Category: John Fitzgerald Kennedy

Original essays treating the assassination of John F. Kennedy, its historical and political context and aftermath, and the investigations conducted.

  • The JFK Assassination According to the History Textbooks – Part 1


    I. Big Press Antecedents

    It is perhaps obvious to those familiar with Vincent Bugliosi’s massive book that its title was chosen to suggest that the reason an overwhelming majority of Americans believed there was a conspiracy in the assassination of JFK was because the narrative of those events was hijacked by reckless conspiracy theorists, robbing their unsuspecting public of their “true” history, which now, thanks to the author, would be reclaimed for them.

    The fiftieth anniversary coverage of the tragic event by the MSM, the movie release of Parkland, documentaries, Dallas and the Sixth Floor Museum, all these societal forces widely pushed the lone assassin scenario. This pattern of mainstream bias and willful neglect of stories that weaken the Lone Nut explanation has gone on since the assassination itself except for the preliminary “Castro was behind it” spin which was vetoed early on. The Church Committee and HSCA conclusions that impeach much of the Warren Commission’s work, the Antonio Veciana allegations that connect the CIA’s David Phillips directly with Oswald, the Clay Shaw revelation that he was in fact a well-paid CIA contract agent , the Lopez Report about Oswald and the Mexico City charade, and the ARRB releases showing an orchestrated torpedoing of Jim Garrison: these are but a few of the stories that have been virtually ignored by Big Press.

    The publication of well-researched, highly revealing books such as JFK and The Unspeakable, The Devil’s Chessboard, Oswald and the CIA and many others are given the cold shoulder by mainstream media when compared to Case Closed, Reclaiming History and A Cruel and Shocking Act. When a researcher or producer gets noticed, such as Mark Lane or Oliver Stone, smear campaigns are unleashed.

    The revelations about CIA’s Operation Mockingbird during the Church Committee go a long way in explaining the waning power of the traditional press. Jim DiEugenio’s Reclaiming Parkland chronicles Hollywood’s subservient ties with this influential outfit. More recently, the obituary of Charles Briggs Sr. underscored the CIA’s links with the Sixth-floor Museum in Dallas: a shrine for the lone assassin representation of events.

    There is no question that the Fourth Estate’s freedom of expression, so instrumental in putting an end to the Vietnam War and exposing, to a certain degree, Watergate, has been compromised. But not without paying a price in lost readership, sales, market value and credibility, while weakening one of the key pillars of US democracy.

    This harm to society is perhaps mitigated by the fact that, as flaws are exposed, more of us are finding new sources of information, choosing not to consume what is being sold, or believing what we are being told.

    But what about those among us who do not have the option to change the channel? Like the students who are part of a captive audience in their history class and are forced to read the history book the school or teacher selects, and expected to answer exam questions according to what they are taught? Some of these students are very young and place their faith in their ”knowledgable” teacher whom they count on for selecting books reflective of the truth and which present history factually. What are they reading in their history books? Is it that the president was assassinated by a lone assassin?

    In Part 1 of this article, we will expose what is said in North America’s most popular history books and how their authors respond to questions concerning their rationale and sources, and highlight certain flaws and patterns that seem to prevail. Part 2 will cover sources that have gone mostly ignored by history book authors, and an analysis of how authors are upholding, or not upholding, the values of their profession on this issue. Part 3 will propose a new phase of JFK assassination research that will focus on setting the narrative straight and reaching a wider audience.

    II. Marketers, Historians and Youth

    In 1994, anti-tobacco crusader, UCSF professor Stanton Glantz received an anonymous package filled with highly revealing documents about tobacco company Brown & Williamson. It shed light on the research they had about the ill effects of smoking, as well as certain marketing tactics used in the industry. In 1996, former vice-president of research and development at B&W, Jeffrey Wigand, became a whistleblower by stating on 60 Minutes that his employer manipulated their products so as to increase the nicotine content. By the end of 1998, Big Tobacco, along with the attorneys of 46 states, signed the Tobacco Master Settlement Agreement, by which they agreed to pay over 200 billion to cover Medicaid costs and fund anti-smoking campaigns, and also to alter their marketing practices, especially those that target youth. The Truth Tobacco Industry Documents archive was created in 2002 by the UCSF Library. Internal industry documents from the 1980s highlight the importance they attached to researching, targeting and manipulating youth. Over 60% of smokers were initiated to cigarettes before the age of sixteen.

    Some of the proceeds from the lawsuits financed the legendary Truth campaigns which defined an approach called de-normalization (a concept we will come back to in part two). The communication strategy veered away from the typical “smoking is bad for your health” messages and instead broadcast hard-hitting anti tobacco industry campaigns where Big Tobacco executives were portrayed as greedy, predatory businessmen who owed their wealth and status to their acquisition of a youth clientele and the strategic delivery of nicotine. Post-campaign tests proved the strategies to be highly effective.

    Up in Canada, health advocacy groups took notice.

    That’s when the author’s marketing-communications firm was contacted and eventually asked to adapt the Truth campaigns for Quebec City, first as a test market. The offensive, under the brand name De Facto rocked the industry and the reaction of Canadian Big Tobacco was swift, aggressive and well orchestrated. Threats of lawsuits, PR smear initiatives, lobbying the government–everything they could muster was thrown at the perpetrators of the campaign. These methods, however, simply re-enforced the image of sophisticated Big Tobacco executives preying on kids! As a matter of fact, young students were placed front and center in the press relations. The contrast with industry executives this created earned Big Tobacco no praise. The campaign eventually went province-wide and played an important role in changing the landscape in terms of the perceptions of the tobacco industry, youth awareness, the stricter legal environment the tobacco industry now operates in and the lawsuits they would soon face for damages to health. The campaign received an honorable mention from the World Health Organization.

    While one can take pride in playing a role in bettering the prospects of our youth, at times one can also feel like Frodo heading towards Mount Doom when taking on such a powerful opponent. So it is difficult to even imagine what individuals like Jim Garrison, Mark Lane, Fletcher Prouty and many in the JFK research community must have felt, taking on even more formidable opponents.

    After a twenty-five-year stint in a marketing career, I joined an excellent college in Quebec City. There I began teaching business administration with a special focus on ethics, surrounded by students aged between sixteen and twenty, who have not been corrupted and are full of enthusiasm about how they can improve society, a notion now being taught as pre-condition to, and symbiotic with, turning a profit.

    The first book I read about the JFK assassination was Crossfire by Jim Marrs–that was many years ago. This was followed by a few other readings on the matter and then Oliver Stone’s blockbuster JFK. After a hiatus of a few years I stumbled on JFK and the Unspeakable by Jim Douglas. This set off a frenzy of book reading, internet surfing and listening to every interview and documentary I could find. And while there is a lot of clutter in the form of false flags, wild claims, faulty thinking, sensationalism and unreliable research, there is also a host of serious researchers to be found who are teachers, lawyers and writers, who have painstakingly combed through documents, reviewed commission findings, interviewed witnesses, attended conferences, and, who have presented their findings in well written, diligently footnoted books, articles and websites, and have also participated in interviews and given seminars that are very accessible. If one makes the effort to look.

    I was amazed by how much documentation the ARRB, and other sources, have added to the wealth of material JFK researchers tapped into, that was completely ignored by main stream media, which seemed to have assigned very little in the way of resources to research the crime of the last century. On the contrary, the financing of books and internet anti-conspiracy propaganda was quite intense. And when the fiftieth anniversary came and went, the Lone Nut version of events was front and center.

    During the months leading up to the fiftieth, out of curiosity, I asked one of the history teachers at the college how his history book described the assassination: and there it was in black and white: JFK killed by a lone nut. Is that what our students and children are told is fact? How much of a free rein do historians have in youth-filled classrooms? These questions set off my research on how “history books” cover the assassination.

    III. What Young Students Are Given To Read

    The methodology used to prepare this study was actually quite simple:

    By talking to representatives from three of the largest school book distributors in North America (Pearson, Nelson, McGraw Hill) in the fall of 2013, access was gained to many of the American History books used in the U.S. and Canada, including even one French book used in the province of Quebec. The editions were the most recent and/or the ones that would be available for the 2014-15 school-year. Many of these books were said to be among the most popular ones; the others were those that were also favored by the representatives. To these were added other accessible e-books also available in the instructors’ resource centers.

    Texts pertaining to the Kennedy assassination were then extracted and their content looked over. In all, nineteen books were analyzed. (Note: coverage of the JFK assassination represents an extremely small portion of the content and does not necessarily reflect the overall quality of the research and writings in these textbooks.)

    The history books analyzed were the following:

    1. America: Past and Present, 10th Edition
    2. American Destiny: Narrative of a Nation, Fourth Edition
    3. The American Journey, Combined Volume, 2011
    4. Out of Many: A History of the American People, 7th Edition
    5. Give Me Liberty, 2012
    6. The American Story, 2013
    7. The American Nation, 2012
    8. Created Equal, 2009
    9. America and its People, 2004
    10. American Stories, 2012
    11. The American Pageant, 15th Edition 2014
    12. Liberty, Equality, Power: A History of the American People, Concise Edition, 6th Edition © 2014
    13. American Passages, Volume II: Since 1865, Brief Fourth Edition
    14. The Enduring Vision: A History of the American People, Volume II: Since 1865, Eighth Edition 2014
    15. A People and A Nation, Volume II: Since 1865, Ninth Edition 2012
    16. Discovering the American Past: A Look at the Evidence, Volume II: Seventh Edition 2012
    17. Experience History, V2: Since 1865, 8th Edition 2014
    18. The Unfinished Nation, Seventh edition 2014
    19. Histoire des États-Unis. Mythes et Réalités, Second édition 2006 (French book used in province of Quebec)

    IV. How the JFK Assassination Is Portrayed (excerpts have been randomly shuffled)

    1. The French textbook simply states that Kennedy was killed by a lone shooter in 1963.

    2. Oswald, Lee Harvey (1939–1963): Ex-Marine and communist sympathizer who assassinated John F. Kennedy in Dallas, Texas, on November 22, 1963. Oswald was murdered two days later as he was being transferred from one jail to another.

    3. Tragedy in Dallas: JFK Assassinated

      While visiting Dallas, Texas, on November 22, 1963, Kennedy was assassinated. Police apprehended Lee Harvey Oswald, and a mass of evidence linked him to the assassination. Before he could be brought to trial, he was murdered by Jack Ruby. An investigation headed by Chief Justice Warren concluded that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone, and although there is little evidence to support the theory that Oswald was part of a larger conspiracy, many doubted the Warren Commission’s conclusion.

    4. Dallas, 1963

      In November 1963, President Kennedy visited Texas to raise money and patch up feuds among Texas Democrats. On November 22, the president’s motorcade took him near the Texas School Book Depository building in Dallas, where Lee Harvey Oswald had stationed himself at a window on the sixth floor. Acting on his own, Oswald fired three shots that wounded Texas Governor John Connally and killed the president. Vice-President Lyndon Johnson took the oath of office as president on Air Force One while the blood-splattered Jacqueline Kennedy looked on. Two days later, as Oswald was being led to a courtroom, Jack Ruby, a Texas nightclub owner, killed him with a hand-gun in full view of TV cameras.

    5. The Assassination of President Kennedy

      The assassination of John F. Kennedy in Dallas on November 22, 1963 sent the entire nation into shock and mourning. Millions had identified his strengths—intelligence, optimism, wit, charm, coolness under fire—as those of American society.

      In life, Kennedy had helped place television at the center of American political experience. Now in the aftermath of his death, television riveted a badly shocked nation. One day after the assassination, the president’s accused killer, an obscure political misfit named Lee Harvey Oswald, was himself gunned down before television cameras covering his arraignment in Dallas. Two days later, tens of millions watched the televised spectacle of Kennedy’s funeral, trying to make sense of the brutal murder. Although a special commission headed by Chief Justice Earl Warren found the killing to be the work of Oswald acting alone, many Americans doubted this conclusion. Kennedy’s death gave rise to a host of conspiracy theories, none of which seems provable.

    6. Kennedy did not live to see his civil rights bill enacted. On November 22, 1963, while riding in a motorcade through Dallas, Texas, he was shot and killed. Most likely, the assassin was Lee Harvey Oswald, a troubled former Marine. Partly because Oswald was murdered two days later by a local night club owner while in police custody, speculation about a possible conspiracy continues to this day. In any event, Kennedy’s death brought an abrupt end to his presidency.

    7. “LET US CONTINUE”

      Kennedy’s assassination by Lee Harvey Oswald left the nation stunned, but Lyndon Johnson moved quickly to restore confidence by promising to continue Kennedy’s programs. In fact, Johnson went beyond Kennedy in the struggle for economic and racial equality.

    8. Tragedy in Dallas: JFK Assassinated. While visiting Dallas, Texas, on November 22, 1963, Kennedy was assassinated. Police apprehended Lee Harvey Oswald, and a mass of evidence linked him to the assassination. Before he could be brought to trial, he was murdered by Jack Ruby. An investigation headed by Chief Justice Warren concluded that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone, and although there is little evidence to support the theory that Oswald was part of a larger conspiracy, many doubted the Warren Commission’s conclusion.

    9. Kennedy was shot and killed just three months later on November 22, 1963, while on a political peace-making tour of Texas.

    10. In the aftermath of the missile crisis, it appears that Kennedy was moving toward a policy of détente, but his assassination in Dallas, Texas, on November 22, 1963, makes this impossible to know. The sorrowing nation assessed the slain president not so much by what he did as by what might have occurred.

    11. The 1960s were an especially violent decade in American history. By far the most shocking event, the one that all those of age will remember until their dying day, was the assassination in Dallas of President Kennedy on November 22, 1963. The tragic event was investigated by a special presidential commission, the Warren Commission, which received testimony from scores of eyewitnesses. Whether the panel reached the correct conclusion about the episode has, of course, been the subject of intense argument. It is a profoundly moving experience to read some of the accounts of Kennedy’s last moments. His wife, Jacqueline, remembered shouting, “I love you, Jack” as she cradled his shattered head in her lap. The evidence and testimony considered by the Warren Commission is published in Hearings Before the President’s Commission on the Assassination of President Kenned, 26 volumes (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1964, 26 volumes). Jacqueline Kennedy’s testimony appears in volume 5. An abridged version of the Hearings, entitled The Witnesses (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964) was compiled by the New York Times.

    12. The Kennedy Assassination On November 22, 1963, Kennedy was gunned down while riding in an open limousine in Dallas. The assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald, left few reasons for his murder, and Oswald himself was gunned down two days later while being transported from police headquarters to jail, an event that aired on live television. For four days, the nation collectively mourned its fallen leader. In death, the image of the brash Cold Warrior and the tepid civil rights supporter underwent a transformation to that of a liberal legend, the king of Camelot.

    13. The Assassination of John F. Kennedy

      On November 22, 1963, the president was shot dead as his presidential motorcade moved through Dallas, Texas. Vice President Lyndon Johnson, who had accompanied Kennedy to Texas, took the oath of office and rushed back to Washington. Equally quickly, the Dallas police arrested Lee Harvey Oswald and pegged him as JFK’s assassin. Oswald had vague ties to organized crime; had once lived in the Soviet Union; and had a bizarre set of political affiliations, including shadowy ones with groups interested in Cuba. He declared his innocence but never faced trial. Jack Ruby, a Dallas nightclub owner, killed Oswald on national television, while the alleged gunman was in police custody. An investigation by a special commission headed by Chief Justice Earl Warren concluded that both Oswald and Ruby had acted alone.

      Kennedy’s life and presidency remain topics of historical debate and tabloid- style speculation. His assassination still provokes conspiracy theories and controversies. Researchers have provided new details about his poor health, reliance on exotic medications, and dalliances with women—all of which were kept from the public at the time.

    14. Kennedy’s Assassination

      In late November 1963, John and Jacqueline Kennedy traveled to Texas on a political tour. The 1964 presidential race was approaching, and Texas, which had narrowly supported the Kennedy-Johnson ticket three years before, could not be taken for granted. The Kennedys took a motorcade through Dallas, with the bubble-top of their limousine removed on a warm and cloudless day. Along the route, people waved from office buildings and cheered from the sidewalks. As the procession reached Dealey Plaza, shots rang out from the window of a nearby book depository. President Kennedy grabbed his throat and slumped to the seat.

