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  • The Decline and Fall of Jim Fetzer


    Part One

    James Fetzer was born in California in 1940. He attended South Pasadena High School, and then Princeton. After graduating, he joined the Marines and ascended to the rank of captain. He resigned to attend graduate school. In 1970, he attained a Ph. D. from Indiana University. His areas of concentration were history of science and philosophy of science. He began teaching philosophy at the University of Kentucky. He then taught at a series of colleges in the south and east before getting a tenured position in 1987 at the University of Minnesota-Duluth. He retired from that position in 2006, having attained the Distinguished McKnight University Professorship. During his long academic career, Fetzer wrote or edited over 20 books and published over 100 essays.

    The first time this author ever encountered Jim Fetzer was when I looked at a copy of the first JFK book he had edited. It was called Assassination Science. The reason I ended up buying this anthology—many years after it was published in 1998—was because it contained two articles by Dr. David Mantik. I considered Mantik a good authority on the medical evidence, and I wished to reference him in the second edition of Destiny Betrayed, and also in Reclaiming Parkland. In those two articles, the book lived up to its title, since Mantik was at least trying to reason scientifically based upon the autopsy evidence. For instance, he argued there was reason to believe, based upon optical densitometer readings, that the Kennedy autopsy x-rays had been manipulated. Chuck Marler also wrote a quite interesting piece about how the Warren Commission had altered surveyor James West’s plat map of Dealey Plaza. This was done under the supervision of junior counsel Arlen Specter.

    But elsewhere, the claim that the book was completely based upon science does not ring true. For example, near the end of the book, in a chapter called “Assassination Science and the Language of Proof”, Fetzer begins to reel off a bullet audit list. This is labeled Proof 1. (p. 352) That is, proof demonstrating there were more than three bullets fired in Dealey Plaza that day. But the very first pieces of evidence he uses, he misconstrues. Referencing David Lifton’s Best Evidence, he writes that, in that book, Lifton shows the reader photos of two “substantial bullet fragments”. He then adds that they were recovered from the presidential limousine and that they thus denote, for his purposes, two bullets.

    Unfortunately, this is incorrect. And it’s rather easily proven so. For if one goes to the Warren Commission exhibits which picture the two fragments, it is plainly captioned that they are the head and tail of one bullet. Since Fetzer lists the Commission exhibit numbers, it is odd that he got this wrong. (See Commission Exhibits 567 and 569)

    Then Fetzer’s scientific reasoning veers off even more. He writes that the probability in favor of the Secret Service setting up President Kennedy are anywhere from a million to 1 to a billion to 1. (See p. 367) Quite naturally, he then concludes that the evidence that the Secret Service set up President Kennedy is overwhelming. He uses the usual litany of complaints here—e.g., someone wiped out the back of the limousine outside of Parkland Hospital.

    My question: Did Fetzer ever try and find the man who used a bucket to wipe out the back of the limousine? To my knowledge, he remains nameless to this day. Therefore, there is no interview with him to see why he did what he did. Or if he did it of his own volition, or someone told him to do so. If these factors are not known, then how can one assign a mathematical probability to them happening? These are the things that our side has to demand if we are going to assign statistical probabilities to events.

    Fetzer now veers off even more from the book’s title. He now states that his witness Chauncey Holt reported in a radio interview that he was a counterfeiter who worked for the CIA in 1963. (ibid, p. 368) He was ordered to bring false Secret Service identifications to Dealey Plaza on 11/22/63. That he disguised himself as one of the three tramps in the famous photographs of these hoboes who, after being unloaded from a train car, were escorted through Dealey Plaza on the way to police headquarters.

    If we added up all the researchers who have made claims about who these three tramps were, the number would probably be in the double figures. To say, on the basis of a radio interview, that we know who they are and that Holt is credible, what is scientific about that deduction? What is even forensic about it? Suffice it to say, other researchers have dug into Holt’s story at great length, and have shown great doubt about his claims—for instance, that Holt traveled to New Orleans to deliver pre-printed leaflets to Guy Banister’s office for Oswald to pass out, when in fact there is evidence these were printed in New Orleans and Oswald hand-stamped the leaflets with Banister’s address.

    From here, Fetzer’s book gets even worse. He starts writing about Madeleine Brown and the infamous Murchison party. Like the Three Tramps, this “party” has become a matter of evolution. Except in this case, it’s not the identities that have evolved, it’s the sheer number of persons reported present. Fetzer goes in all the way on this one. He has George Brown of Brown and Root, J. Edgar Hoover, John McCloy, Richard Nixon and LBJ all on hand. (p. 369) When LBJ arrived, there was a closed-door private meeting of about 20 minutes in length. When it was over, Johnson told Madeleine that Kennedy would be taken down. To go through all the problems with this rather tardy “night before” planning and the credibility of Ms. Brown would be both laborious and cruel. Suffice it to say, Seamus Coogan has done some nice work on this Murchison gathering, and found some good reasons to qualify it as suspect. (Click here and slide down to “A Short Dissection”.)

    II

    Two years later, in 2000, Fetzer edited another anthology. This was more modestly titled as Murder in Dealey Plaza. This book was, I felt, better than the first one. And for a very simple reason. Dr. Gary Aguilar joined Mantik, and the two each wrote long essays for the volume. Combined, they account for about 125 pages. In this reviewer’s opinion, they make for fascinating reading in any informed debate about the medical evidence in the JFK case today. The book also contained an interesting essay by the late Doug Weldon on what happened to the Kennedy limousine after the assassination; a good essay by Vince Palamara on the Secret Service, and ARRB researcher Doug Horne’s argument for two brain examinations in the JFK case. Further, Mantik had edited and highlighted three medical evidence depositions conducted by the Assassination Records Review Board. In my view, this marked the high point of Fetzer’s contributions to the JFK case.

    But there was a qualifier to note. As opposed to the first book, Fetzer personally contributed very little to this volume. His writing amounts to about 35 of the volume’s 420 pages of text. About half of those pages consist of a review of Jesse Curry’s book JFK Assassination File, a summary of Assassination Science, and a letter to a Justice Department attorney about the Zapruder film.

    This last revealed a growing obsession of Professor Fetzer’s: namely that the Zapruder film had been altered. And not by a little, but by a lot. Fetzer’s argument is for wholesale alteration of the film. In fact, it was this strong belief by the former professor that led to a bitter and personal feud with author and private investigator Josiah Thompson.

    Thompson had based his 1967 book, Six Seconds in Dallas, largely on an analysis of the Zaprduer film, which he was allowed to view at the headquarters of Life magazine. That publication had decided to sponsor a small, closely held reinvestigation of the JFK case in the second half of 1966. Thompson had been a part of that team, which also included reporters Dick Billings and Hugh Aynesworth. It resulted in a preliminary report in Life entitled “A Matter of Reasonable Doubt” on the third anniversary of Kennedy’s murder. This inquiry was disbanded when, in New Orleans, it ran into the early stages of Jim Garrison’s investigation. Why? Because Holland McCombs, a top executive at Life, was a close friend of Clay Shaw. It was further sandbagged by the employment of Aynesworth, who was really working as an undercover agent. In fact, after an interview he did with Garrison, he reported back to a colleague, that they must not let on they were working both sides.

    But because of this endeavor, Thompson was allowed to have extensive access to the Zapruder film, for the simple reason that Life owned it. He consequently examined individual frames with a magnifying glass, was allowed to view transparencies, and so on. No author at that time had anywhere near his exposure to the film. As a result, Six Seconds in Dallas was written something like a visual essay, using drawings made from the film. It is probably not too broad a statement to say that, without his access to the film, Thompson’s book would not exist—at least in the form it does today. It is therefore not unfair to claim that Thompson had a vested interest in the film being genuine.

    Since Fetzer did not edit his first anthology until 1998, he had no such vested interest. In fact, as we shall see, Fetzer seemed to enjoy challenging established shibboleths in the JFK case (and, as we shall also see, in other fields.) He seemed to actually revel in the combined role of trailblazer/hell raiser. Hence the feud between Fetzer and Thompson took on not just an inherent generational aspect—that is, between the established entity and the New Kid on the Block; it was also a debate over style, and the way evidence was weighed and measured. Thompson represented a more conservative, considered, traditional approach. Fetzer, who seemed to be radicalized and energized by his feud with Thompson, now seemed intent on picking up on almost any offbeat novelty in the field to further his self-styled role as the brave, bold, brass-balled iconoclast.

    So almost as an extension of his Thompson blood feud, Fetzer’s next collected essay anthology was entitled The Great Zapruder Film Hoax. This came out in 2003. And if one goes over to Amazon.com, one will see that Thompson promptly posted a fully negative review about it. That same year, Fetzer held a seminar at the University of Minnesota in which he invited several speakers from his book to address a live audience on the subject. In this instance, Fetzer decided to disable comments on YouTube. In other words, there was no arguing with the professor on this issue.

    III

    My first personal dust-up with Fetzer came in the same year that his Zapruder film volume was published. For at the end of 2002, a rather mysterious book entitled Regicide was published. It was mysterious for two reasons. The author, a man named Gregory Douglas, was very much an unknown quantity in the critical community. Secondly, the book actually pretended to explain exactly how the assassination of President Kennedy came about. It did so through documents allegedly penned by the CIA’s Chief of Counter-Intelligence James Angleton. In other words, Angleton had masterminded the assassination, worked with other power groups—like the Pentagon and the Mafia—and left behind meeting logs of his conferences with them. (Hmm—oh really?) Somehow, Douglas had discovered the documents. From them he had written the ultimate solution to the JFK case.

    Fetzer accepted this. He jumped on Amazon.com and gave the book a five star review. I had heard about the book but delayed reading it, or making any judgment about it for two simple reasons: I had no idea who Douglas was, or how he had come into possession of the documents. I poked around on these issues and I discovered through former CBS reporter Kristina Borjesson that Douglas was deliberately mysterious, and he used more than one name. She found this out since she had previously tried to run down a story put out by him. I then asked Lisa Pease—who had a strong interest in Angleton—if she had heard about the book. She said she had. Someone had told her that Douglas was a rather unsavory character who, before Regicide, had been accused of forging documents, and using them to write books, this time in regards to the Third Reich.

    I decided to do some research on Mr. Douglas. It turned out that, if anything, both of these reports were putting it mildly. For Douglas also went by the name Walter Storch, among others, and he ran a weird news blog called TRB News. To make a long story short, the book is almost certainly a hoax. And Douglas had a long history as a confidence man. I wrote an essay that was partly focused on Douglas and his book called “Beware the Douglas/Janney/Simkin Silver Bullets”. (Click here to read it) In that essay I compared this book to other previous hoaxes like Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal (aka The Torbitt Document), and Farewell America. I mentioned Fetzer’s initial acceptance of the book, and his later distancing himself from it.

    The professor did not appreciate me bringing up this issue. He got in contact with me and expressed his umbrage in no uncertain terms. I defended myself by saying it was not at all difficult to find out about Douglas/Storch’s past. All one had to do was to do a name search on Google. He replied that we had a difference of opinion about the quality of sources. To this day, I really do not know what that meant. Was he saying that he still put some faith in Douglas? Or that his book still had some validity? I didn’t see how that could be the case. Or was he reflexively trying to defend himself from missing a relatively easy to find truth about the matter?

    Whatever the reason was, this episode indicated two traits about Jim Fetzer that would manifest themselves more fully in the future. First, a rather lax attitude toward critical analysis of scholarly sources, which was odd coming from a former philosophy professor who wrote books with titles like Scientific Knowledge: Causation, Explanation and Corroboration, Philosophy of Science, and Philosophy, Mind and Cognitive Inquiry, among many others. (To be exact, he edited the last.) The other disturbing trait exhibited by the Gregory Douglas episode was Fetzer’s taste for, let us call it, the Sensational Solution. That is, the idea that there were large areas of the case that were yet to be discovered, and that only through some inside or offbeat source could the complete truth about the murder of JFK be found.

    IV

    There was a third character trait Fetzer exhibited that was not really suitable for the scholarly study of a complex phenomena like the JFK case. That was an overweening self-righteousness. He was right no matter how much data there was against him; no matter how many people could show he was wrong; and no matter what their qualifications were. All these traits would come to the forefront in three instances that would soon surface on various forums dealing with the JFK assassination. Specifically, these were the cases of Judyth Baker, Ralph Cinque and Peter Janney. And by this time, not only was the professor online, he had his own internet podcast show called The Real Deal.

    Let us deal with the first two instances. At what was then John Simkin’s Spartacus Educational JFK Forum, Jim Fetzer was directly responsible for two of the longest, most controversial, most volatile threads ever created there. They dealt with first Baker, and then Ralph Cinque and his Doorway Man theory. Fetzer had Baker on his podcast and was vouching for her as a new, late-arriving witness who was absolutely imperative to the JFK case.

    To say the least, many people disagreed with him. There were Oswald biographers—like David Lifton and John Armstrong—who did not buy her. And there were people who had thoroughly studied the New Orleans aspects of the case—like Bill Davy and myself—who did not buy her. I was also influenced by the work of the fine Florida researcher Carol Hewett. Hewett had done some work for 60 Minutes on Baker. That program had seriously thought of doing a segment on the woman. After Hewett presented her case, they decided not to. (See here for a critique of Baker)

    No matter how many people pointed out good reasons not to buy into Baker, Fetzer would not backtrack. (And this is after he said that he would change his mind if confronted with contradictory information.) Some pointed out his incredible stamina. Others, like myself, privately e-mailed him and advised him to desist since he was dealing with aspects of the case he was not familiar with. Fetzer communicated back that he would do no such thing. This genuinely puzzled me, since it defied his identity as a scholar. New Orleans is a very complex, multi-layered area of study in the JFK case. It literally takes years to understand it. Yet Fetzer—who had not done any real study of that area—was endorsing someone who made bizarre claims, and had little back up for them. As many have stated about the JFK case: extraordinary claims demand extraordinary evidence. Which Baker did not have. Yet that seemed alright with the professor; her claims were enough.

    Fetzer even titled a thread he started at Spartacus, “Judyth Vary Baker: Living in Exile.” Then Glenn Viklund—who I disagree with about everything else in the JFK case—posted documentary information that this tenet was false. Baker had applied for political asylum in Sweden. That request was denied. Baker appealed and the appeal was denied in early summer of 2008. She left. Her status the whole time was as an asylum seeker. She was never living in exile.

    The problem here for Fetzer was twofold. First, the liberal Swedish government did not think that Baker had any personal problems due to her alleged involvement with Oswald. And they ruled on the case twice. Secondly, Viklund wrote that these documents about Baker’s case were a matter of public record. He spent about four hours going through them and he made four phone calls to Sweden to garner further information. The obvious question was: Why didn’t Professor Fetzer do the same before mistakenly titling his thread? Fetzer’s lack of due diligence—as exposed in both the Gregory Douglas and Baker cases—was becoming a chronic problem. (Click here for that thread)

    V

    About two years later, in January 2012, Fetzer was back at work on Spartacus Educational. He was also writing for an online magazine called Veterans Today. He was using that journal to promote his ideas about the JFK case. This thread also ended up being very long (although not nearly as long as the Baker thread). It ended up with nearly 700 replies. It got so vociferous, so belligerent, that it eventually was locked. (Here is a link to the thread)

    I am not going to detail here what Fetzer and Ralph Cinque were propagating. It seemed to me to be so wild, so far out, that it was almost a caricature of what those so-called “tin foil hat” JFK researchers were all about. So I refer the reader instead to their Oswald Innocence Campaign home page in which they spell out what they mean. For those who don’t care to wade through all those pages, in a nutshell, what they were saying was that in the famous Altgens photo, the facial features of the figure in the Texas School Book Depository doorway were done over in an attempt to hide its, i.e., Oswald’s, identity. The object was to make it appear that it was Billy Lovelady. In other words, the photo was altered.

    To say this one was met with some resistance does not at all register how bad the reception was. (For an example, click here) The main problem with this is that there were at least three pieces of evidence in the record that undermined it. And again, Fetzer missed all three of them. But let us begin with how the controversy began.

    When Lovelady, a fellow worker at the Texas School Book Depository, showed up to have his FBI photo taken, they did not tell him to wear the same shirt he had on the day of the assassination. So he wore a striped shirt and not a plaid shirt. This left the door open for some notable people to deny the Altgens doorway photo was of him: e.g., Harold Weisberg.

    As others pointed out, there were films from that day which showed Lovelady outside the Book Depository with a plaid shirt on, and another film from inside the Dallas Police Department. That latter film showed both Lovelady and Oswald in the same room at the same time. One can see that Lovelady had a shirt on that was similar to the figure in the doorway. Further, a central tenet of Fetzer and Cinque was that the Doorway Man figure was wearing a V-neck undershirt. Yet when one looks at Robin Unger’s finer resolution of the photo, to put it kindly, this is not readily evident.

    And it later turned out, through better photo renditions and comparisons, that the Fetzer/Cinque V-neck appeared to be an illusion from a chin shadow. This created a serious problem, since part of their argument was that Lovelady was wearing a round-necked T-shirt, and Oswald was not.

    For his version of Altgens, Fetzer had used a scan from Life magazine. Which, of course, did not make for a very good rendition of the photo. Finally, Pat Speer pointed out that Oswald had changed his shirt after he left the Depository to go back to his rooming house. (He did this since he did not think there was going to be any more work to do.) Thus the shirt that Fetzer claimed Oswald was wearing at the police station was not the same one he was wearing before the assassination. This in turn meant there was no control factor for the comparison, because we really do not know what shirt Oswald was wearing in the Depository. And the Altgens photo was a black and white picture, so it was not easy to be definite about its color and pattern.

    This thread became so obnoxious and so insulting that the moderators had to clean it up about a third of the way through. And warnings were given to the participants to calm down. About thirty posts past this warning, the moderators eliminated an entry in which Fetzer “included a number of insults directed at the Forum membership, including one particularly crude reference.” But Fetzer did not get the message. On February 8, 2012, he posted this about Pat Speer: “You must have led a strange life Pat, to have grown up with such a grotesque tendency to distort, misread, and mislead those who read your posts.” And Speer was a moderator! And he was actually letting Fetzer guest host Cinque’s comments, since Cinque was not a member!

