Category: John Fitzgerald Kennedy

Original essays treating the assassination of John F. Kennedy, its historical and political context and aftermath, and the investigations conducted.

  • Gunrunner Ruby and the CIA


    From the July-August, 1995 issue (Vol. 2 No. 5) of Probe


    It’s not as if they didn’t know. Assistant counsels to the Warren Commission Burt Griffin and Leon Hubert wrote, in a memo to the Warren Commission members dated March 20, 1964, that “the most promising links between Jack Ruby and the assassination of President Kennedy are established through underworld figures and anti-Castro Cubans, and extreme right-wing Americans.” 1 Two months later, Griffin and Hubert wrote another memo to the Commission, significantly titled “Adequacy of the Ruby Investigation” in which they warned, “We believe that a reasonable possibility exists that Ruby has maintained a close interest in Cuban affairs to the extent necessary to participate in gun sales or smuggling.”

    They’re going to find out about Cuba. They’re going to find out about the guns, find out about New Orleans, find out about everything.”

    Ruby had talked about it himself while in jail, reportedly telling a friend, “They’re going to find out about Cuba. They’re going to find out about the guns, find out about New Orleans, find out about everything.” 2 Tales of Ruby running guns to Cuba abounded in the FBI reports taken in the first weeks after the assassination, yet neither the Warren Commission nor the House Select Committee pursued those leads very far. Griffin and Hubert expressed concern over this, saying that “neither Oswald’s Cuban interests in Dallas nor Ruby’s Cuban activities have been adequately explored.” 3

    If They Dared

    Hubert and Griffin expressed in their memo of May 14 to Rankin that “we believe that the possibility exists, based on evidence already available, that Ruby was involved in illegal dealings with Cuban elements who might have had contact with Oswald. The existence of such dealings can only be surmised since the present investigation has not focused on that area.” 4 They expressed concern that “Ruby had time to engage in susbtantial activities in addition to the management of his Clubs” and that “Ruby has always been a person who looked for money-making ‘sidelines’.” They even suggested that since the Fort Worth manufacturer of the famous “Twist Board” Ruby was demonstrating the night after the assassination had no known sales, and was manufactured by an oil field equipment company, that “[t]he possibility remains that the ‘twist board’ was a front for some other illegal enterprise.” But what Griffin and Hubert kept coming back to is that there was “much evidence” that Ruby “was interested in Cuban matters, citing his relationship to Louis McWillie; his attempted sale of jeeps to Castro, his reported attendance of meetings “in connection with the sale of arms to Cubans and the smuggling out of refugees”; and Ruby’s quick correction of Wade’s remark that Oswald was a member of the Free Cuba Committee, a group populated with such notables as Clare Booth Luce, Admiral Arleigh Burke, and Hal Hendrix. “Bits of evidence link Ruby to others who may have been interested in Cuban affairs.”

    What was their recommendation, based on such tantalizing evidence? “We suggest that these matters cannot be left ‘hanging in the air.’ They must either be explored further or a firm decision must be made not to do so supported by stated reasons for the decision.” History has given us the commission’s decision on this, but a clue to the motivation shows up in this same memo, in regards to Seth Kantor, who claimed to have seen Ruby at Parkland hospital around the time of Kennedy’s death. “We must decide who is telling the truth, for there would be considerable significance if it would be concluded that Ruby is lying.” [emphasis added] The concern was not what the truth was, but what the truth might mean if it was uncomfortably discovered.

    Ruby was lying, and the implications are enormous.

    Cuban Excursions

    Ruby had told the Warren Commission he had only been to Cuba once, on vacation, for a week to ten days. Not true. According to Cuban travel records, Jack Ruby entered Cuba from New Orleans on August 8, 1959; left Cuba September 11, 1959; re-entered Cuba from Miami on September 12, 1959; and returned from Cuba to New Orleans on September 13, 1959. 5 But bank records 6, Dallas police records 7, and FBI records 8 showed Ruby in Dallas August 10, 21, 31, and September 4, days which fall right in the middle of his supposedly continuous stay in Cuba. Somehow, Ruby was getting in and out of Cuba without the Cuban authorities detecting and recording such. Why was Ruby making multiple excursions to Cuba during this time? What were the nature of these visits and why did he choose to hide them?

    The reticence of investigative bodies to investigate these matters make sense when one realizes that Jack Ruby was not going to Cuba on pleasure trips. The Warren Report tells of an incident in early 1959 where Ruby made “preliminary inquiries, as a middleman, concerning the possible sale to Cuba of some surplus jeeps located in Shreveport, La., and asked about the possible release of prisoners from a Cuban prison.” 9 Ruby’s sister indicated the jeeps might have been military surplus from W.W.II. 10 Both the story of the jeeps and the story of the prisoners tie Ruby to some interesting Cuban activities.

    A Whole Lot of Jeeps

    Texas gunrunner Robert McKeown said Ruby “had a whole lot of jeeps he wanted to get to Castro.” Ruby wanted McKeown to write a personal letter of introduction to Castro for Ruby so he could talk to Castro about releasing some unnamed friends detained in Havana. 11

    At that time, Santo Trafficante was being held at the Trescornia detention center in Cuba. Was Ruby instrumental in winning Trafficante’s release at that time? John Wilson Hudson (a.k.a. John Wilson), an English journalist supposedly detained with Trafficante in the camp, indicated that Ruby came to see Trafficante in Trescornia. 12 After Ruby shot Oswald, according to CIA cables, Wilson contacted the American Embassy and reported that “an American gangster called Santo…was visited by an American gangster type named Ruby.” 13 If Ruby was trying to sell jeeps to Castro, as McKeown said, was this an arms-for-hostages type deal? Get Castro the jeeps and get Trafficante out of jail? Recent events remind us this certainly wouldn’t have been the only such effort in history. Trafficante was released from the detention center in August, 1959, 14 possibly just after Ruby’s appearance there.

    Questioning Trafficante

    Trafficante is a person often portrayed as one of Ruby’s mob contacts. But Trafficante was one of the “gangsters” who participated in the CIA’s Castro assassination attempts, according to the CIA Inspector General’s report. Key to understanding the seriousness of defining Trafficante’s relationship with Ruby are the questions originally put to him before Blakey took over the HSCA, by then-chief counsel Richard Sprague. 15 To all of the following, Trafficante’s response was, “I respectfully refuse to answer that question pursuant to my constitutional rights under the 1st, 4th, 5th, and 14th amendments.” This is the legal outlet allowed when a truthful answer will be self-incriminating, and Trafficante used it throughout.

    The first question out of Sprague’s mouth is probably indicative of why he was eventually ousted – he had a habit of getting right to the point:

    “Mr. Trafficante, have you at any time been an employee, a contract employee, or in any manner been in the service of the Central Intelligence Agency, or any other agency of the Federal Government of the United States?”

    The rest of the questions followed in a similar vein:

    “Mr. Trafficante, did you know John Rosselli?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, did you know Sam Giancana?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, do you know Robert Maheu?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, prior to November 22, 1963, did you have information that President Kennedy was going to be assassinated?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, prior to November 22, 1963, did you advise other people of the assassination of President Kennedy?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, prior to November 22, 1963, did you know Jack Ruby?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, have you ever met with representatives of the Central Intelligence Agency to discuss the assassination of various world leaders, including Fidel Castro?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, is any agency of the U.S. Government giving you any immunity with regard to any plans to assassinate any world leaders?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, did you ever discuss with any individual plans to assassinate President Kennedy prior to his assassination?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, while you were in prison in Cuba, were you visited by Jack Ruby?”

    When the questions were opened to the others present, more questions followed in the same vein. Note: no one was asking questions about Trafficante’s mob involvement. They were interested in his ties to the government:

    “Mr. Trafficante, as a result of your appearance here today, have you been threatened by anyone, any group or agency? Has your life been threatened in any way?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, have you been contacted by any agency in the executive branch, say the CIA or FBI, in connection with your possible testimony before or after you received formal subpena to appear before this committee?”

    Trafficante’s involvement with the CIA and Ruby bear further scrutiny. The Review Board should be asked to release all CIA and FBI files on Santo Trafficante.

    The story of Jack Ruby getting Trafficante out of a Cuban jail was not the only such allegation. There is another allegation from a different source that Ruby was involved in some guns for hostages deal.

    Nancy Perrin Rich told the Warren Commission a fascinating story about a group running Enfield rifles to Castro in order to run refugees out of Cuba to Florida. The guns were to be run through Mexico. Ruby was evidently the bagman for this group, since his appearance on at least one occasion made the cries about lack of money disappear when he walked in. 16

    Nancy Perrin Rich’s story is perhaps the most widely retold of Ruby’s gunrunning episodes. But there are a number of other odd stories that bear dissemination, some with more substantiation than others. There are the new Elrod revelations that put Ruby in the middle of yet another gunrunning scenario. 17 And there is a story from Islamorada, Florida that leads to interesting places.

    Jack and James

    Mrs. Mary Thompson met a man named “Jack” accompanied by a women, not his wife, named “Isabel” at the home of Mary Lou and James Woodard in Islamorada, Florida. 18 At the time, Mary Thompson was accompanied by her daughter Dolores and Dolores’s husband. Jack was said to be from Chicago originally. Mrs. Thompson placed the date of this encounter around the end of May of 1958. Interestingly enough, she said Jack’s first real name was Leon but went by Jack. Jack Ruby’s middle name was Leon.

    Mary Lou Woodard said Jack had a trunk full of guns he was going to supply to Cubans. Mary Thompson stated she’d been told there were supplies of guns hidden in the marshes that were being collected by the Indians in the area to be sold to the Cubans, as this was around the time of the Cuban revolution. Mary Thompson’s daughter Dolores also saw and described this same Jack, as did Mrs. W. R. Simons.

    Dolores recalled that her husband’s friend James Woodard, while drunk one night, declared he would run guns to Cuba with Jack. Woodard had two or three guns of his own but said Jack had a lot more. When shown a photo of Jack Ruby she said it resembled the man she remembered, although she didn’t remember his last name as being “Ruby.”

    A check of the Knoxville FBI files showed that James Woodard was considered “armed and dangerous”, packed a weapon, and had a violent temper when drinking. Interviewed by the FBI in September of 1963, Woodard “in somewhat rambling and incoherent manner” talked of his participation in an invasion of Cuba prior to the Castro regime, that he had again participated in the Bay of Pigs and had furnished ammunition and dynamite to both Castro and the Cuban exile forces. On October 8, 1963, Woodard was questioned again, this time concerning dynamite found at his residence in South Dade County, Florida, as the dynamite had been stolen from a construction company. He claimed the dynamite was being used by Cuban exile forces fighting the Castro regime.