      Texas Governor John Connally was wounded in the back, wrist, and leg. The motorcade raced to Parkland Hospital, where the president was pronounced dead. Within hours, the Dallas police arrested a twenty-four-year-old suspect named Lee Harvey Oswald. Two days later, Oswald was shot and killed in the basement of Dallas police headquarters by Jack Ruby, a local nightclub owner with a shady past. Dozens of theories surfaced about the Kennedy assassination, blaming leftists and rightists, Fidel Castro and the Mafia, the Ku Klux Klan and the CIA. The most logical theory, that a deranged man had committed a senseless act of violence, did not seem compelling enough to explain the death of a president so young and full of life.

      Few other events in the nation’s history produced so much bewilderment and grief.

      (Sidebar) Oswald, Lee Harvey (1939–1963). Alleged assassin of President John F. Kennedy, he was shot two days later while under arrest.

    15. As in the assassination of John F. Kennedy, it seemed unworthy that one misfit was alone responsible. (Reference to James Earl Ray and MLK)

    16. The nation would not learn what sort of President John Kennedy might have become. On November 22, 1963, Kennedy visited Texas, the home state of his vice president, Lyndon Johnson. In Dallas, riding with his wife, Jackie, in an open-top limousine, Kennedy was cheered by thousands of people lining the motorcade’s route. Suddenly, shots rang out. The president crumpled, shot in the head. Tears ran down the cheeks of CBS anchorman Walter Cronkite as he told the nation their president was dead. The word spread quickly, in whispered messages to classroom teachers, by somber announcements in factories and offices, through the stunned faces of people on the street. That same day, police captured a suspect: Lee Harvey Oswald, a former U.S. marine (dishonorably discharged) who had once attempted to gain Soviet citizenship. Just two days later, in full view of millions of TV viewers, Oswald himself was shot dead by shady nightclub owner Jack Ruby. Americans, already in shock, were baffled. What was Ruby’s motive? Was he silencing Oswald to prevent him from implicating others? The seven-member Warren Commission, headed by U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice Earl Warren, concluded that Oswald had acted alone. For four days, the tragedy played uninterrupted on American television.

    17. President Kennedy was assassinated that November in Dallas.

    18. TRAGEDY IN DALLAS

      On November 22, 1963, the people of Dallas lined the streets for his motorcade. Suddenly, a sniper`s rifle fired several times. Kennedy slumped into his wife`s arms, fatally wounded. His assassin, Lee Harvey Oswald, was caught several hours later. Oswald seemed a mysterious figure: emotionally unstable, he had spent several years in the Soviet Union. But his actions were never fully explained, because only two days after his arrest -in full view of television cameras- a disgruntled nightclub operator named Jack Ruby gunned him down.

    19. Nothing illustrated that more clearly than the popular reaction to the tragedy of November 22, 1963. In Texas with his wife and Vice President Lyndon Johnson for a series of political appearances, as the presidential motorcade rode slowly through the streets of Dallas, shots rang out. Two bullets struck the president-one in the throat, the other in the head. He was sped to a nearby hospital where minutes later he was pronounced dead. Lee Harvey Oswald-a young man who had spent time in the Soviet Union and, later in Cuba- was arrested for the crime. Later that day he was he was mysteriously murdered by a Dallas nightclub owner, Jack Ruby, as he was being moved from one jail to another. Most Americans at the time accepted the conclusions of a federal commission appointed by President Johnson to investigate the assassination. The commission, chaired by Chief Justice Earl Warren, found that both Oswald and Ruby acted alone, that there was no larger conspiracy. In later years, many Americans came to believe the Warren Commission report had ignored evidence of a wider conspiracy behind the murders. Controversy over the assassination continues still.

    V. Summary Overview

    • Four of the sources simply say that JFK was assassinated;
    • One says that he was killed by a lone shooter;
    • One only states that “it seemed unworthy that one misfit was involved”;
    • Six state that Lee Harvey Oswald assassinated the president;
    • One states that Oswald most likely killed the president;
    • Five do mention that some believe in a conspiracy, however all but one of these end up supporting the Lone Assassin scenario. Some of these make conspiracy backers out to be part of a fringe group or simply misguided;
    • Two state that there is a lot of debate over the Warren Commission’s conclusions;
    • One history book states that Oswald went to Cuba;
    • There is one critique of the Oliver Stone movie;
    • The only investigation referred to by any of the history books is that of the Warren Commission (seven times).
    • History books are therefore clearly skewed towards portraying Lee Harvey Oswald as the Lone Assassin. There exists no evidence of analysis of post-Warren Commission investigations.

    VIa. Questions Posed to the Authors

    Next, authors responsible for the section covering the assassination (or the JFK period) were contacted by e-mail and asked to explain their writings. Almost every author (sometimes more than one for a given book) answered.

    Here is the first question (which varied slightly depending on the exact wording of their texts) which almost every author answered:

    … One of the history professors (at our college) pointed out that most history books subscribe to the lone assassin (Oswald) scenario. Many asked what this is based on. In your book, it describes the assassination of JFK as being committed by Oswald (the impression given is that he acted alone)… Many of the people I speak to, some well-read about the subject, disagree with this assertion (especially the alone claim) and last autumn a lot of time was spent debating this point. My question is: On what basis is this presented as historical fact? (i.e. What are the sources that were looked into to support this?)

    Thank you for answering.

    Paul

    Then, after receiving an answer to this question, two follow-up questions were asked, with variations dependent on how the first question was answered:

    … Some of the critics of the way many history books cover the JFK assassination bring up the following points:

    1. More weight seems to be given to the Warren Commission`s conclusions (both Oswald and Ruby acted alone), than the HSCA investigation, which concludes that Kennedy was probably assassinated as a result of a conspiracy. This investigation is the most recent government initiative in resolving the crime, it took a lot more time to carry out than the WC investigation and had a lot more information-leads it could look into. While the acoustical evidence that convinced the committee that there was a second shooter is strongly contested, other findings also seem quite important: Neither Oswald nor Ruby turned out to be loners as they had been painted in the 1964 investigation… Oswald and Ruby showed a variety of relationships that may have matured into an assassination conspiracy (it advanced that members of the Cuban exile community and the mob may have played a role but cleared the CIA of any wrong-doing.); Marina Oswald`s testimony and answers… were at various times incomplete and inconsistent; The investigation into the possibility of a conspiracy (by the WC) was inadequate.
    2. In 1992 the passage of the President John F. Kennedy Records Collection Act took place and the formation of the ARRB. While there has been a lot of exploitation around the fiftieth anniversary of JFK`s death, there are some serious researchers who have combed through thousands of recently-released documents (even more are becoming available) and create even more doubt around the single assassin scenario… Information that a researcher like Gerald Posner did not have access to when he wrote Case Closed.

    In conclusion, critics of how many historians cover the JFK assassination say that the WC commission is given too much importance and the more recent HSCA not enough. And two, the community of historians has not done its due diligence around information made available by the ARRB and other recent developments, which would perhaps change the way the assassination is presented to students of American History.

    I was hoping I could hear your comments on these points, and to know what kind of impact these two sources of information have had on your own perceptions of this tragic event.

    Thank you and have a great summer,

    Paul

    Again, most authors answered the questions. These answers were then compared to see what kind of research was actually done by the authors, what influenced their writings and how open they were to changing their historical coverage. Note: a few authors participating in writing more than one book which explains why some versions are repeated. (Full transcripts relating authors to answers and textbooks have been made available to CTKA.)

    VIb. The Authors Respond

    Mon 7/7/2014 2:46 PM

    Dear Paul, While I agree with some of the criticism of the Warren report, especially the single bullet theory, I accept the circumstantial evidence that Oswald killed Kennedy. I also believe that he acted alone, but there is still the possibility that he had help. But if so, I wonder why his accomplices did not help him escape? I also find the various conspiracy theories unconvincing–the Mafia, Castro, Texas oil barons, the CIA, the Soviets, etc. I doubt that we will ever know with certainty all that happened that sad day in Dallas, but for now I go along with the Warren Commission. Sincerely,


    Mon 6/30/2014 8:12 PM

    Here is the reason: in the 50 years since Kennedy was killed, no one has adduced credible evidence of a conspiracy that is not simply circumstantial. The American government is notorious for not being able to keep secrets. To think that it could have kept a secret that big that long, boggles the mind. At least it boggles my mind. That’s why I don’t believe in the conspiracy theories.

    Needless to say, other people do. But it is up to them to produce the evidence. I’m still waiting.

    Best wishes.


    Wed 7/2/2014 7:58 AM

    To:

    Paul Bleau;

    Disproving conspiracy theories is always impossible. So there will be no end to the theories.

    The Warren Report was hurried and imperfect. But in the fifty years since, no one has produced solid evidence that anyone besides Oswald was involved. It is easy to raise questions – about the lone gunman theory or anything else – but hard to produce evidence.

    I am willing to change my mind, but only when I see evidence.


    Mon 6/30/2014 2:06 PM

    Dear Professor Bleau,

    Rather than engage in an extended and speculative discussion, I encourage you to read Philip Shenon’s new book, A CRUEL AND SHOCKING ACT. Shenon, a longtime investigative reporter for the NY TIMES, has forcefully outlined what may be the most plausible scenario so far, though it, too, has some unproven assertions. Namely, he dissects the Warren Commission more thoroughly than anyone else, and he provides a strong, if mostly circumstantial, case that Cuban officials, via Mexico, may have at least provided some encouragement or guidance to Oswald. This is not quite the Big Conspiracy that some (i.e., Oliver Stone) hypothesize, but it certainly has caused me to rethink MY summary sentence on the matter: “There is little solid evidence to suggest that Oswald was part of a wider conspiracy” I’ve nearly completed my revision of the book for the fifteenth edition (to appear on January 1, 2015), and I am changing this sentence to reflect Shenon’s work. Rather than offer a summary statement, expressing my opinion, I intend to add some of the facts that Shenon has uncovered and let readers draw their own conclusions.

    I hope this helps!

    best


    Tue 7/1/2014 2:04 PM

    Dear Paul,

    I think, briefly, that the WC is hopelessly flawed, that the HSCA had some real problems, and that all previous research has been significantly superseded by Shenon’s work: if there was a conspiracy, however the term be defined, I think the best sources for it will be found within the Cuban government. I hope that, sometime, we get some stronger information from those sources. If none surfaces within the next twenty years, then the argument for conspiracy will be weaker.

    best


    Mon 6/30/2014 2:20 PM

    Hello Paul,

    I just checked a wikipedia site that states that a 2013 Gallup poll found that 30% of people in the US think that Oswald acted alone and that 50% think he was part of a larger conspiracy. Presumably a lot of the 50% have seen Oliver Stone’s movie JFK.

    The most thorough investigations and evaluations of competing claims are Gerald Posner, Case Closed, and, even more, Vincent Bugliosi, Reclaiming History, which is a massive exploration of the evidence and refutation of conspiracy claims. I find it persuasive.

    Conspiracy claims, of course, are almost impossible to refute to the satisfaction of believers. However, there is adequate evidence of what Oswald did, which consists of a series of actions by a lone misfit, versus chains of suppositions about what might possibly have happened. If nothing else, the principle of Occam’s razor suggests the likelihood that the simple lone assassin explanation is correct absent actual evidence to the contrary.

    Also, of course, there could have been a conspiracy but I’m willing to wait until a smoking gun other than Oswald’s is found.


    Wed 7/2/2014 10:52 AM

    To:

    Paul Bleau;

    Hello Paul,

    The one respected academic historian that I know of who has developed a conspiracy theory analysis is David Kaiser in The Road To Dallas. He develops the CIA/Mafia connection. It generated substantial comment in history discussion sites when it came out, with predictable arguments pro and con. Those who thought the HSCA findings were flawed were not convinced by Kaiser.

    Bugliosi’s book (2007) did have the opportunity to evaluate all of those findings and theories.

    The sheer number of possible conspirators makes me very skeptical and indicates that people are casting about for any theory that fits their political agenda. Was it Cubans, the CIA, the Mafia, Lyndon Johnson, the Federal Reserve . . . many of the villains contradict each other? It is certainly possible to find circumstances and connections that may have matured into an assassination conspiracy, but lots of things might have consequences and never do (Brutus might have had second thoughts after talking with Cassius).

    Part of the energy behind the continued interest is the larger myth that Kennedy was about to lead the US in an entirely different direction (e.g., about to pull out of Vietnam) and that this new dawn was destroyed, leading the nation into the disastrous mid-1960s. An examination of Kennedy’s record on civil rights and foreign affairs does not support this–he was, in fact, a convinced cold warrior and a reluctant civil rights advocate (LBJ is the real Washington hero for that cause).


    Wed 7/2/2014 12:04 AM

    Dear Paul,

    Thank you for your question. As you know, the official verdict of the Warren Commission was that Oswald acted alone. Many have challenged that verdict in the years since, from a variety of perspectives and with a ride range of theories. We may never know the full story. What we know, of course, is that Kennedy was assassinated.

    Our author team will discuss the possibility of expanding on this very brief statement when we revise the text for the 5th edition…, whether we wish to mention the Warren Commission and to include anything about Oswald, his arrest and murder, and the controversies that still surround the assassination. We have many difficult decisions about what to include and what to leave out, given the massive scope of American history and the small number of pages available to us as authors. If we decide to expand the discussion of the Kennedy assassination, we will need to make other decisions as well: what to remove to make room for this expanded discussion, and what interpretation we decide as a team to include in the text.

    On behalf of all of us, I appreciate your raising the question, and we all appreciate your interest in our text.

    With best wishes,


    Wed 7/2/2014 11:19 AM

    Dear Paul,

    Thank you for your thoughtful response. My own personal opinions are of course not the same as my scholarly knowledge, and like many Americans I still wonder what really happened. I have not read all the reports that you mention, but if our author team decides to move forward with a longer section on the assassination, we will need to cover these documents. Given the complexity of the situation, and the remaining uncertainties about who and how many people were involved, I would be inclined to urge my colleagues that we not get into it. As you note, there is nothing in our text about the Warren Commission or any other report, and no indication of who killed JFK or why. It is an interesting and important question, of course, but in terms of the historical outcomes of the assassination, it is the impact of his death, rather than who was responsible, that is most critical for what followed. Of course it matters, but for our purposes it is not clear that it would strengthen our text to take more space to discuss the reports and the ongoing controversies. But we may decide to mention that controversies still swirl around the assassination. When we next meet as an author team, I’m sure this question will come up–and on behalf of all of us I thank you for raising the issue.

    Best wishes,


    Mon 6/30/2014 4:55 PM

    Dear Paul, if I may,

    Was there more than one gunman? Almost certainly not. With the acoustical evidence discredited, there is no reliable evidence to suggest that there was more than one shooter.

    Was Oswald the instrument of an orchestrated conspiracy, who was placed in the book depository to shoot the president? No. When Oswald was hired, no one knew that the President would visit Dallas or what his route might be.

    Does this mean that there was no conspiracy? Not necessarily.

    Don DeLillo’s novel Libra offers a fictional scenario in which Oswald is the patsy that he claimed to be. DeLillo portrays Oswald as a highly manipulable figure who various groups sought to use for their own ends.

    This is anything but Oliver Stone’s master conspiracy theory, but it is an imaginative, if wholly speculative, reconstruction of the train of events. To many readers, it offers a plausible account.

    Still, the most likely sequence involves a conjuncture of man and events: A violent individual who fantasizes his own historical importance, plus the accident of a presidential procession right outside his workplace.

    But what is important, I think, for students to understand is how the events surrounding the assassination lay bare aspects of the Cold War that had previously been obscure, above all, government efforts to overthrow the Cuban government, but also Soviet and U.S. fears of espionage, the assassination of Diem, the slowly mounting opposition to Cold War policies, and the complex relations between organized crime, anti-Castro Cubans, and those elements in the federal government seeking to topple Fidel Castro.

    In writing a textbook, it is a challenge to:

    1. give each topic appropriate, but not excessive, attention. Given the expanding number of years since 1963, there are limits to how much space can be devoted to the Kennedy assassination.
    2. not reinforce myths and misconceptions. Lincoln’s assassination was certainly the result of a conspiracy, but textbooks don’t devote much attention to that because other aspects of the era must receive more attention. (Somewhat similarly, the evidence seems to indicate that Thomas Jefferson fathered at least one child by Sally Hemings, but textbooks don’t pay much attention to that, and not simply out of reticence.)
    3. not project preoccupations of one generation upon another. Is the most important aspect of the Kennedy presidency the manner of his death? I don’t think so.