    It got so bad that former friends, Fetzer and Greg Burnham, now became opponents. Burnham posted the following: “I withdraw from this debate. I concede exasperation.” But he returned, which was a mistake, since the thread ended up with Greg telling Fetzer that he and his wife now considered Fetzer persona non grata in their home. Cinque told Duncan MacRae, “MacRae, you’ll be eating my shorts before I eat that.” Cinque then told another moderator, Jim Gordon, “But, if you can’t find any other such examples, then you can take your composite theory and shove it in the same place I told Lamson to shove his angle of incidence. Is that clear enough? Are we communicating?”

    Incredibly, at the conclusion of this eventually locked thread, Fetzer and Cinque then tried to bring up this issue again. Except this time they now argued that in the film inside the Dallas Police station, it wasn’t actually Lovelady. Lovelady had been substituted by an actor. This corollary to the original thesis was met with even greater cynicism than the first time around. It was so preposterous that it eventually led to Fetzer being banned from Spartacus Educational. These two incidents at that forum—with Baker and Doorway Man—showed that Fetzer simply could not admit he was wrong. No matter what the arguments against him were, no matter how powerful the evidence arrayed against him was. And all of this led some to elevate his name into a pejorative term which has gained online notice (for instance, in the Wiktionary).

    VI

    Around this same time, 2012, Peter Janney’s book Mary’s Mosaic was published. Fetzer now raised his saintly, self-righteous manner to even higher amplitude. On Amazon.com, he called Janney’s book a litmus test for the research community, one that would “separate the competent from the frivolous, the courageous from the cowardly and the honest from the dishonest”.

    But, as with his commentary on Judyth Baker, what became obvious in his review of Janney was that he knew little or nothing about the Mary Meyer case before he read the book. He simply accepted just about all that the author wrote as if it were fact, despite Janney actually using people like Gregory Douglas as a source. Janney also appeared on Fetzer’s podcast more than once. Again, Fetzer did not challenge any of the tenets of the book. For instance, Janney had written that his suspected killer, William Mitchell, had disappeared off the face of the earth; yet, lo and behold, researcher Tom Scully—armed only with a computer— had found him living in northern California. And it was the correct Mitchell.

    If that were not embarrassing enough, Scully’s information on Mitchell revealed that he was in his seventies at this time. Yet the late Leo Damore—Janney had adapted and used his work profusely in his book—said he had met Mitchell in the early nineties, and he was 74 at that time. How can a man not age in a generation? Further, Fetzer suggested that since Janney could not find any details of his academic career at Harvard—where he allegedly attended—that record must have been purged. But Scully found those records, once again armed only with a computer. (Click here)

    This episode revealed in excelsis the severe shortcomings in Fetzer’s critical apparatus. As this author has stated, criticism is nothing if not qualitative analysis. That is, one must examine the data the author adduces, where he got it, and how solidly backed it is. That rule is a common one in historical analysis. But it is even more important for the JFK case, for the simple reason that this field is littered with fraudsters, politically motivated smear jobs, and deliberate disinformation. And these kinds of problems have proliferated of late since it is relatively easy to get a book published today. Decades ago, one had to sell an editor and publishing house on a book. Today one can just sign up with, for example, Create Space, and start typing away. Presto! one has a Kindle edition.

    Beyond qualitative analysis, the responsible critic must also apply comparative analysis—that is, how does the book compare with other related work in the field. Janney’s book went way beyond what anyone else had ever proposed in the Mary Meyer case. He was proposing an exotic, high tech precision assassination team that was taking out Mary Meyer because she was transforming the former Cold Warrior Kennedy into a visionary statesman. So in addition to the actual mechanics of the murder of Mary, there was also the portrait of Kennedy to deal with. For if that portrait was faulty, then the motive for murder was dubious. This required a comparative analysis of the latest scholarship in the field of Kennedy’s foreign policy, which, again, Fetzer had not done. Or if he had, it was woefully lacking in his discussion of the book. So why was he calling the book a litmus test when it was apparent he had not done his homework before jumping onto Amazon to praise the book? (CTKA’s two-part review of the book is here)

    It was this book, and Doug Horne’s five-volume series Inside the ARRB, that began Fetzer’s lashing out at Lisa Pease and myself. In my view, Horne’s book was much better than Janney’s, though in my review of that very long book I did make some criticisms. (Click here for that review) And that was enough for Fetzer to start attacking me on some forums.


    Part Two

    VII

    As noted in Part One (above), a most puzzling fact about Jim Fetzer’s approach to the JFK case has been his lack of any rigorous critical methodology. This failing allowed him to accept and embrace people like Judyth Baker, Ralph Cinque, and Peter Janney and his book Mary’s Mosaic. This last example—his acceptance of a faultily premised book—leads into two other works that Fetzer accepted pretty much in their entirety. I am speaking here of Philip Nelson’s tome, LBJ: The Mastermind of JFK’s Assassination and John Hankey’s documentary film, first titled JFK 2 and then retitled Dark Legacy: George Bush and the Murder of John F. Kennedy.

    To say that Fetzer praised the Nelson book would be putting it much too mildly. In fact, it would be a misrepresentation. Jim Fetzer called Nelson’s book “a masterpiece”. He also tried to draw a parallel between it and James Douglass’ book on the JFK case. He called Nelson’s book the equivalent of JFK and the Unspeakable in the Lyndon Johnson field.

    This last assertion puzzled this author, because it betrayed a lack of insight into what made the Douglass book exceptional. Jim Douglass’ book deals more with John F. Kennedy than it does with his assassination. The distinction of that book is that it shows how Kennedy’s assassination was a result of the policies he had instituted as president—especially, but not only, those dealing with Vietnam and Cuba. Douglass attempts to explain 11/22/63 as a reaction to a man who had decided to try and halt the Cold War, if not completely, at least to make a start. And it uses his June 10, 1963 American University speech as a touchstone throughout. To my knowledge, it was the first book of that kind ever published.

    How could one possibly do a book like that about Lyndon Johnson? It would not seem to me to be possible. What Nelson actually did was to write a book in which he collected all of the data he could on what a dishonorable man Johnson was. This in itself is not at all uncommon. It began back in 1964 by rightwing extremist J. Evetts Haley. Haley was an instructor at the University of Texas who was dismissed because of his attacks on Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal as being socialist. When running for governor of Texas in 1956, Haley promised to use the Texas Rangers to block school integration. This was two years after the Supreme Court’s Brown vs. Board decision, which decreed integration must be achieved with due haste. In 1964, Haley published his book A Texan Looks at Lyndon. This was a clear attempt to attack Johnson from the right and soften him up for Barry Goldwater—who Haley endorsed for president. Because the John Birch Society also backed Goldwater, they helped make the book a runaway best seller. When the 1964 presidential election heated up, the book was selling tens of thousands of copies per day. It eventually sold into the millions. In my experience, it was the first book to insinuate that LBJ was involved in several murders, including that of his sister Josefa, and to implicate Mac Wallace as his probable hit man.

    In the JFK field, the book became the paradigm for writers like Nelson, Barr McClellan (Blood, Money and Power), Glen Sample and Mark Collom (The Men on the Sixth Floor), and Craig Zirbel (The Texas Connection). To be fair, Nelson also stated that he was influenced by Noel Twyman’s book, Bloody Treason. Which is odd, because whatever one thinks of Twyman’s book, it certainly did not leave a very lasting impression on the research community. Except for Nelson. But what Nelson borrowed from Twyman was probably the weirdest part of his book. Twyman first recited all of the literature about JFK’s extra-marital affairs, e.g., Marilyn Monroe, Mary Meyer, Judith Exner. He then swallowed them in their most extreme forms, not questioning anything about their previous presentations. He theorized that the Washington power structure felt that if they plotted to murder JFK they could use his extra-marital affairs as leverage against the Kennedy family’s attempt to expose the conspiracy, or to recruit those whose cooperation they sought by invoking Kennedy’s putative behavior as a threat to national security. Unfortunately for Twyman and Nelson—fortunately for the rest of us—this author exposed much of this as flatulence in his long essay, “The Posthumous Assassination of John F. Kennedy”. That piece  was originally published in Probe Magazine and then excerpted in The Assassinations. Nelson, and Fetzer after him, ignored that important work, for it punched myriad holes in Twyman’s utterly fantastic daydreams, which, in his mystifying credulity, Nelson accepted in full, even going beyond Twyman in some ways.  Surprisingly, more like unbelievably, Fetzer found little or no fault in any of this. What is further ironic in Twyman’s wholesale acceptance of the above, is that Johnson, whom he sees, along with Hoover, as being brought into the plot, was the man who once said he bedded more women by accident than Kennedy did by design. Johnson also said that the worst invention for women’s fashion was pantyhose. Johnson’s womanizing, or even Allen Dulles’ for that matter, certainly makes any claim about playing upon the moral indignation or fear of security breaches among the Washington élite seem rather preposterous. What serious historian could take such an argument in earnest? Well, a pseudo-historian like Nelson could.

    CTKA had author, journalist, and private investigator Joseph E. Green review Nelson’s book. As the reader can see by reading that review, we were at odds, again, with Professor Fetzer. To put it plainly, we found his unqualified endorsement of Nelson’s book as “a masterpiece” rather dubious. Since Green’s review was published, two new discoveries have been made which weaken Nelson’s thesis even more.

    Nelson stated with certainty that Johnson had ducked down in his trailing car as President Kennedy and Governor John Connally were being hit by shots during the assassination. (Nelson, pp. 471-78) He wrote that the Altgens photo proved this, since Johnson is not visible in the picture. Nelson then concluded that this showed that Johnson knew what was coming. To say that Nelson plays this up to large effect does not do his hyperbolic treatment justice. Pulling out all the stops, he pretentiously labels this section of his book “The Hidden Key to Unraveling the Crime of the Century”. That’s not even enough. He then writes that it is “prima facie proof of Lyndon Johnson’s foreknowledge of the assassination.” (ibid, p. 476)

    In 2013, two years after the release of Nelson’s book, Robert Groden published Absolute Proof. He reduced Nelson’s metaphysical certitude to rubble. On page 272 he makes a powerful case through photo analysis—which he knows something about— that 1) You can see Johnson’s head in the photo, and therefore, 2) what Nelson said so certainly occurred did not happen. In other words, Joe Green’s criticism was correct. Johnson did not duck down in the car at all. Moreover, as Groden wrote, he “was probably as unaware as his wife Lady Bird that the shooting was even taking place.” Which, of course, is the opposite of Nelson’s presentation. So much for Fetzer’s “masterpiece”.

    The other cinching point that Nelson abided by in his book was the Malcolm Wallace fingerprint. This was the belated discovery by the late researcher Jay Harrison that Wallace’s fingerprint was one of the unidentified prints found on the sixth floor. Nelson put this piece of information in his book. He then criticized others for not accepting it. (See pp. 589-90) It turns out that he should have double-checked it first himself. Joan Mellen did do that. Her computer analysis has shown that it is not Wallace’s fingerprint. Her book on this subject—and the whole Mac Wallace episode— will be released this fall.

    The question in regard to our titular subject is this: How could anyone call this book a masterpiece? By doing so, Fetzer was placing his own credibility on the block with the book. As the reader can see, Fetzer’s unqualified and irresponsible use of that term in relation to this bloated mediocrity says more about him than it does Nelson. I am sure Nelson was appreciative of the accolade. But what does Fetzer’s lack of circumspection and gravitas do for the rest of the interested public? As in the cases of Gregory Douglas, Ralph Cinque, Judyth Baker and Peter Janney, it shows just how Fetzer is so eager to accept—and how blindly he does accept—practically anything that comes down the pike in the JFK field, almost as if the wilder and more unfounded it is, the better. Which is nearly the precise opposite of what the function of criticism is.

    VIII

    This brings us to Fetzer and his pal John Hankey. It doesn’t need to be said—it almost follows from the above record—that Fetzer endorses Hankey’s work. Seamus Coogan has written several fine articles for this web site, e.g., on the Majestic Papers, and on Alex Jones. But the first article which brought Seamus to the attention of the JFK critical community was his long and detailed critique of John Hankey’s documentary, first titled JFK 2. (It was then retitled Dark Legacy.) Hankey’s film tried to make the case for the involvement of former President George H. W. Bush in the murder of President Kennedy. As Seamus revealed, it was not successful. (Click here)

    Seamus’ review created a mini-uproar in the critical community—and a few other places. Why? Because it was the first extended critical analysis of Hankey’s film. And Seamus was a well-informed and well-read reviewer. Up until his review, some people had been accepting of the film.

    I should explain. Because of the decline of belief in the MSM, many alternative forms of press and radio outlets have developed. They are, much of the time, short of guests to interview. Since they do not have a budget to hire screeners or analysts, people like Hankey fill the vacuum. Seamus broke open that phenomenon as far as Hankey was concerned. In fact, his review created a kickback effect. Hankey and his meager following were angry because Seamus had exposed the myriad faults in his film in such intricate fashion. CTKA got e-mails from radio hosts who had guested Hankey and also writers like Michael Green who had accepted his work.

    Seamus’ review created such a brouhaha that Hankey was actually forced to acknowledge the criticism. But he then tried to beat it back by attacking Seamus for having an agenda. I decided to join in the fray and defend Seamus’ fine work. (See here)

    My point was that Hankey’s excuses for making literally dozens of serious errors in his film simply did not fly. And he could have easily corrected them if he really wanted to. Later, Hankey attempted another defense: he tried to say that his errors were all minor. As the reader can see by clicking the link above to the discussion at ”JFK Murder Solved”, this is simply not the case. Making up fanciful dialogue and putting it in the mouth of former DCI Bill Colby is not a minor error. Neither is manufacturing a scene with George H. W. Bush walking into FBI Director Hoover’s office with a couple of Cubans and a revolver to threaten him. (Hankey eventually cut this scene out. He never thanked Seamus for pointing out its inherent absurdity.)

    But Hankey and Fetzer then went further. If one can believe it, Hankey tried to put together a conspiracy theory as to why CTKA published Seamus’ essay. In this fantastic and bizarre Cecil B. DeMille extravaganza, Hankey actually tried to drag in Lisa Pease, who had absolutely nothing to do with Seamus’ essay. The truth is much plainer and simpler. Seamus was watching Hankey’s documentary online one evening. He e-mailed me some questions about it. I finally asked him why he was asking me such stupid questions. He said because this information was in Hankey’s film. From there he began work on a critique of the film. I edited it, as I do all essays at CTKA. The major part of my editing consisted of cutting it down in length. If I recall correctly, Seamus’ essay was originally something like 55 pages long. I thought this was overkill, and further, that few people would stick around that long. So I cut out about 20 pages, not an easy task, since it was all pretty good. In other words, my major effort on the piece actually aided Hankey. But this was a Seamus Coogan work all the way. And he went on to better things later. Off a later piece he did for us, Seamus actually got a paying job as a writer. We are always willing to give young and new authors an opportunity, even though this might eventually hurt us, since these people may not write for us as often anymore.

    But the point is, Hankey was stung. He had actually been selling some products off the notoriety he garnered from his documentary. But Seamus’ harpooning of his film became one of the most popular articles at CTKA. Probably the most frequently viewed essay since this author’s review of JFK and the Unspeakable. For that reason, Hankey could not leave it alone. He now began to extend his truly nutty conspiracy theory about it. On the James Corbett show, the Corbett Report, Hankey dropped one last element of his crazy schematic: Jim DiEugenio was a CIA operative.

    This was absolutely bonkers of course. So when two listeners who were loyal CTKA writers and readers heard it, they contacted Corbett and asked for equal time to reply, which Mr. Corbett allowed me to do. But now Fetzer joined in on this, in two ways. On his program, he actually insinuated I was part of the CIA’s Operation Mockingbird program. Mockingbird is the Agency’s longtime project to control the media from the top down. That is, by controlling certain owners and editors, e.g., William Paley of CBS, David Sarnoff of NBC, Phil Graham of the Washington Post. It extended down to reporters like Jeremiah O’Leary of the Washington Times and Hal Hendrix of the Scripps-Howard News Service.

    Now, perhaps no one in the critical community has written as many articles on the Agency’s involvement in the Kennedy assassination, or the cover up, as often as this writer has. But further, I have also written and talked about CIA involvement in both the RFK case and the MLK case. In fact, the book The Assassinations, co-edited by Lisa Pease and myself, holds that as its overall theme. I have been physically threatened by a former CIA operative to cease writing. A man close to the Agency, and then living in Canada has told us, that the CIA closely monitored Probe Magazine. And I don’t blame them for that. So, to cover their own failings, Hankey and Fetzer libeled me. And to a lesser extent Lisa and Seamus.

    IX

    The Fetzer/Hankey sideshow reached its apogee when the fine film Kill the Messenger came out in October of 2014. I am fortunate enough to be able to write film reviews for Robert Parry at Consortium News. I am proud of that association since I think Parry and his online publication is one of the very best alternative media sources there is. Among other stories, Parry broke the whole CIA/drug running angle for the Associated Press. This was back in 1985 when he and his partner, Brian Barger, stumbled across it while covering Ronald Reagan’s CIA war against the Sandinista government of Nicaragua. Bob was one of Gary’s biggest supporters when he first published his three part series back in 1996 for the San Jose Mercury News. And for many years after Gary’s death in 2004, Bob marked his demise with an anniversary story in his online magazine. (Click here for an example)

    Since I reviewed movies for Bob, I quite naturally asked to review the Jeremy Renner production of Nick Schou’s book of the same title. I was familiar with the story since I had read the book and met Webb before. But I did some additional research for the article. My review was published on 10/16/14. I am quite content with the review, and other luminaries were also duly impressed. For example, David Talbot posted it to his Facebook page. Radio broadcasters got in contact with me to go on the air. (Click here for the review)

    But Fetzer and Hankey looked at my review not as a reason to celebrate a good movie. Nor did they see it as a cause to celebrate the memory of a fine reporter; or as an opportunity to condemn the CIA for what they had done to Gary and his story. (Click here for the proof) In fact, they really did not have very much to say about Renner’s fine film or Gary Webb. Fetzer and Hankey, still stung from Seamus’ article, decided to make me the target of the film’s release. At Fetzer’s new outlet Veterans Today, he allowed Hankey to call me “an op” over my review. Why? After all, I did praise the film, and Webb’s work. It was because I wrote that Webb had taken his own life.

