the Dallas Police dictabelt recording that forced the HSCA’s conclusion of a “probable conspiracy”—and as would be expected it is this which provides the back bone for his reconstruction. But with Hear No Evil Thomas has greatly broadened the scope of his inquiry to show how all the pieces of the forensic puzzle can be put together to form a cohesive whole. Among the topics covered are the “sniper’s nest,” the fingerprint evidence, Neutron Activation Analysis, the Tippit Murder, Thomas Canning’s trajectory analysis, the paraffin casts and Jack Ruby’s lie detector test. Thomas subjects all of the above, and more, to an intriguing micro-analysis that I am convinced will impress the majority of serious assassination researchers despite the controversial nature of many of his conclusions.

    As is to be expected in a book that totals in excess of 700 pages, Hear No Evil is not without fault and there are occasional errors of fact and omission—some of which will be discussed later in this review. But the objective-minded reader is not likely to find that these impact greatly on the reliability of Thomas’ research or the credibility of his central thesis.

    I

    I’ll begin by discussing what I see as one of the major highlights of Hear No Evil: Thomas’ brilliant and compelling discussion of President Kennedy’s head wound. It is Thomas’ contention that the massive explosion so graphically depicted in the Zapruder film was caused by a single bullet fired from the grassy knoll and that, contrary to official claims, there is no evidence of a rear-entering shot to the head. He rejects claims that the autopsy materials have been fabricated and states “It is not clear to this author why anyone would suppose that the photographs are fakes when in fact they fail to support the official version of the President’s wounds.” (p. 248)

    The official version is depicted in the infamous Rydberg drawings of Kennedy’s head wound which show a small entry hole in the back of the skull and a large exit defect on the right. (CE386 and CE388) As most researchers know, the Rydberg drawings were not based on a study of the autopsy photographs and X-rays but verbal descriptions given by chief prosector, Dr. James J. Humes. Dr. Humes offered the exact same description in his Warren Commission testimony: “…there was a defect in the scalp and some scalp tissue was not available…When we reflected the scalp, there was a through and through defect [emphasis mine] corresponding with the wound in the scalp.” (2H352) Contrary to Humes’ claims, no such “through and through” hole is seen in the autopsy X-rays. As Doug Horne revealed in his recent multi-volume set, Inside the Assassination Records Review Board, the ARRB asked three independent forensic specialists to review the JFK autopsy collection and these experts were unanimous in concluding that the X-rays show no entry hole of any kind in the back of the head. (Horne, pgs. 584-586) In fact, both of Humes’ colleagues at the autopsy, Dr. J. Thornton Boswell and Colonel Pierre Finck, had already admitted that this was not the case. Boswell explained to the HSCA pathology panel that what was actually discovered upon reflection of the scalp was a small, bevelled notch on the edge of the large defect, and that a semicircular notch on a late arriving bone fragment that was detached from the skull was interpreted as completing the circumference of the inferred hole. (7HSCA246, 260) As Thomas points out, (p. 266) confirmation of Boswell’s account can actually be found in the Commission testimony of Dr. Finck (2H379) and the proof that their recollections are correct is found on the back of the autopsy face sheet where, on the night of the autopsy, Boswell provided a drawing of the bone fragment and the notch in the edge of the large defect. (CE397)

    When Dr. Humes “broke his silence” by speaking to the Journal of the American Medical Association in 1992, he claimed that the beveling around this notch in the back of the skull was “proof” that the bullet had entered the back of the head: “It happens 100 times out of 100…It is a law of physics and it is foolproof—absolutely, unequivocally, and without question.” (JAMA, May 27, 1992) Beveling of the skull, as Humes himself explained, is essentially the same as what occurs when a BB is fired through a window: there is a small hole on the outside of the glass where it enters and a larger “crater” on the inside where it exits. But just how “foolproof” is it? Thomas reports that “Contrary to the autopsy doctors assertions, beveling of the bone is not a reliable indicator of an entrance or exit wound.” (Thomas, p. 272) When dealing with a through and through bullet hole, it is usually a valid indicator but even then, as HSCA forensic pathology panel member Dr. John Coe has reported, beveling can often occur on the impact side. (ibid.) And when dealing with fragments or margins of bone, as were JFK’s autopsy doctors, “all bets are off.” As Thomas explains, “This is because the laminate nature of cranial bone lends itself to chipping that can easily be confused with beveling.” (p. 273) The truth is, as the autopsy report essentially reveals, in reaching their conclusion the autopsy doctors relied less on the forensic evidence in front of them and more on reports coming in from Dallas that the gunman was located above and behind the Presidential limousine. Their location of the in-shoot was based on little more than an inference and their “unequivocal proof” never existed.

    The hole in the scalp was accurately described in the autopsy report as a “lacerated wound.” The cause of this laceration, as Thomas explains it, is tied in with another mystery that has baffled researchers for decades: The large round fragment attached to the outer table of the skull. The official explanation for this fragment is that it represents a cross-section of the bullet that sheared off on impact but this,as the majority of experts agree, is an impossibility. Thomas writes that such “shavings” are “not uncommon, with soft lead bullets not jacketed bullets…such shavings are characteristically lunate, or C-shaped, following the typically circular margin of the entrance hole.” (p. 282) The implausibility of a completely round cross section of a fully-jacketed bullet attaching itself to the outer table of the skull has been dismissed by even Warren Commission devotee and ballistics expert Larry Sturdivan who now claims it must be an “artifact” on the X-ray. This, of course, is akin to conspiracy buffs who label every piece of evidence that doesn’t fit their pet theory as “fake” or “altered.” But Thomas provides a real explanation for the presence of this fragment: Shrapnel that broke off from the bullet which struck the street behind the limousine and pancaked against the bone. “Once it is understood that the metal on the outside of the President’s skull is a shrapnel fragment,” he writes, “one realizes that there is no evidence that a bullet entered the back of the President’s head. Moreover it explains the anomalous fracture pattern noted by researchers [Cyril] Wecht and [Randy] Robertson which suggested a second hit.” (p. 283)

    Properly interpreted, the evidence shows that the bullet struck the right temple and exited “through the right posterior parietal region of the head near the midline.” (p. 290) The path of the bullet is established by the track of “bullet dust” on the lateral X-ray and it shows a bullet travelling from front to back. (p. 283) The entrance hole in the temple, seen by witnesses like mortician Tom Robinson, is actually visible as a “lesion in the skin” in the autopsy photographs and lines up with the notch in the frontal bone seen in photograph No. 44. It is here that the track of bullet dust begins and it it extends to a point above both officially proposed entrance locations. Little wonder, then, that the HSCA pathology panel was”unable to totally explain the metallic fragment pattern.” (7HSCA224)

    In a separate chapter, Thomas deals with the argument often proposed by Warren Commission defenders that a bullet fired “from the direction of the grassy knoll entering the right quadrant of the President’s head must of necessity exit the left rear quadrant of the head.” Thomas argues that such a proposition “is not based on an understanding of terminal ballistics.” (p. 437) A bullet will usually continue on a straight-line trajectory until it strikes a hard surface at which point it will deflect. The amount of deflection is difficult to predict, “but a basic rule of thumb for any object in motion is that it will tend to take the path of least resistance.” (p. 435) In the JFK case, with a bullet fired from the knoll “and coming at a high, close to 60° angle, with a tangential strike in the temple near the hairline where the surface of the skull slopes strongly backwards and leftward, one would expect the bullet to deflect upwards and leftward as well (the path of least resistance).” (p. 436) In short, Thomas shows that the forensic evidence is perfectly consistent with the suspicion most JFK researchers hold after their first viewing of the Zapruder film: The President’s fatal wound was delivered by a bullet fired from behind the picket fence atop the grassy knoll.

    II

    Over the past decade, no single researcher has worked as hard as Don Thomas at bringing the acoustics evidence back into the assassination debate and, as would be expected, it is a focal point of Hear No Evil. Many of the details involved in an analysis of the dictabelt recording are highly technical in nature and the average reader will, like myself, find this section of the book a little hard to absorb at times. Thankfully, as he has done in previous papers and lectures, the author shows that the most compelling reason to accept the acoustics is not particularly technical at all. This Thomas refers to as “the order in the data.”

    On the day of the assassination, the microphone on a police motorcycle travelling in the Presidential motorcade had become stuck in the “on” position and the sounds had been recorded on a dictabelt machine at Dallas police headquarters. When the dictabelt was brought to the attention of the HSCA in 1978, it asked the top acoustics experts in the country to analyze the recording to see if it had captured the sounds of the assassination gunfire. James Barger and his colleagues at Bolt, Baranek & Newman (BBN) discovered six suspect impulses on the tape that occurred at approximately 12:30 p.m.—the time of the assassination—and reported that on-site testing needed to be conducted at Dealey Plaza. There, microphones were placed along the parade route on Houston and Elm Streets and test shots were fired from the two locations witnesses had reported hearing shots; the Texas School Book Depository and the grassy knoll. BBN found that five of the impulses on the dictabelt were found to acoustically match the echo patterns of test shots fired in Dealey Plaza. One of these, the fourth in sequence, matched to a shot fired from the grassy knoll. As Thomas explains, “the mere fact that the suspect sounds had matched to some of the test shots is not particularly significant. However, the order and spacing of the matching microphone positions followed the same order as the sounds on the police tape.” (p. 583)

    If the sounds on the dictabelt were not the assassination gunshots, “a match would be as likely to appear at the first microphone as the last…And if all five happened to match, as these had, they would fall in some random order…But the matches were not random. They fell in the exact same 1-2-3-4-5 topographic order as they appear chronologically on the police recording.” (ibid)

    • The first impulse matched to a test shot recorded on a microphone on Houston Street near the intersection with Elm.
    • The second to a microphone 18 ft north on Houston.
    • The third to a microphone at the intersection.
    • The fourth to a microphone on Elm.
    • And the fifth to the next microphone to the west.

    On top of all this, the distance from the first matching microphone to the last was 143 feet and the time between the first and last suspect impulse on the tape was 8.3 seconds. In order for the motorcycle with the stuck microphone to cover 143 feet in 8.3 seconds it would need to be travelling at a speed of approximately 11.7 mph which fits almost perfectly with the FBI’s conclusion that the Presidential limousine was averaging 11.3 mph on Elm Street. (ibid)

    Finally, the gunshots on the dictabelt synchronize perfectly with the visual evidence of the Zapruder film. There are two visible reactions to gunshots on the Zapruder film. One of these occurs at Z-frame 313 with the blatantly obvious explosion of President Kennedy’s head. The other occurs between fames 225 and 230 when the Stetson hat in Connally’s hand flips up and down, presumably as a result of the missile passing through his wrist. This is preceded at Z-224 by the flipping of Connally’s lapel which has been cited by many as pinpointing the exact moment the bullet passed through his chest. When the fourth shot on the dictabelt, the grassy knoll shot, is aligned with Z-frame 313, the third shot falls at precisely Z-224! (p. 604) This perfect synchronization of audio and visual evidence is either one heck of a coincidence or the final proof that the suspect impulses on the dictabelt really are what the HSCA experts claimed there were. Unfortunately, this remarkable concordance was hidden from the public when HSCA chief counsel, Robert Blakey, in a “socially constructive” move, convinced the experts to label the third shot as a “false alarm.”

    Former HSCA staff investigator, Gaeton Fonzi, wrote in his brilliant book The Last Investigation, that, “Chief Counsel Blakey was an experienced Capitol Hill man. He had worked not only at Justice but on previous Congressional committees as well. So he knew exactly what the priorities of his job were by Washington standards, even before he stepped in.” (Fonzi, p. 8) Blakey, who later admitted that before he took the job he had found the idea of a conspiracy in the JFK case “highly unlikely,” (ibid. p. 259) was destined not to stray too far from the Warren Commission’s conclusion that only three shots were fired and all were fired by Lee Harvey Oswald. As such, the acoustics evidence presented him with a big problem. As Thomas puts it, “The acoustical evidence simply did not mesh well with the Warren Report…Blakey’s problem was not just that a total of five putative gunshots were detected by BBN’s test procedures, but that these shots came too close together.” (Thomas, p. 584) In 1964, the FBI established that “Oswald’s” rifle required 2.3 seconds between shots and, as Special Agent Robert Frazier testified, this was “firing [the] weapon as fast as the bolt could be operated.” (3H407) But the first three shots on the dictabelt had all come from the general vicinity of the book depository and came only 1.65 and 1.1 seconds apart. To “solve” the problem, Blakey acquired a Mannlicher Carcano similar to the one found on the sixth floor and, together with a group of Washington police officers, practised firing the rifle as fast as possible. Apparently, by “point aiming”—which means not really aiming at all—Blakey and HSCA counsel Gary Cornwell were able to squeeze off two rounds in 1.5 and 1.2 seconds respectively. (8HSCA185) This farcical display was enough to satisfy Blakey about the “probability” that Oswald fired the first two shots on the tape. He then told the acoustics experts that the third shot, coming only 1.1 seconds after the second, could not be what their analysis told them it was. And in another socially constructive move, the scientists played along.

    The truth is that all three matches were as valid as each other and what the acoustics evidence actually showed was that there may have been a second rearward assassin and a triangulation of crossfire—just as critics like Josiah Thompson had been saying since 1967. But a Washington man like Blakey was not about to admit that the “buffs” had been right all along. In a conversation with Thomas in 1999, “Blakey confided that he knew he would take a lot of heat for the grassy knoll shot and he didn’t want to dilute his case with the weak evidence for a fifth shot.” (Thomas, p. 590) By putting political considerations before the evidence, Robert Blakey did history a huge disservice and helped obscure the truth about the assassination. By cutting out the crucial third shot, he had essentially hidden the perfect synchronization between the dictabelt and the Zapruder film and it was for this very reason that many JFK researchers rejected the validity of the acoustics evidence. One can only wonder what reception the Dallas police dictabelt would have received had Blakey had the courage to stand up for the truth.

    III

    There are a number of points in Hear No Evil that are likely to be controversial among critics and conspiracy theorists and chief among these is the author’s acceptance of the single bullet theory. But for Thomas there is a distinction to be made between the single bullet theory and the “magic bullet theory.” According to Thomas, the single bullet theory is the hypothesis that only one bullet caused all seven non-fatal wounds to JFK and Governor Connally and the magic bullet theory is the belief that this bullet was CE399—the near pristine round allegedly found on a stretcher at Parkland hospital. He finds it necessary to make this distinction because he accepts the former and rejects the latter.

    The majority of the book is firmly rooted in the forensic evidence so it was a surprise to see the author engaging in a great deal of speculation as he does when attempting to explain the origin of CE399. Thomas advances the hypothesis that the magic bullet was actually recovered from the turf in Dealey Plaza and FBI agent, Doyle Williams carried it over to Parkland where, after being refused access to the room in which Kennedy’s body was being held, he left it on an unattended stretcher. The problems with this theory are numerous, and to the author’s credit he does emphasize that it is just a theory, (p. 416) but for me its biggest flaw is that it does not account for the vast body of evidence indicating that CE399 was not the bullet found at Parkland.