    Even today, the circumstances surrounding President Kennedy’s assassination remain unclear. That makes the assassination a subject appropriate for historical inquiry on the part of the students, using a range of primary sources. But it a difficult subject for a textbook to tackle. While I think the evidence indicates that Oswald was the lone gunman, it would take a lot of space to (a) summarize the various conspiracy theories; (b) explain why many Americans embraced conspiratorial explanations; and (c) assess the evidence that supports or questions the notion of a conspiracy.

    I hope this gives you a sense of my own thinking on the subject.

    All the best,


    Mon 6/30/2014 2:57 PM

    Hi Prof. Bleau,

    Thanks for your question about the conspiracy theories related to the JFK assassination. The Oswald/lone assassin claim is the widely accepted story within the historical community and there of course has been no definitive proof, or, and this is more important, no plausible counter-narrative produced to overturn it. If you look at nearly all of the standard historical textbooks, which I assume you have, they all agree on this point. The standard work is Gerald Posner’s CASE CLOSED. And if you read the standard overviews of the period, they all admit to flaws in the Warren Report and the existence of many conspiracy theories, but they do not propose or even identify alternate counter-narratives. James Patterson’s GRAND EXPECTATIONS offers an excellent overview.

    Hope this helps,


    Tue 7/1/2014 1:51 PM

    Hi Paul,

    I guess all I will say is that, for those of us who do not study the minutiae of this particular episode, we are waiting for serious professional historians to come up with plausible alternatives that help explain the case. I would also venture to guess that serious professional historians are turned off from doing so because there are so many cranks and conspiracy theorists out there using the case to pursue one line of thought or another often using only partial evidence or intuition. Until a serious professional historian culls the evidence and proposes not just holes in the current interpretation but a solid counternarrative, I think you’re going to find that we’ll be slow to alter our textbooks. I’m always reminded of the headline in the comedy newspaper, The Onion, which read something like: JFK ASSASSINATED BY CIA, FBI, KGB, MAFIA, LBJ, OSWALD, RUBY, IRS, DEA, DEPT OF ED, DEPT OF COMMERCE AND MORE! That about sums up the feeling from professional historians about those proposing we rethink the JKF assassination.

    Hope this helps!

    Happy summer,


    Mon 6/30/2014 2:27 PM

    Please see the excellent book by Gerald Posner, CASE CLOSED, which I believe definitively lays to rest any conspiracy theory about the Kennedy assassination.

    Hope that helps,


    Tue 7/1/2014 11:22 AM

    hi paul,

    … passed your email along to me since i did the first draft on the KENNEDY era–and wrote the film feature on JFK.

    although i recognize that mine is a distinctly minority view among professional historians, OLIVER STONE’s movie remains one of the better non-academic speculations about the KENNEDY assassination. It does go horribly wrong with its emphasis on the silly GARRISON prosecution and somewhat astray by purporting to offer a specific “solution” to KENNEDY’s murder. but the better parts of the movie adroitly set forth the case for concluding that the “official explanations” capture neither the depth nor the breadth of what likely led up to 11/22/63. Hopefully, the brief essay on the movie in LEP suggests this.

    And if it hadn’t been for JFK, the movie eliciting such a massive popular response, powerful public and private figures might not have been moved to mount such a broad-based effort to preserve valuable source material–including enhanced versions of the ZAPRUDER film–about this crime.

    Moreover, as an essay in VANITY FAIR by JAMES WOLCOTT (“Chronicle of a Death Retold” that is referenced via a link) suggests, the saga of KENNEDY’s death overlaps–and blends into–other popular sagas about the SIXTIES. in this sense, the myriad of stories about JFK’s life and death have always–and will likely always–transcend the boundaries of both popular and academic “history.” http://www.vanityfair.com/politics/2013/11/jfk-assassination-anniversary-books

    Finally, I recall that earlier editions of LEP contained slightly longer discussions of the assassination, including mention of the HSCA’s conclusions. But the onrush of time has necessitated cutting back on this material in order to produce new LEPs of that weigh less than 20 pounds, and my reading of recent studies suggests that the better methods now available for evaluating acoustical evidence have largely undermined the HSCA’s factual claims about the shooting scenario.

    Even so, i see the committee’s general claim for a conspiracy that went beyond LEE OSWALD as remaining viable.

    i hope this helps. And thank you for seeing LEP’s discussion as aiming for a more nuanced treatment than the “OSWALD DID IT!” story found in some of the texts that compete with LEP.

    all best,


    Tue 7/1/2014 4:20 PM

    hi paul,

    good questions. let me reply, briefly, to them–and, then, i’ll add a somewhat jumbled set of related thoughts:

    1-i agree that the work of the HSCA has received too little attention and that of the WC too much deference from members of the historical profession. As suggested below, the WC REPORT now seems little more than a quickly assembled “prosecutor’s case” (heavily influenced by the late Arlen Specter as JFK the movie notes) in favor of OSWALD’s “guilt.” this is apparently what LBJ expected WARREN and company to produce–and they did. The WC REPORT is simply not much of a nuanced attempt to explain the broader context of 11/22/63

    2-i also agree that that there has been a lack of “due diligence” (to use your phrase) from the same profession about the “deeper and broader story” of the Kennedy assassination

    Now, the related thoughts:

    + an older–even older than my own–generation of professional historians were wary of being accused of engaging in “conspiracy theorizing” and thus tended to line up with the WC rather than the HSCA, let alone with those others who propounded (some, admittedly, truly zany) “conspiracy theories.”

    + the background to this wariness about crediting, or even exploring possible, “conspiracies” is complex, but the consequences have been, in my view, significant–and have seldom operated to produce broadly based understandings about the past. it’s so easy to highlight one-to-one relationships that seem “causal”–such as lone assassin OSWALD kills heroic PRESIDENT or STOCK MARKET CRASH causes GREAT DEPRESSION–than to look more widely at a broad range of possible relationships in which direct and immediate causal relationships are highlighted rather than looking at very complex linkages that form over time.

    + to take a contemporary issue, look at how quickly the historical backdrop to the current mess in IRAQ comes down to (a) the BUSH administration caused the present mess because it invaded in the first place and botched the transition from SADDAM during the early 2000s vs. (b) the OBAMA administration caused the present mess since about 2010 because _________ (here, the “causes” that have been cited already are too numerous to mention)

    + in my view, then, too much historical writing follows the “who did it” (or caused it) framework borrowed from the “guilty/innocent” paradigm of ANGLO-AMERICAN legal thinking about crimes. (actually, of course, the ANGLO-AMERICAN legal process does not declare “innocence,” but only hands out “guilty” vs. “not guilty” findings in criminal cases. As some critical legal observers would have it, the “truly innocent” rarely, if ever, enter the picture. thus, i’m dubious of claims that OSWALD was simply an “innocent patsy.” he seems clearly involved but how????)

    + in relation to the culpability of OSWALD, moreover, was there not was so much sloppy investigating (including that by the WC) that most any competent attorney (or historian) should have been able to produce a “not guilty” verdict for KENNEDY’s alleged killer in a court of law, under stricter rules of evidence than those adopted by the WC?

    + too few historical studies, especially those involving allegedly criminal activities, however, break free from this either/or frame. whether or not OSWALD can be proven “guilty beyond a reasonable doubt” by historians, then, is too limited (but not entirely irrelevant) frame within which to begin historical (or legal) work.

    + in my view, the really interesting questions about 11/22/63 involve–as the JAMES WOLCOTT piece from VANITY FAIR tries to explore–the larger social-political-cultural-constitutional forces that have helped to produce the immediate–and the continuing, ongoing–fascination about KENNEDY’s murder?

    + in a similar vein, many years ago, the iconoclastic historian CHRISTOPHER LASCH noted that too many historians who were enamored of KENNEDY didn’t want to look closely at his death because this would have led to looking more closely at his life: his repeated attempts to assassinate CASTRO, his links to THE MOB, his sexual escapades, his relationship to the FBI, CIA, and top MILITARY figures etc. now that more about all these activities are known–and exploring them no longer automatically signals “CONSPIRACY THINKING”–there are good reasons to avoid re-visiting the case of OSWALD’s “guilt” and to head off in other directions. these explorations, ultimately, may well circle back to the role of OSWALD but they should not, as with the WC and even some of the work of the HSCA, begin with it

    ENOUGH!

    thanks for your questions–and for indulging my speculations about the relationship between the KENNEDY ASSASSINATION and the politics of writing about it–and about the larger past.

    your seminar sounds fascinating–and well worth the time and thought you have obviously brought to it.

    all best,


    Tue 7/1/2014 8:25 AM

    Dear Prof. Bleau:

    I wish that I had had the opportunity to listen to your remarks on the Kennedy Assassination. I am sure the audiences got a lot out of your seminar. As a colleague, you deserve to know why that event was not covered in the second volume of DISCOVERING THE AMERICAN PAST. There are three reasons for this omission:

    1. As you could see, DISCOVERING THE AMERICAN PAST is a book of historical problems that the students, like detectives, are required to solve. We provide the clues and try not to influence their answers one way or the other. The editors have limited us to eleven problems for each volume, and we didn’t feel we could fit the Kennedy assassination into the post-World War II chapters (four or five at the most).
    2. You have answered the second question yourself. Simply put, there are not enough “clues” to help the student reach a conclusion…or maybe there are too many “clues.” I have not read as many books on this topic as you have, but at the end of each I was as puzzled as I was when I stated reading. After 50 years, I think it unlikely that any significant “clues” will be found. If there has been any kind of “coverup,” it has been an exceedingly good one. If Oswald did not act alone (a hypothesis that seems reasonable to me), then who are the others involved? Castro? Mafia? Others?
    3. Finally, the fiftieth anniversary of this horrible event may well have increased interest a good deal, but I suspect that within a few more years interest will have waned. Most students in these parts don’t even know about the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., although that may have been a more significant event in the long run. Even African American high school students around here don’t even know about that event. And, again, too many “clues” or not enough.

    Best wishes to you. If you believe that this event should not be forgotten, then keep your seminar alive. The assassinations of our presidents (Lincoln, Garfield, McKinley, Kennedy) is a topic well worth students’ time and interest.

    Wishing you the very best, I am Yours very truly,


    Thu 7/3/2014 9:27 AM

    Greetings again:

    At this point you are way over my head on this topic. At the time I suspected that the Warren Commission report was as much a political document as it was a thorough investigation of the event. But, as you know better than I do, to try to find out who was behind all this has been found to be almost impossible…lots of possibilities, but I haven’t seen anything well-documented that establishes what the nature of the conspiracy actually was. And I suspect that records are permanently sealed or destroyed.

    The Lincoln assassination clearly was a conspiracy, but Garfield and McKinley seem to have been lone gunmen with no support behind them. But the Lincoln conspiracy was uncovered almost days after his death. President Kennedy has been dead for over 50 years. Would anything surface at this date?

    Some time ago I read a novel titled THE THIRD BULLET, which was as convincing as any of the histories. So will fiction tell the story better than historians?


    Sun 7/6/2014 7:24 PM

    Dear Paul,

    Sorry for the delay in writing you back. I was away on vacation and got behind with emails. We have only 12 topics to cover for each volume and try to introduce students to a diversity of fields in history as well as kinds of evidence. It is always very hard to decide what to cover and what to leave out. If we did cover Kennedy I’d be more inclined toward the election itself or perhaps the Cuban Missile Crisis or the space race. I’ve not studied the Kennedy assassination in any detail, so won’t be the much helpful with your substantive questions. I suppose most historians believe that any larger conspiracy would have been revealed long ago. It is very difficult for most Americans to imagine that one erratic person could so profoundly shape the course of our nation. But it is hardly the first time: think about Lincoln’s assassination and what might have been had he lived to oversee Reconstruction. I imagine the most interesting source for students to consider would be the Warren Report, the full text of which is available here: http://www.archives.gov/research/jfk/warren-commission-report/

    best,


    Sun 7/6/2014 8:17 PM

    Dear Paul,

    I was thinking of using the Warren Commission Report as a basis of student conversation and investigation–they can test the conclusions against the evidence presented (and not presented). Historians of this period would be better able to weigh in on the evidence. I’ve not read closely enough to say much past that.

    best,


    Mon 7/7/2014 8:32 AM

    Paul,

    The original did not get through so I’m glad you resent it. I think it is fair to say that you know far more about the evidence in the assassination than I do. Many historians wait until someone produces new and compelling evidence that forces us to revisit key historical topics. From my perspective, there are big questions and interesting questions. Big ones would be the origins of the Civil War, the nature of Progressive Reform, Why Vietnam, or the nature of Jacksonian democracy. Kennedy’s assassination falls into the interesting category, reflecting why so many historians enjoy reading mysteries. So if I were going to focus on the Kennedy era the question I would take up would either have to do with Civil Rights or whether had he not been assassinated would he have escalated in Vietnam. I consider Vietnam and Civil RIghts the defining issues of the 60s so what makes the assassination so critical is not so much who did it, but the impact of having Johnson as the president who defined the Vietnam and Civil RIghts issues. Now if we learn there was indeed a conspiracy, we’d want to know what motivated the conspirators, especially if Vietnam or CR was involved or if it was organized crime or pro-or anti-Castro Cubans.

    Having said all that, I’m sure among the history reading public and college students the assassination topic is the more compelling.

    Best,


    Sun 7/6/2014 5:39 PM

    I sent the reply below June 30–let me know if it gets through this time around.

    Paul–For support of the Oswald-as-lone gunman argument, see Gerald Posner, Case Closed (1993), which many historians view as definitive. More recently, I have been impressed with Philip Shenon’s A Cruel and Shocking Act (2013), a new history of the Warren Commission based on prodigious research and access to many new sources. Shenon’s main point is that the FBI and CIA withheld knowledge and information they had about Oswald (the FBI had surveillance on him in Mexico City in the Fall of 1963)…but this was out of fear of being criticized for incompetence. He finds no evidence of foreign conspiracy. I think it is important to distinguish government incompetence, of which we have plenty of evidence for the FBI and the Dallas police, from a larger conspiracy.

    To me, what’s most depressing is that you find yourself spending so much time in a seminar on JFK dealing with conspiracy theories. Much more interesting and important, I think, to wrestle with the achievements, failures, and contradictions of JFK’s presidency. I’m particularly interested in how he evolved in office–pushed by the civil rights movement, chastened by the Cuban missile crisis. Here’s a link to an interview I did that gets into some of this:

    https://www.mtholyoke.edu/media/what-do-and-should-we-know-about-jfk

    I find most of the conspiracy mongering to be an avoidance of real history, too much of that “grassy knoll” politics, where we speculate endlessly on what might have been. Oliver Stone is perhaps the worst offender, peddling the sentimental fantasy that the Vietnam War would have never happened if JFK had not been killed by dark forces in the Pentagon, CIA, whatever. Anyway, I don’t mean to rant…but next time someone tries to focus on conspiracies, try steering him/her back to history. It’s much harder and more urgent to understand.

    Best,


    Mon 7/7/2014 9:57 AM

    I’ve no doubt that the WC contains many holes, some of which were created by FBI/CIA intransigence and incompetence–Shenon’s book is excellent on all this. And to be sure, there is a thriving cottage industry out there continually raking this stuff over and it has produced some new information previously unavailable to scholars like Posner. But there is still an awful lot of “might have,” “could have,” “possibly was,” and so on. In the end, as I’m sure you’ll agree, one cannot prove a negative–no one can prove there was no conspiracy, or that Oswald had no help. But after a half-century, I still see no plausible, coherent argument, based on evidence, convincing me of a conspiracy. Researchers will no doubt continue plugging away–but as an historian, I think there are just so many more important things to think and write about re: JFK that CAN be based on available historical evidence. I remain skeptical of the motives and perspectives of many of the conspiracy mongers, a dubious line going back to Mark Lane…

    Thanks for the invite, and if/when I get to QC I’ll be sure to let you know.