    Which happens to be true. How do I know this? Because Lisa Pease and the late journalist Michael Ruppert attended the funeral. They both had misgivings about the cause of death. Once they talked to the surviving family members, those reservations were silenced. Hankey and Fetzer based their smear of me, and their conspiracy theory about Webb’s death, on the fact that Gary had died of two self-inflicted gunshot wounds to the head. It did not matter that Ruppert had been a Los Angeles policeman and said that he had been called to homes where such things had happened. It did not matter that Gary’s son Eric still had the weapon. And Eric had done a pre-release interview published in LA Weekly where he had addressed this question.

    That interview with Eric was published in the September 29, 2014 issue. It was part of a long story by Sacramento reporter Melinda Walsh. It was available online. I read it before I wrote my review. Since Fetzer and Hankey published after me, they had access to the story also. Eric told Walsh that he still had the weapon. It was a .38 Special that Gary got from his father. This particular edition of the weapon does not require the shooter to re-cock in order to take a second shot. As Eric further explained, “I’ve got that gun so I know. Once you cock the trigger, it goes “bang” real easily … You could just keep on squeezing and it would keep on shooting.” These are the kinds of researchers that Fetzer and Hankey are. In their incontinent desire to go after CTKA and myself, they would overlook the man who is probably the best witness to this issue, one who still had the weapon at his home.

    With their main point neutered, let us look at the evidence, which, in their campaign, Fetzer and Hankey either ignored or discounted. As biographer Nick Schou explains in the first chapter of Kill the Messenger, Webb had serious financial problems in the last year of his life. Gary had been drummed out of journalism due to the campaign against his “Dark Alliance” series about the Contras running drugs, and the CIA either aiding it or ignoring it. He was helped out by getting a job through local Democrats in the California legislature. But when there was a power shift in Sacramento, Gary was cast adrift. He tried to get a job in daily journalism. He sent out about fifty resumes. He could not even get an interview. So he was forced to work at a weekly, which did not pay him anywhere near what he had been making previously. As a result, he could not afford the mortgage on his house. He had to put it up for sale.

    In addition to that, he had tried to move in with his ex-wife Sue, who had garnished his wages for back child support. She turned him down. So did his ex-girlfriend. Gary was on anti-depressants, which were not working very well.

    As Schou notes in the last chapter of his book, several days before his death Webb had called an old friend, Annie Nocenti, who was working at a suicide hotline out of town. He sounded depressed, and so she asked if he wanted to see her so she could cheer him up. Gary replied, “You’d stay for a week, we’d have fun, and then I’d put you on a plane and kill myself.” She did not take this seriously. But when she called back, Gary said he had made the decision to take his own life. He had already paid for the cremation. He made it clear that this matter was between her and him and no one else.

    As Schou relates early in his book, there were no signs of forced entry to the death scene. In fact, Gary left a note on the door instructing the first responders not to come in. They should call for an ambulance first. He left identification on the nightstand. In the trash can was a poster from his first job with the Kentucky Post. It was a motto from his editor Vance Trimble, saying that they would never pull a controversial story under pressure. Gary had left his bank account in his wife’s name. And he had mailed letters to his brother Kurt in San Jose—which included his last will and testament—and also to his wife and children. He told his son Eric not to be dissuaded from pursuing a career in journalism because of what had happened to him. He wanted his ashes spread out over the Pacific Ocean so he could body surf forever. I ask the reader: In God’s name, what else more does a rational person need to know?

    I did not want to deal with these matters in my review. Just as the film did not. Probe Magazine had covered Gary’s epochal and bold three part series which had literally taken the country by storm. I wanted to concentrate on the good things Gary had achieved and the finer aspects of a film that literally everyone should see. It depresses and frustrates me that I have to dredge up these painful aspects in order to correct the libelous smears rendered in the pages of Veterans Today. Libel motivated by the animus of Fetzer and Hankey toward an article I did not even write. In order to fulfill that animus they walked over the dead body of a fine journalist whose work they could never touch.

    What happened to Gary Webb was not a wacky Alex Jones/ Fetzer/Hankey conspiracy theory. It was part of a national tragedy that deprived Webb of the only career he ever desired. That is, to be a reporter for a major newspaper. As Schou wrote in his book, quoting Parry: “What happened to Gary is an American tragedy, but one that still hasn’t been addressed.” Or as writer Marc Cooper said, “What I can say is that the media killed his career. That’s obvious and it’s really a nauseating and very discouraging story. Because as a journalist, the only thing you have is your credibility. When that is shredded, there’s no way to rebuild it.”

    This is the truth about what happened to Gary Webb. It’s a much larger and deeper story than the likes of Hankey and Fetzer could ever address. They don’t have the talent or the insight. And, as shown above, they have very little credibility.

    X

    It was not enough for Fetzer to muck up the JFK case. In addition to sponsoring Hankey on Gary Webb, he then spread out to other areas: like the RFK case, and 9-11. In all these instances, Fetzer chose the same trail as he had before—the most extreme, sensational one.

    In the 9-11 field, in 2005 Fetzer teamed up with former Brigham Young professor Steven Jones to form something called Scholars for 9/11 Truth. Jones is actually a scientist. He has a Ph. D. in physics from Vanderbilt. Jones did post-doctoral work at Cornell and has worked at two linear accelerators, one at Stanford and one at Los Alamos. He also worked at a research lab from 1979-85, and the Department of Energy for several years into the nineties. He is an acknowledged expert on fusion. In 2005, Jones presented a paper on his BYU sponsored web site attempting to explain the collapse of the Twin Towers by way of thermite explosives.

    Yet just one year after Jones and Fetzer teamed up, they got a divorce. Why would Fetzer want to split from such a reputable scientist? He and Jones split over something that is literally hard to describe. I actually still do not understand it. In its own way, it is as far out as the Fetzer/Cinque “Altgens altered photo to disguise Oswald” nonsense. I first heard about it through Joseph Green, the CTKA correspondent who reviewed Philip Nelson’s book for this web site. Meeting with Lisa Pease and myself on a weekend he spent in LA several years ago, he told us, “Did you hear about what the 9-11 people are now proposing?” Since I did not follow that field I said no, I didn’t. Joe replied, “They are now saying that the towers were leveled by space beams, no plane hit them, and what people saw was a giant hologram.” I said: You can’t be serious? Joe replied, “Yes I am. And Fetzer is part of it.”

    Unfortunately, Joe was correct. This was indeed what Fetzer and Jones split apart over. And in 2006, about 80% of Scholars for 9/11 Truth broke away from Fetzer. Led by Jones, they formed a new research group called Scholars for 9/11 Truth and Justice. (For those interested in how the actual divorce proceeded, click here)

    In sum, Jones could not abide by the directed energy beams, no planes ideas of Judy Wood and Morgan Reynolds. As we have seen, Fetzer always had a penchant for the Sensational Solution, no matter how far out it was, no matter whom it came from. Reynolds had actually worked as an economist in the George W. Bush administration during his first term. For good reason. He was anti-labor-union and wanted to do away with the minimum wage. David Shayler was another of these wild, far out 9-11 visionaries. Shayler stated that the Trade Center jetliner crashes were faked using “missiles wrapped in holograms” and that: “there is little evidence to show that jets went into the buildings. Watch the footage frame by frame and you will see a cigar-shaped missile hitting the World Trade Center.” (The Liverpool Echo, 1/22/07) As Victoria Ashley wrote, “Jim Fetzer is the primary force behind publicity and press releases for the claims of Judy Wood and Morgan Reynolds, advocating endless investigation into every possible scenario imaginable.” As Ashley and others properly noted, this all “displays a classic example of discrediting by association…” (Click here for Ashley’s essay)

    In 2007, Fetzer and his new partner Kevin Barrett announced that they now went even beyond the wildness stated above. They now stated that they supported the idea of TV fakery. In other words, the videos of the 9-11 event were faked.

    As some have observed, Shayler used to work for British intelligence, MI-5. (See the book, Spies, Lies and Whistleblowers by Annie Machon) The man who is usually credited with beginning the hologram malarkey is former pilot John Lear. Lear was very good friends with the late CIA agent Gordon Novel. As this author revealed in the second edition of Destiny Betrayed, Novel was hired by Allen Dulles to infiltrate Jim Garrison’s investigation in 1967. (pp. 232-33) The same source that revealed this to me also noted Novel’s long and friendly relationship with Lear. (ibid, p. 429, note 53) It is incredible that Fetzer did not see these clear connections, or the parallel to the JFK case. He just blundered into them. In spite of the fact that, upon entering the 9-11 field, he proclaimed to all who would listen: “When I came into this 9-11 thing, see … The others don’t know diddly shit about disinformation. “ (City Pages, 6/28/06, by Mike Mosedale)

    From the above sorry performance, neither did Fetzer.

    XI

    Fetzer’s colossal ambition also made him enter the Robert Kennedy assassination field. Again, this was a bit odd, because Fetzer showed no credentials on being an authority in this area. The RFK community is much more narrowly populated than the JFK case. So it is quite hard not to bump into someone who has been tilling that same field. I had been involved in RFK studies for a period of about three years at the turn of the millennium. It is a very interesting area of endeavor, the main reasons being that 1) that case is even more clearly a conspiracy than the JFK case, and 2) the subject of post-hypnotic suggestion is an utterly fascinating study. It’s so fascinating, in fact, that one can get sidetracked by it and have a hard time making a U-turn out.

    Fetzer entered this field in a roundabout way. To my knowledge, he had never done any notable or original work on RFK. But in November of 2006, author and documentary film-maker Shane O’Sullivan went on the BBC network. O’Sullivan had been at work researching the RFK case for a possible screenplay. This eventually turned into both a book (Who Killed Bobby?) and a documentary. But back in 2006 on the BBC he was an interview guest. In his research he said he had discovered that there were three CIA officers at the Ambassador Hotel the night Bobby Kennedy was murdered. He had attained photos of these men and enough witnesses had identified them that he was now going public with their identities. He said they were George Joannides, David Morales and Gordon Campbell.

    Recall, this was in 2006, and I saw a clip of the appearance. I immediately had some reservations. For starters, Joannides and Campbell were mostly office manager types. So the idea that the CIA would place them directly in the field to conduct dirty work seemed far-fetched. But also, through the years, I had come to have my doubts about photo identification as a reliable method to solve a crime. There had simply been too many of these that turned out to be wrong—e.g., the infamous three tramps in Dealey Plaza. And they left the critical community with egg on its face. I had been involved with one of these in my first published book, the hardcover edition of Destiny Betrayed. So thereafter I had become very cautious about these forms of detection.

    After the BBC broadcast, David Talbot and Jefferson Morley got funding from a major magazine to pursue this investigation further. It turned out that O’Sullivan was wrong. (see this essay) The photo of Morales was the murkiest one in quality. Morley and Talbot found better photos and showed them to a few family members. They all said it was not he. The two reporters also found out that Joannides was stationed in Greece at the time of the RFK murder. In fact, two of the three alleged CIA officers had been identified back in 1968 by the authorities. Campbell was actually Michael Roman. Roman was at the Ambassador with his brother Charles. They both worked for Bulova Watch Company. There was a regional sales meeting at the hotel that week. (O’Sullivan, p. 470) The FBI interviewed Roman a few months after the assassination and he described his reaction to Kennedy’s death for them. The alleged Joannides figure was actually a man named Frank Owens. He also worked for Bulova. He worked under Roman as a regional sales manager. The FBI had also interviewed him in October of 1968. (ibid, p. 473)

    In his book O’Sullivan included a photograph of Owens with Roman. A few pages later, he reveals a 1973 photo of Joannides taken in Vietnam. I defy any rational person to look at those two photos and even think they are the same man. (The two shots of Joannides include a close-up.) This comparison actually convinced a reluctant O’Sullivan that he was wrong. (O’Sullivan, p. 474)

    But not Fetzer. (see here) In his belated response, Fetzer goes into full denial mode. And he singles out Lisa Pease and myself as succumbing to the faulty work of others. He even goes as far as to insinuate that the families of Owens and Roman were actually faked by the CIA! (Did they also fake Roman’s brother Charles?) He concludes—apparently with a straight face—that both Lisa and myself needed to track the evidence where it leads. And he then says Shane finally changed his mind since he was overwhelmed by the assaults on him. No one can read the two chapters that Shane wrote on this topic in his book and come to that conclusion. Shane resisted the new evidence step by step. But he finally decided that he had been wrong by the sheer amount of data which contravened his original tenet. To his credit, he did not retreat into “fake families”.

    XII

    “I’ve put them in their place so many times. I haven’t seen where they’ve laid a glove on me.”

    –Fetzer to journalist Mike Mosedale in 2006

    The above quote shows an almost astonishing lack of perspective and self-reflection. As we have seen in this relatively concise review of his public career, Jim Fetzer has had more gloves laid on him than a wealthy woman at a Gucci store in Beverly Hills. From endorsing the likes of John Hankey and Philip Nelson, to failing to reveal the full story about the death of Gary Webb; to advocating the wildly fantastic tales of Judy Wood, Morgan Reynolds, and John Lear about 9-11; to failing to see that the CIA would not need to “fake a family” in the RFK case since the photos are not of CIA officers at the Ambassador—the reader can see that Fetzer has apparently lost his bearings on what constitutes evidence in high profile crimes of state. To the point that one really does not know what to make of the man today. In addition to being ejected from Spartacus Educational, he was also ejected from Deep Politics Forum and let go from Veterans Today. (For the decision to ban him from DPF click here)

    About the last departure, from Veterans Today, it is quite a negative achievement to be terminated by editor Gordon Duff, because he has admitted that a lot of their work at VT is made up. (Click here)

    What has been Fetzer’s reaction to all of these people turning their backs on him? He has doubled down on his extremism. He now says that the “deaths” at Sandy Hook were part of a FEMA exercise. In other words, no one actually died. It was part of a plot to further gun control in America. (Click here) What about the Boston Marathon bombing? That was faked also. (Click here)

    Meanwhile, in his JFK endeavors, there has been a persistent drive to somehow blame Israel. Many, many people have worked on the JFK case for decades. Not one reputable critic has ever endorsed the view that the Mossad or Israel had any kind of role in the murder of President Kennedy. The fact that say, Jack Ruby and Meyer Lansky were Jewish does not mean they did what they did for Israel. After all, Lansky was a major Mob member who, according to David Talbot’s book on Allen Dulles, was once asked by the CIA to kill Castro. Jack Ruby was a footman for the Mob in Dallas, and also was a former FBI informant who had strong ties to the Dallas Police and did gun running for the CIA. But Fetzer and a pal, Don Fox, used the fact that I—and hundreds of others in the JFK field—do not buy this cockamie idea to, again, attack me. (I cannot link to that article at VT since Duff purged much of Fetzer’s work. But here is a link to the headline)

    This last indicates a disturbing trend, and perhaps a reason for Fetzer’s increasing isolation. Fetzer seems to have been a victim of his own penchant for the extreme, the sensational, the over-the-top idea. He consequently has now tumbled into the place where that all ends up. He seems to have enlisted in the ranks of the Holocaust Denial movement. For instance, he wrote the foreword for Nicolas Kollerstrom’s Breaking the Spell: The Holocaust, Myth and Reality. This book states that only a million Jews died in the Nazi death camps and Zyklon B gas was used as a disinfectant. (Click here for a sample of this work)

    Need more? The last anthology Fetzer edited is called, And I Suppose we didn’t go to the Moon either? His co-editor was someone named Mike Palacek. The book centers of three topics: 1) The USA never went to the moon; 2) Beatle Paul McCartney died decades ago, and was substituted; 3) The Holocaust was a myth. If you can believe it—and you sure as heck can by now—in the section of the book on the last topic, Fetzer allows infamous Holocaust denier Robert Faurisson to contribute an essay. Who’s next Jim? How about David Irving? Faurisson actually wrote an essay saying that The Diary of Anne Frank was a forgery. In fact, an article Fetzer wrote about the Sandy Hook tragedy was entitled “Did Mossad death squads slaughter American children at Sandy Hook?” So, in this piece, written relatively soon after the tragedy, Fetzer seemed to think people actually perished. But not for long.

    Later, he switched horses and now said no one died there and it was all a FEMA exercise. He seems to have based this on a dubious document saying that a FEMA exercise would be conducted at the elementary school in December of 2012. Unfortunately—as with Gregory Douglas—this document has been shown to be almost certainly a hoax. And, as with Gregory Douglas, it was apparently manufactured by people who have a history of doing this kind of thing. That would be bad enough. But it’s not the whole story. When essayist Keith Johnson—who has specialized in studying Sandy Hook—alerted Fetzer that he was associating himself with manufactured evidence, Fetzer refused to change his position.

    But actually, it’s even worse than that. In short films that have been prepared by C. W. Wade and others, it has been indicated that Fetzer likely used the same technique he and Cinque used for their Oswald-in-the-doorway imbroglio. That is, they used poor quality film to cloud important evidentiary issues. I cannot do better than to refer you to this article as an exposé of Fetzer’s book Nobody Died at Sandy Hook. There were so many complaints about this book that Amazon.com eventually pulled it from circulation. For a thorough debunking of Fetzer’s efforts on this issue, I refer the reader to Johnson’s essay and advise you to click through to his links and watch the videos at the end. After the reader digests all of this he will see that, as of today, there is little difference between Jim Fetzer and the people who tried to pass off the moon landings as a Stanley-Kubrick-produced hoax, one which the film director purportedly confessed to before he died.

    Jim Fetzer began his post-academic career on the JFK case, on which he once produced some passable work. But there may be a hint as to why he ended up in a toxic pond. In an interview he did in 2006 with journalist Mike Mosedale, in referring to his three JFK edited anthologies, Fetzer said the following: “These books I have published are the most important in establishing the objective and scientific evidence of the existence of conspiracy and cover up in the assassination of JFK. Bar none. No other books come close. Remotely. None. They’re in a category by themselves.” (italics added)

    What to make of such a man? Does he really believe that the likes of Sylvia Meagher, John Newman, and Gaeton Fonzi should not even breathe the same air he does? Let me say this in their defense: Sylvia Meagher would not even enter the same building with the likes of John Hankey and Philip Nelson. And she would consider Fetzer’s associations with them enough to consider him persona non grata. So in addition to his lax critical standards, and his taste for the sensational, Fetzer appears also to be afflicted with a streak of megalomania about his own position in the JFK field.