    After the assassination, James Woodard’s sister said James had been in Texas a lot, and that she had asked James if he ever knew Ruby. He said no, but then promptly disappeared and hadn’t been seen since November 25, 1963. If he truly had been running guns with Ruby to the CIA-sponsored Cuban exile forces, one can surely imagine a hefty motive for his sudden disappearance after Ruby appeared on the public scene by shooting Oswald. Woodard is another person whose records the Review Board should look into to shed light on Ruby’s contacts with Cubans and gunrunning.

    Perhaps Ruby was concerned enough to hide his activities not so much because he was running guns, but because of who he was running them for, and with.

    By far the most interesting account of Ruby’s gunrunning is found in an FBI report taken a week after the assassination. Informant “T-2” (Blaney Mack Johnson) revealed that in the early 1950s a man he knew then as “Rubenstein” arranged illegal flights of weapons to the Castro organization in Cuba. He added that Rubenstein “left Miami and purchased a substantial share in a Havana gaming house in which one ColLIS PRIO (phonetic) was principal owner.” 19 One recognizes the name Carlos Prio Soccaras, especially when T-2 linked “ColLIS” to Batista. In the early 50s Prio was a supporter of the Batista regime under which he had grown exceedingly wealthy, but in the mid to late 50s Prio worked hand in hand with Castro, aided by the CIA, to overthrow the increasingly difficult Batista.

    In a letter to Lee Rankin of the Warren Commission, Hoover had this to say of the ongoing (since 1952) investigation of Dr. Carlos Prio Socarras, a.k.a. Carlos Prio: “The neutrality and registration act investigation related primarily to the activities of Carlos Prio Socarras, who, with a number of others including McKeown, was involved in a conspiracy to ship arms, munitions, and other war materials to Fidel Castro to assist him in his efforts to overthrow the Batista regime in this investigation.” 20 In the attachment, the FBI had McKeown knowing Castro and Carlos Prio Socarras personally. As referenced earlier, McKeown was the one who revealed Ruby’s possible jeep deal and Ruby’s attempt to get friends released from Cuban detention. McKeown also said that Ruby came to him offering a large sum of money in return for a personal letter of introduction to Castro. 21

    Mysterious Mr. Browder

    But T-2’s account revealed possibly a contact of Ruby’s even more interesting than Prio. T-2 stated that the man he recognized as Ruby but knew formerly as Rubenstein was smuggling arms to Cuba with one Donald Edward Browder. T-2 went on to name three people who he said could corroborate his story: Joe Marrs of Marrs Aircraft whom Ruby contracted to make flights to Cuba; former Chief of Police in Hialeah, Florida Leslie Lewis, who would know of Ruby’s gunrunning and smuggling operations; and Clifton T. Bowes, Jr., formerly captain of National Airlines, Miami, for further corroboration.

    Joe Marrs worked for Eastern Airlines. He claimed he never flew for hire or transported goods. He knew Browder, but claimed he avoided Browder as he saw him as a shady promoter who was all talk about air transport plans but no money (an amusing revelation from a man who just a few words earlier had said he didn’t fly for hire.) 22

    Les Lewis, the former Chief of Police, denied knowing Jack Ruby and claimed to have “no knowledge whatsoever of persons flying weapons to Cuba.” A Hialeah Police Chief having no knowledge of persons flying weapons to Cuba in the fifties is a bit hard to believe. And of course, Lewis completely denied ever knowing a Donald Edward Browder. 23

    Clifton T. Bowes was sure he never knew a Jack Rubenstein and said he first heard of Ruby watching him on television. He did not know a Donald Edward Browder but did claim to know Blaney Mack Johnson, saying he understood Johnson was ill and had been hospitalized, was “highly imaginative” 24, the usual FBI line for an unwelcome witness.

    When the FBI collected these denials, they returned to Johnson. Johnson stuck tightly by his story and insisted all the information he had provided had been true and accurate. He also said he understood why Lewis, Marrs and Bowes would have lied to conceal their knowledge of and/or involvement in Ruby’s activities. And of course, Johnson replied he had never been hospitalized.

    Enter Eddie Browder. Eddie Browder testified before the House Select Committee on Assassinations in the 70s. 25 He was a former Lockheed test pilot who was serving a 25-year prison sentence for “security violations.” He told the committee he worked for the CIA. One time he had leased a B-25 bomber under the name of a non-existent company and flown it to Haiti a year after the Kennedy assassination. He cashed a check signed by George DeMohrenschildt’s Haitian business associate Clemard Charles, in the amount of $24,000. What’s interesting is that the HSCA used Browder’s testimony in the DeMohrenschildt section, not the Jack Ruby section. Is there a tie there linking DeMohrenschildt to Jack Ruby? Only three small “innocuous” reports of the more than 1000 pages the FBI has on Browder were released to the Warren Commission. 26 It’s time the remaining documents on Browder, including the full text of his executive session testimony before the HSCA, were released. Any Browder who used the Don Eduardo alias 27, worked with DeMohrenschildt, and ran guns with Ruby to Cuba is worthy of further study.

    (Continued in the following issue of Probe.)

    Notes

    1. George Michael Evica, And We Are All Mortal (University of Hartford, 1978), p. 161.
    2. Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK (University of California Press, Ltd, 1993), p. 179.
    3. Memorandum to J. Lee Rankin from Leon D. Hubert and Burt W. Griffin, May 14, 1964, p. 3.
    4. Memorandum to J. Lee Rankin from Leon D. Hubert and Burt W. Griffin, May 14, 1964, p. 4.
    5. HSCA, Vol. 5, pp. 197-198.
    6. HSCA, Vol. 5, p. 204. On page 205 Stokes said that Ruby was admitted to his box on August 20th, but the copy of the FBI report on the bank records on the previous page show both a typewritten date of August 21 and a handwritten note with the same date.
    7. Anthony Summers, Conspiracy (Paragon House paperback edition, 1989), p. 439.
    8. HSCA, Vol. 5, p. 221.
    9. Report of the Warren Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy (McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1964), p. 345.
    10. WC Vol. 26, p. 661, CE 3069.
    11. Summers, p. 437.
    12. Summers, p. 441.
    13. Summers, p. 440; HSCA Vol. 5, p. 365.
    14. HSCA, Vol. 5, p. 325.
    15. HSCA, Hearings March 16, 1977, pp.37-41.
    16. WC Vol. 14, pp. 349-350.
    17. For a lengthy treatment of Elrod, see the article by Ray and Mary La Fontaine, The Washington Post, 8/7/94, “The Fourth Tramp”.
    18. WC Vol. 26, p. 642-649.
    19. WC Vol. 26, p. 634, CE 3063.
    20. WC Vol. 26, p. 650, CE 3066.
    21. Summers, p. 437.
    22. WC Vol. 26, p. 639.
    23. WC Vol. 26, p. 639.
    24. WC Vol. 26, p. 640.
    25. Jim Marrs, Crossfire (Carrol & Graf, 1989), p. 284.
    26. Marrs, p. 392.
    27. Don Eduardo was a well known alias of E. Howard Hunt. But James McCord also used the name Don Eduardo. Jim Hougan, Secret Agenda (Random House, 1984), p. 80. Blaney Mack Johnson said Don Edward Browder was sometimes called “Don Eduardo.” WC Vol. 26, p. 642.
  • Gus Russo


  • Why ABC?


    The Seizing of the American Broadcasting Company ABC is offering a new pro-Warren Commission television documentary — the latest in a long line of support for the party line. But who watches the watchdogs? This article probes the background of the purchase of ABC by Capital Cities Communications in 1985. This Introduction sets the story up with a 2003 perspective.

    Capital Cities Before it Bought ABC How Cap Cities developed into the powerhouse it is today.

    David Westin The President of ABC News.

    John Stossel ABC’s “Consumer advocate” more closely resembles a corporate advocate. Whose side is he on?

    ABC and the Rise of Rush Limbaugh How CC/ABC launched Rush Limbaugh and ushered in a new era in radio.

  • “Davy Disappoints”: A Rebuttal


    From the November-December 1999 issue (Vol. 7 No. 1) of Probe


    I have to admit I was initially reluctant to respond to this “review” of my book for several reasons. First and foremost, I am averse to feeding into the divide-and-conquer strategy so prominently played out among the critics for too long – a tactic that is ultimately counter-productive. Second, I had never heard of the author of this “critique,” Dave Reitzes, and information subsequently provided to me by colleagues who regularly check the Internet has done little to assign Reitzes even a modicum of credibility. And finally, Reitzes habitually haunts something called the alt.conspiracy.jfk newsgroup on the Internet and his “review” appeared on a Web site run by someone called John McAdams. Given that the combined readership of these two electronic fora probably rivals that of the Eskimo population of Miami Beach, I was even more disinclined to respond. But having waded through Reitzes’ abundant medley of errors and distortions, I felt some response was warranted.

    Reitzes titles his “review”, Davy Disappoints. One thing I can say for Mr. Reitzes is that he does not. In fact he is quite predictable. He begins by complaining that, less the front and back matter, my book is “a skimpy 204 pages.” (He chose not to include the Endnotes section in his count which runs for another 36 pages, but that’s OK). Of these 204 pages, Reitzes writes, “approximately 27 are blank.” It is a standard publishing convention to leave the verso page blank if the chapter ends on the recto page. But the mind boggles at Reitzes’ command of the intricacies of mathematics. Of the 204 pages Reitzes mentions, only 8 chapters end on the recto page for a grand total of (Can you grasp this Mr. Reitzes?) 8 blank pages. Not 27. But it’s a ludicrous argument anyway. Look at some of the literature that has been published on the assassination and related events. Phil Melanson’s Spy Saga is 149 pages (I won’t count footnotes or front and back matter since Reitzes seems to be averse to this). Trumbull Higgins’ volume on the Bay of Pigs, The Perfect Failure is 176 pages. James and Wardlaw’s Plot or Politics? is 167 pages. And Peter Dale Scott’s Crime and Cover-Up weighs in at a mere 49 pages. Yet would anyone deny the contributions made by these slim volumes? On the other hand, one gets weighed down by the gross tonnage of Harrison Livingstone’s, often incomprehensible, output. Apparently, Mr. Reitzes hasn’t grasped the concept of quality over quantity.