    All Best,


    Tue 7/8/2014 10:18 AM

    I’ve finally finished Philip Shenon’s A Cruel and Shocking Act. It’s too long (c. 600pp), but take a look at the final section–”Aftermath”–for a terrific analysis of the Warren Commission report’s afterlife, as well as Shenon’s own hard won conclusions about how both the FBI and CIA withheld crucial info about Oswald in Mexico City in the Fall of 1963. The important gaps in the WC stem largely from FBI/CIA intransigence, refusal to share info, and efforts to cover up their own bungling. Was Oswald somehow tied up with Castro, in Fidel’s effort to strike back at the CIA’s attempts to assassinate him? Was Oswald possibly a double agent? Shenon clears away a lot of static–he does not prove or advocate for a conspiracy, but he effectively identifies what we still do not (and may never) know.

    Best,


    Mon 6/30/2014 11:08 PM

    Dear Paul Bleau:

    To respond to your question, speaking for myself and not for the other authors, let me start by commenting on why our knowledge of the past changes. Our understanding of the past shifts when someone discovers new information. Sometimes it also shifts when the questions that we ask about the past change as our concerns in the present shift. For example, there was little interest in the broad ways in which women helped to shape the political process, beyond the vote, until the 1980s. Now, because of a heightened awareness of women’s roles in politics today, historians of the nineteenth century routinely note how the Women’s Christian Temperance Union had a strong impact on local and national politics.

    Good historians must also sift and weigh the evidence they have. Sometimes, we have to say, the answer is not entirely clear. On the question of what did Patrick Henry say in the House of Burgess against the Stamp Act, we have no record except for a Maryland newspaper’s assertion that it was “Give me Liberty or Give me Death.” Did he say that? A good historian would say that the only evidence we have leans in that direction, but we ultimately do not know.

    In the case of who shot JFK, there are lots of new conspiracy theories. The CIA? A second assassin? Someone associated with Lyndon B. Johnson? etc. The Warren Commission concluded that it was Lee Harvey Oswald and in most textbooks that is the general consensus, but there is growing criticism of the Commission’s report. So where does that leave us? Our book argues that it was Lee Harvey Oswald. At some point in the future, convincing evidence may be discovered that will shift that interpretation, and then our account will shift, but at this point we do not find the other arguments and their evidence very convincing.

    I hope that this is helpful.

    Regards,


    Sun 7/6/2014 8:16 PM

    Dear Paul:

    Happy Fourth of July! Your thoughts on the current state of the evidence sound good to me. The Warren Commission is clearly not the last word. There is a possibility that Ruby was influenced by other connections. Perhaps something additional may come out of the Kennedy Records Collection Act. While all your commentsmake sense, do we now have clear evidence pointing to who else may have been involved? Do we have names?

    Do we have clear linkages of Oswald to other individuals or organizations? What do you think?

    Regards,


    Sat 7/19/2014 10:51 AM

    Dear Paul,

    Following the JFK assassination is beyond finding an end. I don’t think that the Warren Commission was complete. But I also don’t think that the many conspiracies are real.

    The one thing I think may be real–that is Oswald came from the USSR to Cuba.

    Thanks for writing.

    My best,


    Tue 7/1/2014 3:04 PM

    (The email exchanges with the one French author were in French and can be summarized as follows: He based his writing on the Warren Commission conclusion- He says the Stone movie attacks the Warren Commission but accuses vaguely. However he does admit he is not a specialist).

    VII. Highlights of the Author Responses

    In the answers to the first question about authors’ sources, it is clear that most are influenced by proponents of the lone assassin point of view: five mention the Warren Commission, four Case Closed by Posner, two Bugliosi’s work, and three A Cruel and Shocking Act by Shenon (which states that Oswald was a lone shooter but that he may have received guidance from Castro agents).

    The Church, HSCA and ARRB findings, and work by independent authors who present a case for a conspiracy and uncertainty around Oswald’s involvement, these are clearly not referenced. In fact, they are nowhere to be found. Which is a bit surprising, if not startling. For it seems to indicate that these authors do not go beyond the MSM for their information.

    One author does not believe the Single Bullet Theory, but nevertheless believes Oswald acted alone.

    The two follow-up questions are mostly side-stepped. A few admit to lack of knowledge.

    A number of answers state or imply that for the author to change the claim that Oswald was a lone assassin, creating doubt about the Warren Commission’s modus operandi and conclusions is not enough, proving that others must have been involved is not enough. Spelling out the conspiracy is required.

    Oliver Stone receives some blame for opinions that go against the lone assassin theory, despite the fact that polls before the movie are far from favorable to the Warren Commission findings. And no one gives him credit for creating the ARRB. Which makes sense since none of these authors seem aware of any of the discoveries of the ARRB.

    A few of the authors claim to be open-minded about considering new evidence, but none seem willing to make the effort to read HSCA findings or books that present conspiracy theories.

    Five of the authors make statements about the Warren Commission being weak or flawed.

    It seems clear here again that neither the Church, the HSCA conclusions nor the ARRB operations have been explored at all or in any depth by any of the history book authors.

    Vincent Bugliosi was right; history needs to be reclaimed. He just got the version wrong!

  • John Lattimer Never Quit: The Thorburn Business


    (A longer version of this article was published several years ago.)


    The location of Kennedy’s back wound is a major obstacle for the Single Bullet Theory (SBT). It is the first of several dots that needed to be connected – all at a downward angle: (1) the alleged sniper’s nest, (2) the back wound, (3) the throat wound, (4) Governor’s Connally’s back wound (the exit in the front is not questioned), and (5) his wrist wound.

    Shall I burden the SBT with yet one more dot? (6) The little fragment that ended up in Connally’s thigh not far beneath the skin – and the mysteriously large, 10 mm, round, corresponding hole in his pant leg.

    The back wound was just too low. If the bullet actually went through JFK’s torso and exited his throat – it would have done so at an upward angle. For that bullet to have reached Connally’s pants, he would need to have lifted his leg rather high in the air, above his seat.

    I doubt that even John Lattimer could have found a way to show that on the Zapruder film. (But who knows what went on when the president’s car went behind the Stemmons sign? Maybe Dale Myers could do another study, proving that Connally did raise his leg high above the seat while the car was out of sight.)

    Lattimer found a way to raise Kennedy’s back wound, up, up, up – all the way to the sixth cervical vertebra (C-6), a tremendous feat.

    In 1977, he published a paper (1) in which he claimed the movements of Kennedy’s arms and hands – he seems to be trying to grab his throat – are symptoms of damage at the C-6 level. To give this paper more authority, he put the names of two other prominent doctors on it: Edward Schlesinger, a neurosurgeon, and H. Houston Merritt, a neurologist. He wrote:

    “The precision with which the signs of a spinal cord lesion fit with the other evidence (loose fragments) that the tip of the transverse process of C-6 (not C-5 or C-7) had been struck by the bullet … ” (p. 287)

    To prove it, the authors cited a nineteenth century paper (2) on a patient treated by neurologist William Thorburn, a patient who fell backwards, and was found with his arms in a strange, unnatural position, a position that was, presumably, similar to Kennedy’s. The paper was illustrated with an elegant drawing of the Thorburn patient. Lattimer’s caption read:

    “Fig. 4. Illustration from William Thorburn’s original article … showing the peculiar position assumed by the elbows immediately after an injury at the level of C-6 … ”

    Years later, the back wound apparently moved downward a bit. In his 1993 paper (3) in the Journal of the AMA, Lattimer repeats some of his earlier claims, but instead of asserting the lesion was at the C-6 level, he said it was in “a vertebra in the lower portion of his neck.” But he continued to make false statements in comparing Kennedy to the Thorburn patient.

    “Finally, by frame 236, President Kennedy has assumed the reflex position illustrated by Thorburn almost 100 years ago … ” (p. 1545)

    But Thorburn wrote of his patient,

    “ … the elbows were flexed, the shoulder abducted and rotated outward, and the hands and arms fell into the position indicated in the annexed engraving … ” (p. 511).

    According to the Zapruder film, Kennedy’s shoulders were never abducted (rotated outward). They were adducted (rotated inward)

    There are several things wrong with this paper:

    • Kennedy’s arms were never in the position of the Thorburn patient.
    • Dr. Thorburn never said his patient’s elbows were in this position “immediately” after the injury. The patient was not brought to him until four days after the accident. He was not moving his arms and hands. They were locked into that position. If anyone saw his immediate reaction, it was not reported.
    • There is no rigorous treatment of how Kennedy’s allegedly reflexive movements were distinguished from voluntary ones.
    • How much can be determined from just a few frames on a film?
    • As is typical of all of Lattimer’s papers, he presents comments to support the government approved narrative with inappropriate certainty.

    I called Dr. Schlesinger and questioned him. At first he made a half-hearted attempt to defend the paper. But as I persisted in pointing out the glaring discrepancies – he suddenly confessed he had never even seen the Zapruder film. Nor had he read the paper that Lattimer had finally published. (This isn’t especially suspicious or unusual. Doctors have put my own name on papers that I have not read. But it was a great mistake to trust a doctor like John Lattimer.) The following comments reveal the depth of his involvement:

    “I’ve never seen it (the Zapruder film) … I had conversations with Dr. Lattimer about it and told him to look into the Thorburn business … I wasn’t consulted when it was written … when he wrote a paper about it, I found that it was neurologically unsophisticated, and so I told him about the possibilities … ” (Schlesinger, 1995)

    Dr. Schlesinger gave me one last bit of information. It concerned the distinguished neurologist, H. Houston Merritt, M.D., whose name was also on the paper:

    “And Merritt had nothing to do with it. Nothing.” (Schlesinger, 1995)

    I described this interview to Dr. Richard A.R. Fraser, a neurosurgeon who was at the New York Hospital – Cornell Center. He listened to the tape, recognized the voice of his old friend and colleague, and called him up to discuss it. Dr. Schlesinger confessed to him that when I called, he was in his backyard having a cocktail. Apparently, he felt foolish.


    References

    1. Lattimer, J.K., Schlesinger, E.B., Merritt, H.H. (1977) “President Kennedy’s spine hit by first bullet.” Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine 53, pp. 281-291.
    2. Thorburn W. (1886-1887) “Cases of injury to the cervical region of the spinal cord. Case I-Fracture-dislocation between the Fifth and Sixth Cervical Vertebrae – Complete Paralysis of all Nerves below the Fifth Cervical – Death.” Brain 9, pp. 510-543.
    3. Lattimer, J.K. (1993) “Additional data on the shooting of President Kennedy.” Journal of the American Medical Association 269 (12), pp. 1544-1547.
  • Hillary Clinton vs JFK: An Addendum

    Hillary Clinton vs JFK: An Addendum


    Dr. Jeffrey Sachs has once again written a generally sound piece of criticism on this issue. And once again, he is to be saluted for it. It is indeed encouraging that he gets such pieces into the new MSM, represented by The Huffington Post.

    But even if this editorial is actually better than the first, it still seemed to me fitting to remind our readers of what I originally posted back in November, when “Hillary Clinton and the ISIS mess” appeared. So CTKA has decided to repost it.

    Like his book on Kennedy’s sponsorship of the Partial Nuclear Test Ban, it does not go quite far enough. (See our review)

    He is correct about the CIA beginning its sponsorship of the mujahedeen in 1979 to battle the Soviets in Afghanistan. But he fails to add that one of the Moslem volunteers who went to Afghanistan to fight the Russians was Osama Bin Laden. And most commentators trace the beginning of the Al Qaeda movement from Bin Laden’s experience there. (See the sterling documentary on this subject, The Power of Nightmares.)

    But beyond that, 1979 was the year of the first explosion of Islamic fundamentalism in the Middle East. It took place in Iran. It was fueled by the brutal regime the CIA and Allen Dulles installed there when they overthrew the nationalist leader Mossadegh. Every American president — save one — coddled up to the Shah of Iran. All the way until the Islamic Revolution.

    The man who paved the way for Sharia Law to take hold in Iran was none other than Warren Commissioner John McCloy. As Kai Bird noes in his book, The Chairman, President Jimmy Carter resisted letting the Shah into the country for medical purposes. When he did, David Rockefeller started a lobbying campaign, which was spearheaded by attorney John McCloy. McCloy knew he could not convert Carter. So, one by one, he picked off his advisors. Until finally, Carter was alone and cornered. But before he caved, he turned and asked: I wonder what you guys are going to advise me to do if they invade our embassy and take our employees hostage?

    Therefore, it was McCloy who directly caused the Islamic Revolution to begin in the Middle East. And it was he who greatly influenced the coming to power of Ronald Reagan.

    As noted above, there was one president who did not toady up to the Shah. As James Bill chronicles in his book, The Eagle and the Lion, the Kennedy administration actually commissioned a State Department paper on the costs and liabilities of returning Mossadegh to power in Iran. The Shah took this seriously and started the White Revolution in order to make his administration more progressive and egalitarian. Once Kennedy died, this did not continue. President Johnson was quite friendly with the Rockefeller brothers, and Henry Kissinger, Richard Nixon’s National Security Adviser, owed his career to Nelson Rockefeller. Unlike these other presidents, Kennedy understood the dangers of an explosion of Islamic Fundamentalism. In fact, he had warned about it since 1957, and his famous speech encouraging the French to abandon their colonial empire in Algeria.

    But there was one other element to this story of Carter changing his mind. During the revolution, before Carter allowed the Shah entry, he was in Los Angeles for a speaking engagement. Both the Secret Service and LAPD detected an assassination plot against him. One of the alleged plotters’ was named Raymond Lee Harvey. Raymond said an accomplice was named Osvaldo Espinoza Ortiz. No one as smart as Carter could have missed the significance of that. (See this Wikipedia article)

    There is another point about the Sachs’ article and the Clinton agenda that needs to be elucidated. That is America’s growing coziness with Saudi Arabia. As scholar Philip Muehlenbeck noted, President Kennedy had little time or use for the monarchy of Saudi Arabia. He disdained its disregard of civil liberties, democracy and women’s rights. When King Saud flew to a Boston area hospital in 1961, Kennedy was urged to visit him by his State Department advisors. Not only did he not visit him, he avoided going to Boston and instead went to his vacation home in Palm Beach Florida. When the monarch was released and went to a convalescent home nearby, Kennedy finally relented. But on the way there, he muttered: Why am I seeing this guy? (Muehlenbeck, Betting on the Africans, p. 133)

    Kennedy favored the country that DCI Allen Dulles and his brother, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, decided to abandon – Egypt – because its socialist leader, Nasser, would not toe the line on Red China during the Cold War. During the civil war in Yemen, where Saud backed the monarchy and Nasser backed the revolutionaries, Kennedy decided to back Nasser, at great political expense to himself — including the enmity of Israel’s foreign secretary Golda Meir. (See Muehlenbeck, pp. 132-37)

    When John Kennedy was killed two things happened in the Middle East to create the mess that exists today. First, there was a tilt away from Egypt and pan Arabism; second, a bias toward Saudi Arabia and Israel began. As Stanford professor Robert Rakove notes in Kennedy, Johnson and the Nonaligned World, Nasser immediately understood what was happening. On November 23, 1963, Nasser declared a state of mourning. He then ordered Kennedy’s funeral to be shown on Egyptian television four times. One diplomat said Cairo was “overcome by a sense of universal tragedy.” Nasser eventually broke relations with the USA in 1967. (Rakove, pp. xvii ff)

    Although Sachs’ article is good, the record of John Kennedy is even better. And, in fact, a piece like this one would probably not get past the moderators, especially in light of their decision to publish an utterly ignorant and repugnant article by Peter Dreier at around the same time. Arrogantly entitled “I Don’t Care who Killed JFK”, it did not mention one word about any of the history chronicled above. It did not mention any of the books I referenced. It did not refer to Nasser, the Iranian coup, John McCloy and the assassination attempt on Carter, or Kennedy’s disdain for Saudi Arabia. And since it did not mention any of those, it could not list the reversals that occurred in the Middle East afterwards.

    Peter Dreier should stick to urban planning. His article on JFK proves that underneath arrogance there is always a whiff of stupidity. 