    Today, far from being a Fonzi, or Meagher, it is more appropriate to look upon Fetzer as a Jeff Rense or Tom Flocco. That is, a repository for junk science and half-baked conspiracy fantasies (I can’t even call them theories. Is he aware of how many times NASA actually went to the moon?)

    But he still travels on, shilling for his own omnipotence in the field. In 2013, at the 50th anniversary of Kennedy’s murder, he sponsored a conference in Santa Barbara. In an interview with the (unsuspecting) local alternative media, he stated that there were anywhere from 8-10 shots fired at JFK. He then named six different locations from which they were fired. He then topped that. He now reeled off six different assassins—and which shots they were responsible for! (Santa Barbara Independent 11/20/13) Needless to say, Hankey and Nelson were part of this conference. Thankfully, the reporter did not ask Fetzer about the moon landings.

    On his radio program today, Fetzer will often be heard musing as to why some authors and researchers do not want to be guests on his show. But, he says, they will go on Seamus Coogan’s show. (Except that Seamus does not have a show.) Another musing is that he blames the Zionist cabal for obstructing his path into more popular media markets. A third thing he can’t figure out is why he is not invited to the more accepted JFK conferences. That is, those sponsored by people like Cyril Wecht and Debra Conway.

    The last is not hard to figure at all. Back in 1998, at a JFK Lancer Conference in Dallas, Fetzer got so vociferous in his attack on Josiah Thompson that Debra Conway decided to spare the audience from more of his rant. She walked over to the wall and disconnected the microphone.

    After what we know today about Jim Fetzer, we should all follow her example.

  • John Newman, Where Angels Tread Lightly, Volume 1

    John Newman, Where Angels Tread Lightly, Volume 1


    I

    In this reviewer’s opinion, Professor John Newman has written two of the most important books on the JFK case in the last 25 years.  The first was published in 1992. Since Newman was a professor of Asian history, he had done a lot of work on America’s struggle in Indochina.  He had come to the conclusion that the mainstream media’s belief that President Johnson had continued President Kennedy’s policies in Indochina was false. So he decided to prove, in a scholarly way, that the MSM was wrong on this point.

    Newman’s work was finally published in 1992.  Entitled JFK and Vietnam, it was the first book length study to vitiate the establishment view that there was continuity between the Kennedy and Johnson administrations on the conduct of the Vietnam War. Newman’s book was the first systematic and categorical rejection of the Kennedy/Johnson continuity concept. In 460 pages of sober, careful, and documented text, Newman essentially rewrote the history of 1961-63 as far as American involvement in Vietnam went. He showed, among other things, that  Lyndon Johnson was in the pocket of the Pentagon on this issue as far back as 1961. Unauthorized by Kennedy, but influenced by the military, he had offered the leader of South Vietnam, Ngo Dinh Diem, the introduction of American troops into the theater.  (See p. 72)

    In addition to that, Newman also proved that while Kennedy was trying to disguise his withdrawal plan around the rosy and unrealistic reports of Diem winning the battle on the ground, LBJ knew the truth.  From his military aide Howard Burris, Johnson was getting the actual intelligence reports, which showed the contrary: Diem was actually losing the war.  (See pp. 225-27)

    By the end of the book, Newman had exposed one of the great historical lies of the second half of the 20th century:  namely, that American involvement in Vietnam was an inevitable tragedy.  A myth that had been sustained, not just by the MSM, but also by self-proclaimed historians like David Halberstam and Stanley Karnow. Others have further mined the field Newman pioneered, and today we have good books by people like Gordon Goldstein and James Blight—Lessons in Disaster, and Virtual JFK—that have furthered Newman’s milestone thesis.

    Newman had worked as a consultant on Oliver Stone’s film JFK.  He was also commissioned by PBS to do some work on the Lee Oswald files, then just beginning to be declassified at the National Archives. This was in regard to the PBS 1993 anniversary program about Oswald. Stone’s film had created such a national outcry that congress created the JFK Act of 1993 to begin declassifying tens of thousands of records that had been, either wholly or partly, classified.  That experience caused Newman to write his second book, Oswald and the CIA. Which was another milestone in the field. This time it was in the study of Lee Harvey Oswald’s relations to the intelligence community: from his defection to Russia to his return to Dallas from Mexico in 1963.  Originally published in 1995, it was reissued in 2008.  In his Afterword to the later edition, Newman squarely pointed his finger at James Angleton, the CIA’s longtime chief of counter-intelligence, as the ultimate control agent for Lee Harvey Oswald.  In my opinion, the MSM deliberately ignored the revolutionary findings in this important book. (For my review of the reissue, click here).

    There is a difference between the two books.  Not just in subject matter.  The first book was artfully organized and written.  Therefore, although it was dealing with highly complex persons and issues, and it was dense with new information, it was quite readable.  Newman had an editor on that book.  As I wrote in my review, Oswald and the CIA is not as easy to read—perhaps because it was written in a much shorter time, maybe because it lacked a strong editor.

    A few years after the publication of this book, Newman retired from the field of JFK studies.  He resigned from his position as an instructor at the University of Maryland, and migrated to James Madison University in Virginia.  He also became a yoga instructor. He then wrote a book about the historic parallels of that subject with mysticism and Christian theology.  This was called Quest for the Kingdom.

    Three years later, in 2014, Newman decided to re-enter the JFK field.   Before he had left, he was planning a comprehensive study of the Kennedy administration’s relations with Castro.  That book was tentatively entitled Kennedy and Cuba, and was to be issued in tandem with a re-release of JFK and Vietnam. Once John left the field, that endeavor was, in part, abandoned.  I say in part, because in speaking to the author, he is now updating his first book in a plan to have it reissued.  But secondly, it seems that the author kept many of his research files from his Cuba project, because they seem to form the backbone for his planned multi-book series entitled Where Angels Tread Lightly.  We will discuss part one of that series here.  But before beginning, it is important to note that because this is a multi-volume series, that is, a work in progress, any ultimate evaluation will have to be delayed until the last volume is published.  So the reader should see this review as something of a descriptive marker, a buoy in a channel on the way to land.

    II

    In the preface, the author reveals that the title comes from a phrase in a letter that one Catherine Taafe wrote to Bobby Kennedy in late April of 1961.  She figures in the book.  For she had been a CIA asset involved in Agency dealings inside of Cuba. She was writing the Attorney General about the humiliation he and his brother had just experienced over the Bay of Pigs debacle.  In the following Prologue, Newman says this book will be about something he calls “dark operations”.  Later on, he will describe this specifically as the CIA’s attempts to kill Castro being a pretense for the boomerang theory:  that is, the idea that these attempts formed the pretense for the murder of President Kennedy. And specifically the CIA’s plotting around Oswald, i. e., building a pro-Castro legend around him, while also manipulating his files concerning the Mexico City episode; this was all done while inbreeding the threat of nuclear war from his alleged visits to the Cuban and Russian embassies there. These were all elements of the plot.

    Newman also writes that it is necessary to break into the CIA’s codes, that is, its pseudonyms and cryptonyms, in order to unmask these “dark operations”.  For as he says:

    Without unmasking the CIA’s pseudonyms, cryptonyms, and multiple identities, it will not be possible to find out … who was behind the assassination in Dealey Plaza, and how they got away with it.

    As the author sees it, this is the key to unraveling the murder of President Kennedy.  And at the end of the first volume, he assembles a long appendix, which features his deciphering of the multiple names, identities and cryptos used by say, Howard Hunt—along with several others.

    Newman begins Chapter 1 with what he considers the bungling of the Eisenhower administration in the handling of a dual problem: the weakening of the regime of Fulgencio Batista in Cuba, and the growth of overt civil disturbances against him. He notes that, even in the middle of 1958, the CIA was still funneling money to Castro’s forces.  Castro was using men like Frank Sturgis to get weapons from a supplier in Miami.   Sturgis was caught smuggling arms twice but released with the help of the CIA.  He then was a captain in Castro’s army.

    Castro grew bolder throughout 1958. He abducted personnel from Guantanamo Bay and seized the Nicaro Nickel Plant, a huge subdivision of powerful Freeport Sulphur.  The CIA now stopped arms shipments to Batista, since they perceived him as being ousted soon. But they also begin to investigate if Castro was part of the international Comintern.  The CIA and businessman William Pawley dreamed up a couple of last minute Hail Mary schemes to stop Castro from gaining power, but they both failed.  In December of 1958, CIA Director Allen Dulles told the president that the indications were that Castro was a communist.  But it was too late to stop his march to Havana. (Dulles would not inform Eisenhower until late March of 1959 that Castro was running a communist dictatorship.)

    Chapter 2 begins with Castro’s takeover and the evacuation of thousands of Americans out of Cuba.  Santo Trafficante was arrested, but he made a deal with Raul Castro. Castro declared martial law. Eisenhower now relieved the American ambassador, Earl Smth.

    Castro was careful in the beginning to disguise who he really was.  He distanced himself from the existing Cuban communist party.  But some remnants of the anti-Batista movement suspected Castro was at least a commie sympathizer.  Some of these men, like Pancho Varona, Rolando Cubela, and Carlos Tepedino actually were informers for the Agency on Batista.  Once they began to realize who Castro was, and suspecting he would install a leftist dictatorship, those men now become the opposition to Castro.  They will soon meet with two CIA officers. This was the beginning of the DRE, or the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil.

    III

    FBI Director, J. Edgar Hoover, was shocked by the rise to power of Castro in Cuba. In his files, Newman found evidence that Richard Nixon’s lifelong friend, Bebe Rebozo, fronted as a funnel for Mob money and investment in business ventures between Ambassador Earl Smith and Batista. Nixon was also getting a cut of this graft.  The author has three sources for this. (Newman does not note it, but this makes three fonts of dirty money Nixon was getting prior to becoming president: from the Shah of Iran, from Romanian industrialist Nicolae Malaxa, and now Batista.  JFK researchers like to point out how corrupt LBJ was. He had nothing on Nixon.)

    Parts of the CIA, and a larger part of the State Department, were willing to wait on Castro. But another part of the Agency developed other informants on him. This included Sturgis—a relationship that was actually approved by CIA HQ—and military commander Camilo Cienfuegos.

    When Sturgis had a falling out with Raul Castro, he was instructed to visit the American embassy in Havana.  From there he was told to meet two CIA officers in Miami.  It is there that he began his relationship with Bernard Barker. Barker and Sturgis were assigned to William Kent of the psy-war branch. Sturgis now began work with James Noel, chief of the CIA office in Havana, along with psy-war expert David Phillips. Phillips was undercover as one “James Stewart”, working for an advertising agency. (As the author notes, whenever one hears that the CIA had no formal relationship with Sturgis, we can now show this is a  deception.)

    Castro, at first, closed the casinos, and their gambling operations.   But there were so many foreigners still on the island that he decided to reopen them temporarily.  Castro asked Sturgis to work as his liaison to the casinos.  It is here that Sturgis got to  know Juan Orta, Castro’s secretary.  Santo Trafficante will later recruit Orta to take part in the CIA-Mafia plots to kill Castro.  But Sturgis had already volunteered to plant a bomb in the second floor conference room at an Air Force Base he regularly visited.

    The author now introduces another female protagonist. She is June Cobb.  Readers of Oswald and the CIA will recall that Newman spent a good deal of time with Cobb there, since she was a CIA infiltrator—one among many—inside the Fair Play for Cuba Committee.  It seems that Cobb began her intelligence career as a double-dealing drug peddler.  That is, she was dealing drugs in Cuba, but also working as an informant for the Federal Bureau of Narcotics.  This began as far back as 1957, when she actually informed on her boyfriend.

    In 1959, when Castro first visited America, Cobb landed a job as a translator for Fidel.  She actually translated his famous “History Will Absolve Me” speech.  Castro liked her work and invited her back to Cuba. He put her in charge of English publications.

    Frank Sturgis was also hard at work as an informant.  In March of 1959, he went to Washington to inform the FBI about Castro.  He did this at the behest of Pedro and Marcos Diaz Lanz, two commanders in Castro’s military.  Sturgis told the Bureau that all three were alarmed about the growing communist influence in Cuba. They worried that Cuba could now become a communist forward base in the Caribbean, e.g., against Rafael Trujillo in the Dominican Republic and Anastasio Somoza in Nicaragua.  Both men were backed by the USA. In fact, Cuba did make very small incursions into both countries, along with Panama, in 1959.  When this happened, certain soldiers of fortune now joined up in the battle against Fidel; e.g., pilot Leslie Bradley, trainer Gerry Hemming, and the man the FBI would wrongly accuse of being at Sylvia Odio’s door, Loran Hall.  After joining the Cuban army, Hemming later engaged in training Nicaraguans.  Hall did also.  While in Cuba, Hall got to know Mafia Don Santo Trafficante.

    n June of 1959, Raul Castro began to purge the military of all suspected informers and double agents.  This included later CIA assets like Sergio Sanjenis.  He especially concentrated on the higher ranks. Lanz took over Radio Havana on June 29, 1959 and criticized Castro’s leftward drift in a lengthy speech. Castro was outraged. He ordered Diaz Lanz under house arrest, and gave Juan Almeida his job as commander of the Air Force.  Sanjenis and Pedro Diaz Lanz defected with the help of the CIA in June of 1959.  Diaz Lanz became a prized asset of the CIA.  He testified in public before Senator Thomas  Dodd’s Internal Security committee.  He would later take part in the Bay of Pigs invasion.

    The Diaz Lanz defection really hit home with Fidel. He now turned even more to the left.

    IV

    The first drastic piece of legislation moving Cuba toward a communist state was the Agrarian Reform Program.  At first, this bill did not allow for compensation when Cuba confiscated property for future redistribution.  As a result, the minister of agriculture, Sori Martin, resigned.

    Castro’s program set up a body of local cooperatives that he labeled INRA (the National Institute for Agrarian Reform). Now, only Cubans could buy land on the island.  INRA was a very powerful agency that shaped land distribution and all infrastructure projects in Cuba.  Manuel Artime ran Zone 22.

    It was the creation of INRA that now drove American business interests to lay siege to the White House, especially in light of the lack of promises by Castro to pay compensation for land. (Castro did tell the new ambassador Philip Bonsal that he would pay later, but not right now.)  In the summer of 1959, these business interests wanted Eisenhower to start a formal program of counter-revolution.  And now, people like Bernard Barker joined up with Manuel Artime (before his defection) to aid Mario Lazo.  Lazo was a high level Cuban attorney under Batista.  He served as corporate counsel for Freeport Sulphur on the island.  Taafe used her contacts to steal inside documents from INRA.

    In the fall of 1959, Castro came out of the closet. After keeping the communist party at arm’s length, he now appointed the leader of the party as Minister of Labor.   He then began to appoint members of the party to all levels of his government.  Thereafter, he announced that Cuba would be a fully communist country in three years.  The CIA heard about this meeting announcement through Artime.

    Through the Havana CIA station, David Phillips and Dave Morales now worked on the defection of Marcos Diaz Lanz.  This decision went all the way up to Chief of the Western Hemisphere, J. C. King.  Phillips and Morales were assisted on this by Bernard Barker.

    The author now addresses a weird episode.   Both the Dominican Republic and Cuba had plans to invade each other almost at the same time in the summer of 1959.  Because he was informed of the Trujillo action in advance, Castro struck first by about four days. But he was not informed of the CIA backing of Trujillo’s invasion of Cuba.  The American Ambassador to Cuba, Philip Bonsal, did not back the Dominican Republic invasion, since he thought it had little chance of success, and would therefore strengthen Castro.  Through informants and agents, Allen Dulles pushed for the Cuban invasion of the Dominican Republic, but said little to the NSC about the Dominican Republic invasion of Cuba. Both attacks were failures.  But Trujillo’s was much worse since Castro rounded up about a thousand POW’s.  After this there were even more defections to the USA, since Castro now started a purge of the military of all suspected American allies.

    After this victory, in September of 1959, Castro announced that Freeport Sulphur’s 75 million dollar plant at Moa Bay would come under property review. Since the regime needed money, Raul Castro actually wanted Fidel to directly expropriate the property. In reaction, business leaders now called for an emergency meeting with both the State Department and Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson.  As a result, David Phillips became a PR advisor for the business interests still on the island. But he reported back that these interests wanted more than PR, they wanted action.

    Short of an American invasion, it was probably too late. For, in October of 1959, Castro wearied of all the defections by people like Sturgis, Sanjenis, and Diaz Lanz. The last one was Manuel Artime, a project that, again, Phillips and Morales worked on. Fidel now made his brother Raul minister of defense.  Bonsal wired Washington that, in and of itself, this was a disturbing development, since Raul was considered even more leftist than Fidel. Further, Fidel Castro cracked down on all suspects who he thought were about to defect:  for example, jailing former Commander Huber Matos.   A week later, Artime began the MRR, an anti-Castro exile group, with Sergio Sanjenis.

    Also in October, the State Department announced a new policy paper in regards to Cuba.  It was titled “Current Basic United States Policy Towards Cuba”.  Part of the objective entailed the removal of Fidel Castro from power by no later than the end of 1960. President Eisenhower adopted this paper in November, along with CIA Director Allen Dulles.  In January of 1960, it extended to the Pentagon.

    At the White House, Vice-President Richard Nixon demanded an action plan.  From the outside, William Pawley—former diplomat and now businessman—wanted another invasion of Cuba through the Dominican Republic. But Allen Dulles vetoed that move.  In December of 1959 Dulles, Deputy Director of Plans, Richard Helms, and Western Hemisphere Chief J. C. King now began to devise a covert action plan against Cuba. When it was completed, Dulles presented it to the National Security Council.