    In 1964, the Warren Commission asked the FBI to establish chains of custody for various items of evidence including CE399. On July 7, the Bureau provided a 3-page report laying out the bullet’s chain of possession and claiming that on June 12, FBI agent Bardwell Odum had shown CE399 to the two Parkland hospital witnesses who found the bullet, Darrell Tomlinson and O.P. Wright, and neither man could “positively identify” it. (24H412) Additionally, the same report notes that the next two men in the chain, Secret Service agent Richard Johnsen and Secret Service chief James Rowley “could not identify this bullet as the one” they handled. (ibid) Two years later, Josiah Thompson interviewed O.P. Wright and asked him what the bullet he had handled that day looked like. He showed Wright a photograph of CE399 and he “rejected” it “as resembling the bullet Tomlinson found on the stretcher.” Wright, a former police officer experienced in firearms, explained that the bullet he saw had a “pointed tip” and even showed him a similar .30 caliber round from his own desk. (Six Seconds In Dallas, p. 175) When interviewed, Tomlinson was less certain saying “only that the bullet found resembled either CE572 (the ballistics comparison rounds) or the pointed, .30 caliber bullet Wright had procured for us.” (ibid)

    The fifth link in the chain, FBI agent Elmer Todd was in the White House when he purportedly received the bullet from Rowley. Todd marked the bullet with his initials (24H412) and then passed it along to Robert Frazier at FBI HQ. The problem is, Todd’s initials are not on CE399! In 2003, meticulous JFK researcher John Hunt proceeded to “track the entire surface of the bullet using four of NARA‘s preservation photos.” The following year, he visited the National Archives where he was able to inspect the assassination materials for himself. Hunt discovered that there were only three sets of initials on CE399: RF (belonging to Robert Frazier), CK (FBI Agent Charles Killion), and JH (which was the mark used by FBI Agent Cortlandt Cunningham to avoid confusion with “cc,” the notation for carbon copy). Todd’s mark was nowhere to be found. And Hunt discovered yet another problem. Frazier marked the time he received CE399 on his November 22 laboratory worksheet as “7:30 PM.” He wrote the same time on a handwritten note he titled “History of Evidence” and likely used as a memory aid during his Commission testimony. The problem is, Todd also made a note of the time he received a bullet and according to the handwritten notation he made on the original envelope that contained it, he received the stretcher bullet at “8:50 PM.” So how could Frazier receive a bullet from Todd at FBI HQ one hour and 20 minutes before Todd was handed the same bullet at the White House by Chief Rowley? He could not. When considered alongside the fact that Todd’s initials do not appear on CE399 and the fact that the four men preceding him in the chain of possession did not recognise it when shown, there is only one plausible explanation: There were two bullets in Washington that day; CE399 and the pointed-tip missile found on a stretcher at Parkland Hospital. CE399 was used to pin the blame for Kennedy’s assassination squarely on Lee Oswald’s shoulders. The stretcher bullet was made to disappear.

    I find it hard to believe that Thomas was unaware of the problems wit CE399’s chain of possession and it is a shame that he chose not to address them. But it is possible that he may have hit on something important by contending that the magic bullet was originally found in Dealey Plaza. A Dallas police officer, Joe W. Foster, told the Commission he had “found where one shot had hit the turf” after striking a manhole cover (6H252) and, in fact, a series of photographs taken by Black Star photographer, Jim Murry, show Foster and other officers inspecting the lawn.” (Thomas, p. 403) In these pictures a sandy-haired man in a suit, later identified by Dallas police chief Jesse Curry as an FBI agent, is seen apparently picking a bullet out of the grass and putting it in his left pocket. Could this bullet actually be CE399? As Thomas notes, “Two contingencies make the story even more compelling. First, CE399 is in the minimally damaged condition one would expect of a fully jacketed bullet having buried itself into the soggy turf…Second, the manhole cover is in a direct line with the center lane of Elm Street and the southeast corner window of the sixth floor of the book depository.” (p. 402) It is, of course, pure conjecture but it could just be that this unidentified FBI agent carried the bullet straight to FBI HQ in Washington. This would explain how Robert Frazier could have CE399 in his possession over an hour before Elmer Todd received the stretcher bullet in the White House.

    IV

    Thomas omits a number of important details when suggesting what role Oswald might have played in the conspiracy and it was surprising to discover that he accepted the Warren Commission’s claim that Oswald had carried the Mannlicher Carcano rifle into the building in a brown paper bag disguised as curtain rods. Far more shocking, however, was to find him making the claim that there is “little reason to doubt that the weapon found on the sixth floor belonged to Lee Harvey Oswald.” (p. 25) On the contrary, as recent research has shown, there is plenty of reason to doubt. The Commission claimed that Oswald had ordered the rifle (serial no. C2766) from Klein’s Sporting Goods of Chicago on March 20, 1963. He had ordered the rifle in the name of A. Hidell and it had been shipped to PO Box 2915, Dallas, Texas, Oswald had ordered the weapon using a coupon from American Rifleman magazine and paid the $24.45 with U.S. Postal Order no. 2,202,130,462. FBI document examiners testified that the handwriting on the order form, postal order and envelope was Oswald’s and Marina Oswald testified that the rifle in question did indeed belong to her husband. It appeared to be an open and shut case—but appearances can be deceiving. In fact, there is no evidence that Oswald ever received the rifle.

    To begin with, when Oswald opened PO Box 2915 in October, 1963, he listed “Lee H. Oswald” as the only person authorized to receive mail. (17H679) U.S. Postal regulation no. 355.111 clearly states that “Mail addressed to a person at a PO Box who is not authorized to receive mail shall be endorsed ‘addressee unknown’ and returned to sender.” How then could Oswald have received a rifle ordered in the name of A. Hidell? The Warren Commission dealt with this problem by having Postal Inspector Harry Holmes testify that “when a package is received for a certain box, a notice is placed in that box regardless of whether the name on the package is listed on the application.” Holmes also claimed that the person would not be asked for identification “because it is assumed that the person with the notice is entitled to the package.” (R121) Although the commission chose to interpret it differently, what Holmes essentially stated was that anyone with a key to Oswald’s box could have picked up the package. However, it should still have been possible to discover exactly who picked up the rifle because that person would have been required to sign postal form 2162. In 1963 it was legal to sell firearms through the mail as long as strict regulations were followed. Postal regulation 846.53a required that both the shipper and the receiver fill out and sign form 2162, which was to be retained for four years. The Commission gave no indication that they ever looked for the form and there is no indication that Postal Inspector Harry Holmes ever volunteered it. The most likely reason that Holmes withheld this important information is that he was helping out his friends at the Bureau. He was, after all, an active FBI informant.

    As it turns out, Holmes and other inspectors at the Dallas General Post Office (GPO) were well aware of Oswald long before the assassination and had informed the FBI about Oswald receiving “subversive materials.” On April 21, 1963, Holmes himself advised FBI Special Agent James Hosty that Oswald had been in contact with the Fair Play For Cuba Committee. (CD11, Report of SA Hosty, 9/10/63) And this in itself gives us further reason to doubt that Oswald had ever received the rifle. Is it reasonable to believe that Postal Inspectors felt it was important to report that Oswald was receiving subversive materials and literature written in Russian, but did not feel it was worth informing the bureau that an alleged communist had ordered a rifle?

    Finally, just as there was no paper evidence of Oswald receiving a rifle when there should have been, there was no eyewitness either. As researcher John Armstrong noted, “In 1963 the GPO in Dallas had a stable work force of employees who were loyal…worked the same job for years…and knew many of their customers by name. There is little doubt that that postal employees were aware of Oswald because of the unusual nature of material he was receiving…But, according to Holmes, Postal Inspectors in Dallas made exhaustive inquiries in an attempt to locate employees who remembered handling or delivering a large package to Oswald, but without success” (Harvey & Lee, p. 453)

    With the above in mind, I believe it is reasonable to ask whether or not Oswald had even ordered the rifle in the first place. In this regard, it would appear that the Warren Commission presented a pretty solid case. But again, appearances can be deceiving. Postal order no. 2,202,130,462 was postmarked “Mar 12, 63 Dallas, Tex. GPO” and the envelope in which it was sent was postmarked “Mar 12 10:30 am Dallas, Tex. 12.” (17H635) This means that the money order was purchased between 8:00 am (when the office opened) and 10:30 am on March 12. Records show that from 8:00 am to 5:15 pm of March 12, Oswald was working at Jaggers-Chiles-Stovall, 11 blocks away from the GPO. Therefore, Oswald could not have purchased the money order. Even more problematic, the postmark on the envelope establishes that it was dropped in a mail box in postal zone 12—several miles west of downtown Dallas. Could Oswald have walked 11 blocks to the GPO, purchased the money order, travelled several miles west (for no apparent reason) to mail it before 10:30 am, and then made his way back to work without anyone noticing he was gone? No, he could not. The evidence establishes, therefore, that Oswald neither purchased nor mailed the money order used to purchase the assassination weapon.

    What this means is that the entire case for Oswald ordering the Mannlicher Carcano rests on analysis of the handwriting on the order form, postal order and envelope. The question is, is handwriting analysis an exact science? The answer is no. For example, during the 1969 trial of Clay Shaw, a question arose as to whether or not Shaw had signed an airline guest book as “Clay Bertrand.” The prosecution produced a handwriting expert who said he did. The defence produced one who said he did not. What this illustrates, in my opinion, is the tendency of such “experts” to side with whoever is paying for their time. And given that the analysts testifying for the Warren Commission were government employees, in conjunction with what we’ve learned above, I see no reason to trust their “expert opinions.”

    V

    For more than three decades, lone nut believers have been citing Vincent Guinn’s Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA) of the JFK ballistic evidence as proof that Oswald was the lone gunman. Guinn told the HSCA that he had demonstrated through the use of NAA that a fragment of lead from Connally’s wrist did in fact come from CE399 and that “one of the two fragments recovered from the floor of the limousine and the fragment removed from the President’s brain during the autopsy were from a second bullet.” (HSCA Report, p. 45) There was, he claimed, “no evidence of a third bullet among those fragments large enough to be tested.” (ibid) In short, Guinn claimed to have scientifically proven that only two bullets struck the occupants of the limousine and both came from Oswald’s rifle. Following in the footsteps of Erik Randich, Pat Grant, Cliff Spiegelman and William A. Tobin, Don Thomas shows that there is absolutely no validity to Guinn’s claims and that examination of the data “leads one to conclude that Guinn’s opinions derived more from his personal views than from the metallurgical evidence.” (Thomas, p. 452)

    To begin with, Dr. Guinn’s objectivity was always open to question. As Thomas writes, “Guinn denied under oath that he done any work in connection with the Warren Commission investigation.” (ibid) But this was a bald-faced lie. Guinn was “one of three scientists who had conducted tests in consultation with the FBI for gunshot residues on Lee Harvey Oswald’s paraffin casts. When those tests seemed to exculpate Oswald, Guinn had agreed to keep the results secret…Guinn’s dishonest denial that he had performed analyses in connection with the investigation of Kennedy’s death in 1964 must be considered in determining the credibility of his congressional testimony in 1978.” (pgs. 452-453) On top of this, the integrity of the evidence Guinn tested was also in doubt. When he came to weigh the fragments, Guinn found that their individual weights did not correspond to the weights of the fragments tested by the FBI in 1964 despite the fact that the FBI test was not destructive. Speaking to press reporters after his HSCA testimony, Guinn hypothesized, “Possibly they would take a bullet, take out a few little pieces and put it in the container, and say, ‘This is what came out of Connally’s wrist.’ And naturally if you compare it with 399, it will look alike…I have no control over these things.” (Henry Hurt, Reasonable Doubt, p. 83)

    Thomas quotes from a number of scientific studies that cast serious doubt on the reliability of NAA. One such study by a team of scientists from Gulf Atomic Corporation of San Diego reported in 1970 that “the application of NAA to the comparison of two bullet leads can show two samples to be different…but it cannot show two samples to be the same in most cases.” (p. 454) In fact, the two most popular manufacturers of the time, Remington and Winchester, were making bullets that were “practically indistinguishable from one another.” (ibid) A more recent review in 2004 by the National Research Council found that “Available data do not support any statement that a crime bullet came from a particular box of ammunition.” (p. 455) This is in direct contradiction to Guinn’s claims that not only were Carcano bullets unique but that each Carcano bullet was distinguishable from all others.

    In 1964, the FBI had conducted NAA tests on the assassination bullet fragments with inconclusive results. In his HSCA testimony, in an obvious attempt to explain how he was able to succeed where the Bureau failed, Guinn claimed that he had more information to go on. Specifically, “a great deal of background data…on WCC Mannlicher Carcano bullet lead.” (7HSCA566) But what background data was that? As Thomas explains, “Only he and the FBI had ever analyzed Carcano bullets.” (p. 476) For his study, Guinn acquired 14 Western Cartridge Company Carcano bullets and took four samples each from three bullets to test for homogeneity. He reported, “…you simply don’t find a wide variation in composition within individual WCC Mannlicher Carcano bullets.” But, Thomas informs, “contrary to Guinn’s assertion, the antimony levels within individual Carcano bullets do have a wide variation, and moreover, a close reading of the appendix to his report reveals Guinn admitting that he knew these samples were not homogeneous.” (p. 470)

    As normal scientific practice dictates, in order to make any meaningful claims about the relationship between the bullets and the fragments, “one first has to know the degree of variation within bullets, not just the reliability of single measurements of a single sub-sample.” (p. 480) To this end, the analyst needs “replicated readings from multiple samples to account for heterogeneity and reproducibility. Guinn never conducted such tests.” (pgs. 480-481) Dr. Guinn expected researchers to take on faith “that a single reading of a single specimen from the core of CE399 was all the data one needed.” (p. 481) What Guinn did not reveal in his testimony was that the FBI had sub-sampled CE399 and the results showed that “All of the Dallas specimens were generally somewhat similar to one another in their Sb and Ag concentrations, but there was a wide spread in the values for individual samples and among the groups of samples.” (ibid) This again directly contradicted Guinn’s claim that there was little variation among bullets but great variation within individual rounds.

    Thomas states that Guinn’s HSCA report stands alone in the field because no single study of bullet metal either before or since “has ever claimed to be able to distinguish individual bullets from within the same production batch. There was no scientific basis for Guinn’s claim that Carcano bullets are unique, or that individual Carcano bullets are materially different from one another.” (p. 472) As metallurgist, Erik Randich, and chemist, Pat Grant, reported in the Journal of Forensic Science in 2006 after reviewing the JFK bullet evidence, “The lead core of the bullets [Guinn] sampled…contained approximately 600-900 ppm [parts per million] antimony and approximtely 17-4516 ppm copper…In both of these aspects the…MC bullets are quite similar to other commercial FMJ [full metal jacket] rifle ammunition.” Therefore, the Kennedy assassination fragments, “need not necessarily have originated from MC ammunition. Indeed, the antimony compositions of the evidentiary specimens are consistent with any number of jacketed ammunitions containing unhardened lead.”

    VI

    Over recent years, the JFK assassination literature has come to be dominated by claims that evidence has been altered or outright fabricated in order to conform to the official story. If we are to believe everything we read, the President’s body was hijacked and his wounds were manipulated, his brain was switched before it went missing from the archives, the autopsy photos and X-rays have been altered, the Zapruder film is a fabrication, Oswald’s body was switched with that of an imposter…the list goes on. In fact, one prominent researcher went so far as to suggest that there were actually two complete sets of evidence—one real and one fake! Undoubtedly there are legitimate areas of concern but at some point we have to step back and realize that the problem may not be with the evidence so much as it is with the researcher. It is for this very reason that Don Thomas’ Hear No Evil is a breath of fresh air.