    Reitzes dazzles us further with his mastery of math by writing this bizarre calculation, “Davy provides us with an estimated 5 1/2 chapters of new information, or and estimated 67.1 pages (177 divided by 14 chapters total times 5 1/2 chapters). By my estimation, then, only about a fifth of Davy’s book produces the promised new information, while about four-fifths provide what Davy calls context.” Allow me to correct this bit of misinformation. Of the over 700 citations in the Endnotes section, approximately 425 of them have (to the best of my knowledge) never been published in print before. This includes many documents from the intelligence agencies, the HSCA, Garrison’s files (culled from numerous sources), interviews, and miscellaneous other collections. This doesn’t take into account the hard-to-find books and manuscripts I cite including William Turner’s unpublished manuscript, The Garrison Investigation, Arthur Carpenter’s Ph.D. dissertation, Gateway to the Americas, and rare books such as Menshikov’s Millionaires and Managers and Scheflin and Opton’s, The Mind Manipulators. Not even counting those volumes the amount of new material is roughly 64%. Back when I went to school 1/5 did not equal 64%, Mr. Reitzes. His convoluted formulas cause Reitzes to ponder; “One wonders what [Lisa] Pease makes of Bill Davy’s math.” Better yet, one wonders what the reader will now make of your math, Mr. Reitzes.

    Reitzes continues his “review” by acknowledging that the longest chapter in my book is the chapter dealing with the concerted efforts of the media and the intelligence agencies to spread disinformation about Garrison and subvert due process. This chapter is indeed the longest because of the massive amount of supporting documentation affirming the attacks. Reitzes finds this all irrelevant contending that the reason Garrison lost his case “would hardly seem to be related to any alleged resistance from the CIA and/or the media.” His conclusion doesn’t surprise me since I doubt that he has studied any of the documents I cite.

    Later Reitzes asks incredulously why haven’t I read his Internet masterpiece, Who Speaks For Clay Shaw? I know this might be a little difficult for someone like Reitzes to understand, but not everybody spends their life on the Internet. This concept is obviously foreign to someone who apparently spends all of his waking hours on-line. Consider the following usenet post from Jim Hargrove, dated January 10, 1999:

    According to the results a DejaNews “power Search,” posts made to alt.conspiracy.jfk by Dave Reitzes as dreitzes@aol.com totalled [sic] “about 15,000.” Posts made by Dave Reitzes as ERXF03A@prodigy.com SINCE JUST BEFORE LAST CHRISTMAS totalled [sic] “about 14,000” posts. Since DejaNews breaks up long posts and counts then as multiple instances, these numbers are too high. Nevertheless, they are astronomical, and represent abuse of Usenet. [Emphasis in original]

    Hargrove continues:

    But don’t take my word for it. There is a long-established newsgroup devoted to the very topic of spamming and net abuse, and Dave Reitzes is a real fixture there. In just the last two months of 1998, his name appears on 19 different news.admin.net-abuse hit lists.

    Again from Hargrove:

    Switching over to Prodigy on the account of “Marc Reitzes,” Dave Reitzes has also been fingered by news.admin.net-abuse three times since last Christmas.

    Two months later, Reitzes was still at it, causing David Lifton to comment in a March 10, 1999 post that Reitzes is:

    Completely divorced from reality, and, according to DejaNews, posting over 5,000 posts this year (that’s right, 5,000 posts)

    Reitzes certainly gives new meaning to the expression “get a life.”

    Reitzes later complains that I didn’t report that an HSCA document that concludes that Clay Shaw may have been involved in the planning of the assassination, “did not reflect the opinions of its author, but rather the statements of its interview subject: Judge Jim Garrison.” It is true that the title of the document reads “Interview with Jim Garrison in New Orleans” but even a casual reading of the memo shows that it contains more information than what was gleaned from an interview. In fact, the “interview” was actually a series of conferences that ran from July 29th through August 6th, 1977 between Garrison and several members of Team 3 of the HSCA, including Gaeton Fonzi, Jonathan Blackmer, Cliff Fenton, and L.J. Delsa. The subsequent memo contains not just the highlights of the Garrison interviews, but information gained from Garrison’s files and separate research already conducted by Team 3, independent from Garrison. This content was confirmed to me by two of the HSCA staffers involved. Tell us Mr. Reitzes, how many HSCA people have you interviewed? Since the document concludes “We have reason to believe that Shaw was heavily involved in the anti-Castro efforts in New Orleans in the 1960’s and [was] possibly one of the high level planners or “cut out” to the planners of the assassination,” it is quite apparent that Blackmer is stating his team’s conclusions, not Garrison’s. (Since when does Garrison refer to himself in the plural form?)

    Reitzes also incorrectly claims that I “take on faith” that other Vieux Carre denizens identified Shaw as “Bertrand” and that “these alleged witnesses would not speak for the record.” Wrong. I name two of the witnesses in my book, William Morris and David Logan, both of whom were interviewed by the DA’s office for the record. William Morris is a name Reitzes should be more than familiar with. For months, Reitzes hammered away on the Internet claiming that William Morris never existed and that Garrison invented him out of whole cloth. When confronted by Jim Hargrove’s posting of the July 12, 1967 NODA interview of Morris (an interview that has been available at the AARC or its precursor for almost 30 years, by the way), Reitzes beat a hasty retreat, posting this mea culpa on January 9th; “I did, of course, assert on this NG that Morris never existed, a reckless statement I have fully retracted and for which I apologize.” Apologizing for his inaccuracies is something Reitzes must be quite used to by now. After falsely alleging that David Lifton cribbed Best Evidence from an unpublished manuscript by Newcomb and Adams, Reitzes had to post this retraction on March 11, 1999: “I retract the charge and I apologize for alleging it. It was a cheap shot.” He made another false claim about Harrison Livingstone’s presence during the ARRB deposition of Dr. Humes and once again Reitzes had to atone, writing, “I humbly retract the statement.”

    I won’t rehash Reitzes’ attempted defense of Dean Andrews, since it is simply a regurgitation of Patricia Lambert’s nonsense. However, I would refer the interested reader to my and Jim DiEugenio’s review of Lambert’s book in PROBE Vol. 6, No. 4, as well as the Dean Andrews section of my book. I will comment on one claim made by Reitzes though. He says that my revelation that Andrews was not under sedation at the time of the Clay Bertrand call is not borne out in the December 1963 FBI reports. On the contrary, as anyone who has read my book would know, the December 1963 FBI reports are the source for this revelation.

    Reitzes is right about one point. An FBI report does mention that Metropolitan Crime Commission Director Aaron Kohn was one of the FBI’s sources who had information about Clay Bertrand. But Reitzes finds it suspicious that I didn’t explain why Kohn “would pass along this potentially helpful information – at a time it was common knowledge in the French Quarter that Garrison was seeking “Bertrand” – instead of sitting on the allegedly dangerous stuff.” What Reitzes leaves out is that Kohn countered this revelation with another in which he said he received information that Clay Bertrand is actually a real-estate broker living in Lafayette, Louisiana – clearly disinformation. Maybe I should have included this in my chapter on the disinformation campaign.

    Reitzes’ prosaic attempt at critiquing the final chapter in my book is equally ridiculous. He apparently doesn’t like my choice of titles as he feels it necessary to add his air of incredulity by referring to it as “The Hidden(!) Record.” His emphasis on the word “hidden” is certainly appropriate since approximately 85% of the material in that chapter was suppressed until at least 1993. Regarding a March 2, 1967 FBI memo which Cartha DeLoach wrote to Clyde Tolson stating that “Shaw’s name had come up in our investigation in December, 1963, as a result of several parties furnishing information concerning Shaw,” Reitzes takes on the role of apologist for the FBI asking, “DeLoach couldn’t be mistakenly referring to that FBI report of February 24, 1967 (the Aaron Kohn document noted above), could he?” Let’s see, the number 3 man at the FBI is writing a memo to the number 2 man, knowing full well it will also be read by Hoover, and he gets something like that wrong? I don’t think so. Reitzes thinks he’s really on to something as he writes, “Unfortunately, Davy disdains hunting for primary sources to support his theory when he can simply misquote the anonymous Justice Department informant who told the New York Times that “Bertrand” and Shaw were “the same guy” (Davy, 191).” It’s interesting that Reitzes cites page 191 of my book for the Justice Department “it’s the same guy” quote, because nowhere on page 191 or anywhere else in the book do I mention the “it’s the same guy” quote! Even though that quote is nowhere to be found in my book, that doesn’t stop Reitzes from his pathetic attempt at discrediting. He writes, “What the Justice Department source actually said was, “We think it’s the same guy.”” Reitzes cites the New York Times of March 3, 1967 as his primary source and Lambert as his backup. A quick look at Lambert’s book shows she doesn’t cite the New York Times at all, but rather the New Orleans Time-Picayune of March 3, 1967 and a Washington Post article some three months later. So, does Reitzes’ main source, the New York Times of March 3, 1967 mention the “We think it’s the same guy” quote? Well, I don’t know what edition Mr. Reitzes has, but I have the New York Times, March 3, 1967 article in front of me right now and the Justice Department is quite unequivocal on the matter. I quote verbatim:

    “A Justice Department official said tonight that his agency was convinced that Mr. Bertrand and Mr. Shaw were the same man, and that this was the basis for Mr. Clark’s assertions this morning.”

    And this is precisely what I cite in my book, not the, “it’s the same guy” or “we think it’s the same guy” quotes that Reitzes erroneously attributes to the New York Times and me. Just who is misquoting the Justice Department here, Mr. Reitzes? It is also interesting to note that in his “review” Reitzes tries to downplay the Justice Department conclusion by saying I misquote an anonymous Justice Department informant. As the reader can see, the Times article (and my book) clearly states that it is a Justice Department official making the statement.

    Later, Reitzes incredulously asks “How come none [witnesses linking Shaw to the Bertrand alias] came forward even after the success of Oliver Stone’s 1991 movie JFK, which made much of the alleged “Bertrand” alias?” I would expect this from someone who probably hasn’t interviewed a witness in his life. Within two days of my arriving in New Orleans, I located several people in the French Quarter and beyond, who claimed Shaw used the Bertrand alias. But since they wished to remain anonymous I chose not to use them in my book. One of these witnesses was a very credible 30-year veteran of one of New Orleans’ major newspapers, whose name would be recognizable to anyone familiar with the New Orleans aspects of the case. (It was not Jack Dempsey).