    After Phillips worked on the exfiltration of Artime, he began work on getting Rolando Cubela out of Cuba. Cubela was another government employee who became disenchanted with Castro’s leftward drift.  But the CIA decided that Phillips was becoming overexposed.  So they recalled him back home.  Two cohorts of Phillips handled the Cubela operation: the Cuban friend of Cubela, Carlos Tepedino, and CIA official Tony Sforza.  In talks with Cubela, the CIA learned that government official Manolo Ray was also disenchanted with Castro. But, as time went on, Cubela decided to stay on the island to fight Castro.  Sforza then focused on Juanita Castro, sister of Fidel, as a possible exfiltration target.

    Newman notes that in the middle of all these fateful and furious debates about Cuba, the Russians had stayed hidden in the shadows. This minimized the specter of a Cuban/Russian alliance.  But in late 1959, through Air Force General Curtis LeMay and former Air Force Secretary, and now Senator, Stuart Symington, there began to be talk about a Missile Gap—in favor of the Soviets.  Since Symington was planning on running for the White House the next year, this is probably what motivated him to take part in this nonsense.  As it did Lyndon Johnson, who said the Russians would have a 3-1 advantage in three years.  The facts were that the USA was already two generations ahead of the Soviets in ICBM technology.  The USSR was still testing its first delivery systems while Eisenhower was debating whether to bypass the Atlas rocket for the Minuteman and the Polaris.  This gap in America’s favor would, of course, set the stage for the Missile Crisis.

    This book is exceedingly rich in detail.  Much more than I can begin to convey in a relatively concise review.  What the author is doing has three layers.  First, he is giving us a history of the Castro revolution.  At the same time he is showing how the USA reacted to that epochal turnover, stage by stage in its evolution. Third, he is tracing certain people and movements who will return to the stage in 1963, after Kennedy changes policy, and begins a détente attempt with Cuba.  Other authors have tried this before, but never on this scale or with this intricacy.

  • William W. Turner: In Memoriam

    William W. Turner: In Memoriam


    JFKturnerWPWilliam Turner passed away a few days ago.  The brief obituary in our news section at the right does not do his writing career justice.    So let us elaborate a bit on his achievements.

    Bill Turner was originally an FBI agent.  He decided to break from the FBI and began to write letters to certain congressmen complaining about certain practices by Director J. Edgar Hoover; e.g., his failure to go after, or even recognize, the Mob’s influence in America.  For this, he was drummed out of the Bureau.

    Thus began his writing career. One of the first notable books he wrote was called Hoover’s FBI.  According to Bill, he had a hard time publishing this volume.  He later found out the reason.  It was that the Bureau, specifically Cartha DeLoach, had visited the publishing houses it was at and discouraged them from releasing it.   When it appeared, it was one of the first major assaults on Hoover’s credibility and the Bureau’s reputation.

    Turner also wrote The Police Establishment, and Power on the Right.  These volumes, especially the latter, finely examined two bastions of the establishment that few writers wanted to tangle with.  But Turner did; and he showed how pernicious both groups were.

    The latter book came out of some research Turner did for the late, great Ramparts magazine.  And make no mistake, Ramparts was the last great glossy magazine this country ever had.  Along with Art Kunkin’s tabloid newspaper, the LA Free Press, it formed the pinnacle of American journalism in the sixties and early seventies.

    But not only were these two periodicals journalistically exceptional, they both had large circulations. 

    Therefore, they were difficult for the establishment to ignore.  In fact, as investigative journalist Angus McKenzie later discovered, Ramparts was a big worry for the CIA, because editor Warren Hinckle was not afraid of exposing covert operations, like the Agency’s infiltration of the National Students Association. And Hinckle was a fierce critic of America’s growing involvement in the Vietnam War.  (For a riveting chronicle of the halcyon days of this magnificent magazine, see Hinckle’s beautifully written memoir, If You Have a Lemon Make Lemonade.) Angus McKenzie, who was stricken and died of cancer at the young age of 54, posthumously published his book called Secrets.  There he revealed that the CIA’s covert operation MH CHAOS began as a way of monitoring and infiltrating the underground press, specifically Ramparts. Later, as Lisa Pease and myself were editing and publishing Probe Magazine, a subscriber sent us documents revealing the names of two infiltrators into Ramparts.

    As Hinckle notes in his book, Ramparts was also not afraid to address the assassinations of the sixties.  And since, at its peak, it had a circulation of 250,000 and was sold on newsstands all over America, those stories reached a lot of people.  In January of 1967, Hinckle published a disturbing, well-documented essay by David Welsh and David Lifton entitled, “The Case for Three Assassins”.  That memorable essay began with this sentence, “No less than three gunmen fired on the presidential motorcade in Dallas on November 22, 1963….”  One can imagine why the CIA would be upset.  I mean, they had to realize that over 250,000 Americans per month were reading this incendiary stuff.

    But what must have disturbed the Agency even more was this: Ramparts was actually covering the investigation of Jim Garrison in New Orleans.  Further, unlike the hatchet jobs unleashed by the MSM, Hinckle was treating that inquiry fairly and objectively.  In the space of seven months, Hinckle had published two long articles about Garrison, one in June of 1967, and the other in January of 1968.  Bill Turner wrote them both.

    Off of these articles, Turner had become an investigator for Garrison. They were two of the very few objective pieces written in any print media about the DA.   For as Hinckle wrote about Garrison in his book,  “…no man I have known had more legitimate reasons to become paranoid than Garrison; there actually were people constantly plotting against him.”  (p. 209) Covering Garrison fairly was not a popular decision inside the magazine.  For as Hinckle notes, there were people firmly opposed to delving into the JFK case, e.g. Bob Scheer.  (Turner once told me that Scheer called his JFK investigations a form of mental masturbation.)

    But both Hinckle and Turner viewed it differently. Hinckle saw the sudden outburst of a re-investigation into the Warren Commission’s tenets as “an extraordinary phenomenon of an extraordinary decade.” (p. 215) But also, Hinckle had read the Warren Report and most of the volumes.  He called it “impossible to believe.”  He then added that anyone could see that the Commission was not out to uncover the truth about Kennedy’s murder. But to deliver a syringe of amnesia medication to the collective conscience of America. (ibid, p. 217) Or to put it another way, the Commission was the equivalent of Leslie Nielson in one of the “Naked Gun” films reciting the mantra: “Nothing to see here, run along.”  As explosion after explosion is taking place in the warehouse behind him.

    Turner was already familiar with that terrain.  He told me that a couple of years after the assassination, Saga asked him to do an article on the JFK case.  As a former FBI man, he talked to some of the agents who worked on the case. They also managed to smuggle some documents to him.  After looking at these, Turner came to the conclusion that someone in a high position had deliberately short-circuited the FBI inquiry into the JFK case.  As he explained to me in the living room of his Marin County, San Rafael home, there were three steps in each FBI inquiry.  These were:

    1. The collection of all relevant leads,
    2. The following out of all leads to their final conclusion, and
    3. The collation of this information into a comprehensive report.

    Turner said, obviously, you could not do step three if step two was aborted.  And that is what he concluded had happened from talking to these agents and looking at their documents. (James DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, p. 219)

    As a result of their mutual efforts and beliefs, in 1981, Hinckle and Turner wrote a good book pertaining to the JFK case from the Cuban exile angle. It was called The Fish is Red.  This was, in large part, based on information that Turner had uncovered as an investigator for Jim Garrison.   That volume was later updated and reissued in 1992 as Deadly Secrets. That reissue was timed for the release of Oliver Stone’s film JFK, which was based on Jim Garrison’s book, On the Trail of the Assassins.  Later on, Turner published his career memoir entitled Rearview Mirror, which devotes a long section to his service as an investigator for Garrison.

    But in spite of all the above, in this author’s view, Turner should be most remembered for the book he co-wrote with Jonn Christian on the Bobby Kennedy assassination.  It is called simply, The Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy. Originally issued in 1978, it was republished twice: once in 1993 and once in 2006.  In my opinion, it remains the best book ever written on that case.  And it will likely remain so until Lisa Pease’s long awaited and much anticipated volume is published.

    A division of Random House originally issued that book.  It was commissioned by illustrious editor Jason Epstein, with the encouragement of Vincent Bugliosi, who figures in the narrative.  This book, perhaps more than any other, exhibits what a good writer Turner was. It is not only enlightening, but also a pleasure to read.  In fact, Epstein insisted that Turner write every paragraph of the book., since he did not trust Christian’s judgment.  I know this for a fact since Turner showed me the memos between him and Epstein.  When Christian tried to get in a chapter on his own, Epstein immediately recognized it and said it had to be rewritten.

    That book is a milestone in the field.  It was so compelling that, in a power struggle at Random House between Epstein  and Robert Loomis—which Epstein lost—it was withdrawn and pulped.  For, several years earlier, Loomis had brought out Robert Houghton’s official LAPD statement on the RFK case, Special Unit Senator.  Which the later book completely harpooned.

    On the occasion of Bill Turner’s death, I can think of no better compliment to his spirit than to read that book.

  • David Talbot, The Devil’s Chessboard


    David Talbot’s The Devil’s Chessboard has a massive scope to it. It deals with three main figures. The first, and the main character, is CIA Director Allen Dulles. The second, and a supporting character, is his brother, Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles. The third major character, who is dealt with in the last 270 pages of the book, is President John F. Kennedy.

    Beyond focusing on three historical giants, because the framework is a biography of Allen Dulles, the book deals with some extraordinarily complex, controversial, even convoluted, historical events. Because, as the subtitle of the book states, perhaps no other single individual did as much to create the so—called “secret government” of the United States. The one that the mainstream media refuses to recognize, but which the public, in growing numbers, has grown to accept as a fact of life. This dichotomy has done much to feed the growing disbelief by the populace in both the American government, and the American media.

    Before we begin, it is important to place Talbot’s book in a historiographical framework (something which, to my knowledge, no reviewer has done yet.) For surprisingly, even though Allen Dulles passed away well over forty years ago, Talbot really did not have many antecedents. There were two previous, what I should call “group biographies”. That is, volumes dealing with Allen Dulles and his brother, and to a lesser extent his sister Eleanor (who also worked in the State Department.) In 1978, about ten years after Allen Dulles’ death, the prolific author Leonard Mosley wrote Dulles, about all three siblings. In 2013, former New York Times reporter Stephen Kinzer wrote The Brothers. There have been two biographies that were solely about Allen Dulles. In 1994, Peter Grose wrote Gentleman Spy: The Life of Allen Dulles. This was, more or less, an official version of Dulles’ life, befitting the fact that Grose was a member of a body that Allen Dulles himself very much controlled, the Council on Foreign Relations. In 1999, James Srodes wrote Allen Dulles: Master of Spies. Srodes has been a business writer for journals like Forbes, before becoming a contributor to conservative journals like American Spectator and the Washington Times.

    (I should mention that one other attempted Dulles biography, by Richard Harris Smith, does not appear to have been actually published. In an e-mail communication with this reviewer, Talbot wrote that he did find this mysterious manuscript at the Hoover Institute in Palo Alto. He called it a work in progress, and, as he recalled, Grose had gleaned the best parts of it for his volume. Many years ago, when professor Donald Gibson was trying to secure this biography, he asked Mr. Smith—author of a good book on the OSS—what happened to it. Smith replied that he was not in the mood to talk about conspiracy theories.)

    In this reviewer’s opinion, Talbot’s book is a leap beyond these. I don’t want to convey the idea that Talbot is independent of them, for he does reference the previous books. But in this reviewer’s opinion, Talbot goes much further than these previous authors in his attempt to excavate just how involved Allen Dulles was in some of the unsavory aspects that helped create and maintain the Cold War state. Many of these aspects were ignored or minimized in the previous books. But Talbot does not shy away from detailing Dulles’ role in attempting to undermine some of America’s allies, like France during the revolt of the French generals in 1961. Beyond that, he goes much further than they do in explaining Dulles’ dismissal by President Kennedy (it was not all about the Bay of Pigs). And, most interestingly, he highlights Dulles’ rather bizarre insistence in maintaining something like what the author calls an anti-Kennedy government in exile. (Talbot, p. 7) That is, Dulles continued to have regular meetings with high-level CIA officers for years after Kennedy removed him from office. And he does not shy away from the question of Dulles’ involvement in both the assassination of, and the cover-up surrounding Kennedy’s murder.

    Criticism should be nothing if not comparative. Therefore, in these ways, The Devil’s Chessboard is a milestone in the field. This is good in itself of course. But one has to wonder: Why did it take nearly a half-century to write such a book? Talbot’s work is not without flaws—which I will detail later. But it is so far ahead of its competitors, and it deals with such a wide variety of important subjects, that I strongly recommend reading it. Most books I review in this field I read once, and then walk outside and throw them in the dumpster. Talbot’s book is so large in scale, so rich in detail, so wide-ranging and relevant in its gallop through time, that I read it twice—all the while writing 43 pages of notes in preparation for this review. It was the only way to do the book justice. And anyone who says they can grasp and appreciate the 620 pages of text in one reading is not being candid.

    I

    Unlike Srodes and Grose, Talbot does not spend a lot of pages on the formative years of Allen Dulles. I assume that, since the book was quite long in its present form, the author did not think it was necessary to fill in the man’s boyhood, schooling, even his spy services in World War I. Talbot does little more than just mention these matters.

    He begins the book in a rather daring way. After the Prologue, we start the story proper in 1942, with Dulles in Bern, Switzerland. He was working for the OSS, ostensibly against the Third Reich. But revealingly, Talbot entitles this chapter, “The Double Agent”, because despite the fact Dulles was supposed to be working to topple the Reich, he was not obeying the orders issued by his president, Franklin Roosevelt, on that all-important matter. In January of 1943, Roosevelt had decided on a policy of unconditional surrender for the Nazi regime. (p. 29) That is, there would be no negotiations by, or for, the Germans in quest of a truce. This was a sharp and visionary stricture by FDR. As the author notes, it was meant to reassure Josef Stalin—the almost pathologically insecure and paranoid Russian dictator—that his allies, the USA and England, would not cut a separate peace with the Nazis, and then turn on him.

    With that in mind, Talbot begins the book with a scene between Prince Maximilian Egon von Hohenlohe and Dulles. This meeting directly contravened FDR’s instructions. For the two men were discussing a possible deal that would sacrifice Hitler, but save a large part of the Nazi government. (pp. 31ff) And—exactly what FDR wanted to prevent—they saw Russia as the enemy, and they wanted to use Germany as a bulwark against Stalin. Meanwhile, they would dispose of the genocide problem by sending the surviving Jews of East Europe to Africa. During these rather bizarre, and definitely insubordinate conversations, Dulles told the prince that he had the president’s complete support. Which, of course, he did not. These discussions went on for over two months. And as the author reveals—in what is probably the most shocking aspect of the entire negotiation—the prince was representing none other than Heinrich Himmler, chief of the SS. In other words, Himmler was betraying Hitler, and Dulles was betraying Roosevelt. But further, the implications are stunning: Dulles had no problem working out a truce with the man who was running the Final Solution, thereby leaving him alive and free and running a largely Nazi state.

    This opening is both daring and quite suitable. For, like a musical prelude, it sets the thematic overtones of the book at the outset. Dulles will not abide by the wishes of his superior in the White House. He then begins to formulate his own personal foreign policy, oblivious to how it violates the policy of his president. Further, it does not matter to him if he is, literally, dealing with the devil. This is all appropriate and, in a structural way, thematically sound—because this same concept will be repeated in 1961. Except then, Dulles will be insubordinate, not once, but three times within the first year of the presidency of John F. Kennedy. With just cause, Kennedy will then terminate him. However, as the author notes, Dulles had been in power for so long that he began to manage and control what the author outlines as an “anti-Kennedy junta” in exile. Except it was not really in exile; it operated within the confines of the USA, but in secret.

    Why was Dulles predisposed to negotiate with a representative of Himmler’s? In addition to seeing Marxism as the enemy around the corner, Allen Dulles and his brother, future Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, had made a lot of money serving the business interests of Nazi Germany. (pp. 19-28) Their law firm, Sullivan and Cromwell, was one of the largest and most powerful international corporate firms in America. And they had extensive dealings with Germany, way past the date when others had refused to deal with the Nazis since it had become obvious what Hitler was up to. In fact, Sullivan and Cromwell went as far as to set up phony shell companies to disguise the identity of IG Farben, along with Krupp, two of the largest business supporters of the Reich.

    Very pointedly, as he is outlining all of this double-dealing with Nazis and their agents, Talbot also makes another telling observation about the personality of Allen Dulles. While having no qualms about dealing with the Nazis, even Himmler, Dulles essentially sat on more than one early warning about what the Reich had planned for the Jews of Eastern Europe. These were credible reports by Edward Schulte, Fritz Kolba, Rudolf Vrba and Alfred Wetzler. These men all had direct testimony about what the Nazis were doing after rounding up all these Jews. Schulte had witnessed an early demonstration for Himmler of what zyklon gas could do in a shower chamber. (p. 48) Kolbe stole documents about what Hitler planned on doing with the Hungarian Jews being transported by night on trains. (pp. 53, 54) Vrba and Wetzler escaped from Auschwitz and wrote a 40-page report on what was happening there. (p. 56) Dulles sat on the first, summarized the second falsely, and he sent the last one to Cordell Hull, knowing he would be hesitant to act.

    But trying to preserve a large part of the Third Reich, while delaying any rescue attempts of the Jews, was not enough for Dulles. Near the end of the war, Allen Dulles began his attempts to save certain members of the Reich from the hangman’s noose at Nuremburg. Near the end of the war, with the allies tracking him down, Himmler tried to get to Dulles in Switzerland, thinking he could find sanctuary there. He failed in this attempt, was captured, and killed himself by taking a cyanide capsule.