    One area that has baffled critics for decades is the medical evidence. The autopsy record has undoubtedly been altered in the sense that crucial materials such as the President’s brain, microscopic tissue slides and autopsy photographs known to have been taken have been removed from the archive. But does it necessarily follow that what we are left with is fake? The answer, as Thomas demonstrates, is no. The fact is, the autopsy X-rays of the skull completely contradict the official account of the President’s head wound. So why would conspirators go to the trouble of fabricating evidence that contradicts the story they wish to promote? The same can be said for the Zapruder film which shows Kennedy being slammed backwards and leftwards by the impact of a shot from the right front. In this regard, Thomas shows how people like Luis Alverez, John Lattimer and Larry Sturdivan all constructed dubious theories “for the purpose of explaining away the obvious reason for the head snap, and all suffer, not only from implausibility, but from a failure to fit the evidence.” (p. 370)

    This is the true strength of the book and the reason why I believe it will be such a valuable contribution to the literature. Thomas shows that the problem is not the evidence but how it has been interpreted in the cause of “social constructivism.” He explains how Alverez knowingly “rigged” his experiment to produce a “jet recoil effect.” (Chapter 10) And how NASA rocket scientist, Thomas Canning, fudged the data and moved the President’s wounds to make it appear that the bullet trajectories were consistent with a gunman in the sixth floor window. (Chapter 12) He proves that Vincent Guinn lied under oath and cherry-picked the ballistic data in order to pin the blame on Oswald. (Chapter 13) And he shows how the HSCA forensic pathology panel deliberately misrepresented JFK’s head wound. (Chapter 8) In short, he demonstrates that there is no need to doubt its veracity because “the overwhelming weight of the evidence indicates that there was a conspiracy.” (p. 728) And he fits it all into a sound reconstruction of events that is sure to spark at least the occasional heated debate—but you’ll have to buy the book to find out the details!


    Links to information mentioned in this article:


    Review of Hear No Evil by David Mantik

  • The Real Wikipedia? Will the Real Wikipedia Please Stand Up?


    Part 2
    Addendum
    Part 3


    I: The Stakes

    The events that served as a catalyst for this article can be traced back to early last summer, when Jim DiEugenio, as a guest on Len Osanic’s Black Op Radio (show #430, July 2, 2009), extended a collective challenge to David Reitzes, David Von Pein, John McAdams, and Gary Mack: “I will debate any part of my Bugliosi review to any one, or any more than one of them. … Let’s see if their arguments will stand up.”

    The gauntlet was thrown. Eventually, after several weeks, John McAdams alone (and undoubtedly to the surprise of some) brazenly dared to reach down and pick it up.

    The actual debate, which consisted of a well-planned format that traversed twenty key points of JFK assassination research – all agreed upon in advance by both parties, took place in the early fall of 2009 during two Black Op Radio shows. If you haven’t yet taken in this debate, then I highly recommend that you do.1

    Why such a recommendation? Certainly not for the purpose of deciding “a winner.” First of all, let’s admit up-front that it is highly unlikely that any one of us who has taken an interest in this ongoing forty-six-plus year-old JFK debate – no matter what side we may by now have obligingly settled on – could ever truly consider ourselves impartial observers. And secondly, and more importantly, calling “a winner” to any such event would debase the topic itself, rendering it to the likes of a tawdry entertainment – a mere boxing match of sorts. And though boxing matches certainly do have their place, any discussion or debate about the murder of a president that took place in broad daylight within a major US metropolis some forty-six years ago demands higher and more careful scrutiny than one which would seek to make assessments by merely awarding pugilistic points.

    So let us be willing to accept the reality that agreement will not always be possible. “Truth,” said the philosopher David Hume, “arises from disagreement among friends.” And here, perhaps, comes the ultimate test for truth-seekers, i.e., distinguishing between true and false “friends.” Because it logically follows that those who would knowingly mislead or misdirect cannot themselves be truth-seekers.

    Which brings us to the central focus of this article: disinformation within JFK research data. But more specifically, a provable purveyor of such disinformation: that self-described “free, web-based, collaborative, multilingual encyclopedia project,” aka, Wikipedia. But before laying out the details that expose Wikipedia’s hand in plying JFK assassination disinformation, let’s continue to explore the underlying significance of last fall’s debate, by setting our hands on some deeper ramifications.

    JFK researchers will recognize that the real value that last fall’s debate provides must eclipse any aspect of “infotainment.” After all, if the audience for such a debate is one of merely entertaining “armchair sleuths” (the equivalent of TV “couch potatoes?”), then why not instead schedule debates on, say, OJ’s guilt or innocence? The obvious answer is that, in the grand scheme, JFK’s death still matters – greatly.

    In the Introduction to his thought-provoking book, JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters, Jim Douglass explains:

    In the course of my journey into Martin Luther King’s martyrdom, my eyes were opened to parallel questions in the murders of John F. Kennedy, Malcolm X, and Robert F. Kennedy. I went to Dallas, Chicago, New York, and other sites to interview witnesses. I studied critical government documents in each of their cases. Eventually I came to see all four of them together as four versions of the same story. JFK, Malcolm, Martin, and RFK were four proponents of change who were murdered by shadowy intelligence agencies using intermediaries and scapegoats under the cover of “plausible deniability.”2

    The fact remains that the murder of John Kennedy in 1963, together with those that followed it – Malcolm X in ’65, and Martin Luther King and Bobby Kennedy in ’68 – continue to have an enormous impact upon our lives even now as we near the close of the first decade of the 21st century. For one may convincingly argue that, during those four and-a-half inglorious years – November 22, 1963 through June 5, 1968, these four public executions did not happen in isolation but rather, taken as a whole, represent nothing less than a concerted cumulative right-wing putsch that effectively shot dead the very life of our democracy. What has been at stake over the intervening four and-a-half-plus decades, and remains at stake even now, then, is truly nothing less than the brutal decapitation of our democratic republic by a ruthless national security state intent on waging a covert war against “We the People.”

    Proven disinformationists like John McAdams3 will, no doubt, scoff at such an idea, having us instead believe that it is merely coincidental that these four “proponents of change,” in the span of some four and-a-half years, were so brutally and publically slaughtered by barrages of bullets. But the facts (or “factoids,” as Prof. McAdams is fond of calling them, and by this he really means any fact that he may take issue with in his attempts to misdirect) suggest otherwise. And though the scope of this article will not permit a thorough exploration of Douglass’ premise, its validity is one that nonetheless merits diligent pursuit and testing by dedicated assassination researchers. And this, always in the face of practiced disinformationists who would attempt to ridicule or shame those who might dare to consider, let alone glimpse, the bigger picture. For isn’t this a primary objective in the dissemination of disinformation? To frame within the lowest levels of abstraction those most crucial issues that affect our well-being, not only for the purpose of confusing us but also to distract us from, and thus obstruct, the viewing of “the big picture?”

    The key point about the debate comes not from our goading on two adept competitors engaged in a point-counterpoint exchange, but instead, we ourselves being goaded by the depth of the ramifications their exchanges reveal, goaded on to greater reflection. And then the question of whether or not we come to agree or disagree with the terrain that our individual reflections may eventually cover becomes almost immaterial when compared to the catalysts that spur each of us, as true free-thinkers and “friends,” on to discerning interaction. For, as David Hume reminds us, thus arises truth.

     

    II: Matters of Credibility

     

    “I regard it as a pseudonym and I don’t really have a problem with it.”

    ~Wikipedia co-founder Jimmy Wales’ initial response to the so-called “Essjay controversy.”

    Judging from the feedback to Black Op Radio, the debate seemed to have attracted a wide audience. Yet, even after McAdams and DiEugenio had parried through hours of point-counterpoint swaps and swipes, two overarching questions seemed to persist: To what value? For what purpose?

    As visitors to CTKA are well aware, the site not only provides a wealth of information on the Kennedy assassination but also advocates that its readership go beyond the assimilation of this information. CTKA regularly posts Action Alerts, prompting its readers to take action by writing to key people in the media in regard to the dissemination of JFK disinformation. So with the fallout of feedback on last fall’s debate, especially in regard to points of disinformation, Jim DiEugenio advised Len Osanic’s Black Op Radio listeners in the same vein: “I think that we should encourage your listeners to go ahead and start putting things from, say, the CTKA site, or articles from the Mary Farrell site, or articles from the History Matters site – start putting them on Wikipedia. Let’s start doing that to counteract what McAdams is doing.”

    On the surface, this seemed like a good idea. At the same time, I had my reservations. Because, over the last several years, I had loosely followed the ongoing saga about Wikipedia’s (un)reliability as a source of information, as well as the accusation by some that, on issues of greatest import (i.e., the JFK assassination and 911, to name just two), Wikipedia is a source of disinformation. But before exploring that question, let’s first get a glimpse of a pair of incidents that have prominently raised the question of Wikipedia’s credibility. Because such a glimpse provides an entryway into the larger issue of Wikipedia’s role as a source of disinformation.

    The case of Wikipedia’s credibility is illustrated by two incidents that have been widely detailed and discussed both over the Internet and in print and broadcast media. Let’s briefly recount them here. First, in late 2005, came the notorious “Seigenthaler incident.” In a November 29, 2005 USA Today editorial entitled, A False Wikipedia ‘Biography’ 4, John Seigenthaler, himself, laid out the case for questioning Wikipedia’s competence as a reliable source of information. His complaint was triggered by this false claim that appeared within his Wikipedia biographical entry:

    John Seigenthaler Sr. was the assistant to Attorney General Robert Kennedy in the early 1960’s. For a brief time, he was thought to have been directly involved in the Kennedy assassinations of both John, and his brother, Bobby. Nothing was ever proven.5

    Now, most serious JFK researchers are aware that John Seigenthaler was a dedicated Kennedy supporter. In fact, in 1961, Seigenthaler resigned his position as a noted staff writer for The Tennesseean so he might serve as an administrative assistant to newly sworn Attorney General, Robert Kennedy. But it wasn’t just for desk duty that Siegenthaler traded in his promising career in journalism for (what turned out to be) a brief stint in politics. Real field work soon evolved. During the Freedom Rides of May 1961, Seigenthaler was called upon to serve as chief negotiator in the DOJ’s attempts to ensure protection for the Freedom Riders. And despite assurances from the Governor of Alabama, John Patterson, that protection would be provided, as the Riders approached Montgomery their promised state police escort all but evaporated, leaving them easy prey for an unruly racist mob lying in wait. During the ensuing attack upon the Riders, Seigenthaler was struck by a pipe and knocked unconscious.

    The preceding very brief encapsulation on Seigenthaler is a matter of an uncontested public record. So it is with such “bona fides” that one can more clearly view the perniciousness of the hoax perpetrated on Seigenthaler four decades later via Wikipedia. And the facts about this incident, as Seigenthaler describes them, make it difficult to view Wikipedia as completely innocent in the perpetration of the hoax. According to Seigenthaler, despite his earnest efforts to have Wikipedia expunge the above quoted defamatory statement, it nonetheless remained intact within his Wikipedia biographical entry for a period of more than four months: May 26, 2005 through October 5, 2005. Finally, after pleas to Wikipedia co-founder, Jimmy Wales, it was deleted.

    Why more than four months to correct such a blatant defamatory statement? No doubt, there is a long list of viable answers that might explain Wikipedia’s (in)action. But at the top of that list would have to be the Communications Decency Act passed by congress in 1996. To quote from Seigenthaler’s 11/29/2005 USA Today editorial:

    Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, passed in 1996, specifically states that “no provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker.” That legalese means that, unlike print and broadcast companies, online service providers cannot be sued for disseminating defamatory attacks on citizens posted by others.6

    In other words, without the threat of a lawsuit, Wikipedia has little incentive to correct any defamatory statements about anyone. So it would appear that, when it comes to a question of defamation, the court of public opinion is the only one that Wikipedia truly fears. Eventually Wikipedia did cede to Seigenthaler by making the necessary corrections he had requested. But what does this incident say about Wikipedia’s priorities, let alone any responsible journalistic oversight, when it took more than four months, the looming threat of bad publicity, and finally, the grace of Jimmy Wales to relent?

    A little over a year later, scandal struck again, this time with the so-called “Essjay Controversy.”7 And the spark that produced this Wiki-conflagration was an article written by Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist, Stacy Schiff. Entitled, Know it All: Can Wikipedia Conquer Expertise?8, the article appeared in the July 31, 2006 edition of The New Yorker. Some six months later, in February 2007, Ms. Schiff was given a resounding answer to her article’s leading question.

    It seems that a major source for Schiff’s article was one “Essjay,” a Wikipedia administrator who, hiding behind a Wikipedia screen name (as, by the way, all Wikipedia administrators do), represented himself to Schiff as a “tenured professor of religion at a private university.” He also claimed to “hold a Ph. D. in theology and a degree in canon law and [to have] written or contributed to sixteen thousand [Wikipedia] entries.” As circumstances would later reveal, “Essjay,” – real name, Ryan Jordan – had yet to earn even a single degree from any reputable undergraduate institution. In fact, at the time when Schiff interviewed Essjay/Jordan for her article, he was a twenty-four year old community college drop-out. So much for Wikipedia credentials.

    In late February 2007, largely on the prompting of Wikipedia critic, Daniel Brandt, The New Yorker provided an Editor’s Note as an addendum to Schiff’s article, stating (among other things) that:

    Essjay was recommended to Ms. Schiff as a source by a member of Wikipedia’s management team because of his respected position within the Wikipedia community. He was willing to describe his work as a Wikipedia administrator but would not identify himself other than by confirming the biographical details that appeared on his user page. At the time of publication, neither we nor Wikipedia knew Essjay’s real name. Essjay’s entire Wikipedia life was conducted with only a user name; anonymity is common for Wikipedia administrators and contributors, and he says that he feared personal retribution from those he had ruled against online.9

    And what was Wikipedia co-founder Jimmy Wales’ response to such deception from within his ranks? Later, he did publically distance himself from Essjay/Jordan and his inventively imagined credentials. But Wales’ immediate reply was telling. The February 2007 Editor’s Note to Schiff’s article quoted Wales as saying: “I regard it as a pseudonym and I don’t really have a problem with it.”

    Now one may find, based upon his resolving the four-month-long lingering Seigenthaler scandal, that Jimmy Wales has a big heart. But judging from this initial statement regarding the Essjay controversy, one would have to ask,: “What exactly was going on upstairs in that head of yours, Mr. Wales?”10 A mere misstep brought about by the use of a pseudonym? Could Wales have been serious? The dismissive nature of his reaction, which Wales had to have known would be published for all to read in a major periodical, The New Yorker, seems to reveal a naiveté betraying blindness of immense proportions. And as we shall see, such a blind eye at the top, whether intentional or not, fosters an army of equally blind and biased Wiki-worker-bees whose collective anonymous swarm provides the cover of obfuscation for what, on certain controversial subjects, can be called a disinformation machine.

     

    III: First Steps

     

    “The beginning of wisdom is the definition of terms.”

    ~Socrates

    If Socrates is correct, then we owe ourselves at least a small digression here in order to come to grips with the definition of the central term of this article, i.e., disinformation. For if we’re to be at all successful at unearthing it, we must first be able hold in our minds the strongest possible image of what it is we’re looking to uncover.

    James H. Fetzer, Ph. D., tells us, quite matter-of-factly, that “disinformation involves the dissemination of incomplete, inaccurate, or otherwise misleading information with the objective, goal, or aim of deceiving others about the truth.11

    Within his carefully worded definition, Fetzer exposes four inextricably linked essential elements that are present in any piece of disinformation: (1) source, (2) object (3) (il)logical means12, and (4) intentionality. Let’s briefly explore Fetzer’s definition by taking apart its key pieces so that we can come to a greater understanding of the extent of its practical application. And then apply it to the subject at hand.

    Fetzer’s definition recognizes the possibility of any configuration of individuals or groups acting either alone or together, with or without government or intelligence agencies, whether covert or not (though, most likely, they will be), as a potential source of disinformation.