    (Originally posted November 23, 2015 Reposted February 15, 2016)

  • U.S. Postal Money Orders

    U.S. Postal Money Orders


    U.S. POSTAL MONEY ORDERS

    (An addendum to Mail Order Rifle)

    Postal money orders have traditionally been manufactured at a printing facility in Washington, DC. On July 1, 1951 the post office announced the introduction of a new style money order (blue tinted color), to be issued on tabulating (punch) cards that can be processed by electronic machinery. During production the new money orders were imprinted with sequential serial numbers and rows of punched rectangular holes (Hollerith computer code) that identified the serial number. With the computer-coded punch holes the new money orders could be sorted with electronic machinery and, according to the post office, handled “like checks.” After being deposited or redeeemed for cash at a bank or post office, these “pre-punched” money orders were sent to a Federal Reserve Bank (or Branches) and then sent (returned) to one of 12 postal accounting offices throughout the US.

                                                              
    According to the Postal Department, “The new type of orders, whether cashed at post offices or cashed at or deposited with banks, will ultimately be deposited with a Federal Reserve Bank or branch which, after processing the orders, will charge them to the account of the Treasurer of the United States and turn them over to the regional accounting office of the Post Office Department in the Federal Reserve city of the district.” (July 1, 1951)                                                                         

    According to the post office, “Changes in the new system will make it possible to have a money order cashed at any of the nation’s post offices or it may be collected through any bank in the the same manner as the depositing or cashing of a check.” (July 2, 1951)

    New Postal Money order, with rectangular holes (to identify serial
    number by code); first used in July 1951

                          

              

    IBM 808 PROOF MACHINES

    Special punch-proof machines were developed and installed at each of the 12 Federal Reserve Banks and branches for handling the new money orders. Researchers should remember that during the 1950’s and early 1960’s (prior to April, 1962) the only punched holes that appeared on postal money orders, at the time of purchase, were those that identified the serial number of the money order  (by computer code). After a postal money order (or check, bank draft, etc.) was deposited to a bank, it was date stamped by the bank and credited to the customer’s account. The endorsed money order (check, draft, etc.), stamped with the bank’s ABA number, was then sent to a Federal Reserve Bank (or Branch) within the deposit bank’s district. All postal money orders had to be date stamped/endorsed by the bank receiving the deposit. Without the endorsement, the Federal Reserve would have no way of knowing to which bank the money order was to be credited. At the Federal Reserve Bank a second set of punched holes was stamped into each Postal Money order. In one operation the new machines (IBM 808 proof machines) would list the amount of the money order on paper tapes, punch (by machine code) the ink-printed/stamped amount paid for the money order as shown on the front side, and automatically sort the money orders according to the twelve Post Office regional accounting offices. After crediting each bank within their district for the money orders presented, the Federal Reserve bank returned the money order(s) to the regional postal accounting office (there were 12 offices nationwide). For this service (machine punching all US Postal Money orders), the Postal Department paid the Federal Reserve banks $600,000 yearly.

    Old IBM Proof Machine, from July 1, 1951 thru July, 1962. Used to
    manually  punch holes in money orders (Hollerith code) to
    identify the monetary amount of each money order.
    Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, 2001 N. Pearl St., Dallas, TX

     

    Money orders, like checks, are routed thru the federal banking system by first depositing them to a financial institution (bank, savings and loan, credit union, etc.). The depositing bank “validates” money orders by date stamping the item for deposit to a customer’s account, and then imprints the bank’s name and A.B.A. routing number on the back side. (This imprint was required on both sides for a period of time, including the 1960s.) “Validated” money orders are then sent to regional Federal Reserve Banks (12 districts throughout the US) where they are processed. During the punch-card era, they were punched/read to identify the amount of the money order.

    NOTE: Bank endorsements of postal money orders have always been required. In the early 20th century, postal money orders were used locally and could be deposited at many local banks. The 1925 edition of the United States Official Postal Guide, page 95, states the following: “Payments to Banks — When an [money] order purporting to have been properly receipted by the payee, or indorsee, is deposited in a bank for collection, the postmaster at the office drawn upon may effect payment to the bank, provided there be a guarantee on the part of the bank that the latter will refund the amount if it afterwards appear that the depositor was not the owner of the order. An order thus paid should bear upon its back the impression of the stamp of the bank.” CLICK TO VIEW 1925 POSTAL HANDBOOK

    By the mid 20th century, the use of postal money orders had become commonplace. They could be deposited at virtually any bank nationwide and were routinely processed by Federal Reserve Banks. Regulations regarding bank endorsements on postal money orders were the same as those for checks, and were located in the Federal Reserve’s Regulation J. Banks were informed of these regulations through Federal Reserve Bank Operating Circulars. The Operating Circular 4928 of 1960, states: “The endorsement of the sending bank should be dated and should show the American Bankers Association transit number of the sending bank in prominent type on both sides.” CLICK TO VIEW OPERATING CIRCULAR 4928

    In 1987 Congress passed the Expedited Funds Availability Act, in which the Uniform Endorsement Standard was defined. The purpose of the endorsement standard was to help expedite the processing of checks, postal money orders, and other deposited items. At that time, regulations regarding deposited items were made a part of Federal Reserve Regulation CC. The definitions section of Regulation CC (part 229.2), states that the word “check” as used in the regulation means, among other things, US Postal Service money orders. Appendix D (Indorsement Standards) states, “The depositary bank shall indorse a check according to the following specifications: The indorsement shall contain the bank’s nine-digit routing number, set off by arrows at each end of the number and pointing toward the number; the bank’s name/location; and the indorsement date. …. The indorsement shall be written in dark purple or black ink. The indorsement shall be placed on the back of the check so that the routing number is wholly contained in the area 3.0 inches from the leading edge of the check to 1.5 inches from the trailing edge of the check.” CLICK TO VIEW 2001 REGULATION CC  (Courtesy of Sanford Larsen)

    Postal money orders and checks may have to be sent to more than one Federal Reserve Bank (FRB) for clearing. A postal money order (or check) sent to a regional FRB is often forwarded to a FRB in a different region. For example, if a postal money order was purchased in Dallas, TX (circa 1963) and sent to a merchant in Chicago, it could be deposited to the First National Bank of Chicago (FNBC). The FNBC would endorse and stamp the money order and then send it to the FRB of Chicago (see #7 below) where it would again be stamped. In 1963 the postal money order would then be sent to the FRB of Richmond (see #5 below), where it would again be stamped, and then be returned to the postal accounting office in Washington, DC.

    The FRB system “clears” a postal money order by debiting the amount shown on the money order from the account of the US Treasurer, and simultaneously crediting the sending bank, identified by the A.B.A. number stamped on the money order. After “clearing,” the FRB sends the money orders to a postal accounting office (prior to 1955 there were twelve regional postal accounting offices).  The flow of a money order, or check, can be seen in the following diagram.  In the case of postal money orders, the U.S. Treasury is National Bank A in this diagram.

                     
    In the case of the $21.45 postal money order, allegedly purchased by LHO….

    The Drawer is an individual or entity with a bank account. In our example the Drawer is the US Post Office which sells postal money orders against their account with the US Treasury. Oswald, who did not have a bank account, allegedly purchased a postal money order from the Dallas post office; the  Payee is Klein’s, who allegedly received the postal money order in payment for a rifle; the postal money order is then deposited into bank “B” (FNB of Chicago) and is “validated”;  the postal money order is then sent to the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago for “clearing” (and forwarded to the FRB of Richmond). The FRB debits the account of “A,” the US Treasury (Postal Department), and simultaneously credits bank “B” (FNB Chicago) for the amount of the postal money order. The FRB then returns the “cleared” money order to the postal accounting office (Washington, DC). The “clearing” process is dependent upon each bank “validating” items of deposit (checks, money orders, drafts, etc.) with their ABA routing number on the front and back side of each item. Without an ABA routing number, a Federal Reserve Bank is unable to issue credit for the item, and the item will not “clear” their system.

    This is really a very simple procedure. The Federal Reserve Bank (FRB) acts as a “middle man” and simply takes money from bank “A” and gives it to bank “B.” To accomplish this with hundreds of thousands of money orders/checks daily, it is absolutely essential that checks and money orders be accurately “validated” by the depositing bank. Validation occurs first when the check is presented for deposit and endorsed by the bank (banks name and date imprinted on the check or money order and on the customer’s deposit receipt). Validation is complete when the depositing bank prints/stamps their name and A.B.A. (American Bankers Association) on each and every check or money order. The validated check or money order is sent to the FRB, where it is “cleared” by crediting the depositing bank (“B”) according to the ABA number stamped/printed on the money order or check, and simultaneously debiting the bank on which the check was drawn or, in the case of a postal money order, the US Treasurer/Postal Dept.

    Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago
    Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond

     

    Prior to 1955 there were twelve regional postal accounting offices. In 1955 these accounting offices were replaced with a new postal facility in Kansas City, Missouri. The new facility, complete with automated sorting machines, was designed to receive all postal money orders, nationwide, directly from all 12 Federal Reserve Banks and Branches. The pre-punched computer-coded holes in each money order made it possible for large volumes of money orders (in 1955, 1.5 million per day) to be electronically sorted and arranged in a systematic way after being returned to a US Postal repository by Federal Reserve Banks.

    NEW MACHINES FOR ALL POST OFFICES

    In April, 1962 the Post Office announced that it had awarded a contract for the purchase of 59,000 business machines to the Friden Corporation, of San Leandro, CA. The new machines, to be installed in every US Post Office nationwide, allowed postal clerks to simultaneously ink-print and punch the amount of purchase on each money order with 5 rows of holes (Hollerith computer code). The 5 rows of round holes were punched simultaneously on the money order, a receipt stub for the purchaser and a receipt stub for the post office.  In June, 1962 the new machines, and new yellow-tinted money orders, were tried out in 9 states (Florida, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina–all in the Atlanta Postal Region; and 5 states in the Denver Region). On November 29, 1962, a postal bulletin advised, “Money orders issued on yellow forms are audited at Washington, DC, rather than the Money Order Center at Kansas City, MO.”

    New machines for all US post offices Machine both prints and punches holes in code

    On January 5, 1963 the blue-tinted money orders were discontinued and replaced by light yellow-tinted money orders. Serial numbers on the new money orders, like the former blue-tinted money orders, were pre-printed/ink-stamped (front side) and computer coded with rectangular holes when manufactured. But the round set of computer-coded holes, representing the amount and formerly “punched” by Federal Reserve Banks, were now punched with the new machines at post offices. Postal clerks used the new machines to simultaneously ink-stamp and punch-code the money orders when they were purchased by customers. The General Post Office (GPO) in Dallas received a batch of the new yellow-tinted money orders on January 5, 1963, probably beginning with serial # 2,202,000,000 (see below).

    Yellow-tinted postal money order stubs (for customer), with
    round holes punched by the post office. First introduced in 1962;
    used exclusively after January 5, 1963. A similar stub was kept
    by the post office.
  • The Decline and Fall of Jim Fetzer


    Part One

    James Fetzer was born in California in 1940. He attended South Pasadena High School, and then Princeton. After graduating, he joined the Marines and ascended to the rank of captain. He resigned to attend graduate school. In 1970, he attained a Ph. D. from Indiana University. His areas of concentration were history of science and philosophy of science. He began teaching philosophy at the University of Kentucky. He then taught at a series of colleges in the south and east before getting a tenured position in 1987 at the University of Minnesota-Duluth. He retired from that position in 2006, having attained the Distinguished McKnight University Professorship. During his long academic career, Fetzer wrote or edited over 20 books and published over 100 essays.

    The first time this author ever encountered Jim Fetzer was when I looked at a copy of the first JFK book he had edited. It was called Assassination Science. The reason I ended up buying this anthology—many years after it was published in 1998—was because it contained two articles by Dr. David Mantik. I considered Mantik a good authority on the medical evidence, and I wished to reference him in the second edition of Destiny Betrayed, and also in Reclaiming Parkland. In those two articles, the book lived up to its title, since Mantik was at least trying to reason scientifically based upon the autopsy evidence. For instance, he argued there was reason to believe, based upon optical densitometer readings, that the Kennedy autopsy x-rays had been manipulated. Chuck Marler also wrote a quite interesting piece about how the Warren Commission had altered surveyor James West’s plat map of Dealey Plaza. This was done under the supervision of junior counsel Arlen Specter.

    But elsewhere, the claim that the book was completely based upon science does not ring true. For example, near the end of the book, in a chapter called “Assassination Science and the Language of Proof”, Fetzer begins to reel off a bullet audit list. This is labeled Proof 1. (p. 352) That is, proof demonstrating there were more than three bullets fired in Dealey Plaza that day. But the very first pieces of evidence he uses, he misconstrues. Referencing David Lifton’s Best Evidence, he writes that, in that book, Lifton shows the reader photos of two “substantial bullet fragments”. He then adds that they were recovered from the presidential limousine and that they thus denote, for his purposes, two bullets.

    Unfortunately, this is incorrect. And it’s rather easily proven so. For if one goes to the Warren Commission exhibits which picture the two fragments, it is plainly captioned that they are the head and tail of one bullet. Since Fetzer lists the Commission exhibit numbers, it is odd that he got this wrong. (See Commission Exhibits 567 and 569)

    Then Fetzer’s scientific reasoning veers off even more. He writes that the probability in favor of the Secret Service setting up President Kennedy are anywhere from a million to 1 to a billion to 1. (See p. 367) Quite naturally, he then concludes that the evidence that the Secret Service set up President Kennedy is overwhelming. He uses the usual litany of complaints here—e.g., someone wiped out the back of the limousine outside of Parkland Hospital.

    My question: Did Fetzer ever try and find the man who used a bucket to wipe out the back of the limousine? To my knowledge, he remains nameless to this day. Therefore, there is no interview with him to see why he did what he did. Or if he did it of his own volition, or someone told him to do so. If these factors are not known, then how can one assign a mathematical probability to them happening? These are the things that our side has to demand if we are going to assign statistical probabilities to events.

    Fetzer now veers off even more from the book’s title. He now states that his witness Chauncey Holt reported in a radio interview that he was a counterfeiter who worked for the CIA in 1963. (ibid, p. 368) He was ordered to bring false Secret Service identifications to Dealey Plaza on 11/22/63. That he disguised himself as one of the three tramps in the famous photographs of these hoboes who, after being unloaded from a train car, were escorted through Dealey Plaza on the way to police headquarters.

    If we added up all the researchers who have made claims about who these three tramps were, the number would probably be in the double figures. To say, on the basis of a radio interview, that we know who they are and that Holt is credible, what is scientific about that deduction? What is even forensic about it? Suffice it to say, other researchers have dug into Holt’s story at great length, and have shown great doubt about his claims—for instance, that Holt traveled to New Orleans to deliver pre-printed leaflets to Guy Banister’s office for Oswald to pass out, when in fact there is evidence these were printed in New Orleans and Oswald hand-stamped the leaflets with Banister’s address.

    From here, Fetzer’s book gets even worse. He starts writing about Madeleine Brown and the infamous Murchison party. Like the Three Tramps, this “party” has become a matter of evolution. Except in this case, it’s not the identities that have evolved, it’s the sheer number of persons reported present. Fetzer goes in all the way on this one. He has George Brown of Brown and Root, J. Edgar Hoover, John McCloy, Richard Nixon and LBJ all on hand. (p. 369) When LBJ arrived, there was a closed-door private meeting of about 20 minutes in length. When it was over, Johnson told Madeleine that Kennedy would be taken down. To go through all the problems with this rather tardy “night before” planning and the credibility of Ms. Brown would be both laborious and cruel. Suffice it to say, Seamus Coogan has done some nice work on this Murchison gathering, and found some good reasons to qualify it as suspect. (Click here and slide down to “A Short Dissection”.)

    II

    Two years later, in 2000, Fetzer edited another anthology. This was more modestly titled as Murder in Dealey Plaza. This book was, I felt, better than the first one. And for a very simple reason. Dr. Gary Aguilar joined Mantik, and the two each wrote long essays for the volume. Combined, they account for about 125 pages. In this reviewer’s opinion, they make for fascinating reading in any informed debate about the medical evidence in the JFK case today. The book also contained an interesting essay by the late Doug Weldon on what happened to the Kennedy limousine after the assassination; a good essay by Vince Palamara on the Secret Service, and ARRB researcher Doug Horne’s argument for two brain examinations in the JFK case. Further, Mantik had edited and highlighted three medical evidence depositions conducted by the Assassination Records Review Board. In my view, this marked the high point of Fetzer’s contributions to the JFK case.