    General Karl Wolff, Himmler’s chief of staff, was more fortunate. At the end of the war, Wolff was chief of all SS forces in Italy. As with Himmler, Dulles was trying to arrange a separate peace with the SS man prior to the end of the war. As the author notes, the aim of this was to prevent any influence from the Russians who were torrentially driving into Germany. Dulles wanted the Soviets to have no influence in Austria or the northern city of Trieste in Italy. (p. 76) As with his earlier dealings with Hohenlohe, Dulles falsely told Wolff that he was representing Roosevelt in these negotiations. (p. 77) Dulles told him he would probably be the Minister of Education in a new Germany after the war. (p. 87)

    But the fall of the Reich changed all this. The Italian uprising against fascism literally endangered Wolff’s life. A cohort of Dulles saved him. Dulles then kept Wolff out of the first two rounds of trials at Nuremburg, even though the man arranged transportation to places like Treblinka and supervised some medical experiments there. Wolff also arranged for slave labor from the camps to large private contributors to the SS. (pp. 82-84) While in a rather comfortable detention—Dulles actually got him the use of a yacht—Dulles defended the SS manager from the worst of the charges brought against him by the Nuremburg prosecutors. These negotiations went on for month after month. Meanwhile, Dulles said Wolff should be in a hospital since he was suffering from nervous exhaustion. (p. 88)

    When the charade was over, Dulles got Wolff’s penalty reduced to time served—less than four years. By the fifties, Wolff was fully rehabilitated. To the point that the State Department, under Foster Dulles’ control, granted him a visa. (p. 93) This same pattern was largely repeated with Eugen Dollmann, an assistant to Wolff.

    But probably the most infamous Nazi who Dulles helped escape Nuremburg was Reinhard Gehlen. Talbot devotes a chapter to Hitler’s former chief of espionage on the eastern front. He begins it in a novel way: with Gehlen and a friend (also a former Nazi) watching the legendary 1951 World Series between the New York Giants and the Yankees, after which Joe DiMaggio retired. Dulles had helped arrange for the CIA to get the pair tickets, with a CIA escort.

    From here, the author flashes back to the rescue of Gehlen from the Russians at the end of World War II. Like Himmler, Gehlen was making his way toward Dulles in hopes he could persuade the OSS spymaster in Bern to rescue him. For Gehlen was involved in a very large and heinous crime: the torture and sometimes murder of thousands of prisoners of war on the Russian Front. It turns out that Gehlen did not really have to seek out Dulles, as Dulles was searching for him. (Ibid, pp. 270-71) Other voices involved, like Army Intelligence, saw no point in enlisting Gehlen. But Dulles won the debate. After setting up a deal with Gehlen to be part of American intelligence after the war, the Nazi now began to recruit former SS officers into his organization, e.g., Konrad Fiebig, later charged with killing thousands of Jews in Belarus. (p. 275)

    But this did not matter to the Dulles brothers because Gehlen delivered the goods they wanted: an inflated and venomous view of the USSR as a juggernaut intent on world domination. Except the Nazi went beyond that: “We live in an age which war is a paramount activity of man with the total annihilation of the enemy as its primary aim.” (p. 278) Yet even the leaders of West Germany did not want Gehlen around after the country was declared an independent republic. But again, Dulles resisted the efforts of Konrad Adenauer to dump Gehlen, probably because Gehlen had contingency plots to take over the West German government if it drifted too far left. (pp. 282-83)

    II

    After World War II and his salvaging of so many former Nazis, Dulles went back to work for a while at Sullivan and Cromwell. These previous political moves helped his clients of course, because now they could rebuild business relations with Germany, while Dulles used some of these former Nazis to crank up the Cold War with Russia—something even more beneficial to his clients.

    One of the key moves Dulles made was with the Noel Field affair. This has been one of the most puzzling aspects of Cold War history. Noel Field was a rather naïve State Department employee who was very much impressed by the anti-Fascist heroism during the Spanish Civil War. In 1940, he resigned and worked for the Unitarian Universalist Service Committee’s Relief Mission in southern France. During the war he worked as an informant for Dulles.

    After the war, Field moved from Switzerland to Prague. He had allegedly been offered a teaching position at a university there. Shortly after he arrived in 1949, he was arrested. After Noel disappeared, his brother Herman began to search for him. He was also arrested. When his wife went looking for him, she was arrested. (pp. 140-43) The question all three detainees were asked during interrogation was, “How do you know Allen Dulles?”

    It turns out that Dulles was using Noel Field. And his family. With the helpful ear of his protégée Frank Wisner, who ran CIA intelligence operations at the time, Dulles had concocted something called Operation Splinter Factor. (p. 151) Taking advantage of Stalin’s paranoia, Dulles had spread the word that the Fields’ going to Eastern Europe was part of a plot to destabilize the USSR. When the Fields did not confess—since there was nothing to confess to—Stalin went batty. He arrested over 170,000 Communist Party members. Show trials and executions followed. (p. 155) The Fields were not released until Stalin died in 1954.

    A useful tool for Dulles to ratchet up the Cold War stateside was a young California congressman named Richard Nixon. Nixon first met Dulles in 1947 on a trip to Europe to promote the Marshall Plan. Representative Christian Herter was also on that voyage via the Queen Mary. These two men seduced Nixon into going along with the Marshall Plan, which most Republicans questioned. (pp. 158-161)

    But Talbot writes that this was probably not the first time Nixon met Dulles. Borrowing from author/investigator John Loftus, he says that the introduction probably occurred in 1945. Nixon was an ensign about to leave the Navy, but he was wrapping up some matters when he discovered some documents relating to the Nazis and the Dulles brothers. He contacted Allen Dulles and the OSS chief told him to hush it up. In return, he and his brother would help him run for political office in California once he was decommissioned. Dulles came through—in spades. He had to, because Nixon’s opponent, Jerry Voorhis, wanted to shine some light on Wall Street’s cooperation with the Nazis during and prior to the war. (pp. 162-63)

    With tons of cash at his disposal, Nixon began one of the great smear campaigns in American political history. The casting of Voorhis as a commie or commie sympathizer was complete fiction. And Nixon knew it. He later said, “Of course, I knew Jerry Voorhis wasn’t a communist. I had to win. That’s the thing you don’t understand. The important thing is to win.” (p. 166) This Machiavellian code, combined with barrels full of money, helped launch one of the most pernicious political careers in post-World-War-II history. And with it, the Second Red Scare.

    In August of 1948, congressman Nixon met secretly with a small coterie of inside-the-beltway high rollers. Among them were the Dulles brothers. Nixon’s House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) had just accused Alger Hiss of being a Soviet spy. This was largely based on the word of one Whitaker Chambers. Chambers said he was a former communist who broke with the party. He then turned into a conservative Time magazine writer, as well as a communist fear monger. The problem for Nixon was that Hiss had denied Chamber’s accusations of them knowing each other in the communist underground. Appearing before the committee, Hiss had done well. Some members of the runaway committee thought they should abandon the matter. Nixon was not one of them.

    But he wanted to check with some heavy hitters in the Republican Party before proceeding, because he knew he needed their backing and support. John Foster Dulles was important since he ran the Carnegie Endowment for Peace where Hiss now worked. (p. 169) Nixon brought the committee’s files to this meeting, which indicated to him, and the HUAC, that Hiss was lying when he said he did not know Chambers. These files convinced the Dulles brothers that Nixon was correct and they approved his efforts to corral Hiss. As Foster Dulles later said, “It was clear he did not want to proceed until people like myself had agreed that he really had a cause to justify going ahead.” (p. 170) After all, it was a presidential election year.

    As Joan Brady makes clear in her new book, America’s Dreyfus, Nixon had choreographed the proceedings perfectly, because at the time he made his denial, Hiss had not seen Chambers. When he asked to see him, Nixon always found a reason to avoid such a confrontation. Nixon knew, as Hiss did not, that the two men did know each other—except, at the time they did, Chambers went by a different name (one of many he used, perhaps as many as thirteen). That name was George Crossley. Further, in the 12-year interim, Chambers had gained something like fifty pounds, lost some hair, and greatly cleaned up his appearance, including extensive dental work. Which is why Hiss demanded a face-to-face meeting. He did not want to rely on photos—although Hiss suspected it was probably Crossley. On cue, when they did finally meet, Hiss asked Chambers if he used the name Crossley. Chambers denied it. This was a lie. (Brady, p. 123)

    In fact, Chambers told so many lies that it was almost laughable that Hiss was the one indicted for perjury. But HUAC was a completely politically motivated apparatus. They were responsible for the infamous Hollywood Ten. As Talbot notes, they might have been responsible for the death of Harry Dexter White, a brilliant New Deal economist who was not in the best of health when he appeared before them. After he rode home by train, he died of a heart attack. (Talbot, p. 184) The chairman, J. Parnell Thomas, was later convicted for fraud. (Brady, p. 158)

    At Hiss’ first trial, the prosecutor made a mistake. In his opening comments he said that if the jury did not believe Chambers, he had no case. (Brady, p. 228) Hiss’ first lawyer, Lloyd Stryker, caught Chambers in so many lies that one commentator wrote: getting another lie out of Chambers was like squeezing juice from an orange. But Prosecutor Murphy had the infamous typewriter. This was the legendary Woodstock #230099. Allegedly, Hiss’ wife used this typewriter to replicate the documents Hiss stole before giving them to Chambers to pass on to the Soviet underground in America.

    Which is idiotic on its face. If Hiss were a spy he would just photograph the documents. But for Nixon to make a case, there had to be a direct connection between the documents, Hiss and Chambers. As Joan Brady comments—and every follower of the case now knows—Woodstock #230099 was the wrong typewriter. The serial number betrayed it had not been manufactured at the time the prosecution said it came into the hands of Hiss. (Brady, p. 315) Unfortunately for Hiss, his lawyers did not find this out until after the second trial, where he was convicted of perjury. Suffice it to say, if Stryker had known about this subterfuge, this combined with his demolition of Chambers would have been enough to stop Nixon right there. And then perhaps, as Brady and others have pointed out, the Frankenstein of Joe McCarthy might never have been unleashed.

    When confronted with these troubling facts, the late author Allen Weinstein—the Gerald Posner of the Hiss case—always insisted: But the typewriter was found by the Hiss camp. The problem is that it had been found previous to that. (Brady, p. 218-19) Realizing it was the wrong typewriter, the FBI then built a machine itself. According to John Dean, Nixon actually admitted this to him. (ibid, p. 316) What makes that so compelling is this: the alleged Hiss investigator who found the typewriter and delivered it to the defense was a double agent. (ibid)

    A point brought out by Brady which supports Talbot is that early on, Hiss asked Foster Dulles if he should go over to where Chambers was working and confront him. At least he would now be able to see the man in person. Dulles advised him not to. (Brady, p. 79) At the second trial, Foster Dulles appeared as a witness against Hiss. And Allen Dulles furnished Nixon with various intelligence files on the case. Indeed, “Nixon was impressed by the Dulles brothers’ bold decision to politically exploit the Hiss affair rather than run from it.” (Talbot, p. 171)

    The author delves into something that Brady takes much further. A mystery about the case has always been why Hiss did not allow his stepson Timmy to testify at either trial. Talbot theorizes that there may have been a homosexual tryst between Hiss and Chambers. But in Brady’s book she suggests that the target of Chambers’ raging homosexuality was Timmy. The FBI discovered this apparently through Chambers, who reported it as a rumor, one he did not deny. (Brady, pp. 270-71) It was the discovery of this child abuse—Timothy was only 8 or 9 at the time—that caused Hiss to split from Chambers. If this is true, it greatly explains why Chambers told so many lies for Nixon. And why Timothy did not testify.

    All in all, Nixon did a good job for his masters. He had successfully unleashed the fear of communist spies in our midst, even in our government. In turn, the Dulles brothers recommended him to Eisenhower as a VP candidate. (p. 185) Another Red Scare was on, and it would help the Eisenhower/Nixon ticket win in 1952. Allen Dulles further rewarded Nixon later, during the final stages of that election. It was then discovered that Nixon had taken a six-figure bribe from Romanian industrialist Nicolae Malaxa. But in a brilliant stroke of luck, the teller at the bank where it was deposited turned it over to some rivals of Malaxa. Unsuspectingly, they gave it to their CIA handler. When Drew Pearson reported the story, Dulles promptly arranged to have the evidence deep-sixed. (Talbot, p. 191) Which cinched the election for the Republicans. And guaranteed the Dulles brothers would be prominently featured in the upcoming administration.

    III

    As Talbot notes, James Forrestal got Allen Dulles on the Jackson-Correa Committee to recommend ideas to reform the CIA. This secured him a job as Deputy Director. (This was about the same time Dulles was creating the National Committee for a Free Europe by plundering Nazi gold. See Talbot, p. 150) Once Eisenhower was elected, it was just a matter of time until Foster Dulles got the president to promote his brother from Deputy Director to DCI. Once this was accomplished, with Allen at CIA and Foster as Secretary of State, as Talbot notes, the Dulles Imperium was on.

    An advantage the brothers had in setting up their regime was that, with the Hiss case, they had done a good job in bringing the New Deal into question. Hiss had been part of Franklin Roosevelt’s Ivy League brain trust. He even helped form the United Nations for Harry Truman. Therefore, the establishment of the Red Scare at home now justified the fear of what Foster Dulles called “Godless communism abroad”.

    But there was one more element to setting up this new imperial order. That was the Dulles connection to the Power Elite. Talbot adroitly introduces this by using the man who actually coined that term, C. Wright Mills. As the author writes, for the Dulles brothers, “Democracy … was an impediment to the smooth functioning of the corporate state.” (p. 197) Franklin Roosevelt was well aware of this oligarchy and its advocates. He once wrote, “The real truth … is that a financial element in the larger centers has owned the Government ever since the day of Andrew Jackson.” (ibid) Therefore, their backing of Nixon, and the creation of the Red Scare, all of this was a great opportunity for them to “prove masters of exploiting the anxious state of permanent vigilance that accompanied the Cold War.” (p. 195) As Mills referred to men like the Dulles brothers and Nixon, they believed in a “crackpot realism”; and in the name of that realism, “they have constructed a paranoid reality of their own.” (p. 198)

    How far would they go in this respect? As the author notes, in 1952, Allen Dulles tried to convince DCI Walter B. Smith to assassinate Stalin at a Paris summit meeting. He also funneled funds from CIA front groups to the Eisenhower/Nixon ticket. (p. 203) This is how realpolitik worked for the Dulles brothers. In comparison to them, Henry Kissinger was an amateur. But Talbot does a nice job of sketching in the fact that as Nelson Rockefeller was a benefactor of Kissinger, the relationship between the Dulles clan and the Rockefeller brothers went back much further, and was intricately intertwined. (See pages 550-59) And to his credit, Talbot mentions the open letter from David Rockefeller to President Kennedy, which was suggested by publisher Henry Luce. In this letter, Rockefeller (the real chairman of the Eastern Establishment) criticized many of Kennedy’s economic policies. And he also expressed disdain for the Alliance for Progress. Even after Kennedy was dead, Nelson Rockefeller made a speech criticizing his foreign policy.

    In his treatment of the two great disasters that the Dulles brothers orchestrated—the overthrow of the democratic governments of Iran and Guatemala—Talbot tries a different approach. He writes from a more personal level on both coups. For example, he notes that when the Shah fled Iran, he went to the same hotel Allen Dulles was staying at in Rome. This was no coincidence. Dulles was there to relay the progress of the overthrow and to firm up the resolve of the deposed dictator. In fact, Dulles actually flew back to Tehran with the Shah after the dirty work had been done. (p. 237) Dulles then manipulated the American press coverage of the coup, while covert officer Kim Roosevelt—who ran the operation on the ground—got a nice job with Gulf Oil afterwards.

    With Guatemala—the following year—Talbot poignantly concentrates on the unfortunate personal fate that befell the family of Jacobo Arbenz after Howard Hunt arranged his family’s flight out of Guatemala. In the face of a CIA manipulated civil war, Arbenz had abdicated. His family became a band of wandering minstrels, going from country to country, until Jacobo died in Mexico City from an electric shock at the age of 57. But not before his daughter committed suicide. Arbenz’ only mistake was that he wanted more of his nation’s wealth to go to its citizens and less to United Fruit. If he had gone along with the wishes of the North Americans, he would have been a rich man, since they offered him two million dollars to shut his mouth. (p. 260) Instead, the fascist dictatorships that followed Arbenz ended up killing about 250,000 Guatemalans—in order to save the country from communism. Apparently, this is what Foster Dulles meant when he announced that their regime would be a A Policy of Boldness.

    But the Dulles brothers were not just brutal abroad, they were also quite curt and short with their own employees. In this regard, Talbot provides nice summaries of the deaths of both Frank Olson and Jimmy Kronthal. Most readers understand the story of the former. Olson was part of the CIA’s MK/Ultra drug experimentation program, part of the aim of which was to produce a mind-controlled assassin. After Olson was doused with a dose of LSD, he allegedly fell to his death from the tenth floor of a Manhattan hotel. James McCord, part of the CIA’s Office of Security, called the case a suicide. (p. 296) The family did not buy it. Decades later, they had the body exhumed. The panel doing the examination ruled (with one exception) that there were traces of blunt force trauma on the head and chest area—before the fall. Dr. James Starrs, leader of the panel, told the press afterward, “I am exceedingly skeptical of the view that Dr. Olson went through the window on his own.” (ibid) In the latter case, Kronthal was a promising CIA officer who Dulles personally liked. The problem was that the Soviets found out he was a homosexual. They set up a honey trap for him, and then successfully turned him. (p. 298) The CIA found out about his doubling. In a private meeting at his personal residence, Dulles confronted him with the evidence. Kronthal then walked home, which was just two blocks from Dulles’ residence. Trailing him were two Office of Security agents. He left a note saying he was not to be disturbed the next morning. But later on, two men came to his house and told his housekeeper he had to attend a crucial meeting. When they went to his bedroom door, they found his dead body, fully clothed, with an empty vial next to it. (p. 299) Curiously, the autopsy failed to determine the cause of death, or what was in the vial next to his bed. CIA officer Robert Crowley came to believe that his suicide was assisted.

    One of the highlights of the book is Talbot’s chronicle of what was probably the first case of extraordinary rendition on American territory. It occurred in 1956. This was the too little mentioned case of Jesus de Galindez, a professor at Columbia University.