    The definition provides a key phrase that sets off specific intentional limits: “incomplete, inaccurate, or otherwise misleading information,” as a means of focusing it upon the second essential element, i.e., the object, which will always be some form of distorted data. And here, within this essential element of distorted data, are also inextricably entwined the remaining two essential elements – (il)logical means and intentionality. For if one can prove that the object for dissemination has in fact been distorted, either through its “incompleteness,” its “inaccuracy,” or through its ability to somehow otherwise “mislead,” (e.g., fabrication of evidence) then it logically follows that one steps that much closer to the questions of “How?”, the (il)logical means, and thus, “Why?”, the intention.

    Let’s briefly examine a piece of JFK disinformation as a means of illustrating the point.

    The “Tague Bullet”: In support of Oswald as the lone assassin, the disinformationist13 here argues that Oswald alone fired a Mannlicher Carcano – which uses copper-coated bullets – from the sixth floor window of the Texas School Book Depository. But what about the lack of copper jacket on the curbstone recovered from whatever it was that struck James Tague?

    No problem. Upon striking the pavement, that copper jacket must have been entirely sheared from the bullet. (Or with Gerald Posner, the twigs of an oak tree miraculously stripped the jacket from the projectile.) Here, the distorted data is the conclusion itself, revealing the logical fallacy of circular reasoning (i.e., by implication: Oswald fired copper-coated bullets from a Mannlicher Carcano, and so the James Tague strike must have had its copper jacket stripped by striking the pavement because copper coated bullets are the only ones used in a Mannlicher Carcano and that’s what Oswald fired).

    Again, for emphasis: The point illustrated is that the distorted data that the disinformationist presents will most often be coupled with a(n) (il)logical means that upon close examination will, in turn, reveal an underlying logical fallacy. (Instances of fabricated evidence present exceptional cases to this general rule). For the purpose of a facile illustration, the above example of circular reasoning is blatant. One must recognize, however, that not all examples will be so. More subtle cases of disinformation will involve, in varying degrees, traditional logical fallacies of, say, Special Pleading, Appeal to Authority, Hasty Generalization, Straw Man, Red Herring, etc.14 15 The point being that, buried within most pieces of disinformation, one will inevitably find an underlying logical fallacy that serves as a (futile) support for the disinformationist’s distorted data. The importance of this point will become increasingly apparent as we review a specific example of JFK disinformation put forward by Wikipedia.

    Finally, we come to the fourth and final essential element exposed by Fetzer’s definition of disinformation, i.e., intentionality, for in order to categorize any piece of information as disinformation, one must first be able to demonstrate within reasonable conclusive limits intent to deceive. And this is because, though one may be guilty of faulty reasoning or research, one may, at the same time, be innocent of any intent at deception. Thus, without reasonable proof of intent to deceive, it follows that the purveyor of the information in question may himself be either misinformed, or worse, incompetent in his own reasoning or research. Thus, in either case, without a proven intent to deceive, the object of dissemination cannot truly be called disinformation, but is instead misinformation.

    In sum, as one writer on disinformation has so succinctly put it: “Disinformation requires intentionality while misinformation does not.”16 And as we shall also see in the case of Wikipedia, exposing its motive of deception, its intentionality, is key to understanding its role as a purveyor of JFK disinformation.

     

    IV: Poking Around the Hive

     

    “That ideas should freely spread from one to another over the globe for the moral and mutual instruction of man and improvement of his condition,seems to have been peculiarly and benevolently designed by nature when she made them like fire, expansible over all space, without lessening their density in any point, and like the air in which we breathe, move, and have our physical being, incapable of confinement or exclusive appropriation.” (Thomas Jefferson, 1813)

    ~from Wikipedia Administrator Rodhullandemu‘s profile page

    Wikipedia – which gets its name from the Hawaiian word “wiki,” meaning “fast” – bills itself as, “a free content encyclopedia that can be read or edited by anyone.” “Imagine a world in which every single person is given free access to the sum of all knowledge. That’s what we’re doing.”17 This is what Jimmy Wales would have us believe.

    But shouldn’t “the sum of all knowledge” also include crucial JFK research data that has been available in the public domain for decades? As I previously pointed out, Jim DiEugenio’s suggestion earlier this year that Black Op Radio listeners take up the challenge of updating Wikipedia seemed, on the surface, a practical one. Yet, as I also stated, even before taking on the challenge, I did have my doubts. How can I explain it? Let’s see: (1) Fast; (2); Anyone can edit; (3) The sum of all knowledge; (4) The Truth about the JFK assassination. I don’t know – call it intuition if you must – but somehow, somewhere, I sensed a Wiki-roadblock looming up ahead.

    At the same time, the thought did occur to me that perhaps Jim D.’s challenge did hold real promise. Not in any advance that could be made by any number of users actually updating Wikipedia with crucial JFK assassination research data, but rather, in discovering where exactly Wikipedia might “choose to draw its line in the sand.” At which point in the JFK case, I began to wonder, would those buzzing anonymous administrators who are empowered with controlling the Wikipedia “free edit process” be forced to bring it to an abrupt halt, saying in effect by their oversight actions, “This far and no farther.”?

    As I have previously stated, I had suspected that Wikipedia was in fact carefully controlling the information surrounding events of far-reaching import, namely, both the JFK assassination and 911. In fact, by letting the Siegenthaler libel hang around and gain publicity, that tended to paint JFK researchers who contributed as goofy. I was hardly alone in my suspicions. To name just a few who have voiced them: On his forum, John Simkin has devoted several pages of discussion to the topic of Wikipedia as an agent of disinformation in JFK research18. Jim Fetzer has on numerous occasions also discussed the same topic in relation to both JFK and 911.19 And, in the course of attempting to correct verifiably false information on the Wikipedia entry for Fletcher Prouty, Len Osanic, of Black Op Radio, has had his own run-ins with the “Wiki-buzzsaw.”20

    Though Wikipedia is often called “egalitarian” and “anti-elitist” because, after all, “anyone can edit,” the practical nature of the situation proves otherwise. One can state with absolute certainty that any edits to any Wikipedia articles that touch upon any level of public controversy – such as the JFK assassination or 911 – will only be allowed to stand if such edits already conform to Wikipedia’s so-called Neutral Point Of View, or in Wiki-speak, NPOV. (Caveat Emptor: the onset of the condition known as “group think” has been traced to the perusal of NPOV 😉

    Now at this point, in order to better understand Wikipedia’s NPOV, we could begin to explore the background history that led to its ongoing development and evolution. As others have, we would first talk philosophy and perhaps epistemology. It would inevitably take us into a discussion about that other co-founder, Larry Sanger (who Jimmy Wales denies was ever a co-founder), and Sanger’s mother-of-all-edit-war – stories that touched upon those prickly issues of authority and anarchy and “who rules. – Which opened the way for the sacred word of the relativity-of-truth, but which eventually tarnished Sanger with such disrepute that, in December 2001, the dot-com bust seemed just as good an excuse as any for that other co-founder (who still insists he’s not a co-founder but, really and truly, the one and only) to send Sanger packing, leaving behind in his roiling rancorous wake the torment and pangs from which grew the mission that fostered the word of the book of NPOV.

    But I’ll spare the mythos and saga. Not only because it’s already been told21, but because it’s also a distraction. “Sometimes,” as the saying goes, “the view from the sidelines is best.” But in order to appreciate that view, in order to understand the true nature of the hive, you’ll first need to inspect its basic structural mechanism.

    Wikipedia polices its site through a hierarchical structure that has administrators (“admins” or “sysops” in Wiki-speak) operating above the level of the common Wikipedia user-editor. The clout that Wiki administrators have over the anyone-is-free-to-edit Wiki-user includes at the very least the ability to: (1) delete entire articles or sections of articles; (2) protect articles from further edits by blocking specific users; (3) “revert” (Wiki-speak for “reinstate”) text more efficiently; and (4) monitor a compiled “watchlist” (Wiki-speak for a list of Wikipedia entries over which an administrator claims oversight). And when, for any reason, such administrative policing powers might prove themselves insufficient at resolving conflict, there is first, the Mediation Committee (Wiki-speak: MedCom), and then, when absolutely necessary, Wikipedia’s own equivalent of a Supreme Court: the Arbitration Committee (ArbCom). According to its own description, ArbCom “has the authority to impose binding solutions to disputes between editors.” (Beginning to smell a faint sweet scent of elitism wafting from those “anti-elitist” combs? Read on.)

    Yes, sandwiched in between admins, MedCom, and ArbCom there are also (1) bots , i.e., “automated or semi-automated tools that carry out repetitive and mundane tasks in order to maintain … English Wikipedia articles;” (2) bureaucrats, who are granted the power to “promote other users to administrator or bureaucrat status, grant and revoke an account’s bot status, and rename accounts;” and (3) stewards, who are granted the power to “change any and all user rights and groups;” and (4) a host of other Wiki-levers-and-pulleys.

    Far from egalitarian, it sounds like a hierarchical bureaucracy to me.

    Now I’m quite sure that the Wiki-speak that describes its NPOV and ArbCom processes is bound to placate the minds of the average avid Wiki-worker-bee. And that same Wiki-speak may even go so far as to assuage the doubts of some genuine Wikipedia skeptics. But such an assuagement could not possibly arrive before any genuine skeptic has had a good look at data that accurately describes the demographics of the Wikipedia user population. Why? Because a compilation of accurate statistics, available as periodic snapshots, which could show us a true picture of Wikipedia user activity by user rank, would in turn show us which groups of users are actually performing the bulk of the work for Wikipedia. But a true skeptic would not stop there. A true skeptic would want to know the level of user activity by user rank for edits that reflect user conflicts and resolutions. Why? Because this data would tell us the actual number of conflict incidents, topic of conflict, number of users, ranks of users, and the user rank where the incident was finally resolved. In other words: When, how often, by whom, at what levels of rank, and for what topics is the “Wiki-utopian” NPOV invoked, and at what levels of rank are these conflicts finally resolved.

    The problem here is that – no surprise – the user statistics that any genuine skeptic would want to see are not readily available on the Wikipedia site. The current (June, 2010) Users and Editors page for the English language quotes the current total number of registered users as 12,619,939. But don’t let this number mislead you because it cannot possibly reflect a true level of activity: A user could register an account, perform a single edit, and never again return. A more accurate statistic would be the total number of active registered users, which can be found on the Special Statistics page. Currently, there are a total of 139,664 such active registered users. And even that number cannot account for the bulk of Wikipedia activity performed, because it is all-inclusive of “users who have performed an action in the last 30 days.” Again, a single edit over the last 30 days might account for a huge majority of this total number of 139,664 “active registered users.” So we’re left guessing and wondering. Or are we?

    Wikipedia does publish current numbers for its heaviest hitters – its Arbitration Committee (11 active members), bureaucrats (36 active users), stewards (0 active users), and administrators (1,732 active users). (The number of Arbitration Committee active members is found within the preceding link of the same name; numbers for bureaucrats, stewards and administrators are found within Special Statistics.) Now, there may be some overlap among these four ranks of users, but because these numbers are so relatively small, it’s a safe bet that any overlap will be statistically insignificant. So we’ll simply total all four groups to arrive at: 1,779 heavy-hitting users.

    Exactly how heavy-hitting is this current group of 1,779 select users? In terms of the actual percentages of work that they perform, it appears that Wikipedia is not sharing that data with the public. But perhaps that question of the amount of work is moot. Perhaps the real question about heavy-hitting doesn’t involve a bit of heavy-lifting. Yes, “”Anyone can edit!”, but of the 139,664 registered users who made at least a single edit within the last 30 days, a very select group of only 1,779 users – 1.27% of all active registered users – had the collective final say on whether or not any of those edits actually stuck around.

    So the question becomes: Since such a relatively small select group of Wikipedia users is actually invoking its NPOV in order to determine “neutrality,” can the resulting point of view really be called “neutral?” I’ll leave the answer to that question for the reader to ponder, but in the meantime, here’s my own conclusion:

    Since such a small select group of Wikipedia users retains absolute power over the finality of decisions involving all of its content, then Wikipedia’s NPOV is not just a mere contrivance, it is whatever its governing elite decides it will be.

    Now before I began to take on Jim D.’s Black Op Radio challenge, I hadn’t yet plugged around in the Wiki-catacombs to the degree that I now have. So I only had just a sense of what I was up against. But enough so, I realized that finding where Wikipedia would “draw its line in the sand” would call for a careful plan of action: (1) No direct edits to any Wikipedia articles, as such edits would most likely be most visible through any administrator’s “watchlist;” and (2) Limit changes to only the External Link sections of Wikipedia articles.

    And so, on February 15th of this year, I took on the challenge by first registering as a Wikipedia user with a “screen name” of: Monticello1826.22 Though, as of this writing, Wikipedia does not currently show a record for the screen name “Monticello1826” (and perhaps this is because I have been an inactive Wikipedia user since March 15, 2010), a “user talk page” for that screen name does still exist and can be found here: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/User_talk:Monticello1826

    Over the course of one month, I proceeded to add a few articles to the External Link sections of Wikipedia entries that touched upon the JFK assassination. I started slowly and cautiously, according to the simple plan I described above, waiting up to a week between changes to see if they would “take.” And by and large they did. This contributions page shows a complete history of the actual changes I made under the Wikipedia screen name, Monticello1826, by simply adding links to the External Link sections of just four Wikipedia entries: (1) Vincent Bugliosi; (2) Gerald Posner; (3) Lee Harvey Oswald; and (4) Reclaiming History.

    A link to Gaeton Fonzi’s Reply from a Conspiracy Believer23 added to Bugliosi’s Wikipedia entry on February 15th presented no problem. And neither did a link to Michael T. Griffith’s Hasty Judgment: A Reply to Gerald Posner – Why the JFK Case Is Not Closed24, added to Posner’s entry on the 21st, nor John Armstrong’s Harvey & Lee: How the CIA Framed Oswald25, to the Lee Harvey Oswald entry on the 27th. After three weeks without incident, I was beginning to feel I was erring too much on the side of caution. My next Wiki-move would be brash. It was time to test the limit.

    So when I read the following paragraph within the “Backyard photos” section of the LHO entry, I knew I had found my tripwire:

    These photos, widely recognized as some of the most significant evidence against Oswald, have been subjected to rigorous analysis.[153] Photographic experts consulted by the HSCA panel concluded they were genuine,[154] answering twenty-one points raised by critics.[155] Marina Oswald has always maintained she took the photos herself, and the 1963 de Mohrenschildt print bearing Oswald’s signature clearly indicate they existed before the assassination. Nonetheless, some continue to contest their authenticity.[156] After digitally analyzing the photograph of Oswald holding the rifle and paper, computer scientist Hany Farid concluded[157] that it “almost certainly was not altered.”[158]

    Late Thursday night / early Friday morning, March 11th – 12th, I inserted Jim Fetzer’s and Jim Marrs’ co-authored article, The Dartmouth JFK Photo Fiasco26, into the External Link section of Wikipedia’s LHO entry. The next morning, I awoke to find it had been removed. And there, waiting for me on my “Wiki-talk-page,” was the ultimatum, “this far and no farther,” the long-awaited Wiki-ticket.

     

    V: That’s the Ticket

     

    “Pay no attention to the man behind the curtain!”