    But there was a qualifier to note. As opposed to the first book, Fetzer personally contributed very little to this volume. His writing amounts to about 35 of the volume’s 420 pages of text. About half of those pages consist of a review of Jesse Curry’s book JFK Assassination File, a summary of Assassination Science, and a letter to a Justice Department attorney about the Zapruder film.

    This last revealed a growing obsession of Professor Fetzer’s: namely that the Zapruder film had been altered. And not by a little, but by a lot. Fetzer’s argument is for wholesale alteration of the film. In fact, it was this strong belief by the former professor that led to a bitter and personal feud with author and private investigator Josiah Thompson.

    Thompson had based his 1967 book, Six Seconds in Dallas, largely on an analysis of the Zaprduer film, which he was allowed to view at the headquarters of Life magazine. That publication had decided to sponsor a small, closely held reinvestigation of the JFK case in the second half of 1966. Thompson had been a part of that team, which also included reporters Dick Billings and Hugh Aynesworth. It resulted in a preliminary report in Life entitled “A Matter of Reasonable Doubt” on the third anniversary of Kennedy’s murder. This inquiry was disbanded when, in New Orleans, it ran into the early stages of Jim Garrison’s investigation. Why? Because Holland McCombs, a top executive at Life, was a close friend of Clay Shaw. It was further sandbagged by the employment of Aynesworth, who was really working as an undercover agent. In fact, after an interview he did with Garrison, he reported back to a colleague, that they must not let on they were working both sides.

    But because of this endeavor, Thompson was allowed to have extensive access to the Zapruder film, for the simple reason that Life owned it. He consequently examined individual frames with a magnifying glass, was allowed to view transparencies, and so on. No author at that time had anywhere near his exposure to the film. As a result, Six Seconds in Dallas was written something like a visual essay, using drawings made from the film. It is probably not too broad a statement to say that, without his access to the film, Thompson’s book would not exist—at least in the form it does today. It is therefore not unfair to claim that Thompson had a vested interest in the film being genuine.

    Since Fetzer did not edit his first anthology until 1998, he had no such vested interest. In fact, as we shall see, Fetzer seemed to enjoy challenging established shibboleths in the JFK case (and, as we shall also see, in other fields.) He seemed to actually revel in the combined role of trailblazer/hell raiser. Hence the feud between Fetzer and Thompson took on not just an inherent generational aspect—that is, between the established entity and the New Kid on the Block; it was also a debate over style, and the way evidence was weighed and measured. Thompson represented a more conservative, considered, traditional approach. Fetzer, who seemed to be radicalized and energized by his feud with Thompson, now seemed intent on picking up on almost any offbeat novelty in the field to further his self-styled role as the brave, bold, brass-balled iconoclast.

    So almost as an extension of his Thompson blood feud, Fetzer’s next collected essay anthology was entitled The Great Zapruder Film Hoax. This came out in 2003. And if one goes over to Amazon.com, one will see that Thompson promptly posted a fully negative review about it. That same year, Fetzer held a seminar at the University of Minnesota in which he invited several speakers from his book to address a live audience on the subject. In this instance, Fetzer decided to disable comments on YouTube. In other words, there was no arguing with the professor on this issue.

    III

    My first personal dust-up with Fetzer came in the same year that his Zapruder film volume was published. For at the end of 2002, a rather mysterious book entitled Regicide was published. It was mysterious for two reasons. The author, a man named Gregory Douglas, was very much an unknown quantity in the critical community. Secondly, the book actually pretended to explain exactly how the assassination of President Kennedy came about. It did so through documents allegedly penned by the CIA’s Chief of Counter-Intelligence James Angleton. In other words, Angleton had masterminded the assassination, worked with other power groups—like the Pentagon and the Mafia—and left behind meeting logs of his conferences with them. (Hmm—oh really?) Somehow, Douglas had discovered the documents. From them he had written the ultimate solution to the JFK case.

    Fetzer accepted this. He jumped on Amazon.com and gave the book a five star review. I had heard about the book but delayed reading it, or making any judgment about it for two simple reasons: I had no idea who Douglas was, or how he had come into possession of the documents. I poked around on these issues and I discovered through former CBS reporter Kristina Borjesson that Douglas was deliberately mysterious, and he used more than one name. She found this out since she had previously tried to run down a story put out by him. I then asked Lisa Pease—who had a strong interest in Angleton—if she had heard about the book. She said she had. Someone had told her that Douglas was a rather unsavory character who, before Regicide, had been accused of forging documents, and using them to write books, this time in regards to the Third Reich.

    I decided to do some research on Mr. Douglas. It turned out that, if anything, both of these reports were putting it mildly. For Douglas also went by the name Walter Storch, among others, and he ran a weird news blog called TRB News. To make a long story short, the book is almost certainly a hoax. And Douglas had a long history as a confidence man. I wrote an essay that was partly focused on Douglas and his book called “Beware the Douglas/Janney/Simkin Silver Bullets”. (Click here to read it) In that essay I compared this book to other previous hoaxes like Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal (aka The Torbitt Document), and Farewell America. I mentioned Fetzer’s initial acceptance of the book, and his later distancing himself from it.

    The professor did not appreciate me bringing up this issue. He got in contact with me and expressed his umbrage in no uncertain terms. I defended myself by saying it was not at all difficult to find out about Douglas/Storch’s past. All one had to do was to do a name search on Google. He replied that we had a difference of opinion about the quality of sources. To this day, I really do not know what that meant. Was he saying that he still put some faith in Douglas? Or that his book still had some validity? I didn’t see how that could be the case. Or was he reflexively trying to defend himself from missing a relatively easy to find truth about the matter?

    Whatever the reason was, this episode indicated two traits about Jim Fetzer that would manifest themselves more fully in the future. First, a rather lax attitude toward critical analysis of scholarly sources, which was odd coming from a former philosophy professor who wrote books with titles like Scientific Knowledge: Causation, Explanation and Corroboration, Philosophy of Science, and Philosophy, Mind and Cognitive Inquiry, among many others. (To be exact, he edited the last.) The other disturbing trait exhibited by the Gregory Douglas episode was Fetzer’s taste for, let us call it, the Sensational Solution. That is, the idea that there were large areas of the case that were yet to be discovered, and that only through some inside or offbeat source could the complete truth about the murder of JFK be found.

    IV

    There was a third character trait Fetzer exhibited that was not really suitable for the scholarly study of a complex phenomena like the JFK case. That was an overweening self-righteousness. He was right no matter how much data there was against him; no matter how many people could show he was wrong; and no matter what their qualifications were. All these traits would come to the forefront in three instances that would soon surface on various forums dealing with the JFK assassination. Specifically, these were the cases of Judyth Baker, Ralph Cinque and Peter Janney. And by this time, not only was the professor online, he had his own internet podcast show called The Real Deal.

    Let us deal with the first two instances. At what was then John Simkin’s Spartacus Educational JFK Forum, Jim Fetzer was directly responsible for two of the longest, most controversial, most volatile threads ever created there. They dealt with first Baker, and then Ralph Cinque and his Doorway Man theory. Fetzer had Baker on his podcast and was vouching for her as a new, late-arriving witness who was absolutely imperative to the JFK case.

    To say the least, many people disagreed with him. There were Oswald biographers—like David Lifton and John Armstrong—who did not buy her. And there were people who had thoroughly studied the New Orleans aspects of the case—like Bill Davy and myself—who did not buy her. I was also influenced by the work of the fine Florida researcher Carol Hewett. Hewett had done some work for 60 Minutes on Baker. That program had seriously thought of doing a segment on the woman. After Hewett presented her case, they decided not to. (See here for a critique of Baker)

    No matter how many people pointed out good reasons not to buy into Baker, Fetzer would not backtrack. (And this is after he said that he would change his mind if confronted with contradictory information.) Some pointed out his incredible stamina. Others, like myself, privately e-mailed him and advised him to desist since he was dealing with aspects of the case he was not familiar with. Fetzer communicated back that he would do no such thing. This genuinely puzzled me, since it defied his identity as a scholar. New Orleans is a very complex, multi-layered area of study in the JFK case. It literally takes years to understand it. Yet Fetzer—who had not done any real study of that area—was endorsing someone who made bizarre claims, and had little back up for them. As many have stated about the JFK case: extraordinary claims demand extraordinary evidence. Which Baker did not have. Yet that seemed alright with the professor; her claims were enough.

    Fetzer even titled a thread he started at Spartacus, “Judyth Vary Baker: Living in Exile.” Then Glenn Viklund—who I disagree with about everything else in the JFK case—posted documentary information that this tenet was false. Baker had applied for political asylum in Sweden. That request was denied. Baker appealed and the appeal was denied in early summer of 2008. She left. Her status the whole time was as an asylum seeker. She was never living in exile.

    The problem here for Fetzer was twofold. First, the liberal Swedish government did not think that Baker had any personal problems due to her alleged involvement with Oswald. And they ruled on the case twice. Secondly, Viklund wrote that these documents about Baker’s case were a matter of public record. He spent about four hours going through them and he made four phone calls to Sweden to garner further information. The obvious question was: Why didn’t Professor Fetzer do the same before mistakenly titling his thread? Fetzer’s lack of due diligence—as exposed in both the Gregory Douglas and Baker cases—was becoming a chronic problem. (Click here for that thread)

    V

    About two years later, in January 2012, Fetzer was back at work on Spartacus Educational. He was also writing for an online magazine called Veterans Today. He was using that journal to promote his ideas about the JFK case. This thread also ended up being very long (although not nearly as long as the Baker thread). It ended up with nearly 700 replies. It got so vociferous, so belligerent, that it eventually was locked. (Here is a link to the thread)

    I am not going to detail here what Fetzer and Ralph Cinque were propagating. It seemed to me to be so wild, so far out, that it was almost a caricature of what those so-called “tin foil hat” JFK researchers were all about. So I refer the reader instead to their Oswald Innocence Campaign home page in which they spell out what they mean. For those who don’t care to wade through all those pages, in a nutshell, what they were saying was that in the famous Altgens photo, the facial features of the figure in the Texas School Book Depository doorway were done over in an attempt to hide its, i.e., Oswald’s, identity. The object was to make it appear that it was Billy Lovelady. In other words, the photo was altered.

    To say this one was met with some resistance does not at all register how bad the reception was. (For an example, click here) The main problem with this is that there were at least three pieces of evidence in the record that undermined it. And again, Fetzer missed all three of them. But let us begin with how the controversy began.

    When Lovelady, a fellow worker at the Texas School Book Depository, showed up to have his FBI photo taken, they did not tell him to wear the same shirt he had on the day of the assassination. So he wore a striped shirt and not a plaid shirt. This left the door open for some notable people to deny the Altgens doorway photo was of him: e.g., Harold Weisberg.

    As others pointed out, there were films from that day which showed Lovelady outside the Book Depository with a plaid shirt on, and another film from inside the Dallas Police Department. That latter film showed both Lovelady and Oswald in the same room at the same time. One can see that Lovelady had a shirt on that was similar to the figure in the doorway. Further, a central tenet of Fetzer and Cinque was that the Doorway Man figure was wearing a V-neck undershirt. Yet when one looks at Robin Unger’s finer resolution of the photo, to put it kindly, this is not readily evident.

    And it later turned out, through better photo renditions and comparisons, that the Fetzer/Cinque V-neck appeared to be an illusion from a chin shadow. This created a serious problem, since part of their argument was that Lovelady was wearing a round-necked T-shirt, and Oswald was not.

    For his version of Altgens, Fetzer had used a scan from Life magazine. Which, of course, did not make for a very good rendition of the photo. Finally, Pat Speer pointed out that Oswald had changed his shirt after he left the Depository to go back to his rooming house. (He did this since he did not think there was going to be any more work to do.) Thus the shirt that Fetzer claimed Oswald was wearing at the police station was not the same one he was wearing before the assassination. This in turn meant there was no control factor for the comparison, because we really do not know what shirt Oswald was wearing in the Depository. And the Altgens photo was a black and white picture, so it was not easy to be definite about its color and pattern.

    This thread became so obnoxious and so insulting that the moderators had to clean it up about a third of the way through. And warnings were given to the participants to calm down. About thirty posts past this warning, the moderators eliminated an entry in which Fetzer “included a number of insults directed at the Forum membership, including one particularly crude reference.” But Fetzer did not get the message. On February 8, 2012, he posted this about Pat Speer: “You must have led a strange life Pat, to have grown up with such a grotesque tendency to distort, misread, and mislead those who read your posts.” And Speer was a moderator! And he was actually letting Fetzer guest host Cinque’s comments, since Cinque was not a member!

    It got so bad that former friends, Fetzer and Greg Burnham, now became opponents. Burnham posted the following: “I withdraw from this debate. I concede exasperation.” But he returned, which was a mistake, since the thread ended up with Greg telling Fetzer that he and his wife now considered Fetzer persona non grata in their home. Cinque told Duncan MacRae, “MacRae, you’ll be eating my shorts before I eat that.” Cinque then told another moderator, Jim Gordon, “But, if you can’t find any other such examples, then you can take your composite theory and shove it in the same place I told Lamson to shove his angle of incidence. Is that clear enough? Are we communicating?”

    Incredibly, at the conclusion of this eventually locked thread, Fetzer and Cinque then tried to bring up this issue again. Except this time they now argued that in the film inside the Dallas Police station, it wasn’t actually Lovelady. Lovelady had been substituted by an actor. This corollary to the original thesis was met with even greater cynicism than the first time around. It was so preposterous that it eventually led to Fetzer being banned from Spartacus Educational. These two incidents at that forum—with Baker and Doorway Man—showed that Fetzer simply could not admit he was wrong. No matter what the arguments against him were, no matter how powerful the evidence arrayed against him was. And all of this led some to elevate his name into a pejorative term which has gained online notice (for instance, in the Wiktionary).

    VI

    Around this same time, 2012, Peter Janney’s book Mary’s Mosaic was published. Fetzer now raised his saintly, self-righteous manner to even higher amplitude. On Amazon.com, he called Janney’s book a litmus test for the research community, one that would “separate the competent from the frivolous, the courageous from the cowardly and the honest from the dishonest”.

    But, as with his commentary on Judyth Baker, what became obvious in his review of Janney was that he knew little or nothing about the Mary Meyer case before he read the book. He simply accepted just about all that the author wrote as if it were fact, despite Janney actually using people like Gregory Douglas as a source. Janney also appeared on Fetzer’s podcast more than once. Again, Fetzer did not challenge any of the tenets of the book. For instance, Janney had written that his suspected killer, William Mitchell, had disappeared off the face of the earth; yet, lo and behold, researcher Tom Scully—armed only with a computer— had found him living in northern California. And it was the correct Mitchell.

    If that were not embarrassing enough, Scully’s information on Mitchell revealed that he was in his seventies at this time. Yet the late Leo Damore—Janney had adapted and used his work profusely in his book—said he had met Mitchell in the early nineties, and he was 74 at that time. How can a man not age in a generation? Further, Fetzer suggested that since Janney could not find any details of his academic career at Harvard—where he allegedly attended—that record must have been purged. But Scully found those records, once again armed only with a computer. (Click here)

    This episode revealed in excelsis the severe shortcomings in Fetzer’s critical apparatus. As this author has stated, criticism is nothing if not qualitative analysis. That is, one must examine the data the author adduces, where he got it, and how solidly backed it is. That rule is a common one in historical analysis. But it is even more important for the JFK case, for the simple reason that this field is littered with fraudsters, politically motivated smear jobs, and deliberate disinformation. And these kinds of problems have proliferated of late since it is relatively easy to get a book published today. Decades ago, one had to sell an editor and publishing house on a book. Today one can just sign up with, for example, Create Space, and start typing away. Presto! one has a Kindle edition.

    Beyond qualitative analysis, the responsible critic must also apply comparative analysis—that is, how does the book compare with other related work in the field. Janney’s book went way beyond what anyone else had ever proposed in the Mary Meyer case. He was proposing an exotic, high tech precision assassination team that was taking out Mary Meyer because she was transforming the former Cold Warrior Kennedy into a visionary statesman. So in addition to the actual mechanics of the murder of Mary, there was also the portrait of Kennedy to deal with. For if that portrait was faulty, then the motive for murder was dubious. This required a comparative analysis of the latest scholarship in the field of Kennedy’s foreign policy, which, again, Fetzer had not done. Or if he had, it was woefully lacking in his discussion of the book. So why was he calling the book a litmus test when it was apparent he had not done his homework before jumping onto Amazon to praise the book? (CTKA’s two-part review of the book is here)

    It was this book, and Doug Horne’s five-volume series Inside the ARRB, that began Fetzer’s lashing out at Lisa Pease and myself. In my view, Horne’s book was much better than Janney’s, though in my review of that very long book I did make some criticisms. (Click here for that review) And that was enough for Fetzer to start attacking me on some forums.