    Reitzes continues lowering his batting average when he writes, “Davy devotes a great deal of space trying to prove that Clay Shaw perjured himself when he denied knowing David Ferrie. Again Davy must resort to witnesses that Jim Garrison had, but were clearly not credible to use.” Wrong again. One of the several witnesses I use linking Ferrie to Shaw, is Banister operative, Joe Newbrough – a very credible source. I also quote an FBI report in which they interview Carroll Thomas, a self-described friend of Shaw’s whose funeral home handled the arrangements for the death of Shaw’s father. While being interviewed by the FBI on an unrelated matter, Thomas volunteered that Shaw had introduced him to Ferrie. Neither of these witnesses shared this information with Garrison.

    Reitzes attempts to score me for citing Jules Ricco Kimble as a source for a flight he made to Montreal with Clay Shaw and David Ferrie. Reitzes’ main points for his argument are:

    1. According to Reitzes, “early accounts of Kimble’s story mentioned flying to Montreal with David Ferrie, but did not mention Clay Shaw.” Reitzes cites Flammonde’s The Kennedy Conspiracy, pp. 206-7. A check of Flammonde’s book shows that Flammonde devotes all of one sentence to the Montreal trip that reads, “Kimble also claimed that he had flown to Montreal on what he said was a Minuteman errand.” True, Flammonde doesn’t mention Shaw in his one-sentence summary, but neither is Ferrie mentioned as Reitzes claims.
    2. Reitzes also writes that “Kimble originally claimed the flight to have taken place a year before the assassination, then later moved the date to the summer of 1963, apparently in order to imply a more credible link to the JFK assassination.” And what is Reitzes’ source for this revelation? Some newly released document, perhaps? Or maybe an interview he conducted? No. He provides a web link to a book blurb for a book that hasn’t even been released in this country and is only available in the French language. Assuming Reitzes does not have the book and is not bi-lingual, is this an example of his primary sources? A book blurb?!

    He also wrote in a follow-up post on the Kimble episode that an undated NODA memo about the Montreal trip states “Despite the fact that the original source of this information was JULES RICCO KIMBLE, a man with a record, this lead keeps growing stronger.” He cites a PROBE article by Lisa Pease as the source for this and that’s about the only thing he gets right. He later writes that my book “briefly discusses the Freeport [Sulpher] story, but doesn’t mention that the tale originated with Kimble, even though a discussion of Kimble’s NODA statement directly follows the Freeport material. Davy, in fact, implies that Kimble’s story “corroborates” the Freeport tale.” Allow me to correct you once again (this is getting arduous). Kimble’s statement is dated October 10, 1967. Almost four months prior to Kimble’s statement, the NODA’s office had information from Ken Elliot, a former newscaster, that Shaw and Ferrie had made the flight to Canada on Freeport Sulpher business. This was later corroborated by James J. Plaine, who had been contacted by a high official in Freeport Sulpher and also told Garrison’s office about the Shaw/Ferrie flight and Freeport Sulpher angle. Apparently this was such common knowledge in New Orleans, that both Dean Andrews and WDSU reporter, Richard Townley revealed this information to Shaw’s lawyers. Kimble’s statement was just icing on the cake. And all of this information is laid out quite clearly in my book. As for the undated memo in Ms. Pease’s article, I have a copy of the memo with the date on it. It is one of several memos from the spring of 1969, after the Shaw trial, as Garrison and Assistant DA, Andrew Sciambra were continuing the investigation on a very limited basis. At that point Garrison may very well have believed Kimble was the original source of the Canada trip, but as I’ve shown, the chronicled record indicates otherwise.

    In my book I quote a CIA document that indicates Shaw was cleared for a project called QK/ENCHANT, which Reitzes accuses me of “mangling.” However, the relevant paragraph is quoted in its entirety in my book. Yet Reitzes claims the document says Shaw was an unwitting source. I can assure the reader that nowhere in the QK/ENCHANT document I quote is there any mention of Shaw being an unwitting source. Earlier Reitzes had claimed that another CIA document exists (apparently a different one) that says Shaw was an unwitting source for QK/ENCHANT. In fact, the document in question says no such thing. Both Reitzes and McAdams have been claiming this CIA document exists which clearly states Shaw was used on an unwitting basis. I have obtained a copy of the CIA document and this is what it says: “Subject was granted a Covert Security Approval for use under Project QKENCHANT on an unwitting basis on 10 December 1962.” Lo and behold, the document does say he was used on an unwitting basis. Unfortunately for Reitzes the subject in question is J. Monroe Sullivan, the San Francisco Trade Mart Director, not Clay Shaw. Just who is mangling documents here, Mr. Reitzes?

    Reitzes’ swipe at the Clinton witnesses is old news, but interviewing them could clear up any questions he has about their statements, testimony and veracity. Tell us Mr. Reitzes, how many of the Clinton witnesses have you interviewed? One witness he obviously didn’t interview is Henry Burnell Clark. Instead he trots out Posner’s attempt at discrediting this prospective “Clinton” witness. Reitzes repeats Posner’s claim that Clark did not place Ferrie and Shaw in town on the same day. Reitzes even provides a web link to Clark’s statement on-line. I’ve heard this allegation before and thought perhaps there was another statement out there I hadn’t read. A click on Reitzes’ link confirmed this was not the case. Just a casual reading of the document verifies that Clark is talking about the same time frame. Consider what Clark says about his Clay Shaw sighting:

    In the summer of 1963, after a period of civil rights demonstration and picketing had ending [sic], and during the attempted registration of Negro voters….” Clark then goes on to describe his sighting of Clay Shaw. Now, here is how Clark describes the time frame in which he saw Ferrie:

    During this same period of time in the summer of 1963, after the conclusion of the picketting [sic] demonstrations and during the attempted voting registration of the Negroes…” [My emphasis] Note that the context is exactly the same as his Shaw sighting. Further, there is no mention anywhere in Clark’s statement about these sightings being on different days. At this point I’m beginning to wonder if Reitzes, McAdams, and Posner even read the documents they cite.

    Reitzes also accuses me of an “uncritical acceptance of such discredited Garrison “evidence” as David Ferrie’s allegedly unnatural death (Davy, 66-7).” Here is exactly what I say about Ferrie’s death: “The coroner ruled Ferrie died from a brain aneurysm, despite the presence of two typed “suicide” notes. (Whether they were suicide notes or not is a matter of interpretation. Ferrie, who knew he was quite ill, probably saw the end coming and decided to compose his own epitaph). Garrison would postulate that Ferrie could have been force-fed a fatal dosage of Proloid, a thyroid medication Ferrie had been prescribed. It is doubtful that Ferrie could have been fed enough Proloid to be fatal…” And from my preface I write, “…Ferrie was found dead in his apartment, apparently of natural causes.” Does this sound like an uncritical acceptance of the “mysterious death” theory? The only thing mysterious about it, which I note in my book, is what Deputy Coroner Frank Minyard concluded about something being traumatically inserted into Ferrie’s mouth.

    Reitzes cites Lambert as a source for Perry Russo’s supposed 1971 recantation of his original statement. His “recantation” was anything but, as he revealed in two lengthy interviews with me. Tell us Mr. Reitzes, how many times did you interview Russo?

    Reitzes even tries to dispute Oswald’s ties to Guy Banister and 544 Camp Street. He is apparently so confused at this point that he doesn’t realize he’s refuting his own lengthy treatise supporting Oswald and 544 Camp (See Reitzes, Oswald and 544 Camp, Parts 1 and 2, alt.conspiracy.jfk newsgroup posting of November 3, 1998). Reitzes’ main source for his dissertation is Michael Kurtz. The reader may recall that Kurtz authored a book called Crime of the Century in which he cites numerous unnamed witnesses who placed Oswald with Ferrie and/or Banister in 1963. He even promotes his own “Castro did it” theory – a hypothesis long since discredited. Kurtz even claims he saw Oswald with Banister. Yet Reitzes accepts Kurtz’ views uncritically (Apparently, aligning himself with discredited critics is Reitzes modus operandi. He’s also fond of quoting A.J. Weberman, the former “journalist” who used to scour peoples’ garbage cans for material. In the 1970’s, he co-wrote a book called Coup d’etat In America in which he claims Frank Sturgis and E. Howard Hunt were two of the three “tramps” arrested in Dealey Plaza. Dallas Police records have since disproved that bizarre theory. In addition to “Castro did it” Kurtz and the garbage-sniffing Weberman, Reitzes has now found an advocate in Walt Brown, who recently published a Reitzes piece in his journal. Can anyone say, “Mac Wallace?”)

    Lou Ivon’s recollection of Ferrie’s breakdown gets pooh-poohed by Reitzes, despite the fact that Ivon confirmed this personally in my interview with him. Tell us Mr. Reitzes, how many times have you interviewed Ivon?

    He also claims I say Vernon Bundy was a credible witness. I didn’t say it. William Gurvich and John Volz did! Neither of whom were fans of Garrison’s. Volz confirmed his take on Bundy in an interview with me. Tell us Mr. Reitzes, how many times have you interviewed John Volz?

    At least Reitzes does provide some comic relief. He rebukes me for claiming “that the major media engaged in a conspiracy to discredit Garrison and interfere with his investigation despite the abundance of evidence to the contrary.” And what is the sum total of Reitzes’ “abundance of evidence?” It is as follows: “Lambert’s discussions of James Phelan and Richard Billings.” Whew! I’m overwhelmed with that “abundance of evidence.”

    Reitzes’ credibility goes even further over the edge when he claims I “attempt to rehabilitate nutball witness Charles Spiesel (Davy 173-4).” In fact, I do no such thing. On the very pages Reitzes cites I list all of Spiesel’s wild, paranoid claims. I criticize his story as being too pat and describe his testimony as “lunatic.” Is this Reitzes’ idea of rehabilitation? It was Judge Haggerty himself who thought Spiesel may have been dismissed too easily and I note that in the book.

    Reitzes then writes “Davy also presents a dubious new theory of his own when he attempts to link the mental hospital in Jackson, where Oswald allegedly was seeking a job, to the CIA’s infamous MK/ULTRA mind control experiments.” No, this was recalled to us by Dr. Alfred Butterworth, one of the East Louisiana State Hospital’s physicians and corroborated by other hospital employees. Tell us Mr. Reitzes, how many of the Jackson hospital employees did you interview?