    ~The Wizard of Oz (1939), based on L. Frank Baum’s classic allegorical “children’s” tale, The Wonderful Wizard of Oz (1900)

    CONCORD, N.H. – The infamous photograph of Lee Harvey Oswald holding a rifle in his backyard would have been nearly impossible to fake, according to a new analysis by a Dartmouth College professor.27

    So began the Holly Ramer blip on The Huffington Post that touched off a storm of controversy last fall. With the timing of its appearance, just two and-a-half weeks before the 46th anniversary of the assassination, and short on details but big on hype, Ramer’s post appeared designed to “stir the pot.” It did. Within the next several days, it generated high traffic for HuffPo, with more than 17 pages of comments from readers. Not bad results for a post of a mere 407 words.

    “Over the years,” we were told, “many others have pointed out what appear to be inconsistent lighting and shadows [in the Oswald backyard photos]. But Hany Farid, director of the Neukom Institute for Computational Science at Dartmouth, said the shadows are exactly where they should be.” The HuffPo piece went on to explain that Farid, working with “modeling software, … was able to show that a single light source could create both a shadow falling behind Oswald and to his right and one directly under his nose,” and that “Farid’s latest finding … is in keeping with his earlier research that showed the human visual system does a poor job at judging whether cast shadows are correct.”

    Much to their credit, HuffPo editors did permit a comment posted on November 19, 2009 by one of its readers, Michael David Morrissey, to remain at the top of the comment queue for all to read, where it remains still today. Morrissey’s comment directs readers of the HuffPo piece to “a thorough and devastating rebuttal to Farid on OpEdNews.” And what would that “thorough and devastating rebuttal” be? –none other than the same Fetzer and Marrs co-authored OpEDNews.com article, The Dartmouth JFK Photo Fiasco, that had just earned me my first (and last) Wiki-ticket.

    For the benefit of those readers who have not yet had a chance to follow Fetzer’s and Marrs’ point-by-point rebuttal, let’s briefly focus on a few key points using the disinformation deconstruction technique covered in section III above. The source is, of course, Dartmouth Professor Hany Farid. And here, it is probably worth noting that, on the first page of his CV28, Prof. Farid acknowledges having received grants from: (1) the Department of Homeland Security (225K); (2) the U.S. Air Force (380K); (3) the Bureau of Justice Assistance (“a component of the Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice,” 29 125K); and (4) the National Institute of Justice (“the research, development and evaluation agency of the U.S. Department of Justice,”30 940K) ; totaling $1,670,000. In addition, Farid’s CV acknowledges grants from the National Science Foundation (“an independent federal agency created by Congress in 1950 to promote the progress of science; to advance the national health, prosperity, and welfare; to secure the national defense … “31) totaling $1,489,000. When one adds these two sums, one arrives at a total of $3,159,000 of government funding over the course of nine years.

    Does money talk? Let’s find out.

    Continuing now with the second of our four basic elements of disinformation (outlined above in section III), the object is, of course, Farid’s findings, which have been published in the online journal Perception.32 I invite the reader to step through Farid’s four page document, the title of which poses the leading question: The Lee Harvey Oswald photos, real or fake? But before even doing that, let’s save ourselves some time. According to our deconstruction technique, we should realize that in most pieces of disinformation, the object will show itself as distorted data. Recall also that, coupled with such distorted data, we should expect to find an (il)logical means. And in the case of Farid’s findings, one doesn’t have to go to any great length to uncover his distortion of data coupled with his illogic. Because as Jim Fetzer points out, Farid has limited his digital analysis of the photo(s):

    He simply reconstructed portions of a backyard photo – we do not know which one he chose – but only seems to have reconstructed the head and neck, not a full figure corresponding to the image. Nor does he appear to have used the sun as his light source, which means that his “conclusion” is based upon a flawed methodology. Since digital photography did not exist in 1963, it is also relatively effortless to state – with a high degree of confidence – that no digital tampering of the original photos took place.33

    So at the highest level of Farid’s study, Fetzer justifiably calls Farid to task for having “violated a basic canon of scientific research, which is that all the available evidence that makes a difference to a conclusion must be taken into account. It is impossible to demonstrate that a photo is not fake by selecting one issue, excluding consideration of the rest of the evidence, and showing that it would have been possible under special conditions.”34 Simply put, Farid’s distortion of data is the limitation of his digital reconstruction to just “the head and neck, [and] not a full figure corresponding to the image,” along with his failure “to have used the sun as his light source.”35 And the illogic that is coupled with Farid’s distortion of data? Farid has, as they say, “stacked the deck.”36

    Now that we have covered the first three elements in our deconstruction, i.e., source, object, and (il)logical means, there remains just one for our consideration, intentionality. Here, Fetzer best sums the situation:

    Farid has in fact published numerous articles regarding the use of digital analysis of photographs, which suggests that he possesses the academic ability to have analyzed them properly. Even on our charitable interpretation – that he was simply unaware of other problems and had not done a search of the literature to dispel his ignorance – then at the very least we would expect that his analysis of the nose shadows would be competent.

    His conclusion supports our inference. If Farid studied more than one of these photographs, as he claims, then he should have noticed that the nose shadow remains constant across different photos, an obvious indication of fakery. In fact, the figure’s entire face remains constant in these different photographs. Either he did not know there was more than one or he is deliberately deceiving us.37 (emphasis added)

    Clearly, Farid demonstrates a level of competence as both an academic and as a digital forensic analyst – so much so that, as already pointed out, Farid has been the benefactor of at least $3,159,000 from key segments of our government.

    With that background in mind, one should now have a greater appreciation for Fetzer’s and Marrs’ article as the “tripwire” that led to the expected Wiki-ticket, –which, by the way, still stands on my Wiki-talk-page, and reads as follows:

    March 2010

    Welcome to Wikipedia. Although everyone is welcome to contribute to the encyclopedia, one or more of the external links you added to the page Lee Harvey Oswald do not comply with our guidelines for external links and have been removed. Wikipedia is not a collection of links; nor should it be used as a platform for advertising or promotion, and doing so is contrary to the goals of this project. Because Wikipedia uses nofollow tags, external links do not alter search engine rankings. If you feel the link should be added to the article, please discuss it on the article’s talk page before reinserting it. Please take a look at the welcome page to learn more about contributing to this encyclopedia. Thank you. Rodhullandemu 00:32, 12 March 2010 (UTC)

    Now in the real world, should one be stopped for a traffic violation, say, one at least has the physicality of the experience serving as an anchor to the reality of the situation. Here, by contrast, we have the anonymity of one, Rodhullandemu, whose only evidence of physicality are the keystrokes that he’s left behind on my Wiki-talk-page. And the most curious thing about the content of his message is not so much what it tells me, but what it doesn’t. Yes, I’m told that an external link that I posted to the Wikipedia LHO entry does “not comply” with Wikipedia’s boilerplate guidelines for external links, but, “exactly which guidelines?” I’m left wondering. Further, Rodhullandemu goes on to explain, in ever so politely worded terms, that “Wikipedia is not a collection of links; nor should it be used as a platform for advertising or promotion, and doing so is contrary to the goals of this project.”

    In its overt politeness and careful wording, Rodhullandemu’s response appeared to be the work of one practiced in the art of Wiki-etiquette. The response told me nothing about exactly why the external link to the Fetzer /Marrs article had been removed, but what it did tell me was that, if he wasn’t already a Wikipedia administrator, bot, bureaucrat, or steward, then Rodhullandemu was certainly auditioning to Wiki-higher-ups for the part.

    Yes, I had activated a tripwire. And yes, just as expected, they had drawn their line in the sand. And though I certainly didn’t expect any official email from a Wiki-oversight-committee stating their policy on such controversial issues as the JFK assassination, I was, nonetheless, interested in what further information I could possibly draw out from this Rodhullandemu, and whoever else might have placed the Wikipedia LHO entry on their Wiki-watchlist. And I wasn’t without my suspicions. During the weeks before I received that fateful Wiki-ticket, I had been poking around in the hive and had come across someone who might be holding such a strong proprietary interest over the LHO entry. So strong, in fact, that he probably had placed it right at the top of his Wiki-watchlist, which, of course, means that he comes from a pool of just 1,779 heavy-hitting Wiki-anti-elitist-elite. The suspect? The Wiki-admin, Gamaliel. But before we get to our prime suspect, Gamaliel, we should first return to Daniel Brandt, because Brandt provides such an inimitable means of introduction.

    “If Jimbo Wales is the God of the Wikipedia cult,” hypothesizes one critical web site38, “then “Daniel Leslie Brandt is the devil who makes them go into hissy fits by force-feeding them the apple of truth.” Remember Mr. Brandt? He’s the man whose February 2007 letter forced The New Yorker to include their Editor’s addendum to Stacy Schiff’s article, which in turned exposed the Essjay Controversy. Well, Brandt, who has resoundingly prevailed in his own private war with Wikipedia, has, over the course of his battling, taken to exposing as many of the Wiki-anti-elitist-elite as he possibly can. Why? One of Brandt’s biggest qualms with Wikipedia is that it operates under the cover of blanket anonymity, which, in turn, holds no one accountable for any content. As Brandt puts it, “There is a problem with the structure of Wikipedia. The basic problem is that no one, neither the Trustees of Wikimedia Foundation, nor the volunteers who are connected with Wikipedia, consider themselves responsible for the content. If you don’t believe me, then carefully read Wikipedia’s disclaimer. … The very structure of Wikipedia is geared toward maximum anonymity and minimum accountability.”39

    So Brandt has taken to poking the hive vigorously by “outing” a swarm of drones. His web site, www.wikipedia-watch.org (a wonderful source of information that the ruling cabal at Wikipedia would probably prefer you didn’t have access to), contains a table of prominent Wiki-worker-bees listing screen names and user rank, alongside real-world information, which includes, at the very least: name and location; and in more than a few cases, age, date of birth, real-world professional title and place of employment, as well as a convenient thumbprint photo.40 (In case you happen bump into them at your local supermarket?)

    At the top of the list is, of course, Jimmy Wales. But if you page down just sixteen names from the top, you will find our prime suspect, the Wiki-admin, Gamaliel, who in real-life is (according to Brandt’s table), Robert (Rob) Fernandez, of Tampa, Florida, USA. It seems that, during the course of his battles with Wikipedia, Mr. Fernandez must have taken to extremes in rubbing Mr. Brandt the wrong way, because in addition to appearing on Brandt’s Wikipedia’s Hive Mind page, Brandt also went to the trouble of saving an old webpage of Fernandez’s that Fernandez “had forgotten to take down.” Why did Brandt save Fernandez’s old webpage? “I moved it to my site as soon as I discovered it, because I knew he would whitewash it.” explains Brandt. (emphasis added) This concept, of conveniently erasing a problematic past act, figures prominently in Fernandez’s career as a gatekeeper.

    This old page that Brandt saved is of interest here because it tells us a little more about Gamaliel/Fernandez than he is probably willing to divulge now on Wikipedia. If you check out that saved webpage (as I had before receiving my Wiki-ticket), you will find a small self-descriptive blurb from Gamaliel/Fernandez:

    I spend most of my time on the web at a site called Everything2, an amazing project which is something like a user generated encyclopedia with a community built around it. I’m a volunteer Content Editor on the site, where I go by the screen name Gamaliel. Drop by and check it out, you’ll be surprised.

    I invite the reader to navigate to Gamaliel’s/Fernandez’s Everything2 profile page. Perhaps, as Gamaliel/Fernandez promises, you, too, will be surprised.

    What will probably not surprise the reader by now, however, is the proprietary interest that Gamaliel/Fernandez has taken to the Wikipedia Lee Harvey Oswald page. On his Wikipedia profile page, Gamaliel/Fernandez boasts:

    What I’m proudest of and spent more time working on than anything else are my contributions to Lee Harvey Oswald. The Oswald entry is even mentioned in a newspaper article (broken link) on wikipedia. If you want to witness insanity firsthand, try monitoring these articles for conspiracy nonsense.

    So having done ample poking around in advance of receiving my Wiki-ticket, I was that much more suspicious of Rodhullandemu’s overt civility. It was clear to me that the real point-man on the Wikipedia LHO entry – to which I had added the Fetzer/Marrs link – was Gamaliel/Fernandez. Rodhullandemu, was simply doing his chore-duty. (Which made me all the more convinced that Rodhullandemu was auditioning for a bigger role in the hive.)

    Over the course of the weekend of March 13th–14th, I had some extended exchanges with Rodhullandemu via his Wiki-talk-page.41 Eventually, in the face of my arguments, Rodhullandemu relented, stating: “I do not want to get into a content-based argument with you and invite you to replace the link, and see what other editors make of it. I am not a gatekeeper for this, or any other article, and am not qualified to measure competing claims here.”

    Hmm … Did I suspect a set-up here? Did I have any hint as to exactly who those “other editors” might turn out to be?

    Suffice it to say that, in the interim that transpired after Rodhullandemu so cleanly dispatched me, I had the opportunity to take a few peeks at key parts of the ongoing internal dialogue from another Wiki-talk-page. Here, culled from more than a few furtive peeps, is just one telling Wiki-speak exchange:

    Since I’m not all that big into the JFK/Oswald thing I’m not too concerned about maintaining my edits for this article. I added the opposing view because it looks like there is going to be a big blow-up over the photos. I have no interest in changing it back but if you are invested in this particular article you should probably be prepared for a lot of activity regarding the photos and the recent analysis. I have no doubt that a lot of high school and college folk pretty much pull the information for their JFK papers right out of the Wiki article and like you said, conspiracy people abound. -Preceding unsigned comment added by Grifterlake (talk o contribs) 00:22, 19 November 2009 (UTC)

    Don’t worry, we have years of experience dealing with the conspiracy folks. If you are really bored, check out the talk page archives – it’s like a never ending series of car crashes. Gamaliel (talk) 00:26, 19 November 2009 (UTC)42

    Further, this revealing comment by Gamaliel/Fernandez appears on the Wiki-LHO-talk-page within a discussion about the backyard photos:

    As I said in my edit summary, conspiracy theorists take issue with every detail of the Kennedy assassination. To include each of their challenges would overwhelm the text. Gamaliel (talk) 22:22, 19 November 2009 (UTC)43 (emphasis added)

    Here, the reader should note that, earlier this spring, I had been in touch with Jim DiEugenio about my research into Wikipedia and the events surrounding the removal of the Fetzer/Marrs external link from the Wikipedia LHO entry. Key in my correspondence to Jim was the above Gamaliel/Fernandez quote about “conspiracy theorists[‘] issue[s] … overwhelm[ing] the text.” My comment to Jim was: So, in other words, all contributions contrary to the Krazy Kid Oswald Theory are dispatched & disposed within the Wiki black hole titled: John F. Kennedy assassination conspiracy theories so as not to “overwhelm the text!” And things like the backyard photos being genuine, that Oswald ordered the rifle, that he manufactured a package to carry it to work, and that in the face of the legendary path of CE 399/the Magic Bullet, these are all not theories, but facts? To Gamaliel, that is the case. Therefore, The New York Times, Warren Report, Reclaiming History, and John McAdams’ web site are credible troves of “fact;” Probe Magazine is not.

    During a subsequent Black Op Radio show44, Jim discussed these events, and focused specifically on Gamaliel’s/Fernandez’s policy for the exclusion of anything that might “overwhelm the text.” Jim’s take on Gamaliel’s/Fernandez’s justification? “This is just crazy. This is just nutty. Because the main argument is that the Warren Commission patched together a story after the fact. And there’s so many holes in that story – because it was patched together after the fact – that it’s like a sieve. That’s the whole argument – at least the main argument, I believe – against the Warren Commission and the FBI. So if you’re going to discount all that, then, yeah, you can dismiss all this stuff as to assassination conspiracy theories.”