    Part Two

    VII

    As noted in Part One (above), a most puzzling fact about Jim Fetzer’s approach to the JFK case has been his lack of any rigorous critical methodology. This failing allowed him to accept and embrace people like Judyth Baker, Ralph Cinque, and Peter Janney and his book Mary’s Mosaic. This last example—his acceptance of a faultily premised book—leads into two other works that Fetzer accepted pretty much in their entirety. I am speaking here of Philip Nelson’s tome, LBJ: The Mastermind of JFK’s Assassination and John Hankey’s documentary film, first titled JFK 2 and then retitled Dark Legacy: George Bush and the Murder of John F. Kennedy.

    To say that Fetzer praised the Nelson book would be putting it much too mildly. In fact, it would be a misrepresentation. Jim Fetzer called Nelson’s book “a masterpiece”. He also tried to draw a parallel between it and James Douglass’ book on the JFK case. He called Nelson’s book the equivalent of JFK and the Unspeakable in the Lyndon Johnson field.

    This last assertion puzzled this author, because it betrayed a lack of insight into what made the Douglass book exceptional. Jim Douglass’ book deals more with John F. Kennedy than it does with his assassination. The distinction of that book is that it shows how Kennedy’s assassination was a result of the policies he had instituted as president—especially, but not only, those dealing with Vietnam and Cuba. Douglass attempts to explain 11/22/63 as a reaction to a man who had decided to try and halt the Cold War, if not completely, at least to make a start. And it uses his June 10, 1963 American University speech as a touchstone throughout. To my knowledge, it was the first book of that kind ever published.

    How could one possibly do a book like that about Lyndon Johnson? It would not seem to me to be possible. What Nelson actually did was to write a book in which he collected all of the data he could on what a dishonorable man Johnson was. This in itself is not at all uncommon. It began back in 1964 by rightwing extremist J. Evetts Haley. Haley was an instructor at the University of Texas who was dismissed because of his attacks on Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal as being socialist. When running for governor of Texas in 1956, Haley promised to use the Texas Rangers to block school integration. This was two years after the Supreme Court’s Brown vs. Board decision, which decreed integration must be achieved with due haste. In 1964, Haley published his book A Texan Looks at Lyndon. This was a clear attempt to attack Johnson from the right and soften him up for Barry Goldwater—who Haley endorsed for president. Because the John Birch Society also backed Goldwater, they helped make the book a runaway best seller. When the 1964 presidential election heated up, the book was selling tens of thousands of copies per day. It eventually sold into the millions. In my experience, it was the first book to insinuate that LBJ was involved in several murders, including that of his sister Josefa, and to implicate Mac Wallace as his probable hit man.

    In the JFK field, the book became the paradigm for writers like Nelson, Barr McClellan (Blood, Money and Power), Glen Sample and Mark Collom (The Men on the Sixth Floor), and Craig Zirbel (The Texas Connection). To be fair, Nelson also stated that he was influenced by Noel Twyman’s book, Bloody Treason. Which is odd, because whatever one thinks of Twyman’s book, it certainly did not leave a very lasting impression on the research community. Except for Nelson. But what Nelson borrowed from Twyman was probably the weirdest part of his book. Twyman first recited all of the literature about JFK’s extra-marital affairs, e.g., Marilyn Monroe, Mary Meyer, Judith Exner. He then swallowed them in their most extreme forms, not questioning anything about their previous presentations. He theorized that the Washington power structure felt that if they plotted to murder JFK they could use his extra-marital affairs as leverage against the Kennedy family’s attempt to expose the conspiracy, or to recruit those whose cooperation they sought by invoking Kennedy’s putative behavior as a threat to national security. Unfortunately for Twyman and Nelson—fortunately for the rest of us—this author exposed much of this as flatulence in his long essay, “The Posthumous Assassination of John F. Kennedy”. That piece  was originally published in Probe Magazine and then excerpted in The Assassinations. Nelson, and Fetzer after him, ignored that important work, for it punched myriad holes in Twyman’s utterly fantastic daydreams, which, in his mystifying credulity, Nelson accepted in full, even going beyond Twyman in some ways.  Surprisingly, more like unbelievably, Fetzer found little or no fault in any of this. What is further ironic in Twyman’s wholesale acceptance of the above, is that Johnson, whom he sees, along with Hoover, as being brought into the plot, was the man who once said he bedded more women by accident than Kennedy did by design. Johnson also said that the worst invention for women’s fashion was pantyhose. Johnson’s womanizing, or even Allen Dulles’ for that matter, certainly makes any claim about playing upon the moral indignation or fear of security breaches among the Washington élite seem rather preposterous. What serious historian could take such an argument in earnest? Well, a pseudo-historian like Nelson could.

    CTKA had author, journalist, and private investigator Joseph E. Green review Nelson’s book. As the reader can see by reading that review, we were at odds, again, with Professor Fetzer. To put it plainly, we found his unqualified endorsement of Nelson’s book as “a masterpiece” rather dubious. Since Green’s review was published, two new discoveries have been made which weaken Nelson’s thesis even more.

    Nelson stated with certainty that Johnson had ducked down in his trailing car as President Kennedy and Governor John Connally were being hit by shots during the assassination. (Nelson, pp. 471-78) He wrote that the Altgens photo proved this, since Johnson is not visible in the picture. Nelson then concluded that this showed that Johnson knew what was coming. To say that Nelson plays this up to large effect does not do his hyperbolic treatment justice. Pulling out all the stops, he pretentiously labels this section of his book “The Hidden Key to Unraveling the Crime of the Century”. That’s not even enough. He then writes that it is “prima facie proof of Lyndon Johnson’s foreknowledge of the assassination.” (ibid, p. 476)

    In 2013, two years after the release of Nelson’s book, Robert Groden published Absolute Proof. He reduced Nelson’s metaphysical certitude to rubble. On page 272 he makes a powerful case through photo analysis—which he knows something about— that 1) You can see Johnson’s head in the photo, and therefore, 2) what Nelson said so certainly occurred did not happen. In other words, Joe Green’s criticism was correct. Johnson did not duck down in the car at all. Moreover, as Groden wrote, he “was probably as unaware as his wife Lady Bird that the shooting was even taking place.” Which, of course, is the opposite of Nelson’s presentation. So much for Fetzer’s “masterpiece”.

    The other cinching point that Nelson abided by in his book was the Malcolm Wallace fingerprint. This was the belated discovery by the late researcher Jay Harrison that Wallace’s fingerprint was one of the unidentified prints found on the sixth floor. Nelson put this piece of information in his book. He then criticized others for not accepting it. (See pp. 589-90) It turns out that he should have double-checked it first himself. Joan Mellen did do that. Her computer analysis has shown that it is not Wallace’s fingerprint. Her book on this subject—and the whole Mac Wallace episode— will be released this fall.

    The question in regard to our titular subject is this: How could anyone call this book a masterpiece? By doing so, Fetzer was placing his own credibility on the block with the book. As the reader can see, Fetzer’s unqualified and irresponsible use of that term in relation to this bloated mediocrity says more about him than it does Nelson. I am sure Nelson was appreciative of the accolade. But what does Fetzer’s lack of circumspection and gravitas do for the rest of the interested public? As in the cases of Gregory Douglas, Ralph Cinque, Judyth Baker and Peter Janney, it shows just how Fetzer is so eager to accept—and how blindly he does accept—practically anything that comes down the pike in the JFK field, almost as if the wilder and more unfounded it is, the better. Which is nearly the precise opposite of what the function of criticism is.

    VIII

    This brings us to Fetzer and his pal John Hankey. It doesn’t need to be said—it almost follows from the above record—that Fetzer endorses Hankey’s work. Seamus Coogan has written several fine articles for this web site, e.g., on the Majestic Papers, and on Alex Jones. But the first article which brought Seamus to the attention of the JFK critical community was his long and detailed critique of John Hankey’s documentary, first titled JFK 2. (It was then retitled Dark Legacy.) Hankey’s film tried to make the case for the involvement of former President George H. W. Bush in the murder of President Kennedy. As Seamus revealed, it was not successful. (Click here)

    Seamus’ review created a mini-uproar in the critical community—and a few other places. Why? Because it was the first extended critical analysis of Hankey’s film. And Seamus was a well-informed and well-read reviewer. Up until his review, some people had been accepting of the film.

    I should explain. Because of the decline of belief in the MSM, many alternative forms of press and radio outlets have developed. They are, much of the time, short of guests to interview. Since they do not have a budget to hire screeners or analysts, people like Hankey fill the vacuum. Seamus broke open that phenomenon as far as Hankey was concerned. In fact, his review created a kickback effect. Hankey and his meager following were angry because Seamus had exposed the myriad faults in his film in such intricate fashion. CTKA got e-mails from radio hosts who had guested Hankey and also writers like Michael Green who had accepted his work.

    Seamus’ review created such a brouhaha that Hankey was actually forced to acknowledge the criticism. But he then tried to beat it back by attacking Seamus for having an agenda. I decided to join in the fray and defend Seamus’ fine work. (See here)

    My point was that Hankey’s excuses for making literally dozens of serious errors in his film simply did not fly. And he could have easily corrected them if he really wanted to. Later, Hankey attempted another defense: he tried to say that his errors were all minor. As the reader can see by clicking the link above to the discussion at ”JFK Murder Solved”, this is simply not the case. Making up fanciful dialogue and putting it in the mouth of former DCI Bill Colby is not a minor error. Neither is manufacturing a scene with George H. W. Bush walking into FBI Director Hoover’s office with a couple of Cubans and a revolver to threaten him. (Hankey eventually cut this scene out. He never thanked Seamus for pointing out its inherent absurdity.)

    But Hankey and Fetzer then went further. If one can believe it, Hankey tried to put together a conspiracy theory as to why CTKA published Seamus’ essay. In this fantastic and bizarre Cecil B. DeMille extravaganza, Hankey actually tried to drag in Lisa Pease, who had absolutely nothing to do with Seamus’ essay. The truth is much plainer and simpler. Seamus was watching Hankey’s documentary online one evening. He e-mailed me some questions about it. I finally asked him why he was asking me such stupid questions. He said because this information was in Hankey’s film. From there he began work on a critique of the film. I edited it, as I do all essays at CTKA. The major part of my editing consisted of cutting it down in length. If I recall correctly, Seamus’ essay was originally something like 55 pages long. I thought this was overkill, and further, that few people would stick around that long. So I cut out about 20 pages, not an easy task, since it was all pretty good. In other words, my major effort on the piece actually aided Hankey. But this was a Seamus Coogan work all the way. And he went on to better things later. Off a later piece he did for us, Seamus actually got a paying job as a writer. We are always willing to give young and new authors an opportunity, even though this might eventually hurt us, since these people may not write for us as often anymore.

    But the point is, Hankey was stung. He had actually been selling some products off the notoriety he garnered from his documentary. But Seamus’ harpooning of his film became one of the most popular articles at CTKA. Probably the most frequently viewed essay since this author’s review of JFK and the Unspeakable. For that reason, Hankey could not leave it alone. He now began to extend his truly nutty conspiracy theory about it. On the James Corbett show, the Corbett Report, Hankey dropped one last element of his crazy schematic: Jim DiEugenio was a CIA operative.

    This was absolutely bonkers of course. So when two listeners who were loyal CTKA writers and readers heard it, they contacted Corbett and asked for equal time to reply, which Mr. Corbett allowed me to do. But now Fetzer joined in on this, in two ways. On his program, he actually insinuated I was part of the CIA’s Operation Mockingbird program. Mockingbird is the Agency’s longtime project to control the media from the top down. That is, by controlling certain owners and editors, e.g., William Paley of CBS, David Sarnoff of NBC, Phil Graham of the Washington Post. It extended down to reporters like Jeremiah O’Leary of the Washington Times and Hal Hendrix of the Scripps-Howard News Service.

    Now, perhaps no one in the critical community has written as many articles on the Agency’s involvement in the Kennedy assassination, or the cover up, as often as this writer has. But further, I have also written and talked about CIA involvement in both the RFK case and the MLK case. In fact, the book The Assassinations, co-edited by Lisa Pease and myself, holds that as its overall theme. I have been physically threatened by a former CIA operative to cease writing. A man close to the Agency, and then living in Canada has told us, that the CIA closely monitored Probe Magazine. And I don’t blame them for that. So, to cover their own failings, Hankey and Fetzer libeled me. And to a lesser extent Lisa and Seamus.

    IX

    The Fetzer/Hankey sideshow reached its apogee when the fine film Kill the Messenger came out in October of 2014. I am fortunate enough to be able to write film reviews for Robert Parry at Consortium News. I am proud of that association since I think Parry and his online publication is one of the very best alternative media sources there is. Among other stories, Parry broke the whole CIA/drug running angle for the Associated Press. This was back in 1985 when he and his partner, Brian Barger, stumbled across it while covering Ronald Reagan’s CIA war against the Sandinista government of Nicaragua. Bob was one of Gary’s biggest supporters when he first published his three part series back in 1996 for the San Jose Mercury News. And for many years after Gary’s death in 2004, Bob marked his demise with an anniversary story in his online magazine. (Click here for an example)

    Since I reviewed movies for Bob, I quite naturally asked to review the Jeremy Renner production of Nick Schou’s book of the same title. I was familiar with the story since I had read the book and met Webb before. But I did some additional research for the article. My review was published on 10/16/14. I am quite content with the review, and other luminaries were also duly impressed. For example, David Talbot posted it to his Facebook page. Radio broadcasters got in contact with me to go on the air. (Click here for the review)

    But Fetzer and Hankey looked at my review not as a reason to celebrate a good movie. Nor did they see it as a cause to celebrate the memory of a fine reporter; or as an opportunity to condemn the CIA for what they had done to Gary and his story. (Click here for the proof) In fact, they really did not have very much to say about Renner’s fine film or Gary Webb. Fetzer and Hankey, still stung from Seamus’ article, decided to make me the target of the film’s release. At Fetzer’s new outlet Veterans Today, he allowed Hankey to call me “an op” over my review. Why? After all, I did praise the film, and Webb’s work. It was because I wrote that Webb had taken his own life.

    Which happens to be true. How do I know this? Because Lisa Pease and the late journalist Michael Ruppert attended the funeral. They both had misgivings about the cause of death. Once they talked to the surviving family members, those reservations were silenced. Hankey and Fetzer based their smear of me, and their conspiracy theory about Webb’s death, on the fact that Gary had died of two self-inflicted gunshot wounds to the head. It did not matter that Ruppert had been a Los Angeles policeman and said that he had been called to homes where such things had happened. It did not matter that Gary’s son Eric still had the weapon. And Eric had done a pre-release interview published in LA Weekly where he had addressed this question.

    That interview with Eric was published in the September 29, 2014 issue. It was part of a long story by Sacramento reporter Melinda Walsh. It was available online. I read it before I wrote my review. Since Fetzer and Hankey published after me, they had access to the story also. Eric told Walsh that he still had the weapon. It was a .38 Special that Gary got from his father. This particular edition of the weapon does not require the shooter to re-cock in order to take a second shot. As Eric further explained, “I’ve got that gun so I know. Once you cock the trigger, it goes “bang” real easily … You could just keep on squeezing and it would keep on shooting.” These are the kinds of researchers that Fetzer and Hankey are. In their incontinent desire to go after CTKA and myself, they would overlook the man who is probably the best witness to this issue, one who still had the weapon at his home.

    With their main point neutered, let us look at the evidence, which, in their campaign, Fetzer and Hankey either ignored or discounted. As biographer Nick Schou explains in the first chapter of Kill the Messenger, Webb had serious financial problems in the last year of his life. Gary had been drummed out of journalism due to the campaign against his “Dark Alliance” series about the Contras running drugs, and the CIA either aiding it or ignoring it. He was helped out by getting a job through local Democrats in the California legislature. But when there was a power shift in Sacramento, Gary was cast adrift. He tried to get a job in daily journalism. He sent out about fifty resumes. He could not even get an interview. So he was forced to work at a weekly, which did not pay him anywhere near what he had been making previously. As a result, he could not afford the mortgage on his house. He had to put it up for sale.