    But less commendable, according to Reitzes, is my “acceptance of Daniel Campbell’s assertions that Banister was a “bagman for the CIA” and “was running guns to Alpha 66 in Miami (There is no evidence to support either claim).” I guess Reitzes naively expects a CIA document to appear affirming something like that. While he’s waiting, he may be interested to know that this was confirmed by Dan Campbell’s brother, Allen as well as close Banister associate, Joe Newbrough. Tell us Mr. Reitzes, how many of Banister’s operatives did you interview?

    Reitzes accuses me of being an advocate first, and an investigator second. But who’s the real advocate here? Just look at the title of Reitzes’ magnum opus, Who Speaks For Clay Shaw? and I think the answer is obvious. He also claims that I take all of Garrison’s assertions at face value. Yet in the over 700 citations in my book, only about 20 are from Garrison’s published works.

    So, where has all of Reitzes’ stellar research led him? – He thinks LBJ killed Kennedy.

    And what does the reader get once he/she clicks on the link? An odd treatise called Yellow Roses by Dave Reitzes in which the author claims Johnson was responsible for, or covered-up, a series of murders, including LBJ’s own sister(!) Assisting LBJ in the Kennedy assassination, according to Reitzes, were Texas millionaire, H.L. Hunt, Mac Wallace (of course), and everyone’s favorite boogie-man, J. Edgar Hoover. Reitzes can spin this fantastic yarn because he cites no primary sources. He uses a couple of books (Haley’s and Caro’s books on LBJ and Harrison Livingstone’s Killing The Truth) and an article by Walt Brown and that’s about it.

    Based on the astronomical number of Internet postings provided to me, Reitzes has taken on the anti-Garrison cause with all the fervor of a religious zealot. So, what would motivate someone to take up the fight so vigorously? – He was insulted. That’s right, but don’t take my word for it. Here’s Reitzes’ own words: “…without the nasty personal attacks from Mr. Hargrove and from one Bill Cleere, I never would posted a word on Garrison or Shaw. My interest, after all, is in the Kennedy assassination, not the so-called Garrison probe.” (Reitzes, alt.conspiracy.jfk newsgroup post of January 8, 1999).

    Finally, in the practice-what-you-preach department, Reitzes wrote in March of this year, “I hope that in the future other researchers and I may embrace the things we have in common rather than seize upon our differences.” Instead of heeding his own words, Reitzes seized upon our differences in a manner so inaccurate it can only be described as vicious. How else can one account for the over 16 errors in his 8-page “review?” Using Reitzes’ penchant for math, that’s over 2 errors per page – a dismal record. How does one account for all of these blunders? Are we really to believe Reitzes’ reading comprehension is as bad as his math? Or is he trying to hurt the commercial possibilities of a book he happens to disagree with? There seems to be some support for the latter, as Mr. Reitzes has seen fit to post an abbreviated version of his error-laden “review” on the Amazon.com site selling my book. I guess I shouldn’t complain too much. Controversy sells books and sadly for Mr. Reitzes in just over 11 weeks since the book has been published it is already heading into its second printing. I take particular solace in the fact that the largest volume of orders has come from Amazon.com. Thank you, Mr. Reitzes.

  • Script of “CBS News, ABC News, and the Lone Assassin Theory”


    (Click here if your browser is having trouble loading the above.)

  • Priscilla Johnson McMillan:  She can be encouraged to write what the CIA wants

    Priscilla Johnson McMillan: She can be encouraged to write what the CIA wants


    marina pjm
    Johnson McMillan (right)
    with Marina Oswald

    One of the witnesses used by Gus Russo and Mark Obenhaus to profile Oswald on the program was a woman named Priscilla Johnson McMillan (PJM). To the new generation of viewers, that is people born in the seventies and afterward, this rather old and wizened woman would not symbolize much. To those who have followed the JFK case since 1963, she symbolizes everything negative about those who report on the Kennedy assassination in the media, especially the foreshortened, myopic, restricted view of the almost superhuman complexities of the figure and phenomenon of Lee Harvey Oswald.

    Priscilla Johnson interviewed Oswald in 1959 while he was in Moscow and she was working for a small newspaper syndicate, North American Newspaper Alliance (NANA). On the weekend of Kennedy’s assassination, articles by her about Oswald appeared in several newspapers throughout America including The Boston Globe and The Dallas Morning News. Right after Oswald’s death she did an interview with The Christian Science Monitor. In April of 1964 she wrote an article for Harper’s entitled “Oswald in Moscow.” In June of 1964 she signed a contract with Harper and Row to produce a book about Oswald and his wife Marina, a book that would not be published for over ten years. At about this time, she was questioned by lawyers for the Warren Commission, namely David Slawson and Richard Mosk. All of these activities are quite interesting in their frequency and scope and consistent message. Perhaps no other writer, outside of the Warren Commission staff, had more influence in molding the image of Oswald for the American public than Priscilla Johnson.

    Up until 1967, no one really questioned who Johnson was or what she represented. Then something happened. The daughter of Joseph Stalin defected to the United States with the help of the State Department and the CIA. When Svetlana Stalin came to America she stayed in the home of Priscilla’s stepfather and PJM helped her translate her account of life with her dictator father. For those who realized at the time how high level defections worked, and who had access to prizes like Svetlana, all kinds of bells and flags went off about Priscilla and it began to throw backward light on her association with Oswald. For instance NANA had always been a highly suspect agency. It was purchased by former OSS operative Ernest Cuneo in 1951 and became home to prominent rightwing and CIA associated reporters like Victor Lasky, Lucianna Goldberg, and Virginia Prewett. Prewett’s husband was in the CIA and was handled by legendary CIA communications expert David Phillips. Finally, accruing even more suspicion to her role with Oswald, a former security officer for the State Department, Jack Lynch once wrote that Priscilla’s encounter with Oswald in Moscow was “Official business.”

    In this last regard, according to Peter Whitmey, the man who approached Priscilla about Oswald being at the Metropole Hotel in Moscow was John McVickar, who worked at the US Embassy. According to John Newman’s Oswald and the CIA, McVickar was working for the CIA also. (In 1990, PJM wrote Whitmey a letter asking him if he could remind her who McVickar was.) Much of what PJM told Mosk and Slawson was about her meeting with Oswald in Moscow so therefore it helped form their opinions of Oswald and helped shape the portrait of him in the Warren Report. In this regard it would have been important for Slawson and Mosk to know and report that Priscilla had altered her original 1959 report (published in a very small newspaper) after Kennedy’s assassination in a pejorative way. And this new version was published nationally. For instance she added a line at the end which referred to Oswald like this: “However I soon came to feel that this boy was of the stuff of which fanatics are made.” As Whitmey notes, in her first draft the image of Oswald is of a soft-spoken idealist who spoke in terms of “emigrating” as opposed to defecting. The word “fanatic” is much more in line with what the Commission is going to do with its image of Oswald as a disturbed young Marxist zealot. Whitmey also point outs two other revisions by PJM. According to McVickar’s notes, she was aware that Oswald was headed out of the hotel to work in the electronics field. She ignores this at the end of her 1963 revised article and says that he disappeared and did not notify her about it, against her wishes. The final statement in the second draft was “I’d wondered what had happened to him since. Now I know.” Since this second draft was published in the immediate wake of Kennedy’s murder, the obvious suggestion is that the fanatical tendencies — not in her original report — had warped him into an assassin.

    In her interview with The Christian Science Monitor, more details of this newly troubled Oswald emerge. PJM said that he was intensely bitter at the United States, that he displayed single-mindedness about “whatever he was attempting to do” and that he was bitter about capitalism and worker exploitation. In her Harper’s article she added even more pop psychology in her profile: “Oswald yearned to go down in history as the man who shot the President.” To explain why, if that was his intent, he then denied the act she wrote that he had a need to think “of himself as extraordinary” and “to be caught, but not to confess.”

    If this sounds very similar to what the Warren Commission’s explanation of Oswald was, it should. For right after the article appeared she did two things. She first signed a rather large contract with Harper and Row to do a biography of Oswald with help from his widow Marina. Second, she arrived in Dallas to meet Marina and spent much of the summer and fall with her and her Secret Service escorts. This in itself is extraordinary because Marina Oswald was one of the chief witnesses before the Commission and as Harold Weisberg and Peter Scott have reported, she was basically cordoned off from the world and threatened with deportation if she did not cooperate with their wishes. Yet, Priscilla was permitted to live with Marina during the summer and fall of 1964 when the Commission was still working and even accompanied her on a trip to Santa Fe, New Mexico.

    One of the most fascinating interviews the Commission had with Marina occurred on September 6, 1964 at the U. S. Naval Station in Dallas. Two things occurred here that relate to Priscilla. First, Marina revealed that she was working on her memoirs which would be published perhaps in December. This alludes to her book deal with PJM and Harper and Row. The second point is of such extreme importance to the Commission and to Priscilla’s role with it that it requires some background information.

    In September, the Commission was in high gear on its road to wrapping things up. In fact, at this stage, as related by Edward Epstein, the lawyers had been told that they should be closing doors not opening them. Yet Senator Richard Russell was a sticking point. He was a skeptic on both the single bullet theory and on Oswald’s mysterious trip to Mexico in September and October of 1963. He was actually threatening not to sign off on the Warren Report. Russell noted that in regard to the latter point, the Commission had little or no physical evidence that Oswald had been to Mexico City. So, miraculously, at this late stage, at one of the few hearings that Russell actually attended, an amazing discovery occurred. Marina reported that a bus ticket stub had been found inside a Spanish magazine and she further stated that she had “found the stub of this ticket approximately two weeks ago when working with Priscilla Johnson on the book.” What the FBI, CIA, Dallas Police, Ruth and Michael Paine, and the Secret Service could not produce in ten months, Priscilla Johnson could find in a matter of several weeks, and seemingly by accident.

    After the Warren Commission volumes were released in late 1964, one would have expected Priscilla to publish her book on the Oswalds. She did not. She first contributed to a book called Khrushchev and the Arts which was published early in 1965. She then helped Svetlana Allileuva Stalin translate her memoir on her father, Stalin. This book was also published by Harper and Row which might explain the delay and the publisher’s cooperation in it. Especially since the advance rights on the Stalin project had already been sold for over a million dollars. Much later, after going back to the Soviet Union, Svetlana had some interesting comments about her experience in America. Talking to a group of reporters she stated that “she had been naive about life in the U.S. and had become a favorite pet of the CIA.” She also said that she had not been been “free for a single day in the so-called free world.”