    In any event, as expected, Gamaliel/Fernandez deleted my link to the Fetzer/Marrs OpEd News article. It was actually anti-climactic to read Gamaliel’s/Fernandez’s reply to my request for information concerning the deletion of the Fetzer/Marrs article. What more could one expect but more Wiki-speak?

    I concur with Rodhullandemu’s initial objections. A single blog post does not add a unique resource. The article is too broad of a topic to host links targeting only small parts of the article, and the source of this link is of dubious reliability. If you look at the links already on the article, they generally are not blogs commenting on small aspects, they are broad overviews or unique resources. Gamaliel (talk) 21:28, 15 March 2010 (UTC)45

     

    VI: Conclusions

     

    “Doublethink means the power of holding two contradictory beliefs in one’s mind simultaneously, and accepting both of them.”

    ~from George Orwell’s 1949 dystopian novel, 1984

    In our brief deconstruction analysis, we’ve seen that, unless one is unduly charitable, there is an extremely high probability that Hany Farid’s four-page study on the Oswald backyard photos is a blatant piece of disinformation. Do the people at Wikipedia know this? One cannot, of course, read their minds. But what we can do is observe their behavior: It should now be evident to the reader that Gamaliel’s/Fernandez’s policy of not “overwhelm[ing] the text” by excluding any counter discussion or external links to such counter discussion amounts to a policy of nothing less than blanket censorship. And such a policy of blanket censorship on Wikipedia’s LHO entry applies not just to questions and issues concerning the so-called “backyard photos,” but also to every other aspect of the entire Wikipedia LHO entry. It is necessary to look at this page because (1) Gamaliel/Fernandez himself says it is the work of which he is the “most proud;” (2) it tells us why Wales had an uncaring attitude about the Siegenthaler dust-up; and (3) it shows that Wales doesn’t give a damn about who works in his publishing company.

    At the very top of the article, after a paragraph that briefly summarizes (1) Oswald’s arrest in the wake of the assassination of JFK and the killing of Officer J.D. Tippit; (2) his denial of being involved in either killing; and (3) his subsequent killing by Jack Ruby in front of live TV cameras in the basement of Dallas Police headquarters, we are told: “In 1964, the Warren Commission concluded that Oswald acted alone in assassinating Kennedy, a conclusion also reached by prior investigations carried out by the FBI and Dallas Police.”

    From here on out to the end of the Wikipedia LHO entry, just about all of its information is in support of the Warren Commission Report’s 1964 conclusions. With the exception of a very brief and dismissive mention of the House Select Committee on Assassination’s (HSCA) 1979 assertion that there was a ” ‘high probability that two gunman fired’ at Kennedy and that Kennedy ‘was probably assassinated as the result of a conspiracy’, ” as well as the use of a few very selectively drawn conclusions from the HSCA that duly support the 1964 Commission’s conclusions, Gamaliel/Fernandez and those at Wikipedia who are supporting his policy of blanket censorship would have us believe that there have been absolutely no new developments in the ensuing 46+ years that would merit any direct mention in the LHO entry.

    This is strongly proven by an analysis of the footnotes. In an essay of over 150 references, 11 are from the HSCA – which was the most recent federal inquiry into the case. Two are from Tony Summers’ book, Not in Your Lifetime, and two references are to the work of Don Thomas on the acoustics evidence that indicates two gunmen. In other words, of the library of several hundred books criticizing the Commission, Gamaliel/Fernandez used exactly one. The crucial work of Sylvia Meagher, Howard Roffman, Philip Melanson, Bill Davy, and John Newman do not exist for him or the readers of this essay. Which is bizarre, since it is largely that work that has placed the Warren Commission in disrepute to the point that Gamaliel/Fernnadez is one of the few who still believes it. But further, the work of Davy, Melanson, and Newman revolutionized the way we percieve Oswald. Which is not important to Gamaliel/Fernandez. The rest of the footnotes, about 90%, are to the Commission, and the likes of Gerald Posner, The Dallas Morning News, and Vincent Bugliosi. There is not one footnote to the files of Jim Garrison or the depositions of the Assassination Records and Review Board. In fact, the ARRB does not exist for Gamaliel/Fernandez. Which is stunning, since they enlarged the document base on Oswald and the Kennedy case by 100%. But since much of their work discredited the Commission, it gets the back of Gamaliel’s/Fernandez’s hand. If that is not Orwellian, then what is?

    Just how bad is Gamaliel’s/Fernandez’s work here? This is the third paragraph, which appears at the end of the introduction: “In 1964, the Warren Commission concluded that Oswald acted alone in assassinating Kennedy, a conclusion also reached by prior investigations carried out by the FBI and Dallas Police.” He leaves out the following: (1) Oswald never had a trial; (2) the Commission never furnished him with a lawyer posthumously; (3) the FBI report was so bad it was not included in the Commission volumes; and (4) even Burt Griffin of the Commission suspected the Dallas Police helped Jack Ruby enter the jail to kill Oswald. So much for the “investigations” of the FBI and the Dallas Police. This gives us a good idea of what the rest of the essay will be like.

    Some of the most conspicuous omissions from the Wikipedia LHO entry include the following:

    Within the section: 1.5 Attempt on life of General Walker, there is absolutely no mention of Walker’s own contention to the HSCA that the bullet in evidence could not have been the one that was fired at him.46 Within the same section: 1.5 Attempt on life of General Walker, we are told that: “In March 1963, Oswald purchased a 6.5 mm caliber Carcano rifle (commonly but improperly called Mannlicher-Carcano) by mail, using the alias A. Hidell.[64] as well as a revolver by the same method.[65]“, but Gamaliel/Fernandez fails to tell us that since Hidell’s name was not on the application for that P.O. Box., Oswald, in fact, could NOT have retrieved the rifle from the P.O. box alleged to have been his.47 Within the same section: 1.5 Attempt on life of General Walker, despite the statement that: “neutron activation tests later showed that it was “extremely likely” that that it was made by the same manufacturer and for the same rifle make as the two bullets which later struck Kennedy.[73]“, Gamaliel/Fernandez leaves out this: These same neutron activation analysis (NAA) tests have been thoroughly discredited by the independent work of Bill Tobin and Cliff Spiegelman48, and Eric Randich and Pat Grant.49

    Within the section: 1.7 Mexico, there is absolutely no mention of either: (a) the findings of the Lopez Report that severely question Oswald’s presence in Mexico City; or (b) the FBI’s own finding that the CIA’s Mexico City tapes of Oswald could not in fact have been Oswald.50 Within the section: 1.9 Shootings of JFK and Officer Tippit: there is absolutely no mention of the problem involved with the chain of evidence in the four shells supposedly recovered from the Tippit shooting that are now in evidence.51

    But perhaps no reference points out the utter dishonesty and unwarranted “pride” of Gamaliel/Fernandez than the footnote concerning Oswald’s Dallas post office box. This is where he was allegedly sent the Mannlicher Carcano rifle. This is the rifle the Commission named as the murder weapon. As alluded to above, and as the FBI knew, there was a serious problem with the application for that box. Anyone can see that by turning to Cadigan Exhibit 13 in Volume 19 of the Commission52Oswald’s application for the Dallas post office box. The problem here is that the rifle was ordered under the alias Hidell, yet the Dallas P.O. box was in the name of Lee Oswald. For the post office to deliver merchandise sent to an individual not named on the delivery box, two postal regulation rules had to be broken. Normally, under those circumstances, the rifle should have been returned to the mailer. So what did Gamaliel/Fernandez, or one of his cohorts like John McAdams, do to deceive the reader and get around this problem? They provided a link – footnote 115 – to the application for Oswald’s post office box in New Orleans, the place where the rifle did not go. Why? Because Oswald signed his name and listed the names of Marina and Hidell on that particular application card – the one that has nothing to do with the Dallas P. O. box. (Please see Volume 17, p. 697.53) On July 5th, 2010, the false and misleading information that the Dallas box had both names – Oswald and Hidell – on it was in the text of the essay. It was gone the next day. But the telltale footnote referenced above remained. The deliberate substitution of false evidence – the contents of Volume 17 clearly labels that P. O. box application as New Orleans – in order to mislead and create a phony case against Oswald is pure disinformation in every aspect.

    Apparently, any mention of the above proven facts risks “overwhelm[ing] the text.” Yet planting a false P. O. box does not. We could go on and on with further refuting evidence, but the above items amply demonstrate the purpose of Wikipedia’s LHO entry: i.e., to keep the reader safely within the sanitized walls of the Warren Commission’s 1964 duplicities that still attempt to peg Lee Harvey Oswald as the lone assassin. In that regard, the entry may as well have been writen by Arlen Specter.The omission of such important – some would say crucial – information in Wikipedia’s LHO entry amounts to nothing less than “the sieve” approach that DiEugenio has described, i.e., an approach that selects only WCR and FBI criteria which have been “patched together after the fact” in order to name Oswald as the lone gunman assassin of JFK.

    Recall that intentionality is a key element to disinformation; one must be able to demonstrate a source’s intent to deceive. And a blanket denial of all access to all refuting information is not just another way of “stacking the deck,” it is by its blanket nature revealing of its intentions: deception by outright censorship. Gamaliel’s/Fernandez’s comment regarding any attempts to break through such blanket censorship, i.e., “it’s like a never ending series of car crashes,” further reveals acknowledgement of, and complete confidence in, this blanket power of censorship.

    Based upon our outlined careful means of deconstruction, one would have to be extremely charitable to conclude that Wikipedia’s LHO entry is anything but a carefully crafted piece of disinformation.

    Most recent poll numbers expose the fact that a huge majority of Americans – upwards of 75% – would reject the findings of Wikipedia’s LHO entry.54 55 56 How then can Wikipedia’s 1964 sanitized version of events be seen as reflecting a neutral point of view? How can you possibly have reliable poll numbers that clearly demonstrate a resounding rejection of the Warren Commission’s findings, while at the same time, an online encyclopedia supposedly drawing its writers from the very same population sample that nonetheless demonstrates blanket support of the Commission’s findings? The simple reality of the situation reveals its absurd incongruity. Unless, of course, you happen to be among the elite 1.27% Wiki-worker-bees who happen to have the final say over the “neutrality” of Wikipedia’s NPOV. Then, it would appear that holding two contradictory pieces of information simultaneously in one’s mind while accepting both of them is obviously a practiced art.

    So goes another day in Wiki-World: “A never ending series of car crashes” from which Gamaliel/Fernandez always escapes and which always escapes Gamaliel/Fernandez. One wonders if Orwell at his Newspeak best could ever have imagined it.

    Jimmy Wales’ “people’s encyclopedia” is anything but.

     


    End Notes

    1. Listen to Black Op Radio show #442 Debate Part ONE, Debate Part TWO & #443 Debate Part THREE, Debate Part FOUR ; or read transcripts of this audio – MS Word format – at: Part ONE, Part TWO, Part THREE, Part FOUR

    2. James W. Douglass, JFK and the Unspeakable: Why He Died and Why It Matters, (Orbis Books, 2008), p. xvii

    3. Read about John McAdams undercover work as a disinformationist using the alias “Paul Nolan” in section III of Jim DiEugenio’s review, Inside the Target Car, Part Three: How Gary Mack became Dan Rather

    4. John Seigenthaler, A False Wikipedia ‘Biography’, USA Today, November 29. 2005

    5. Ibid.

    6. Ibid.

    7. If you dare trust it, read Wikipedia’s own take on the Essjay Controversy

    8. Stacey Schiff, Know It All: Can Wikipedia Conquer Expertise?, The New Yorker, July 31, 2006

    9. Ibid.

    10. For an evidentiary record that may help explain just what was going on in Mr. Wales head, please see Daniel Brandt’s, The Essjay Evidence, March 4, 2007

    11. James H. Fetzer, Disinformation, from www.assassinationscience.com

    12. The term (il)logical is used here for two reasons. First, in order to distinguish it from any sense of physical means, which plays no role here in our discussion here on disinformation. And second, the parentheses around the prefix of the word “(il)logical,” is to alert the reader to the fact that though all disinformation may appear logical on the surface, upon closer inspection it will inevitably be found to be illogical.

    13. This example of circular logic is implied by Vincent Bugliosi in regard to the Tague bullet. See Jim DiEugenio’s Reclaiming Parkland.

    14. T. Edward Damer, Attacking Faulty Reasoning: A Practical Guide to Fallacy-Free Arguments, (Wadsworth Publishing; 4th edition, 2000) “ATTACKING FAULTY REASONING is the most comprehensive, readable, and theoretically sound book on the common fallacies. It is designed to help one construct and evaluate arguments.”

    15. Also worthy of exploration is this online resource: The Fallacy Files: Taxonomy of Logical Fallacies

    16. http://www.truthmove.org/content/disinformation/

    17. Jimmy Wales, Wikipedia Founder Jimmy Wales Responds, Slashdot.com interview with Wales, July 28, 2004.

    18. http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=8351&st=0

    19. http://www.youtube.com/911scholars

    20. http://www.prouty.org/mcadams/

    21.Marshall Poe, The Hive, The Atlantic, September, 2006

    22. Sally Hemings aside, Jefferson remains a model for our country’s potential. Apparently, JFK also greatly admired the man, as his famous quote during a White House dinner honoring Nobel Prize winners attests: “I think this is the most extraordinary collection of talent, of human knowledge, that has ever been gathered together at the White House, with the possible exception of when Thomas Jefferson dined alone.”

    23. http://www.maryferrell.org/wiki/index.php/Essay_-_Reply_From_a_Conspiracy_Believer

    24. http://karws.gso.uri.edu/jfk/the_critics/griffith/Hasty_Judgment.html

    25. http://www.jfkresearch.com/jfk_101.html

    26. Jim Fetzer and Jim Marrs, The Dartmouth JFK Photo Fiasco, OpEdNews.com, November 18, 2009

    27. Holly Ramer, Hany Farid, Dartmouth Scienctist, Says Controversial Oswald Rifle Photo Real, Huffington Post, November 5, 2009

    28. Hany Farid, Curriculum Vitae

    29. http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/BJA/about/index.html

    30. http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/nij/about/welcome.htm

    31. http://www.nsf.gov/about/

    32. Hany Farid, The Lee Harvey Oswald backyard photos: real or fake?, Perception, 2009, volume 38, pp. 1731 -1734.

    33. Fetzer and Marrs, Ibid.

    34. Fetzer and Marrs, Ibid.

    35. Also, a view of this link: http://i35.tinypic.com/35bgozc.jpg, raises the legitimate question as to whether Farid’s study ever considered more than just one of the backyard photos.

    36. Because there is much more below the surface that further demonstrates the invalidity of Farid’s findings, Fetzer’s and Marrs’ point-by-point refutation merits careful study. I invite the reader to examine the details that Farid presents, weigh these against those that Fetzer and Marrs present, and then come to his or her own conclusions based upon the evidentiary record.