    After serving on the Republican side in the Spanish Civil War, Galindez decided to move to the Dominican Republic. There, he decided to become an academic. The problem is that someone as intelligent and democratic as Galindez would find it hard to swallow the bizarre and dissolute rule of Rafael Trujillo. As authors like Jim Hougan have noted, the word bloodthirsty seems to have been created for the reign of Trujillo, who State Department employees often referred to as a Central American Dracula in their memos. (Hougan, Spooks, p. 104) Trujillo was one of the early appreciators of snuff film pornography. He was also an inhabitant of the outer limits of torture; e.g., he would often order the suspected traitor’s eyebrows sewn to their brows so they could not close their eyes. Once he was deposed, palace films were found of children being forced to mate with animals. All this while he was looting his country. He reportedly had $840,000,000 on deposit in Swiss banks, a mind-boggling sum for 1960. (Hougan, p. 109)

    The Dulles brothers, as well as Nixon, not only tolerated Trujillo; they embraced him. Nixon once said that Americans needed to back the Dominican dictator because, after all, “Spaniards had many talents, but government was not among them.” (Talbot, p. 318) Which is an odd comment coming from a man who ended his career with the Watergate scandal.

    As if Trujillo did not have enough money on hand, the CIA and State Department passed on millions more to him each year, much of which he pocketed himself. After he left the country, Galindez wrote a 750-page expose on Trujillo. And he was also critical of the tilt of Foster Dulles’ foreign policy. (Talbot, p. 321) When Trujillo’s agents heard about the manuscript, they first tried to bribe the professor to prevent it from being turned into a book. When that failed, two Dominican thugs sat in on a class. When that did not do the trick, Allen Dulles helped the despot by farming out the Galindez kidnapping to Robert Maheu. The infamous Maheu was a former FBI man who left the Bureau to set up a CIA front company called Robert Maheu and Associates. Like Guy Banister’s operation in New Orleans, this was supposed to be a private detective agency. But it did little of that sort of work. Rather, it carried out domestic covert operations, like this one for the CIA, which was not supposed to perform covert ops stateside. After Galindez was kidnapped, he was flown to the Dominican Republic. He was confronted with his manuscript, and when he refused to renounce it, Trujillo ordered up his specialty. He first had the man boiled in water; he then fed him to his sharks. (p. 322)

    But there was a problem that lingered after the murder. The pilot Maheu hired did not know what the end result of the rendition would be. So he began to talk. He was sent to see Trujillo. He then disappeared. This caused a lot of headlines in the papers that Dulles did not like. Neither did the Justice Department. So the authorities now arrested John Frank, who worked for Maheu as an agent on Trujillo’s estate. To make the Frank saga short: he was arrested, tried and convicted, but released on appeal. There was a lot of pressure placed on witnesses not to show up at the second trial. Therefore, the charges were plea-bargained down to Frank not registering as a foreign agent. In other words, although the authorities had a very good idea what had really happened, no one was ever arrested for the two murder/kidnappings.

    IV

    Talbot begins to segue into the major topic of the last part of the book by briefly outlining the close relationship between Dulles and his counter-intelligence chief James Angleton. Today Angleton is the man who many experts, like John Newman, believe to be Lee Harvey Oswald’s ultimate control agent. And later in the book Talbot devotes a long section to the indications that Oswald was some kind of lower level intelligence agent. Dulles gave Angleton many top-flight assignments. For instance, he was the CIA liaison to the foreign desks of major countries like France, West Germany, Turkey, Taiwan and, most importantly, Israel. He also had liaison duties with the FBI, and, at times, with the Mafia. (pp. 336-37) Talbot notes that in his approach to Meyer Lansky to attempt to kill Castro, Dulles did not use Angleton. He employed a lower level officer named Sam Halpern. (In his previous book Brothers, Talbot exposed Halpern as blaming these machinations with the Mafia on the Kennedys.)

    And this forms the introduction to one of the most interesting passages in The Devil’s Chessboard. One that this reviewer had never read about before. Let us call it the Shelburne vs. Hotel Theresa incident. In 1960, Fidel Castro visited the USA for the second time. By then, Allen Dulles and the White House—Foster Dulles had died in 1959—had decided that Castro was a communist and there was no point in dealing with him. When Castro and his entourage tried to book a suite of rooms at the Shelburne Hotel near the United Nations, the management demanded a twenty thousand dollar deposit. As Talbot clearly implies, this was on orders from Washington. Castro refused to pay. And in a beautifully directed turnabout, he moved his company to the Hotel Theresa in Harlem. (p. 339) Once ensconced there, leaders like Nasser, Nehru and Khrushchev visited him at the hotel. The man who took charge of the transfer was none other than Malcolm X. (p. 342)

    Castro delivered what none other than I. F. Stone called a tour de force speech at the UN. The spectacle at the Theresa, and Castro’s powerful speech, caused the Fair Play for Cuba Committee to sponsor a party in his honor in the ballroom of the hotel. It was attended by such leftist luminaries as Allen Ginsberg, Langston Hughes and C. Wright Mills. (p. 345)

    In other words, the Dulles/White House operation was not just blunted. It was routed. After this September 1960 incident, two things happened which Talbot uses masterfully as a lesson in foreshadowing. First, the CIA now gets in contact with Maheu again. This time, the target is Castro. But secondly, the Theresa incident occurred in the middle of the presidential race. Two weeks after Castro left Harlem, candidate John Kennedy decided to book a room at the Hotel Theresa. He then spoke to a large crowd outside. (p. 349) He was joined by Eleanor Roosevelt and Representative Adam Clayton Powell. He gave an altogether memorable speech. One that revealed that it was Kennedy, not Nixon, who understood the temper of the times. Talbot quotes much of it verbatim:

    I am delighted to come to Harlem and I think the whole world should come here and the whole world should recognize we all live right next to each other, whether here in Harlem or on the other side of the globe. We should be glad that Castro and Khrushchev came to the United States. We should not fear the twentieth century, for the worldwide revolution, which we see all around us is part of the original American Revolution. (p. 350)

    To put it mildly, this is not what Dulles and Eisenhower would have had Nixon say. But it presages the clash of ideas between Kennedy and Dulles that would take place almost immediately upon Kennedy assuming power. Actually, the clash began before Kennedy was inaugurated.

    One of the most poetic and elegantly written sections of the book is Talbot’s reverie on the final days of Patrice Lumumba. During the campaign, it became obvious that Kennedy opposed the Dulles/Eisenhower alliance with European imperialists to keep control of the Third World. As historian Philip Muehlenbeck noted in his study of the subject, Kennedy referred to Africa over 400 times during his 1960 campaign. He once even asked Democratic foreign policy advisor Averill Harriman if he should openly back Lumumba. Lumumba was a dynamic, anti-colonial leader who was trying to shake off the Belgian colonialist shackles from his native Congo. He was deemed to be so dangerous to American interests that Eisenhower ordered Dulles to hatch a plot to kill him. Like Arbenz, his true crime was that he wanted to use the enormous mineral wealth of his country to enrich its citizens and not European and American corporations.

    On August 18, 1960, the NSC, under the guidance of Eisenhower and Allen Dulles, decided that Lumumba had to be eliminated. At first, the CIA went to the ceremonial president, Joseph Kasavubu, the man Lumumba had beaten in a democratic election. They asked him to stage a coup. He refused. (Jonathan Kwitny, Endless Enemies, p. 63) CIA station chief Larry Devlin then went to Josef Mobutu, an army colonel, to do the job. Some reports say Devlin wanted a wholesale disposal—that is, the elimination of Lumumba and his two closest political allies. Later Kasavubu swung over to the CIA’s side. On September 14th, the American inspired and designed coup succeeded.

    After he was deposed by Mobutu, Lumumba was placed under house arrest. But he escaped. As Talbot describes it, he was running for his life. But right before he got to the sanctuary of his followers, he was separated from his wife and child. He then crossed back across the river to get them. It was this that allowed him to be captured. (Talbot, p. 382) Once this occurred, Lumumba was as good as gone. For Dulles had assigned two upper level officers to make sure Lumumba was now killed. These were Leopoldville station chief Devlin and Director of Plans, Dick Bissell. Dulles actually flew Bissell to Rome so he could monitor events more closely. Bissell assigned two hired assassins, codenamed QJ WIN and WI ROGUE, to kill Lumumba by either poison toxin or by rounding up an execution squad. (Talbot, p. 380) But these plots were called off in favor of one that afforded more plausible deniability.

    While Dulles was getting the New York Times to print smear after smear about Lumumba, Lumumba’s captors decided to ship him to his direct opposition in Katanga province, the political base of Mobutu and his ally Moise Tshombe. Devlin knew about this three days in advance. Since he was in constant contact with Bissell and Devlin, Dulles had to have known also. (pp. 384-85) They allowed it to happen, knowing Lumumba’s fate. In fact, it later came out that the CIA picked up Lumumba’s corpse and pondered how to dispose of it.

    As the author points out, Kennedy was racked with pain when he heard the news of Lumumba’s death. But he did not find out about it until almost a month after it happened. The CIA—Dulles, Bissell, and Devlin—deliberately kept it from him. As did the ambassador to Congo in the State Department. All these men had to know they were contradicting Kennedy’s announced reform policy for both Congo and Lumumba. Indeed, it is likely that Dulles speeded up the plot to make sure Lumumba was dead before Kennedy was inaugurated—which he was. It’s hard to believe that Kennedy did not later understand what had happened here. For the tragedy of the people of the Congo was truly epic. As with Arbenz and Guatemala, Congo fell under the claw of Josef Mobutu’s dictatorship, which lasted for well over three decades. Mobutu was simply a stand-in for European imperial powers, allowing them to sack the country, while he became perhaps the richest man in Africa. Congo has never really recovered from the death of Lumumba. As Jonathan Kwitny once wrote:

    … the precedent for … the very first coup in postcolonial African history, the very first political assassination, and the very first junking of a legally constituted democratic system, all took place in a major country, and were all instigated by the United States of America. (Kwitny, ibid, 75)

    As good as the writing on Lumumba is, Talbot’s section on the CIA’s aid in the April 1961 attempt to overthrow Charles DeGaulle might be even better. Truth be told, it’s one of the absolute pinnacles of the book. This dramatic encounter has been touched on tangentially in other JFK- or Dulles-related volumes. But I have never seen it treated as thoroughly, or at this length before. At a talk he did in Los Angeles, the author mentioned that he found a book published in France, and had it translated into English. It must have been a good book, because the details Talbot provides were almost all new to this reviewer.

    What Talbot is describing is the bold attempt by the leaders of a dissident military faction in Algeria to invade Paris, in order to force DeGaulle to abdicate. There were four main generals who formed the axis of French soldiers who vehemently opposed DeGaulle’s policy to cut loose the French colony of Algeria, a policy on which Kennedy was in agreement with DeGaulle. Recall that in 1957, Senator Kennedy made a brilliant speech from the Senate floor harshly criticizing France’s colonial war to maintain control of Algeria. It was this speech, more than anything else, which brought Kennedy into direct conflict with the Dulles brothers and Vice-President Nixon. Kennedy predicted that if France did not voluntarily give up Algeria, she would find herself in the same situation she just emerged from after her defeat in Vietnam. The Algerian war caused the fall of the Fourth Republic and the return to power of DeGaulle—who understood the wisdom of Kennedy’s words. Just as the military veterans in Algeria did not.

    On April 22, 1961, the dissident French generals seized power in Algiers. They immediately spread the word that they would next strike in Paris. (Talbot, p. 412) The plan was a combined paratrooper and tank attack. Once these assaults were in process, the Elysée Palace would then be seized as well as other key government outposts. Anticipating the attack, DeGaulle prohibited air traffic over Paris, and cinemas were shut down.

    The leader of the coup was Maurice Challe. Challe had been a top figure in Algeria and then a NATO commander in 1960-61. Through that association, he had relationships with high-ranking French officers. NATO also helped him meet American Pentagon and CIA representatives. As Talbot notes, the French papers stated that both Dulles and Bissell backed the coup. (p. 414) In fact, one paper called the coup attempt, “The Strategy of Allen Dulles.” The CIA did not like the many disagreements DeGaulle had with NATO policy, and they thought the Soviets would move into Algeria if France left. What’s more, the CIA actually tried to drum up corporate support for the coup and American aid for it in Paris. One counselor to the Henry Luce press stated, “An operation is being prepared in Algiers to put a stop to communism and we will not fail as we did in Cuba.” (ibid) Challe ignited the coup because he thought he had American backing all the way up to JFK.

    In this, he had been duped. And since we have seen this MO before, it was probably by Dulles. Scotty Reston of the New York Times reported that in spite of Dulles’ denials, the CIA was indeed “involved in an embarrassing liaison with the anti-Gaullist officers.” This had contributed to the growing perception at the White House that the Agency “had gone beyond the bounds of an objective intelligence gathering Agency and has become the advocate of men and policies that have embarrassed the Administration.” (p. 415)

    The conflict between Dulles and DeGaulle went back to World War II. As OSS chief in Bern, Dulles opposed the segment of the French Resistance headed by DeGaulle. He preferred a more rightwing leader. (Considering that DeGaulle was, at most, a moderate, this shows how far right Dulles was oriented politically.) DeGaulle himself accused Dulles of scheming against his Resistance leadership at the end of the war. Dulles backed a more conservative rival. In typical Dulles methodology, this man had betrayed DeGaulle’s assistant to the Gestapo. (ibid) Once assuming power again, DeGaulle had grown so suspicious of Dulles he had tried to purge CIA influence in the capital of Paris, which was difficult to do since Dulles journeyed there each year to personally pay off informants and agents. The relationship was so chilly that DeGaulle refused to see the DCI personally. Dulles then wrote distorted reports to Kennedy, one which presented the possibility of a coup over DeGaulle’s mishandling of Algeria. In another memo, Dulles predicted DeGaulle would be gone by the end of 1961. And the basis for removal would be Algeria. (p. 417)

    During the coup attempt, Kennedy called Hervé Alphand, the French ambassador in Washington. He told him that America supported DeGaulle. But he could not vouch for the CIA, because “the CIA is such a vast and poorly controlled machine that the most unlikely maneuvers might be true.” JFK also asked for information on suspected Americans aiding the coup so he could deal with them after. Finally, Kennedy told Ambassador James Gavin that the USA should extend help to DeGaulle in resisting the coup. (In some versions—which Talbot does not explicitly cite—it is stated that Kennedy offered France the use of the Sixth Fleet.) Although he appreciated the offer, DeGaulle declined. But after the calls, Kennedy went public with this support for the embattled French premier.

    The plot fizzled because DeGaulle resorted to the airwaves. In a dynamic speech, he appealed directly to the people to preserve France. (p. 420) His ringing plea rallied the populace, especially on the left. A general strike was called; there were massive demonstrations against the Algerian war; hundreds of people went to airfields to stop any troops from landing from Algeria; civilians went to government buildings to protect them from attack. In the face of all this—which promised a brutal and bloody civil war—Challe surrendered.

    But that is not the end of the story. Because later, Talbot actually caps this gripping chronicle. After the author relates the events of Kennedy’s murder, he quotes a much-suppressed interview of DeGaulle. This was made by one of his ministers upon DeGaulle’s return from Kennedy’s funeral in Washington. The French premier compared what happened to JFK with what almost happened to him over Algeria. He said Kennedy’s security forces were in cahoots with a renegade military. And the plotters invented Oswald as a cover story to cover their tracks. He continued in this vein by saying that Oswald was probably supposed to be shot. When he was not, Jack Ruby became the clean-up guy. DeGaulle concluded by explaining the rationale of the plotters: “Better to assassinate an innocent man than to let a civil war break out. Better an injustice than disorder.” (p. 567) It’s amazing that this analysis was made within days of Kennedy’s murder. The only political leader I know who had a comparable rapid understanding of what really happened was Fidel Castro.

    Talbot’s description of the support by Dulles for the attempted coup against DeGaulle is written in tandem with his summary of Operation Zapata, the failed Bay of Pigs invasion—quite appropriately, since they happened at almost the same time. Talbot here conveys what has now become the accepted wisdom of those who have studied the declassified record of Zapata: namely, that the CIA deliberately tricked Kennedy into going along with it, knowing it had almost no chance of succeeding. Dulles and Bissell misjudged Kennedy. They thought that once he saw the assault crumbling, he would send in the Navy, which Admiral Arleigh Burke had stationed right off the coast of Florida. Unauthorized, he placed two battalions of Marines on board. (p. 401)

    But he does bring in some fresh insights. He writes that the Zapata operation was staffed with some of the lowest graded officers in the CIA. In fact, almost half of them were graded in either the lowest third, and some of them in the lowest tenth percentile. Robert Amory, who wrote a book on amphibious landings, was not asked to join. (p. 397)

    When Kennedy refused to send in American forces, after more than one personal plea, the operation was doomed. Immediately after, two reports were commissioned. One was by General Maxwell Taylor and one by Lyman Kirkpatrick of the CIA. Bobby Kennedy’s presence on the former panel sunk Dulles as a witness, and even Burke. President Kennedy was distraught, and then angry. He ordered a Reduction in Force—almost one in five CIA employees were retired. Afterwards Lyndon Johnson said, “You don’t hardly ever see the chiefs of staff around the White House anymore.” LBJ went on to say that the new first advisor to President Kennedy was RFK: “It isn’t McNamara, the chiefs of staff or anybody like that. Bobby is first in and last out. And Bobby is the boy he listens to.” (p. 412) Which was a keen observation by a man who thoroughly understood the workings of power in Washington.

    When Kennedy digested the results of the two reports, he fired Dulles, Bissell and Deputy Director of the CIA, Charles Cabell. In each instance described above—Congo, the Paris coup, Zapata—Dulles had served his president poorly. More significantly, in each instance, Dulles had actually deceived Kennedy about important matters. It’s as if he did not work for John Kennedy. As a matter of fact, as Talbot points out, Dulles never hung a portrait of Kennedy at CIA Headquarters. (p. 403)

    As the author further indicates, the fundamental problem was that 1.) Kennedy really thought he was president, and he wanted to run his own foreign policy, and 2.) His view of the world did not at all coincide with the Dulles/Nixon/Eisenhower view. Indeed, they were actually opposed on many issues. Therefore, if Kennedy was going to run his own foreign affairs, he had no choice but to fire Dulles. For what is truly remarkable about the above record of insubordination is this: It all happened in just four months! What was to be expected in four more years?