    In 1973, Priscilla and her then husband George McMillan wrote a glowing review for Warren Commission attorney David Belin’s recycling of his work entitled November 22, 1963: You Are the Jury. This review was published in The New York Times, which is the same body which published the book. Her husband also wrote a book on the murder of Martin Luther King entitled The Making of an Assassin. Needless to say that book is a completely one-sided view of the King case that uses character assassination to enforce a guilty verdict on James Earl Ray.

    Finally, in 1977, Priscilla’s book Marina and Lee was published. As with the discovery of the bus tickets in 1964, it is interesting to note the timing. From about 1975 forward, there had been a series of events that would eventually provoke a new investigation of the Kennedy assassination. In fact, in late 1976, the House Select Committee on Assassinations had been formed. So her book appeared right in the midst of that investigation. The publicity surrounding the book was immense. Priscilla did an interview with Publisher’s Weekly and the book was excerpted twice in Ladies Home Journal. Longtime CIA flack Thomas Powers heaped all kinds of praise on the book in his review in The New York Times. (Interestingly, Powers was working on his authorized and all too kind biography of longtime Kennedy nemesis Richard Helms at the time. On a show hosted by Phil Donahue in 1991about JFK, Helms appeared with PJM and asked her what had attracted Lee to Marxism in the first place.)

    Marina testified before the committee and when asked the last time she saw Priscilla she replied it had been the night before she appeared. Another interesting fact she revealed was how much control PJM had over the book: “I just contribute very little to the book. It was up to Priscilla to fish out all the facts and everything and put them together some way.”

    By this time period, the suspicions about who PJM really was had gone public. Jerry Policoff wrote an article about her for New Times which accused her of working for the State Department and also added that the Warren Commission had known this fact. Priscilla threatened to sue and said she had no knowledge of any such employment or the Warren Commission knowing of it. Yet prior to the publication of Policoff’s article, Mark Lane, in a public panel, had shown her the Warren Commission document which stated she worked for the State Department. She told Lane the information was a mistake she had failed to correct. At this same conference she is reported to have said, “I’ve devoted a lot of time to Oswald’s life, so I have a vested interest in his having done it.”

    After the seventies, Priscilla continued in her efforts to convict Oswald in the public eye. In 1982, she wrote an article for Martin Peretz’s magazine The New Republic about the attempted assassination of President Reagan by John Hinckley. In 1988, for CBS’s Dan Rather, she did an interview in which she concluded that one of the last words Oswald spoke to her in Moscow were, “I want to give the people of the United States something to think about.” Rather did not point out that this remark was not in either her original article published in 1959 in a New Haven newspaper nor in her revised one circulated in 1963. Further, it seems to insinuate that a) Oswald shot Kennedy, and b) He knew it four years in advance.

    Priscilla was interviewed by the House Select Committee on April 20, 1978 in executive session. She appeared with an attorney at her side. And she submitted a very detailed affidavit. These circumstances — the attorney and affidavit — were so unusual that Representative Floyd Fithian stated he was struck by the approach where he was presented “with almost a legal brief of the whole thing plus counsel, when you are obviously not a subject of investigation.” Interestingly, both the attorney and the affidavit were supplied by the law firm of Wilmer, Cutler and Pickering, David Westin’s law firm. During the following interview, to many questions, she replies that she does not recall certain details. Interviewer Michael Goldsmith, on page 31 of the transcript, asks her if she had been interviewed by the CIA after her third visit to Russia. She replies yes. But, at this point, nine pages of the transcript are withdrawn by request of the CIA. When Goldsmith confronts her with a letter from the CIA which shows she is cooperating with them on reviews of Russian writers for American publications the following dialogue occurs:

    Goldsmith: When was the first time that you saw it? [The letter]
    PJM: When I read my file of documents from the CIA which reached me on February 1st, 1978.
    Goldsmith: This, then, is a copy of a letter that was in your file that you received from the CIA, is that correct?
    PJM:Yes, Mr. Goldsmith.
    Goldsmith: Do you recall having written this letter?
    PJM: No, but now that I see it, I think that I wrote it.

    When Goldsmith asks the question of Priscilla, “What was Mr. McDonald [of the CIA] doing sending you materials?” there is another withdrawal from the transcript, this time of 23 pages. Later on when Goldsmith is questioning her about her attempted return to the Soviet Union in 1962, he asks her about a contact with the CIA and insinuates that she must have initiated the contact with the New York CIA station.

    Goldsmith: This is a relatively unusual incident in your life, is it not?
    PJM: Yes.
    Goldsmith: People do not have contacts at Grand Central Station, or wherever this was with CIA stations every day, do they?
    PJM: I have no idea.
    Goldsmith: This is an unusual incident, is it not?
    PJM: In my life, yes.
    Goldsmith: Despite the fact that this was an unusual incident in you life you are unaware of how the contact was initiated?
    PJM: I am unaware of it, yes.

    Other documents released by the Assassination Records Review Board reveal why Priscilla was so defensive. For instance, the 1962 meeting resulted in a series of contacts that make up a two page memorandum from Donald Jameson, Chief of the Soviet Russia division. He concludes his memo with the following, “I think that Miss Johnson can be encouraged to write pretty much the articles we want.” In 1964, the CIA called her for a meeting which lasted for seven hours. Another meeting took place in 1965 in which she called the CIA. From the declassified record, Priscilla seems to have been recruited in 1956, although she applied for service as early as 1953. In 1956 she was granted by the Office of Security an Ad Hoc Clearance through the status of “Confidential” provided that caution was exercised. Another document dated later in 1975 classifies her as a “witting collaborator” for the Agency. It appears that Priscilla had applied for work with the CIA prior to her 1959 interview with Oswald and was in clear contact with the CIA by the time of the assassination and was cooperating with them on various matters, including cultural assignments and the matter of Svetlana Stalin’s defection. This, of course, brings her work on Oswald into serious question and dubious reliability especially since she said in person that she has a vested interest in keeping his guilt alive. And also since she has tried to keep her covert ties secret.

    All this would have made a much more interesting program for ABC than Priscilla’s unreliable cliches which she has been spouting off since 1963. Russo was likely aware of her declassified files. Did he tell Jennings and Obenhaus? Did they want to hear? They certainly didn’t tell the public which, in CIA parlance, was unwitting to Priscilla’s duplicity.


    Mr. DiEugenio owes much of this information to writer Peter Whitmey and his three part article on Priscilla Johnson which ran in The Third Decade from 1991 to 1993. The articles are online at http://www.jfk-info.com/pjm-tit.htm, as part of Clint Bradford’s JFK Assassination Research Materials web site.

  • Big Lie About a Small Wound


    Background

    There is no evidence, hard or soft, that supports the single bullet theory. Its defenders spend a lot of “proving” it “could have happened that way” — which is not the same as proving that it did, a distinction they don’t make. But they can’t even prove the SBT hypothetically because the sniper’s nest and the various wounds of the two men do not line up. To solve this problem, promoters of the SBT resort to chicanery. And, in desperation, they squeeze great significance out of minutiae — the small movements of Connally’s jacket and hat — events that occur all the time without the assistance of a bullet, magic or otherwise. Yet they ignore Connally’s more dramatic movements that occur too late to be associated with the same bullet that hit JFK. Worse yet, they stoop to manufacturing evidence.

    One example of manufactured evidence is the lie about Connally’s back wound. Why do supporters of the SBT say the wound was 3 centimeters long, when, in fact, it was only half as long? Why was the 1.5 centimeter wound a problem? Defenders of the theory say that if the Carcano bullet had struck sideways (as opposed to nose-on), it would have created a wound the same size as its length (3 centimeters), and such a long wound would be proof the bullet had been tumbling. If it had been tumbling, this, presumably, would be proof it had struck something else on its way to Connally’s back. The something else in this case: John F. Kennedy.

    Problem: Connally’s back wound was only as long as the wound in the back of Kennedy’s head: 1.5 centimeters — not a size that suggests the bullet was tumbling.

     

    clip image002

    Adaptation of a drawing demonstrating the hypothetical tumbling bullet. From John Lattimer’s book, Kennedy and Lincoln. Medical and Ballistic Comparisons of Their Assassinations, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1980, page 268.

    The drawing above demonstrates the alleged behavior of the single bullet. The drawing was designed (though not executed) by John Lattimer, a urologist who has published several infomercials in medical journals promoting the lone assassin theory. What is wrong with this picture, aside from the fact that the men are too far apart? Experts assure me the Carcano bullet is much too stable to behave like this. Perforating a neck could divert the bullet, but not make it tumble to this extent in so short a time and in so short a space. (There is more on Lattimer below.)

    The wound in Connally’s back did not indicate a sideways hit any more than the wound in the back of Kennedy’s head. The latter was 1.5 x 0.6 centimeters, and the former, 1.5 x 0.8 centimeters, as documented on at least four occasions by the governor’s thoracic surgeon, Dr. Robert Shaw. (4WCH104,107; 6WCH85,86). The holes in the back of Connally’s shirt and jacket were as small as his back wound. (5WCH64) (See TABLE below.) The damage inside Connally’s chest also disproves a sideways hit. According to Shaw, the bullet created a “small tunneling wound” (7HSCA149) and he noted, “the neat way in which it stripped the rib out without doing much damage to the muscles that lay on either side of it.” (4WCH116) Shaw felt that the shape of the bullet was explained either by a “light tumbling,” or by it striking at a tangent. (6WCH95) It had to have been a tangential hit since the bullet “followed the line of declination of the fifth rib” (4WCH105), i.e., its path slanted downward.

    Connally’s back wound became 3 centimeters when it was surgically enlarged. Shaw explained that in order to clean and debride (cut away devitalized tissue) the wound, he had to enlarge it to twice its size. (6WCH88)

    Despite all this testimony, two doctors — John Lattimer and Michael Baden — found ways to make the magic bullet wound change its size to fit the magic bullet theory. And unethical “investigative journalists,” like Gerald Posner, Gus Russo and Dale Myers, have spread the lie further.

    John Lattimer Exploits a Coincidence

    Bullets and wounds are a bit like keys and locks, and that would make John Lattimer an amateur locksmith. Since a tumbling bullet did not fit into Connally’s back wound, Lattimer changed the lock.