    37. Fetzer and Marrs, Ibid.

    38. http://encyclopediadramatica.com/Daniel_Brandt

    39. http://www.ashidakim.com/wiki.htm

    40. http://www.wikipedia-watch.org/hivemind.html

    41. To read these exchanges in their entirety, go to: 13 Lee Harvey Oswald: External Link Deletion

    42. Archived Wikipedia Talk Page, 33 Oswald Backyard Photographs, November 19, 2009

    43. Archived Wikipedia Talk Page, Backyard photograph analysis becoming controversial, November 19, 2009

    44. Black Op Radio, Show 470 with Jim DiEugenio, April 15, 2010

    45. Archived Wikipedia Talk Page, 4 LHO entry: Removal of External Link to Fetzer/Marrs Article, November 19, 2009

    46. James DiEugenio, Tom Hanks, Gary Goetzman, and Bugliosi’s Bungle, Part 1 (see now Reclaiming Parkland): “As Gerald McKnight notes in his fine section on the Walker shooting in Breach of Trust, the Dallas Police always referred to the bullet fired into Walker’s home as being a steel-jacketed 30.06 bullet. (p. 49) But in less than three weeks after the assassination the FBI now changed the bullet to a 6.5 caliber, copper-jacketed bullet. But Walker, who actually held the bullet in his hand, was stunned when he saw how the bullet had been changed while viewing it during the HSCA hearings. Walker was so shocked that he wrote letters to HSCA Chief Counsel Robert Blakey, Attorney General Griffin Bell, and the Dallas Police Chief all protesting the bullet substitution and how it compromised “the integrity of the record of the Kennedy assassination.” (Ibid, pgs 52-53) He wrote to Blakey in no uncertain terms: “The bullet before your Select Committee called the “Walker bullet” is not the Walker bullet. It is not the bullet that was fired at me and taken out of my house by the Dallas City Police on April 10, 1963.” (Armstrong p. 511) (But to show just how powerful the forces arrayed against Oswald were, the bullet today in the National Archives allegedly tied to the Walker case is copper-jacketed. See Armstrong, p. 507)”

    47. John Armstrong, Harvey and Lee: How the CIA Framed Oswald, (Quasar Books, 2003), pp. 476-477

    48. John Solomon, Scientists Cast Doubt on Kennedy Bullet Analysis, The Washington Post, May 17, 2007

    49. Betty Mason, Challenge to lone gunman theory, Contra Costa Times, August 20,2006

    50. Armstrong, Ibid., p. 651.

    51. Jim Garrison, On the Trail of the Assassins, (Warner Books, 1991), pp. 198-200.

    52. Warren Commission Report, Volume XIX, Cadigan Exhibit 13

    53. Warren Commission Report, Volume XVII, p. 697: CE817, CE818, CE819

    54. Lydia Saad, Americans: Kennedy Assassination a Conspiracy, Gallup, Inc., November 21, 2003

    55. Gary Langer, John F. Kennedy’s Assassination Leaves a Legacy of Suspicion, ABC News, November 16, 2003

    56. Dana Blanton, Poll: Most Believe ‘Cover-Up’ of JFK Assassination Facts , Fox News, June 18, 2004

     

  • Point–Counterpoint: Feedback–Response on CTKA’s Recent Focus on Alex Jones


    Point: Gary King

    This article is in response to Seamus Coogan’s critical article on Alex Jones and to Black Op Radio archived on Black Op, show #485.

    I have been interested in the JFK assassination from the day my teary eyed, first grade teacher changed everything. I was six years old. I have always thought of the Bill Newman family (seen in Dealey Plaza film and photos), the oldest boy looked and dressed as my mother dressed me. Looking back, I wish someone would have shielded me from the lies and disinformation that I was to endure for the next 42 years. Things are a little different when it comes to the assassination, being from New Orleans …locals still sense fear while discussing JFK.  A friend and relative of the owner of the Rault Center, suspected of being firebombed, only knows of her father’s grief http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tOEYUKYDW48 for helping finance Jim Garrison’s investigation, her lips literally tremble as she asks questions for the first time about what really happened, having taken her nearly a half century to face reality. Though a hero to many, Jim Garrison’s name NEVER comes up on local TV or radio. I have to listen to internet radio out of Canada to hear his name. It’s a bit eerie knowing Jim Garrison’s grave unceremoniously sits within 100 yards of my home in Lakeview. A giant of a man fit for Arlington Cemetery, however there is no eternal flame, no school bus load of children, just a brown waterline.  Coincidences like my doctor. Nicholas Chetta, the cousin of the doctor who preformed David Ferrie’s autopsy are common. Memories of my aunt saying to my mother while riding in the back seat, ” Look! That’s Clay Shaw smoking a cigarette!” as we whizzed by Tulane and Broad. I clearly remember overhearing my mother’s phone conversations as a child, sternly saying to a fellow Schlumberger house wife, “Jim Garrison is going to get to the bottom of this”; talking of her surprise as her local hero was spoken of with disdain while in California vacationing. It’s unnerving now knowing that when my dad took me to work with him, there were land mines as well as hand and rifle grenades stored near by in preparation of the next Cuban invasion as I innocently played with my G.I. Joe doll. See what I mean? Lots of strange things like your bass player being Richard Connick, whose uncle tried to destroy all of Jim Garrison’s records.

    It’s hard on the heart and harder on your ego to feel the presence of all this and be forced to admit that I didn’t know what in the hell I talking about for a long time.  I prided myself in my knowledge of JFK. I felt that I really knew my stuff and spoke with authority.  I mean, after all, I had faithfully watched every documentary that had ever played on TV… All weekend during the annual History Channel marathons in late November, I even had a subscription to Time!  But then disaster, KATRINA! I evacuated to a FEMA hotel in Dallas, Texas and saw my life washed away in 11 feet of water. While New Orleans was still underwater, I asked for directions to Dealey Plaza (thunder and applause in the background), the awakening! the dawn! the transformation! Once I stood behind the picket fence, chills ran up and down my spine, my naÔvetÈ and trusting soul was SHATTERED! A realization of being lied to MY ENTIRE LIFE made me angry and I am still upset about it. From that day, I have studied JFK and the people behind it three to five hours a day. Because of the awakening, I became VERY selective of my news and information sources. They were whittled down to just a few.  Who were these trusted people and sites? Why none other that Black Op Radio and CTKA for any and all JFK research. Ron Paul covered Washington, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G7d_e9lrcZ8 Alex Jones supplied daily news, Jason Bermas for my 911 info, Aaron Russo had the Federal Reserve’s Number, Paul Watson and Wayne Matson for BP oil spill updates. All were doing their best at fighting the disinfo specialist. Suddenly, out of nowhere, I was shocked when this very small group of  information warriors, hand picked, assembled in the style of a fantasy football team began infighting! Why mutiny now after years of peaceful productivity? What was wrong with my dream team? My investigation quickly uncovered that a one Seamus Coogan was the primary instigator here. Strangely enough, I first heard of Alex Jones in Dealey Plaza while observing the moment of silence at 12:30 the following year. An unknown person nervously approached me, and while watching his back, looking both ways, he slipped me a home made copy of an Alex Jones DVD titled “Terrorstorm”, and walked away. It was about false flag terror. I was very impressed and began listening everyday to Alex’s show with great interest, to the point that I have my own radio show in New Orleans and the only person who will bring up JFK in this city and will not hang up on callers who do.

    At this point I feel that anyone daring to get involved in the Kennedy case and earnestly seeking the truth deserves a purple heart. You ARE going to receive battle scars; you are going to be injured, mercilessly shot at by a barrage of well financed, well trained and well educated disinformation soldiers. Just Google Jim Garrison‘s name and an enemy lie trap await you in John McAdam’s web site, who pays good money for the #1 Google search. Highly respected best selling authors who have earned your trust in other areas will drop a 2700 page, 40lb. book bomb on your head. Men who had gained your admiration with their work discovering ” Badgeman”, and the police dictabelt recording of the unholy shots being fired at JFK, will now happily allow you to walk through a government mind field known as the 6th Floor Disinformation Museum. So Alex Jones subscribing to a certain theory, right or wrong is likely. Never before has there been a case that has had the full weight of the US government with unlimited funds followed by almost total control over TV, magazines, news papers and radio for the sole purpose of making sure you don’t know what you are talking about. Once again, I have never heard Jim Garrison’s name in the local press nor seen his name in the Times Picayune (run by Skull and Bones since 1836). No big mystery there, it’s a subsidiary of the New York Times.

    Seamus Coogan starts off his critique of Alex by saying that he endorses John Hankey’s JFK II Documentary.  I, who have listened to every one of Alex’s shows for 3 1/2 years, since they are streamed 24 hours a day, can tell you that not even once has he brought up the film or had Hankey on his show. It took me a long time to just find it on his site.  He really doesn’t sell the DVD, it’s just one of countless audio and videos and thousands of archived radio shows going way back that can be seen and heard in the member’s area of his web site which costs 6 bucks a month.  Yes, Seamus blasted holes, and rightfully so, through the bow of JFK II. However, it was made for people who knew nothing about the case. It does get loose towards the end with admitted theory, and challenges viewers to come up with a better theory — which Seamus did! 

    But, I must say that having Skull and Bones alumnus George Bush being anywhere around Dallas that day, providing tips on a possible assassin, receiving memos from J. Edgar Hoover about the murder with his name on it,  I find that’s just plain weird! There is something there!  I asked Robert Groden point blank if he felt George Bush was in Dealey Plaza 11/22/63, and his exact words were “Yes, I believe he was.” I spoke with an eye witness who said he saw him. What are we to believe??? Richard Nixon being in Dallas the same day is nothing short of bizarre. In fact, think about it… we have four current and future presidents in Dallas or very near, the same day of the crime of the century with Gerald Ford soon to be sticking his head out of the sniper’s nest! ….. Sounds like bad movie script to me. John Connally and E. H. Hunt making it to the Nixon White House… how strange? And just how in the hell did George H. W. Bush become head of the CIA!!! MY God! The film did put a lot of characters into focus though still blurry. John Hankey did show that a documentary could be put together with no money and reach millions of people, but Seamus is correct in showing poor fact checking.(Nixon holding a rifle is over the top) I do not however, feel that Hankey deserves the same rap as Posner, McAdams or Mack.

    Next, the ministry of Jones. I drove all the way to Austin, Texas to meet with Alex for advice on my own radio show and was surprised to see his studio being run out of a two room, wooden floor, overcrowded area that shared half the building with a 7-11. No sign of a rich guy here. Blue jeans and a t-shirt and no Mercedes or BMW’s in the four space parking lot, didn’t even have a reserved parkingspot.

    I don’t understand about Seamus criticizing a CHRISTIAN businessman for out bidding everyone else on Ebay for a bullhorn named Tyranny Buster. People must believe in his cause to fork over that much money.  Would it have been better if he was an agnostic businessman? It beats the hell out of taking out a $50,000 loan with interest. The money bomb happened only once after holding several of them for Ron Paul’s presidential bid, in which Alex was instrumental in urging him to run. The same forces that block truth about Kennedy were in full swing preventing a congressman who for decades has not once voted against the constitution, EVER! Hey! you want to go to war? Then congress has to declare war! The Dems and the GOP don’t have time for that foolishness anymore do they? Ditto LBJ.

    Robert Gaylon Ross, a kook? I have seen an hour-long interview in which he discusses Lincoln, MLK, JFK and  RFK and, without quibbling over opinions of the facts, I saw no reason for labeling him a kook.

    David Icke seems to be credible all the way up to the lizard thing which they do not talk about on Alex’s show. In defense of Icke, though I will not go there,  I do know quite a few hardcore researcher friends who are looking into it and are undecided.

    Aaah, Michelle Malkin!  Anyone who would lie about throwing a puppy over a cliff and authored a book titled “The Case For Internment Camps” deserves to be confronted.

    Now Aaron Russo, who produced “The Rose” with Bette Midler, “Trading Places” with Eddy Murphy and managed Led Zeppelin, can’t be a shmuck. He directed a BANNED movie titled “Freedom to Fascism”, does that sound familiar? Remember the History Channel airing the LBJ episode only to ban it?  What in God’s name did Aaron do to be called ” Late, but not great”? That video changed my life! I think everyone should know how there is no law forcing Americans to pay income tax. The 16th amendment was never ratified by the required number of states and how the unconstitutional Federal Reserve came into being. Kennedy was well aware of the sins of private banks issuing currency and fractional reserve banking. Jesus overturned the tables in the Temple for the same reason; John Kennedy issued treasury notes. Both can get you killed. To quote Gerald Selente, “The fight this country has waged since its inception is for the bankers not to take over the country”. They succeed in 1913. Andrew Jackson gave it his all, but we lost.

    Next, Seamus brings up a ten-year-old film Jones made of Bohemian Grove. Instead of focusing on our leaders and future Presidents running around in their underwear and wearing bras by day and sporting KKK looking outfits by night, apparently worshiping a 40 foot owl, Seamus brings up how English journalist, Jon Ronson, didn’t get enough credit for helping him.  Gerald Ford, Ronald Regan, both Bushes, Newt Gingrich, Art Linkletter, ouch! Allan Greenspan and Bill Clinton being at a place  Nixon so elegantly spoke of as Bohemian Grove as ” the most ‘faggy’ God Damned thing you could ever imagine” is SICK! http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dPb-PN9F2Pc.  Personally, I don’t want to use my imagination pondering what Nixon just said. Come on, it takes guts to enter the Grove with SWAT teams, helicopters, Secret Service and private security goons swarming all around.

    Comparing Alex to Bill Cooper!!! Flag on the PLAY! Unnecessary Roughness! Just not fair! One of the first things I learned thanks to Robert Groden’s $10 magazine peddled for years through out Dealey Plaza, is the stupidity of a shadow being a gun! Now there’s the proper use of the word kook. Posner, Mack or Bogliosi are dedicated truth seekers compared to the lunacy of pushing “the driver did it?”. That’s the lowest of the low and, as we know, the bar is set incredibly high for being low in JFK.

    Seamus criticized Alex and crew for blaming the Bush family for everything, but Jim D. thought that Russ Baker’s book, “Family of Secrets” did not cover enough of the many dastardly deeds the Bush family was involved in!

    On two occasions Seamus downs Alex for showing up at a “Gun and Denver Mint” protest for the unspeakable crime of being uninvited! Audible gasp! I can hear Jim Garrison now. “Although the Dallas Police Dept. has an admirable regard for the protection of property, they could have held back a few cars in reserve, even for a criminal who would dare go into a movie house without buying a ticket! But uninvited! That’s when you bring in the force of the entire police department!” I have been to a few protests but have yet to receive an invitation. I remember the whole Gun show episode. The feds came down and tried to shut down a long running gun show with no legal reason to do so except saying “Hey, we’re the Feds”! I would dare say, he was invited since he had the gun show folks on his show many times and announced on the air his intention to be there. I have no problem with a journalist standing up for my Second Amendment rights. I wish more of them had half that amount of courage.

    We have all heard how Oliver Stone’s movie “JFK” was criticized before its release. Well “it’s Deja Vu all over again”, right Yogi? The entire wrath of Seamus’s article seems to be based on a 2006 movie trailer and an hour long call-in show the same year. Both included Jim Marrs and a few articles written by Jason Bermas and Paul Watson, basically for subscribing to the LBJ, Barr McClellan, Madeleine Brown saga.  He labels it a ” warning”. The problem is, that I can name highly respected researchers with decades of work that do believe there was a meeting at Clint Murchison’s mansion. Penn Jones, Jim Marrs, Jim Fetzer, Robert Groden and Walt Brown ??????  for a while…and you know what? I agree with Seamus!  Oddly, every unworthy, good-for-nothing character Seamus detests, has appeared on Black Op Radio. John Hankey, Aaron Russo, Barr McClellan and Russ Baker and I’m not calling for Len Osanic’s head! I know Len is a truth seeker with a big heart. These subjects were hot nearly 5 years ago. But now times have changed, we’re fighting Tom Hanks on one front and the Dallas Police as they prepare for the worldwide spotlight known as the Super Bowl.