    There was a problem with retiring Dulles, though. Powerful people don’t have to accept retirement. Dulles now set up his own mini government, one that was outside normal channels, and unbeknownst to Kennedy.

    V

    We now encounter the penultimate part of The Devils’ Chessboard. The part that has caused the most controversy. The part that has gotten Talbot boycotted by the major media—and Hollywood. For as the author told me, George Clooney requested the first press copy of the book. But as of today, Talbot has not heard from Clooney about the volume. As the author said to this reviewer, “It’s part 3 Jim.” Which is where Talbot outlines his case for Dulles being the CEO of the plot to kill President Kennedy.

    I have seen some critical comments about this aspect of the book. Most of them, for example in The Daily Beast, begin by saying that this part is not as strong as the rest of the work. The problem with these critics is this: None of them deal with Talbot’s evidence in any kind of comprehensive way. Which, of course, makes what they write into a self-fulfilling prophecy. It also indicates that they are dealing the readers a stacked deck. Let us deal the readers a full deck. That is the only way to be honest with them, and to treat the author fairly.

    After his termination, Dulles was, quite naturally, distressed for awhile. But this did not last very long. Through his extensive press contacts he began to attack Arthur Schlesinger, who was always opposed to Zapata, and who Kennedy had tasked with outlining a giant reorganization of the CIA. (p. 431) At this time, Dulles began having private meetings at his home with high-level CIA officers. James Angleton, Richard Helms, Des Fitzgerald, Howard Hunt, and Thomas Karamessines—Helms’ top aide—began to drive up to his Georgetown home and meet with the lion in exile. (p. 449) In addition, Dulles also met with Arleigh Burke, who Kennedy had pushed out of service after his performance during the Bay of Pigs. (ibid, p. 450) We know all of this through the man’s own desk calendars and notebooks.

    In 1963, after Kennedy’s peaceful settlement of the Missile Crisis, Dulles now said he could never work for Kennedy again. Further, he publicly announced that Kennedy would never oust Castro because, he said, Kennedy was too concerned with America being loved in the world, rather than respected. He concluded by saying there could be no compromise with communism, it was the equivalent of appeasement. (p. 456)

    Although his travel records are redacted, it’s pretty obvious that Dulles did a lot of hopping around the country in his “retirement”.

    Consider the following: in the summer of 1963, a young English professor named Peter Scott had begun a second career as an academic at UC Berkley. Scott’s first career had been as a Canadian diplomat who worked in Poland. Because of that link, he had been invited to a gathering of Polish emigres at the Palo Alto home of W. Glenn Campbell. Campbell had been placed in charge of the Hoover Institute on the campus of Stanford University. Campbell was a very conservative Harvard trained economist—a Milton Friedman clone—which is why Herbert Hoover had chosen him to shake up the institute that bore his name. To say he succeeded does not begin to do him justice. A longtime personal friend of Ronald Reagan, he grew the endowment from about 2 million, to well over 135 million when he retired. He did this by appointing conservative stalwarts and friends of Reagan to the staff. Campbell was also known as a very combative personality, one who did not shy away from confrontation. Therefore, at the gathering at his home that night Scott was surprised at how virulent the anti-Kennedy talk got. Scott was actually shocked by the tenor of the talk, which seemed to drag on incessantly. Finally, a Russian Orthodox priest stood up and commanded everyone’s attention. Very quietly, and confidently, he said they had nothing to worry about: “The Old Man will take care of it.” (p. 458)

    At first, Scott thought that the priest was referring to Joe Kennedy, JFK’s father. But he later learned that Joseph Kennedy had been felled by a stroke in late 1961. He was bedridden, or in a wheel chair much of the time. He even had great difficulty speaking. Years later, Scott was told by another researcher that, in intelligence circles, Allen Dulles was often referred to as The Old Man. The dropping of Dulles’ name was enough to calm the heated discussion.

    As noted, Talbot places this meeting in the summer of 1963. A couple of months prior to this, Dulles had taken another meeting. This one was in Washington. And it might explain why the priest said what he did about the Old Man taking care of the problem. That April 1963 meeting was with a Cuban exile named Paulino Sierra Martinez. Of late, Sierra Martinez is becoming a figure of more intense study by people like Larry Hancock, for the simple reason that he seemed to come out of nowhere to become an influential player in the Cuban exile community in 1963. Sierra Martinez had worked under Batista as a foreign diplomat, though some figured he was really a hit man. (Talbot, p. 459)

    When he came to the USA he first lived in Miami, but he then moved to Chicago. He became a legal consul for Union Tank Car Company, founded by the Rockefellers. He then became a major figure among the exiles. A month after his meeting with Dulles (the third man at the meeting was General Lucius Clay), Sierra Martinez convened a conference at the Royalton Hotel in Miami. This was a crucial moment since, after the Missile Crisis, Kennedy made it clear that he was not going to have the CIA back the exiles anywhere near the extent they had done previously. With Kennedy’s stricture in place, Sierra arrived in Miami like a gift from the gods. He said he now represented a consortium of large corporations who wanted to recover their lost investments in Cuba. (ibid) He told the audience that his backers were willing to put up 30 million if they could reorganize and launch a new invasion of the island. Although this invasion would not have approval from the top, it would be backed by officers in the military. They would provide weapons and training facilities.

    After this conference, Sierra then traveled around the country spreading around money in hopes of forming a working coalition, which he called the Junta of the Government of Cuba in Exile. (ibid, p. 460) The source of his money, which was passed through Union Tank Car, was ill defined. Some reports suggested that some of the cash came though organized crime sources. In an interview with this reviewer, Larry Hancock said that the Mob money appeared to originate with Meyer Lansky. Lansky made tons of money for the Chicago Outfit through his interest in The Flamingo in Las Vegas. As Talbot points out, this is interesting because one of the plots against Kennedy in the fall of 1963 originated in Chicago. But further, after the failure of the Chicago plot, Sierra was negotiating an arms deal for one Homer Echevarria. This was in the days leading up to the successful Dallas murder. The day before JFK was killed, Echevarria supposedly said to an informant that his group—a part of Sierra’s umbrella junta—now had the money to mount a major Cuban operation since they had some Jewish money. (Lansky was Jewish.) And they would do so as soon as they took care of Kennedy. (Reuters dispatch of 12/20/95) Which sounds a bit like the troubling words used by the Polish priest with Scott.

    How does a former judo instructor from Miami rise to the near top of the exile community? And with reputed backing from large corporations and the Chicago mob, in just a matter of months? Most objective people would think that the lunch with Dulles had something to do with it. And let us not forget, as Talbot noted, years earlier, Dulles had tried to get Lansky to do away with Castro.

    In a fascinating dual discovery, Talbot sheds light on an ignored aspect of Kennedy’s foreign policy, and the role of a top CIA officer in obstructing it. As many know, Richard Helms got William Harvey out of the country after the Missile Crisis. He got him transferred to Rome. Bobby Kennedy was furious with the man since he had disobeyed orders by trying to launch offensive operations into Cuba during the crisis. In the summer of 1963, President Kennedy visited Italy in what was to be the final European tour of his life. Schlesinger had been badgering JFK to formally back something called “l’apertura a sinistra”—the opening to the left. This would allow the Socialist Party to split from the Communists and allow a center-left coalition with the ruling Christian Democrats. (Talbot, p. 464) As far back as Eisenhower, both James Angleton and Italian ambassador Clare Booth Luce opposed this strophe. After all, Dulles and Angleton worked on a covert operation—right out of his offices at Sullivan and Cromwell— to rig the 1948 Italian elections so the communists would not win.

    But Kennedy ignored these protests. He even arranged for the United Auto Workers to back the socialists. (Talbot, p. 466) What must have made it worse for the CIA is that the Socialist leader in 1963 was the same man Dulles and Angleton defeated in 1948. They were not going to take this lying down. Their man on the scene, Bill Harvey, began working with Italy’s security forces to torpedo the diplomatic move by bombing the Christian Democratic Party offices and newspapers. (p. 475) Harvey even wanted to recruit mobsters to assassinate Communists. Harvey’s second in command, Mark Wyatt, objected to this. When he did, Harvey pulled a gun on him. (ibid)

    In 1998, after an interview with a French journalist in Lake Tahoe, Wyatt off-handedly said, “I always wondered what Bill Harvey was doing in Dallas in November of 1963.” (p. 477) As Talbot later discovered, Wyatt bumped into Harvey on a plane to Dallas at that time. When Talbot talked to Dan Hardway of the House Select Committee on Assassinations, he told him that he tried to get Harvey’s travel vouchers and his security file, but the CIA always blocked this. If this is valid, I don’t have to tell the reader how important it is. Because as Dulles himself admitted, he was in Dallas about three weeks before the assassination, ostensibly on a book tour. (James DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, p. 273) In a tearful admission to his brother, David Phillips acknowledged that he was in Dallas on the day of the assassination. (DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, p. 364) And as writers like Lisa Pease have demonstrated, James Angleton once wrote that the CIA had to construct an alibi for Howard Hunt being in Dallas on the day of the assassination. (ibid, p. 363) Can this sudden attraction of CIA officers for the dusty cow town just be a coincidence? Even when they are flying in from Italy? Or maybe all four men were Cowboys fans? (But the Cowboys were pretty bad that year: 4-10)

    In September and October of 1963, Dulles met with Angleton and Angleton’s first assistant Ray Rocca. Both men would later figure as strong influences on the Warren Commission cover up. He also met with Des Fitzgerald, who was in Charge of Cuba operations at the time; and with Dick Helms top assistant, Thomas Karamessines. (Talbot, p. 545) Helms would helm the CIA relationship with the Warren Commission.

    The week before Kennedy’s murder, Dulles had been in Boston and New York on his book tour for The Craft of Intelligence. (On which Hunt had been a major ghostwriter.) On the day JFK was killed, Dulles landed in Washington in the morning, made a speech at the Brookings Institute, and after getting the word of JFK’s murder, he went to Camp Peary. (ibid, p. 546) This was a CIA location sometimes called The Farm. As Talbot writes, this was an alternative Agency headquarters, in which Dulles had built an office from where he could direct covert operations. He was there from Friday in the early evening until Sunday. What could he have been doing there? Of course, one thing he could have been doing was coordinating with Phillips, Hunt, Harvey and Angleton. And when Oswald survived, perhaps Lansky. After all, high stakes gambler Lewis McWillie—a close friend of Jack Ruby— had worked for Lansky in Cuba. (Michael Benson, Who’s Who in the JFK Assassination p. 272)

    What makes this a bit more credible is another hidden point Talbot brings up. As we know through the sterling work of Donald Gibson, the idea of setting up a blue ribbon commission to inquire into the death of President Kennedy was not LBJ’s idea. It was forced upon him by Eugene Rostow and Joseph Alsop. Well, once that was done, Dulles began a lobbying campaign to get named to the Commission. (pp. 573-74) Among the sources for this was Agency military attaché William Corson, who knew Dulles, and also Dean Rusk. To my knowledge, no one else did this. Quite to the contrary, people like Earl Warren and Senator Richard Russell had to be coerced into joining.

    Why is that significant? Because as author Walt Brown has demonstrated, Dulles quickly became the most active member of the Commission. As Warren later said, “I don’t think Allen Dulles ever missed a meeting.” (p. 575) And as Talbot shows, Dulles worked with Angleton, and others, to make sure that any tie by the CIA to Oswald was kept secret. (p. 578) Moreover, Dulles himself leaked stories that Oswald may have been a KGB agent. (p. 583) Dulles insisted that most of the report be consumed by a biography of Oswald, rather than the facts of the case. With his longtime friend John McCloy, and up and coming insider Jerry Ford, this trio controlled the Warren Commission pretty much completely.

    We should now briefly add three more points to adequately summarize Talbot’s case. In December of 1963, Harry Truman wrote a newspaper editorial questioning how the CIA’s mission had evolved from what he had envisioned it. Dulles flew down to Missouri to meet with Truman and tried to get him to retract the statement. When this did not work, Dulles wrote a deceitful memo, which others could use to discredit Truman’s editorial. (pp. 565-72) In 1965, at UCLA, David Lifton attended a talk with Dulles. Bruin student Lifton stood up and began to question the Commission’s statement about there not being any evidence of a conspiracy in the JFK case. (p. 591) To say that Dulles was vehement in his denial does not even begin to describe his tenor. Suffice it to say, this reviewer never saw any of the six other members of the Commission react like this. Finally, when the Jim Garrison investigation was heating up, Dulles did what he could to monitor the proceedings. (p. 597) Again, I know of no other Warren Commissioner who did such a thing.

    The above approximates Talbot’s case. Note that it follows through from the months in advance of the murder, to the day of the murder, to the aftermath of the murder. Do not trust anyone who describes it as “weak” unless they describe it in toto.

    Because no one has.

    VI

    In a book of this size, scope, and depth, there were bound to be flaws, especially since the book was essentially a pioneering effort. Chief among these was the section on the Rolling Stone article devoted to one Saint John Hunt. (p. 496)

    Saint John is the son of Howard Hunt. In 2007, he cooperated on a story with Rolling Stone magazine. Talbot essentially relates that story, along with references to his book Bond of Secrecy and Howard Hunt’s posthumously published book An American Spy. The worst thing about this section is that Talbot uses it to underline the battle between the MSM and alternative media for the truth about the JFK case. I agree on the general point that the MSM has utterly failed the nation on the Kennedy assassination—with horrific results. But this Rolling Stone article was a poor choice to point out that failure.

    In 2007 when I first read the article, I noted that Saint John said that on the night of the Watergate burglary, his father woke him up and said he needed some help. They wiped the fingerprints off of some electronics equipment. They then stuffed the equipment into two suitcases, drove to the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, and dropped them into the water.

    I had read several books on the Watergate caper by 2007. In fact, Probe devoted a special issue to the subject when Oliver Stone’s Nixon was released. At that time, the best book on Watergate was Jim Hougan’s Secret Agenda. When I looked this incident up in that masterful book, I could not find it. According to Secret Agenda, Alfred Baldwin, James McCord’s assistant, told Hunt that he was returning the electronics equipment to McCord’s home in a van. (Hougan, pp. 210-11) As per Hunt, Hougan writes that he returned to the White House first, and then the Mullen Company (where he had worked prior to being employed by the White House). He was preoccupied with arranging a legal defense. (ibid, pp. 216-17) This discrepancy was enough to raise my antennae about this Rolling Stone article.

    Then there was the five million dollar sum. The article said that Kevin Costner offered Howard Hunt five million dollars to tell the secret history of the JFK assassination—and what he knew about it. Since I had studied films a very long time, I understood that no producer would offer his main source that kind of money for a historical documentary, especially as an offer before production began, or any deals were in place. Because the vast majority of documentaries, even controversial political ones, simply don’t merit that kind of investment.

    It’s surprising to me that Talbot did not talk to Costner. Or perhaps, Costner’s associate in this enterprise, Canadian writer and TV journalist David Giammarco, since it was the latter who initiated the whole discussion of the subject with Hunt. Giammarco did a talk on this very subject at a JFK Lancer Conference back when the article surfaced. There, he revealed that he had worked on trying to get Howard Hunt to talk for over ten years. Saint John and his brother David only came in toward the very end. I also talked to Giammarco myself. He told me that the sum of five million dollars was never, ever mentioned. He said that Costner offered Hunt 250,000 dollars up front and a share of the profits. Which is the only sensible way such a deal could be bartered. Although there is much more to the rather sordid tale, we can end it now. This is enough to convey the fact that Talbot made a needless mistake here.

    There are other, more minor, errors. Talbot writes that Oswald was given a Rosenberg flyer as a youth. (p. 511) As I wrote in Destiny Betrayed, this is highly unlikely. Oswald said this while in Russia, at the wired-for-sound Metropole Hotel. He specifically said he was fifteen at the time this happened. But when he was fifteen he was in New Orleans. Who would deliver Rosenberg literature in that southern town? Further, the couple had been executed the previous year. (DiEugenio, p. 145) On page 562, Talbot writes that “The so-called magic bullet that delivered the fatal blow to Kennedy’s skull before proceeding on its improbable course … .” This is wrong. The Magic Bullet did not hit Kennedy’s skull. It entered his back, and then proceeded on its wild ride forward through both Kennedy and John Connally.

    On page 493, the author mentions a photo of LBJ on a horse with Dulles standing beside him. Talbot says the photo was taken in the summer of 1963 when Dulles visited with LBJ at his ranch. The visit may have happened. But the best research on the photo—by David Lifton and Larry Hancock—says the picture was not taken at that time, but in 1961.

    When mentioning Oswald’s move to New Orleans in the spring of 1963, the author writes that he moved there with Marina and “the girls”. (p. 540) At this time, Oswald had one daughter. It was not until October of 1963 that Marina had a second daughter. Talbot writes that the Warren Commission questioned George DeMohrenschildt longer than any witness. According to Walt Brown, who did a very detailed study of the Commission, it was really Ruth Paine who was questioned the longest. And although Talbot deals with the Paines, I think he is a bit soft on them.

    And finally, Talbot brings up the, by now, dated episode of H. R. Haldeman meeting Richard Helms during Watergate. President Nixon asked him to question Helms about the Bay of Pigs. The usually cool and unflappable Helms lost his composure and got very belligerent. (Talbot, p. 494) Haldeman later wrote in his book The Ends of Power, that he came to think that the “Bay of Pigs” matter was really Nixon’s backhanded code for the JFK assassination. Although Talbot allows for another interpretation, he would have been better off just ignoring the mildewed incident. It happened, but the meanderings about what Helms meant by his explosion is just that, meandering.

    And that is really not good enough for The Devil’s Chessboard. The book is a major achievement in more than one way. It should now become the standard biography of Allen Dulles. In its stark excavation of the evil he represented, the book stands beside, and actually surpasses, Kai Bird’s biography of John McCloy. To think that these two men served on the investigatory panel to find out who killed President Kennedy—that fact is just not palatable today. This book proves that the Commission was doomed from the start.

  • Are the JFK X-rays fraudulent?

    The analysis of Dr. Michael Chesser

    by Greg Burnham

    At:  AssassinationOfJFK.net