    Some 30 years ago, Lattimer noticed an interesting coincidence: the size of the wound — after it was enlarged — was the same length as a Carcano bullet, 3 centimeters. Lattimer then published an article in which he claimed the wound had been three centimeters long — originally. (Medical Times 1974; 102 November:33-56; Kennedy and Lincoln, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1980) As proof, he published Shaw’s operative report that described the wound as “three cm” — and never explained this was the size after surgical enlargement.

    Lattimer also chose to publish an uncorrected diagram that portrayed the back wound as it was after surgical enlargement (CE 679, 17WCH336) when, instead, he could have published the corrected diagram showing the actual size of the wound (Gregory Exhibit No.1, 20WCH32). See Exhibits A and B.

    On this same deceptive diagram, Lattimer pasted a snippet of testimony in which Shaw agrees the wound, as portrayed in the diagram, is correct — but, omitted from this snippet were statements that made it clear Shaw was talking about the EXIT wound. Lattimer did report that a correction had been made, but lied about its nature: “His careful diagram of the wound of entry (which he revised and initialed) showed it to be elongated in its vertical (not horizontal) axis and to be at least 3 cm in length.” (Medical Times 1974; 102 November:33-56; Kennedy and Lincoln, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1980, page 266) See Exhibits B – F.

    Lattimer included Shaw’s testimony in which he agrees with Arlen Specter that the wound could have been caused by a slightly tumbling bullet — but omitted Shaw’s opinion that it could also have been caused by a tangential hit. (6WCH95) See Exhibit G. Again, it should be noted that this wound was the same length as the entrance into JFK’s head, which supporters of the lone assassin theory say was a tangential hit.

    Michael Baden Stretches the Lie Further

    Dr. Michael Baden who headed the HSCA medical panel, knew the true size of the wound and how it had been enlarged. He had also personally examined the scar on Connally’s back. This is how he described it to the panel:

    “On removing his shirt, it was readily apparent that at the site of gunshot perforation of the upper right back there is now a 1 1/8 -inch long horizontal pale well healed…” (7HSCA 143-144; 240)

    In a book Baden wrote for the public, he doubled the size of the scar:

    “According to Connally’s medical records, the bullet struck him nose first in the back and left a vertical scar. I thought the records were wrong. If it was the same magic bullet, it would have gone in sideways — with the length, not the point, first. After leaving Kennedy, it would have lost its power and became a tumbling bullet, and tumbling bullets rotate. When they finally strike, they strike edgewise. I needed to examine Connally…

    “He removed his shirt. There it was — a two-inch long sideways entrance scar in his back. He had not been shot by a second shooter but by the same flattened bullet that went through Kennedy.” (Unnatural Death: Confessions of a Medical Examiner, Random House 1989, p.20) See Exhibit H.

    Apparently Baden realized that if the original wound had been three centimeters (1.2 inches), then, after its surgical enlargement, the scar would have been even bigger. It was a calculated lie. This is only one of several examples of Michael Baden’s deceptions.

    Gerald Posner, Gus Russo, and Dale Myers Perpetuate the Lie

    Two of these “investigative reporters,” Posner and Russo, never quoted primary sources on the wound, choosing instead to accept the fraudulent claims of Lattimer and Baden. (Gerald Posner. Case Closed. Random House, pp 336, 479; Gus Russo. Live by the Sword: The Secret War Against Castro and the Death of JFK. Bancroft Press, 1998, p.297).

    The third “investigative reporter,” Dale Myers, mimicked Lattimer’s technique of taking testimony out of context. On his website, he wrote: “According to Dr. Robert Shaw’s operative record, the entrance wound in JBC’s body was ‘just lateral to the right [shoulder blade] close [to] the [armpit] yet has passed through the latysmus [latissimus] dorsi muscle…the wound of entrance was approximately [1.2 inches] in its longest diameter.’” (7HSCA142) But Myers omitted what followed immediately after the quote above: “The rear entrance wound was NOT [emphasis mine] 3 centimeters [1.2 inches] (in diameter) as indicated in one of the operative notes. It was a puncture-type wound, as if a bullet had struck the body at slight declination [i.e., not at a right angle]. The wound was actually approximately 1.5 centimeters in diameter. The ragged edges of the wound were surgically cut away, effectively enlarging it to approximately 3 centimeters.” (7HSCA143)

    Conclusion

    Five people, including the head of the second biggest investigation into the medical evidence, Michael Baden, MD, have demonstrated great faith in the public’s inability or unwillingness to make a simple comparison between what they say, and what is a matter of public record.

    Copyright © 2004, by Milicent Cranor

     

    table

    exhibit a

    exhibit b

    exhibit c

    exhibit d

    exhibit e

    exhibit f

    exhibit g

    exhibit h 19

    exhibit h 20

  • Ed Butler: Expert in Propaganda and Psychological Warfare

    Ed Butler: Expert in Propaganda and Psychological Warfare


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    Ed Butler (right) with Carlos Bringuier

    One of the most unusual and, for some people, breathtaking things that Gus Russo has accomplished is to dust off people who had been looked upon with a jaundiced eye, and, with a straight face, produce them for public consumption. Like the Warren Commission he “dusts them off” by not revealing any of their problems as witnesses, or how they would be attacked by an opposing attorney in court. For ABC, one of the witnesses was Ed Butler.

    Edward S. Butler was born in 1934 to an upper class New Orleans family. He went into the Army Management School from 1957-59 at Fort Belvoir, Virginia. When he returned home he took a position as an account executive with Brown, Friedman and Company, an advertising firm. But, according to New Orleans authority Arthur Carpenter, his service in the military affected all his later adult life. Butler wrote that at the time of his service he became interested “in psycho-politics and particularly Soviet applications.” As Carpenter notes, in June of 1960, Butler wrote an article in Public Relations Journal, which became a declaration for his later career as a propagandist. There he wrote about the Communist threat to America and how a spirit of crisis had to be created to resist it; how America had to use propaganda to counter the Soviets’ skill in that field; how public relations experts like himself had to be recruited in this endeavor; and finally how private funds had to be enlisted to finance this war and his efforts. He also proposed that this effort would serve as a complement to the State Department, USIA, CIA, free institutions abroad, and the various legislative committees dealing with trade information, foreign aid and the like. In short, a private adjunct to America’s foreign policy apparatus. The article turned out to be his vocational outline.

    Some of the people Butler recruited in New Orleans to help finance his propaganda efforts were Clay Shaw and Lloyd Cobb of the International Trade Mart and Alton Ochsner, the extremely conservative physician and philanthropist. By 1961 he had become involved in two associations that were meant to fight this propaganda war: the Free Voice of Latin America and the American Institute for Freedom Project. The former had its office in Shaw’s International Trade Mart and through the latter Butler engaged both Ochsner and Guy Banister, who was Oswald’s handler in New Orleans in the summer of 1963. But according to an investigation by Jim Garrison, Butler was so imperious and abrasive within the former group that he was forced out in 1961.

    At that time, Butler began to organize its successor organization, the Information Council of the Americas, or INCA. This was to be, in essence, a propaganda mill that had as its targets Central and South America, and the Caribbean. It would create broadcasts, called Truth Tapes, which would be recycled through those areas and, domestically, stage rallies and fund raisers to both energize its base and collect funds to redouble its efforts. By this time, as Carpenter and others point out, Butler was now in communication with people like Charles Cabell, Deputy Director of the CIA, and Ed Lansdale, the legendary psy-ops master within the Agency who was shifting his focus from Vietnam to Cuba. These contacts helped him get access to Cuban refugees who he featured on these tapes. Declassified documents reveal the Agency helped distribute the tapes to about 50 stations in South America by 1963. There is some evidence that the CIA furnished Butler with films of Cuban exile training camps and that he was in contact with E. Howard Hunt — under one of his aliases — who supervised these exiles in New Orleans. Some of the local elite who joined or helped INCA would later figure in the Oswald story e.g. Eustis Reily of Reily Coffee Company, where Oswald worked; Edgar Stern who owned the local NBC station WDSU where Oswald was to appear; and Alberto Fowler, a friend of Shaw’s; plus future Warren Commissioner Hale Boggs who helped INCA get tax-exempt status. Butler also began to befriend ground level operators in the CIA’s anti-Castro effort like David Ferrie, Oswald’s friend in New Orleans; Sergio Arcacha Smith, one of Hunt’s prime agents in New Orleans; and Gordon Novel, who worked with Banister, Smith and apparently, David Phillips, on an aborted telethon for the exiles.

    Two other acquaintances of Butler’s were Bill Stuckey, a broadcast and print reporter, and Carlos Bringuier, a CIA operative in the Cuban exile community and leader of the DRE, one of its most important groups in New Orleans. These three figure in one of the most fascinating and intriguing episodes in the Kennedy assassination tale. In August of 1963 — three months before the assassination — Bringuier was involved in a scuffle with Oswald as he distributed literature for the FPCC, the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. As many commentators have noted, Oswald was the only member of that “committee” in New Orleans, and some of the literature he distributed gave as the FPCC headquarters address, the office of rabid anti-communist Guy Banister — further exposing who Oswald really was. WDSU filmed some of these leafleting events. When Bringuier found out about this, he confronted Oswald on the city streets and verbally and physically assaulted him. The police came. Bringuier got off; Oswald was busted for disturbing the peace — even though Bringuier was the aggressor. This event brought Oswald to the attention of Stuckey who had him on his WDSU show, Latin Listening Post, on August 17th. After the show, Stuckey and his friend Ed Butler asked Oswald to return four days later. Oswald continued his leafleting, this time in front of the International Trade Mart. In the interim, through contacts in Washington, they found out about Oswald’s voyage to Russia, his stay there, and his attempted defection. The morning of the program, the 21st, Stuckey informed the FBI that Oswald would appear on the program. Butler and Stuckey used the Washington information to “unmask” Oswald on the show, and thereby discredit the supposedly liberal and sympathetic FPCC as harboring Soviet Communists in its midst. Right afterwards, Butler went over to a neighboring TV station, WVUE, where he was put on the air to announce Oswald’s exposure on the 10 PM news.

    Interestingly, John Newman later revealed in Oswald and the CIA that the CIA had an anti-FPCC program ongoing at the time. It was run by Phillips and Hunt’s friend, James McCord. It may be relevant to note here that a CIA contact sheet with Butler contains the comment that he was “a very cooperative contact and has always welcomed an opportunity to assist the CIA.” Even more revealing as to the true nature of these events, Oswald wrote a letter about the confrontation five days before it happened.