    I implore everyone to listen to the interview with Jim Marrs and Alex Jones. http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=1428493024841594984#.  These men are clearly not engaged in deception.  In fact, Seamus missed the whole point of the show: They were comparing JFK to 911!  There are chilling similarities. This is the point I want to make! Alex Jones has 5 of the top 10 internet videos of all time! Jason Bermas had the first mega viral web video with over 100 million views as a college kid!  He’s not backing the Warren Commission; he’s not running The Sixth Floor Museum! He doesn’t host a web site saying Col. Fletcher Prouty is a blabbering idiot! We all are going to make errors looking for the truth! Not one JFK researcher has not revised their views at some point. With Gerald Posner and Bogliosi getting thousands of hours of air time, all serious researchers can barely muster up 200 hrs. combined over decades!  If the true mission is getting our word out, that it was so much bigger than a lone nut, then we need Alex and we need Len Osanic, we need Jim D and Seamus Coogan!

    Seamus also slaps around the Jones crew for their lack of knowledge about RFK and wouldn’t you know it, Jim Fetzer on Black Op, show #487, is completely at odds with Seamus and backs up Jonestown. I told you this research was going to be difficult. We must not forget that we are researching mysteries. We don’t know the answers and the sad, hard fact is that you’re just going to have to put in the years of research necessary to draw your own conclusions. If you ask me, Alex Jones and Black Op Radio are engaged in the same thing! Len has a radio show and so does Alex. Len has products for sale and so does Alex. Len asks for donations and so does Alex.  However, over the past few years, Black Op has focused mostly on JFK and here is where the real difference is. Alex is not afraid to bring up child trafficking, Eugenics, Fluoride in our drinking water, chemtrails and dangerous vaccines and how there is NO difference between both parties in the House or Senate. Face it, as long as I remember, the Republicans, while in office, would run the country off the rails and then we would throw the rascals out only to allow the Dems to push our republic off a cliff. We have been seeing this for decades! Both parties are determined to bankrupt the nation. Alex was instrumental in getting Ron Paul to run for President. Think about it, a congressman who has never voted against the mighty constitution in over 30 years! Neither party can claim anything near that! I would suggest you read the 10 planks of the communist manifesto and see where our country is headed. http://www.libertyzone.com/Communist-Manifesto-Planks.html

    There is a clear difference between out-an-out lying, deliberate disinformation and disagreement of dedicated researchers trying to present the truth the best they can with this incredibly complex case. Reggie Jackson didn’t hit a home run everytime!!!

    Alex is the hardest working man in radio and would welcome more information on JFK. I truly believe Alex would welcome Seamus’s views. Alex does’nt want you to follow him. He wants YOU to take action as I have and together we can fight the unconstitutional health care bill, the nationalization of our auto industry, chemtrails, the Patriot act, 911 and undeclared wars!

    I am asking the JFK community to start focusing on what the assassination means to us today! The CIA is alive and well and just what did Fletcher Prouty mean when he said he uses the “Report from Iron Mountain”? I feel that anyone who watches this video will understand what is REALLY going on today!

    In closing I would like to leave this point for all to ponder, Len Osanic of Black Op Radio has listened to nearly every researcher for 10 long years!!! What is the one thing he wants? He wants us all to meet in Hawaii! Why? To document the few things that the research community does agree on!


    Counterpoint: Seamus Coogan

    Dear Mr. King:

    Thank you for your impassioned response. In fact, it’s very similar to one sent me by a Mr. Hale via Black Op Radio.

    You are correct. CTKA does seek to provide the best research on JFK available. But unfortunately, that’s why Alex Jones and others like David Icke, Robert Ross, and John Hankey have been excluded. In fact, on the Black Op Radio show you mentioned Jim Fetzer countering my positions on RFK and O’Sullivan, you obviously didn’t hear Len Osanic’s constant questions concerning the veracity of Fetzers’ sources.

    Furthermore, why anybody would doubt Talbot and Morley – two of the more credible journalists who have contributed generally solid work on the case – over the rantings of Jim Fetzer is a little beyond myself. Fetzer has the misfortune of endorsing and falling (to the point of banality) for every new fangled conspiracy fad and piece of disinformation foisted on us by those bright sparks at Langley. That he has the audacity to preach about misinformation is utterly astounding in its scope of delusion. I would also like to point out that the outlandish 9/11 no planes claims of Fetzer caused Alex Jones to part company with him. Yes, I actually agree with Infowars on this one.

    Returning to Jones, unlike his erstwhile researcher Paul Joseph Watson (who posts what he pleases) my piece was vetted and edited by no less than three people before it saw the light of day. The process has taken Jim, JP, and I months. We know for a fact (it’s painfully obvious) that this type of thing (i.e., thorough vetting) does not go on in the Jones nexus.

    One of the odd things you missed in your letter is that CTKA (well before my involvement) never liked, nor listened to Alex Jones. It’s not I who’s ruined any chance for an alliance between Jones and Jim DiEugenio. Sadly, it’s people like yourself – that is, those who seem to think that Jones and Jim DiEugenio have something in common – who are most at odds with what I write. There is nothing similar about the two men in any way, shape, or form – whatsoever. I cannot prevent you from liking Jones as well. Just don’t ask us to have anything to do with him. Nor accuse us of disunity. We actually had the VP of the Genesis Radio Network email us and effectively tell us we had gotten everything concerning JFK and Alex Jones absolutely correct. That’s one of Jones’ bosses.

    The issues that Jones raises concerning numerous misdemeanours (real or imagined), e.g., child trafficking, eugenics, chemtrails, etc., are, in my opinion, bunk, massively misquoted, or are tabloidised to the point of stupidity. On the other hand, post-9/11 counter-surveillance, corrupt corporations, and illegal foreign wars are extremely important. But they are ruined by Jones and his group’s abysmal outlook on myriad other issues. If Jones “cocks up” the JFK case so badly, why should I or anybody else believe a word he says?

    Furthermore, you assumed an awful lot of stuff in your letter about my political beliefs – or at least what you seem to think I should believe – and it seems you have insinuated that I had somehow turned my back on your revolution.

    I fully support universal healthcare initiatives in the United States. I come from New Zealand, a country that has had universal healthcare for nearly 70 years. I think it is massively important and I am grateful for it, like the majority of New Zealanders. However, we still elect right-wing governments, we also spy for the United States right across Asia (these include communist countries); we also have a ban on US nuclear weapons yet allow US naval visits. The United States utilizes the New Zealand SAS in nearly every operation they are involved in. Am I slowly becoming a communist?

    You may be dismayed when I say this, but the world is not America, Mr. King. Nor does it think like America. Most people on the planet think people like Mike Moore are “cooler” and more “credible” than Alex Jones. In fact, for starters, more people have heard about Moore than Jones – a fact that no doubt stings Jones’ massive ego.

    Now please don’t turn around and say Moore is a sell-out. I have my reservations about his lack of input into JFK. But an article here by Ray McGovern on Moore’s own website seems to give a good indication of what he’s thinking. Needless to say it’s a hell of a lot better than a lot of other “Left Gatekeepers”:

    Moore was silly to have made comments about 9/11 Truthers initially. But he has since been very, very up-front about his doubts over the official version concerning 9/11:

    Moore just doesn’t see the need to jump around and get publicity over such things and he’s cautious of some issues. In a world abounding with Jones, Icke, and others, it pays to be. Furthermore, why should he be expected to have an opinion on conspiracies? He’s pointed out – as have Jim DiEugenio, Lisa Pease, and numerous other individuals – that the “tea bag” movement has been funded by the massive insurance companies Moore cruelly exposed in Sicko. Moore’s no saint. We all know that. But Jones is neither saint nor scholar on the issues. And that’s a fact.

    I believe in global warming. I also believe we human beings have raped and destroyed this planet. You may not, fair enough. You may believe that mass over population, starvation, erosion, deforestation, and a drying up of fresh water supplies are all natural, and that the negatives about these issues are cooked up by the NWO utilizing environmentalists, feminists, socialists, and the United Nations to create a new world government.

    I also don’t believe you have read either Jim DiEugenio’s or my work on John Hankey–Russ Baker/George Bush and Alex Jones closely enough. There are no contradictions in our work. In fact, practically everything on CTKA is conjoined. It’s very seldom that articles contradict each other – if ever. Thus, CTKA is unique in the JFK field for creating one singular coherent argument. Unlike Alex Jones, where it’s “Contradictions-R-Us.”

    As for the “Skull ‘n Bones” NWO secret society stuff, I advise you re-read my piece on Bermas in Part II. In fact, I also advise you also check out my notes on such things like Bohemian Grove on Greg Parker’s site (these are linked to the end of my second Jones piece) to see how much more complex the issues that Jones and Bermas bring up really are. It’s a little known fact that George H.W. Bush signed the JFK Act which brought the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) into being. Sherman Cooper on the Warren Commission was an S&B member and doubted the official version. Bob Lovett was an S&B man who became disgusted about the CIA’s dubious roles in overthrowing democratically elected governments, and whose reports on Allen Dulles eventually led to Dulles’ sacking and JFK wanting to abolish the CIA. Richard Russell was a high-ranking Mason and he never bought into it. This is just for starters.

    In fact, it would be hard to find anybody at CTKA (a centre-left organisation) who would not believe in much of what I have just said. We also believe that there are far better alternative news sources out there than Jones. Furthermore, Jones has had a number of years to discuss the Kennedy assassination with CTKA. He has not chosen to. CTKA-Probe pre-date Jones’ emergence on the scene. As does my personal research into the case (Jim DiEugenio’s goes back a very long way – try the seventies). I am not speaking on behalf of Len Osanic. But from what I understand, he is reluctant to branch out further because he acknowledges the massive amounts of disinformation out there. While Len has had people we have criticised on his shows, it’s up to him if he has them back (we aren’t the only ones that moan either – LOL. In practically all cases where I know of this happening, voices from CTKA have never been the sole complainant on an issue.)

    Len has said he makes mistakes every now and again, and we all do. It’s just Osanic’s particular type of research is extremely public and live. There are risks in what he does and despite them Len’s show is the only conspiracy show on the Internet I listen to regularly. That’s the biggest compliment I can give, because as you may have noticed, I am extremely fussy. Furthermore, the problem is that for all of the good researchers Jones has had on his show over the years he has learnt absolutely nothing about the case. Len is the complete opposite. He had a solid grounding in assassination research and Fletcher Prouty well before he ever went public with his opinions on the topic. Len isn’t commercially driven either, and were he to become that, I have no doubt whatsoever he would put good information ahead of profit every time. You see, unlike Alex Jones and numerous other radio hustlers out there, Len has a thing called integrity and politcal analysis.

    Speaking of Black Op Radio, one of the many incorrect comments you made was on Prouty and the “Report from Iron Mountain.” It was a little alarming to be honest, considering the amount of misinformation about him on the net. In particularly on the John McAdam’s website.

    However, I shall revisit Jones’ gun rally in Austin at some stage as I have come across conflicted accounts of Jones’ invitation myself. But let’s face it. Whether invited or not, Jones ruined it for those that participated (and openly abused the woman who organized the event I might point out). As for Jones’ “take me or leave me” attitude, demagogues, like him, often say one thing and do another. He is inconsistent and incompatible with much of what CTKA says and believes. Your comment about Reggie Jackson misses the point. CTKA does not need to hit a home run every inning. We aren’t even in the game that Jones plays.

    We do real, prolonged research for starters.

    I do not wish, nor will I partake in, any ongoing correspondence in the matter.

    But I do wish you a good day. I enjoyed your opening detailing your feelings about the case, and as I said earlier on, I do admire your passion.

    Yours,

    SM Coogan

  • John Hankey, Dark Legacy, aka JFK2 – JFK 2 Updated


    As Seamus Coogan noted in his deconstruction of John Hankey’s deleterious and delirious quasi-documentary JFK 2, Hankey has since gotten some advice and pro bono work from Hollywood. This resulted in a more professional version of the film. The title of the redo is Dark Legacy.

    This time around, at least the presentation is smoother and slicker. Some of the music has been improved. There are more modern graphics and effects, like fades and dissolves. The overall effect is to make the film easier on the eyes. And a little easier on the ear. (At times, Hankey still puts in his old acoustical folk song.)

    And someone prevailed upon Hankey to remove three of the worst howlers in the film. First, the immortally camp scenario of George Bush going into J. Edgar Hoover’s office with two Cuban thugs and threatening him with a flechette gun is gone. Second, the phony dialogue put in the mouth of Bill Colby about knowing George Bush and Howard Hunt were involved in the assassination in Dallas is also gone. Another egregious error about Kennedy letting the Russians search for Cuban training camps in the USA after the Missile Crisis is removed.

    Hankey has also added a new opening that focuses on the attributes of Kennedy’s presidency. He notes here the Steel Crisis, his civil rights program, his disarmament pledge, among others.

    But, still, even after the technical improvements and the surgery on some of the worst segments of the first version(s), it’s surprising how many errors were left intact. In other words, after all those years it was out, Seamus Coogan was the only person who took the time and effort to go after the film with a fine toothcomb. Which, of course, speaks well for CTKA, and poorly for the rest of the research community. Are we the only people doing fact checking? It appears that way. Which, of course, doesn’t say much for the so-called JFK research community.

    One would think the man would look up the proper spellings of names if one was going to depict those names on the screen. Hankey doesn’t, therefore names like Robert Blakey, and George Burkley and Aubrey Rike are spelled wrong. One would also think that the cutting of the film would match up correctly. Well, the two HSCA acoustic experts, Mark Weiss and Ernest Aschkenasy never testified before the Church Committee. And related to this, he depicts Dallas DA Henry Wade as Texas Attorney General Waggoner Carr.

    Hankey still includes the whole incredible 13 shot fusillade scenario. Unlike what Hankey intones as narrator, Richard Helms never testified at the trial of Howard Hunt and he never admitted that Marita Lorentz was a spy. (See Mark Lane, Plausible Denial, pgs. 214-225)

    With his usual penchant for overstatement, Hankey says that the above trial depicted in the Lane book showed that Hunt was guilty of killing president Kennedy. As Coogan showed, it did not. And Richard Nixon never said to Bob Haldeman that the whole “Bay of Pigs thing” message he sent to Helms meant the Kennedy assassination. This was a deduction later made by Haldeman. Guy Banister’s secretary Delphine Roberts never testified to the Warren Commission. And she never told anyone she saw Oswald at the training camp at Lake Pontchartrain. Strangely, Hankey adds in this version that parking lot manager Adrian Alba was Oswald’s closest associate in New Orleans. Yet, reportedly, all he did was read some magazines in his office.

    I could go on and on. But the point is that although three of the worst faux pas are gone, the great majority of the errors Coogan enumerated are still there. And let me add that concerning his case against George Bush, Hankey now adds the Parrott memorandum. I discussed this at length in my Russ Baker review. Bush at first denied and then could not recall his call about James Parrott to the FBI. My question: If you were an ambitious and successful Texas politician, would you want to admit you had some rightwing nut in your campaign headquarters a few months before JFK was killed? And that this man had threatened Kennedy after the Bay of Pigs? And unlike what Hankey insinuates, Bush was not in Dallas at the time of the shooting; he was in Tyler, Texas campaigning in front of a Kiwanis Club gathering.

    All in all, although the new version is a slight improvement, this is still an inferior film that does not do our cause any good.


    “The Dark Legacy of John Hankey”

    Hankey/DiEugenio Debate Murder Solved

    “Onwards and Downwards with John Hankey”

    Coogan Reply to Fetzer at Deep Politics Forum


    Master Class with John Hankey, Part 1

    Master Class with John Hankey, Part 2

    Master Class with John Hankey, Part 3

    Master Class with John Hankey, Part 4