    Butler’s role in the assassination tale now gets even more interesting. For as Time magazine noted in its 11/29/63 issue, “Even before Lee Oswald was formally charged with the murder, CBS put on the air an Oswald interview taped by a New Orleans station last August.” That night, according to New Orleans Magazine, Butler and the INCA staff churned out news releases about Oswald in order to offset the “rightist” and “John Bircher” charges flying about. Then, Senator Thomas Dodd, who ran the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, was called up by Butler. Conservative Democrat Dodd was very friendly with the CIA and was a personal and professional enemy of Kennedy, opposing him on his African anti-colonialism policy in the Congo. Dodd was out of Washington on November 22nd but booked a special flight back and announced to his staff, “I am a friend of the new administration!” Dodd then began to mimic and deride those who were bereaved over Kennedy’s death. He topped it all off with this: “I’ll say of John Kennedy what I said of Pope John the day he died. It will take us fifty years to undo the damage he did to us in three years.”

    Dodd then invited his acquaintance Ed Butler to testify before his Senate Sub-Committee, a kind of parallel to Richard Nixon’s red-baiting House on Un-American Activities Committee. Dodd later wrote of this episode that he was in contact with Butler just a few hours after Kennedy was shot — when Oswald was still alive! Further, Dodd added that Butler’s testimony convinced him and his colleagues that “Oswald’s commitment to communism, and the pathological hatred of his own country fostered by this commitment, had played an important part in making him into an assassin. This important and historical record completely demolishes the widespread notion that Oswald was a simple crackpot who acted without any understandable motivation.” In other words, Oswald really was a communist, and he alone killed Kennedy for that cause. (Hale Boggs was so enamored of Butler that he invited him to serve on the Warren Commission.) Finally, apparently completing Butler’s public relations tour, the tape of the WDSU interview was forwarded by the CIA to Ted Shackley at the Miami station and used in the CIA’s broadcasts into Latin America, furthering the legend about Oswald the communist killing President Kennedy. Declassified files reveal that the label on the box with the tape says, “From DRE to Howard”. This means that Bringuier’s group (DRE) probably gave a copy to Howard Hunt who forwarded it to Shackley who, in spite of later denials, was still funding the DRE at the time of the assassination.

    Could there be anything more to add to the suspicions about Butler? When New Orleans DA Jim Garrison began investigating Oswald’s activities in the summer of 1963, he inevitably came around to Butler, Ochsner and INCA. When word got out about this aspect of the investigation, Butler and Ochsner began to attack Garrison both locally and through national media like The New York Times (12/24/67). According to Carpenter, they began a whisper campaign that Garrison was mentally unbalanced and that his followers, like Mark Lane and Harold Weisberg, were lunatic leftists who wanted America to crumble from within. They became so worried about Garrison that Butler packed up all the files of INCA and moved to Los Angeles where he accepted a job offer from another conservative philanthropist, William Frawley of the Schick-Eversharp fortune. Frawley was one of the early backers of Ronald Reagan, governor at the time, who had failed to extradite two Garrison suspects. Frawley credited Reagan’s success to public disgust over “Niggers, the Watts riots, dirty students, the Cesar Chavez Reds and fair housing.”

    Butler wrote a book in 1968 entitled Revolution is My Profession in which he attacked as communist infiltrators those whose tactics have “been to try to link the CIA with all sorts of crime, especially President Kennedy’s assassination.” (P. 242) In that same year, he himself infiltrated a meeting of Mark Lane’s Citizens Committee of Inquiry and capsized their proceedings. Later that summer he hooked up with two other ultra-rightists, Anthony Hilder and John Steinbacher, to try to sell the idea that Sirhan had been under the influence of the Madam Blavatsky meditation cult, and that she had been a disciple of Stalin. Hilder and Steinbacher even produced an “instant book” on the subject: Robert Francis Kennedy THE MAN, THE MYSTICISM, THE MURDER. (As some commentators have pointed out, there are indications this book was actually put together before the RFK assassination.) Butler was at the press conference to promote the book. Butler then put out a magazine financed by Frawley called The Westwood Village Square which tried to link all three assassinations — both of the Kennedys and King’s — to the Communists. The centerpiece of the article was his testimony before the Dodd committee.

    In the eighties, the Butler-Banister-Oswald story came full circle. A young advertising employee named Ed Haslam was assigned to go over to the revived offices of INCA in New Orleans. At the time William Casey was fighting a not-so-secret war against communism in Central America. INCA was going to use a radio station through the Voice of America to support that effort. Haslam’s company was going to write ad copy for the station. When he got there, Butler showed him around the place. One thing he showed him was the extant files of Guy Banister. Gus Russo knew this story because Haslam revisited the office and Butler in the nineties with him. This intriguing fact never made it into the ABC special. Somehow, the files of the man who handled Oswald in New Orleans in 1963 came into the possession of the man who “exposed” him as a communist, first locally, then to the US government, and then to the world. By not going into any of the above facets, ABC served as a conduit for propaganda analyst Butler to revive his greatest psy-ops triumph.

  • Gerald Posner

    Gerald Posner


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    Did He Get Anything Right? The leading voice of Warren Commission apologism never let the facts stand in the way of his story.

    How Gerald Posner got Rich and Famous Posner, it appears, had a publishing industry angel on his side.

    He’s Baaaack! The Return of Gerald Posner This article, written in 1998, describes Posner’s book on the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

    Case Closed? The articles grouped here summarize the most significant problems with Posner’s foray into the JFK case.

  • Russo, Myers and the Father of the Magic Bullet

    Russo, Myers and the Father of the Magic Bullet


    specter 2Introduction

    In his book, Gus Russo coined a fantastic new phrase that most people familiar with the Kennedy case would call an oxymoron: The Single Bullet Fact. On the ABC special, Myers used this same term. The phrase has its origins in the Warren Commission’s theory that one bullet, Commission Exhibit 399, went through President Kennedy and Governor John Connally making seven wounds and fracturing two bones, gyrating side to side and up and down on vertical and horizontal planes, and then emerging virtually unscathed at Parkland Hospital, allegedly on the stretcher of Connally. Since the Commission said there were only three shells found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository, and one bullet injured a bystander named James Tague, and one killed Kennedy by striking his head, this left only one bullet to account for the rest of the wounds. Consider the language the Warren Report uses to express this idea and you will see why responsible people call it a theory: “…one shot passed through the President’s neck and then most probably passed through the Governor’s body…” (Page 111) The reason that most people find this hedged language offensive is that, as Cyril Wecht has stated, the SBT is the backbone of the Warren Report. Without it, the report collapses and you have a conspiracy.

    Arlen Specter (pictured above), a young Philadelphia attorney, who handled the actual ballistics and medical evidence for the Warren Commission, put together the underpinnings of the Single Bullet Theory. In his book of memoirs he labels the SBT the Single Bullet Conclusion, thereby leaving the impression that the evidence he gathered pointed strongly only to that tenet. It is always good to revisit original sources. Which apparently, Russo and Myers and Jennings did not do in preparing their documentary. This is understandable considering Specter’s public appearance on the 40th anniversary of the most important case he ever worked on. We render a description of his performance at the Unviersity of Duquesne’s recent anniversary conference on Kennedy’s assassination below.

    In the interest of public fairness, we ask Mr. Jennings to get the video of this rather gentle colloquy and play it on his nightly news show. We would then like to have Mr. Russo and Mr. Myers respond to the very same questions. In evidentiary terms, those few moments would be worth more than all the “irrefutable” two hours of ABC’s specious special.

    The description below originated as an email; we present it with the permission of its author.


    Hi,

    The conference in Pittsburgh was fantastic! Have you heard about what happened to Arlen Specter? I would have gladly paid 5 times the admission fee just to see what I was so privileged to see — Arlen getting publicly humiliated. Frankly I was absolutely amazed that he showed up in person. But after he gave a droning talk in which he mentioned how the single bullet theory has now been proven to be single bullet “fact” thanks to ABC, he actually stayed for the Q&A and was sitting on the panel with Mark Lane (who the whole time was grinning ear to ear like a kid in a candy store — after 40 long years, he was finally getting a chance to challenge Specter in public), Jim Lesar, and a few others. People were lined up for a mile at the mike to ask questions. But they never had a chance (my friend Bob was going to ask him how he sleeps at night) because just the few preliminary questions by Lesar, who was the moderator, turned the former Yale debate champion into a babbling idiot.

    Lesar first asked Specter how he would put the magic bullet into evidence. When Specter fumbled that one, Lesar pointed out that there was no chain of evidence that would have held up in court and Specter said, “I know a bullet when I see one, and that was a bullet.” Then Lesar asked him who he would call as his witness to put Oswald in the sniper’s nest. Specter didn’t know! Then Lesar pointed out that not only was Howard Brennan their main witness, but he was their only witness, and that he changed his testimony 3 or 4 times and couldn’t identify Oswald in a police line-up that evening. Specter said, “Well, I’ll have to go back and look at the Warren Report again to refresh my memory on that one.”

    At this point Specter’s assistant (bodyguard? office hack? whatever you call these people) jumped on the stage waving his arms like a referee stopping a boxing match when a boxer is getting pounded mercilessly, and says that Mr. Specter has to leave for another appointment. At this point Specter incredibly waved him off in a show of bravado and said that he had come to answer questions. Then Mark Lane asks him why he always asked leading questions of the medical witnesses and pointed out that, again, this would not have been permissible if Oswald had actually been tried in a court of law. Specter vehemently denied that he ever led any witnesses at which point Lesar mentioned that the day before they showed on the big screen many examples from the WC testimony where he actually did lead witnesses.

    At that point Specter let out a huge sigh and let out a groan, slumped down in his chair, and literally turned white as a ghost. (My friend Greg sitting next to me jabbed me in the ribs and told me that he thought Specter was going to faint!) The place was so silent you could hear a pin drop. Then his bodyguard once again jumped on the stage and waved his arms repeating his prior assertion that Mr. Specter had to leave — and this time Arlen gladly jumped off and they hustled out a side door.

    This whole scene was absolutely incredible. The conference was open to attorneys for continuing education credits. I would estimate that of the 1,400 in attendance at least several hundred were sitting in the section reserved for lawyers. They learned more about their government in those 15 minutes than they ever could from any class they ever took. It was a priceless moment that I shall never forget. One of those extremely rare moments when the emperor is indeed stripped of his clothes and exposed naked for all to see. Feel free to forward this to anyone you know who is interested in this who wasn’t there. And make sure to get the video when it comes out.