    In addition to that, he had tried to move in with his ex-wife Sue, who had garnished his wages for back child support. She turned him down. So did his ex-girlfriend. Gary was on anti-depressants, which were not working very well.

    As Schou notes in the last chapter of his book, several days before his death Webb had called an old friend, Annie Nocenti, who was working at a suicide hotline out of town. He sounded depressed, and so she asked if he wanted to see her so she could cheer him up. Gary replied, “You’d stay for a week, we’d have fun, and then I’d put you on a plane and kill myself.” She did not take this seriously. But when she called back, Gary said he had made the decision to take his own life. He had already paid for the cremation. He made it clear that this matter was between her and him and no one else.

    As Schou relates early in his book, there were no signs of forced entry to the death scene. In fact, Gary left a note on the door instructing the first responders not to come in. They should call for an ambulance first. He left identification on the nightstand. In the trash can was a poster from his first job with the Kentucky Post. It was a motto from his editor Vance Trimble, saying that they would never pull a controversial story under pressure. Gary had left his bank account in his wife’s name. And he had mailed letters to his brother Kurt in San Jose—which included his last will and testament—and also to his wife and children. He told his son Eric not to be dissuaded from pursuing a career in journalism because of what had happened to him. He wanted his ashes spread out over the Pacific Ocean so he could body surf forever. I ask the reader: In God’s name, what else more does a rational person need to know?

    I did not want to deal with these matters in my review. Just as the film did not. Probe Magazine had covered Gary’s epochal and bold three part series which had literally taken the country by storm. I wanted to concentrate on the good things Gary had achieved and the finer aspects of a film that literally everyone should see. It depresses and frustrates me that I have to dredge up these painful aspects in order to correct the libelous smears rendered in the pages of Veterans Today. Libel motivated by the animus of Fetzer and Hankey toward an article I did not even write. In order to fulfill that animus they walked over the dead body of a fine journalist whose work they could never touch.

    What happened to Gary Webb was not a wacky Alex Jones/ Fetzer/Hankey conspiracy theory. It was part of a national tragedy that deprived Webb of the only career he ever desired. That is, to be a reporter for a major newspaper. As Schou wrote in his book, quoting Parry: “What happened to Gary is an American tragedy, but one that still hasn’t been addressed.” Or as writer Marc Cooper said, “What I can say is that the media killed his career. That’s obvious and it’s really a nauseating and very discouraging story. Because as a journalist, the only thing you have is your credibility. When that is shredded, there’s no way to rebuild it.”

    This is the truth about what happened to Gary Webb. It’s a much larger and deeper story than the likes of Hankey and Fetzer could ever address. They don’t have the talent or the insight. And, as shown above, they have very little credibility.

    X

    It was not enough for Fetzer to muck up the JFK case. In addition to sponsoring Hankey on Gary Webb, he then spread out to other areas: like the RFK case, and 9-11. In all these instances, Fetzer chose the same trail as he had before—the most extreme, sensational one.

    In the 9-11 field, in 2005 Fetzer teamed up with former Brigham Young professor Steven Jones to form something called Scholars for 9/11 Truth. Jones is actually a scientist. He has a Ph. D. in physics from Vanderbilt. Jones did post-doctoral work at Cornell and has worked at two linear accelerators, one at Stanford and one at Los Alamos. He also worked at a research lab from 1979-85, and the Department of Energy for several years into the nineties. He is an acknowledged expert on fusion. In 2005, Jones presented a paper on his BYU sponsored web site attempting to explain the collapse of the Twin Towers by way of thermite explosives.

    Yet just one year after Jones and Fetzer teamed up, they got a divorce. Why would Fetzer want to split from such a reputable scientist? He and Jones split over something that is literally hard to describe. I actually still do not understand it. In its own way, it is as far out as the Fetzer/Cinque “Altgens altered photo to disguise Oswald” nonsense. I first heard about it through Joseph Green, the CTKA correspondent who reviewed Philip Nelson’s book for this web site. Meeting with Lisa Pease and myself on a weekend he spent in LA several years ago, he told us, “Did you hear about what the 9-11 people are now proposing?” Since I did not follow that field I said no, I didn’t. Joe replied, “They are now saying that the towers were leveled by space beams, no plane hit them, and what people saw was a giant hologram.” I said: You can’t be serious? Joe replied, “Yes I am. And Fetzer is part of it.”

    Unfortunately, Joe was correct. This was indeed what Fetzer and Jones split apart over. And in 2006, about 80% of Scholars for 9/11 Truth broke away from Fetzer. Led by Jones, they formed a new research group called Scholars for 9/11 Truth and Justice. (For those interested in how the actual divorce proceeded, click here)

    In sum, Jones could not abide by the directed energy beams, no planes ideas of Judy Wood and Morgan Reynolds. As we have seen, Fetzer always had a penchant for the Sensational Solution, no matter how far out it was, no matter whom it came from. Reynolds had actually worked as an economist in the George W. Bush administration during his first term. For good reason. He was anti-labor-union and wanted to do away with the minimum wage. David Shayler was another of these wild, far out 9-11 visionaries. Shayler stated that the Trade Center jetliner crashes were faked using “missiles wrapped in holograms” and that: “there is little evidence to show that jets went into the buildings. Watch the footage frame by frame and you will see a cigar-shaped missile hitting the World Trade Center.” (The Liverpool Echo, 1/22/07) As Victoria Ashley wrote, “Jim Fetzer is the primary force behind publicity and press releases for the claims of Judy Wood and Morgan Reynolds, advocating endless investigation into every possible scenario imaginable.” As Ashley and others properly noted, this all “displays a classic example of discrediting by association…” (Click here for Ashley’s essay)

    In 2007, Fetzer and his new partner Kevin Barrett announced that they now went even beyond the wildness stated above. They now stated that they supported the idea of TV fakery. In other words, the videos of the 9-11 event were faked.

    As some have observed, Shayler used to work for British intelligence, MI-5. (See the book, Spies, Lies and Whistleblowers by Annie Machon) The man who is usually credited with beginning the hologram malarkey is former pilot John Lear. Lear was very good friends with the late CIA agent Gordon Novel. As this author revealed in the second edition of Destiny Betrayed, Novel was hired by Allen Dulles to infiltrate Jim Garrison’s investigation in 1967. (pp. 232-33) The same source that revealed this to me also noted Novel’s long and friendly relationship with Lear. (ibid, p. 429, note 53) It is incredible that Fetzer did not see these clear connections, or the parallel to the JFK case. He just blundered into them. In spite of the fact that, upon entering the 9-11 field, he proclaimed to all who would listen: “When I came into this 9-11 thing, see … The others don’t know diddly shit about disinformation. “ (City Pages, 6/28/06, by Mike Mosedale)

    From the above sorry performance, neither did Fetzer.

    XI

    Fetzer’s colossal ambition also made him enter the Robert Kennedy assassination field. Again, this was a bit odd, because Fetzer showed no credentials on being an authority in this area. The RFK community is much more narrowly populated than the JFK case. So it is quite hard not to bump into someone who has been tilling that same field. I had been involved in RFK studies for a period of about three years at the turn of the millennium. It is a very interesting area of endeavor, the main reasons being that 1) that case is even more clearly a conspiracy than the JFK case, and 2) the subject of post-hypnotic suggestion is an utterly fascinating study. It’s so fascinating, in fact, that one can get sidetracked by it and have a hard time making a U-turn out.

    Fetzer entered this field in a roundabout way. To my knowledge, he had never done any notable or original work on RFK. But in November of 2006, author and documentary film-maker Shane O’Sullivan went on the BBC network. O’Sullivan had been at work researching the RFK case for a possible screenplay. This eventually turned into both a book (Who Killed Bobby?) and a documentary. But back in 2006 on the BBC he was an interview guest. In his research he said he had discovered that there were three CIA officers at the Ambassador Hotel the night Bobby Kennedy was murdered. He had attained photos of these men and enough witnesses had identified them that he was now going public with their identities. He said they were George Joannides, David Morales and Gordon Campbell.

    Recall, this was in 2006, and I saw a clip of the appearance. I immediately had some reservations. For starters, Joannides and Campbell were mostly office manager types. So the idea that the CIA would place them directly in the field to conduct dirty work seemed far-fetched. But also, through the years, I had come to have my doubts about photo identification as a reliable method to solve a crime. There had simply been too many of these that turned out to be wrong—e.g., the infamous three tramps in Dealey Plaza. And they left the critical community with egg on its face. I had been involved with one of these in my first published book, the hardcover edition of Destiny Betrayed. So thereafter I had become very cautious about these forms of detection.

    After the BBC broadcast, David Talbot and Jefferson Morley got funding from a major magazine to pursue this investigation further. It turned out that O’Sullivan was wrong. (see this essay) The photo of Morales was the murkiest one in quality. Morley and Talbot found better photos and showed them to a few family members. They all said it was not he. The two reporters also found out that Joannides was stationed in Greece at the time of the RFK murder. In fact, two of the three alleged CIA officers had been identified back in 1968 by the authorities. Campbell was actually Michael Roman. Roman was at the Ambassador with his brother Charles. They both worked for Bulova Watch Company. There was a regional sales meeting at the hotel that week. (O’Sullivan, p. 470) The FBI interviewed Roman a few months after the assassination and he described his reaction to Kennedy’s death for them. The alleged Joannides figure was actually a man named Frank Owens. He also worked for Bulova. He worked under Roman as a regional sales manager. The FBI had also interviewed him in October of 1968. (ibid, p. 473)

    In his book O’Sullivan included a photograph of Owens with Roman. A few pages later, he reveals a 1973 photo of Joannides taken in Vietnam. I defy any rational person to look at those two photos and even think they are the same man. (The two shots of Joannides include a close-up.) This comparison actually convinced a reluctant O’Sullivan that he was wrong. (O’Sullivan, p. 474)

    But not Fetzer. (see here) In his belated response, Fetzer goes into full denial mode. And he singles out Lisa Pease and myself as succumbing to the faulty work of others. He even goes as far as to insinuate that the families of Owens and Roman were actually faked by the CIA! (Did they also fake Roman’s brother Charles?) He concludes—apparently with a straight face—that both Lisa and myself needed to track the evidence where it leads. And he then says Shane finally changed his mind since he was overwhelmed by the assaults on him. No one can read the two chapters that Shane wrote on this topic in his book and come to that conclusion. Shane resisted the new evidence step by step. But he finally decided that he had been wrong by the sheer amount of data which contravened his original tenet. To his credit, he did not retreat into “fake families”.

    XII

    “I’ve put them in their place so many times. I haven’t seen where they’ve laid a glove on me.”

    –Fetzer to journalist Mike Mosedale in 2006

    The above quote shows an almost astonishing lack of perspective and self-reflection. As we have seen in this relatively concise review of his public career, Jim Fetzer has had more gloves laid on him than a wealthy woman at a Gucci store in Beverly Hills. From endorsing the likes of John Hankey and Philip Nelson, to failing to reveal the full story about the death of Gary Webb; to advocating the wildly fantastic tales of Judy Wood, Morgan Reynolds, and John Lear about 9-11; to failing to see that the CIA would not need to “fake a family” in the RFK case since the photos are not of CIA officers at the Ambassador—the reader can see that Fetzer has apparently lost his bearings on what constitutes evidence in high profile crimes of state. To the point that one really does not know what to make of the man today. In addition to being ejected from Spartacus Educational, he was also ejected from Deep Politics Forum and let go from Veterans Today. (For the decision to ban him from DPF click here)

    About the last departure, from Veterans Today, it is quite a negative achievement to be terminated by editor Gordon Duff, because he has admitted that a lot of their work at VT is made up. (Click here)

    What has been Fetzer’s reaction to all of these people turning their backs on him? He has doubled down on his extremism. He now says that the “deaths” at Sandy Hook were part of a FEMA exercise. In other words, no one actually died. It was part of a plot to further gun control in America. (Click here) What about the Boston Marathon bombing? That was faked also. (Click here)

    Meanwhile, in his JFK endeavors, there has been a persistent drive to somehow blame Israel. Many, many people have worked on the JFK case for decades. Not one reputable critic has ever endorsed the view that the Mossad or Israel had any kind of role in the murder of President Kennedy. The fact that say, Jack Ruby and Meyer Lansky were Jewish does not mean they did what they did for Israel. After all, Lansky was a major Mob member who, according to David Talbot’s book on Allen Dulles, was once asked by the CIA to kill Castro. Jack Ruby was a footman for the Mob in Dallas, and also was a former FBI informant who had strong ties to the Dallas Police and did gun running for the CIA. But Fetzer and a pal, Don Fox, used the fact that I—and hundreds of others in the JFK field—do not buy this cockamie idea to, again, attack me. (I cannot link to that article at VT since Duff purged much of Fetzer’s work. But here is a link to the headline)

    This last indicates a disturbing trend, and perhaps a reason for Fetzer’s increasing isolation. Fetzer seems to have been a victim of his own penchant for the extreme, the sensational, the over-the-top idea. He consequently has now tumbled into the place where that all ends up. He seems to have enlisted in the ranks of the Holocaust Denial movement. For instance, he wrote the foreword for Nicolas Kollerstrom’s Breaking the Spell: The Holocaust, Myth and Reality. This book states that only a million Jews died in the Nazi death camps and Zyklon B gas was used as a disinfectant. (Click here for a sample of this work)

    Need more? The last anthology Fetzer edited is called, And I Suppose we didn’t go to the Moon either? His co-editor was someone named Mike Palacek. The book centers of three topics: 1) The USA never went to the moon; 2) Beatle Paul McCartney died decades ago, and was substituted; 3) The Holocaust was a myth. If you can believe it—and you sure as heck can by now—in the section of the book on the last topic, Fetzer allows infamous Holocaust denier Robert Faurisson to contribute an essay. Who’s next Jim? How about David Irving? Faurisson actually wrote an essay saying that The Diary of Anne Frank was a forgery. In fact, an article Fetzer wrote about the Sandy Hook tragedy was entitled “Did Mossad death squads slaughter American children at Sandy Hook?” So, in this piece, written relatively soon after the tragedy, Fetzer seemed to think people actually perished. But not for long.

    Later, he switched horses and now said no one died there and it was all a FEMA exercise. He seems to have based this on a dubious document saying that a FEMA exercise would be conducted at the elementary school in December of 2012. Unfortunately—as with Gregory Douglas—this document has been shown to be almost certainly a hoax. And, as with Gregory Douglas, it was apparently manufactured by people who have a history of doing this kind of thing. That would be bad enough. But it’s not the whole story. When essayist Keith Johnson—who has specialized in studying Sandy Hook—alerted Fetzer that he was associating himself with manufactured evidence, Fetzer refused to change his position.

    But actually, it’s even worse than that. In short films that have been prepared by C. W. Wade and others, it has been indicated that Fetzer likely used the same technique he and Cinque used for their Oswald-in-the-doorway imbroglio. That is, they used poor quality film to cloud important evidentiary issues. I cannot do better than to refer you to this article as an exposé of Fetzer’s book Nobody Died at Sandy Hook. There were so many complaints about this book that Amazon.com eventually pulled it from circulation. For a thorough debunking of Fetzer’s efforts on this issue, I refer the reader to Johnson’s essay and advise you to click through to his links and watch the videos at the end. After the reader digests all of this he will see that, as of today, there is little difference between Jim Fetzer and the people who tried to pass off the moon landings as a Stanley-Kubrick-produced hoax, one which the film director purportedly confessed to before he died.

    Jim Fetzer began his post-academic career on the JFK case, on which he once produced some passable work. But there may be a hint as to why he ended up in a toxic pond. In an interview he did in 2006 with journalist Mike Mosedale, in referring to his three JFK edited anthologies, Fetzer said the following: “These books I have published are the most important in establishing the objective and scientific evidence of the existence of conspiracy and cover up in the assassination of JFK. Bar none. No other books come close. Remotely. None. They’re in a category by themselves.” (italics added)

    What to make of such a man? Does he really believe that the likes of Sylvia Meagher, John Newman, and Gaeton Fonzi should not even breathe the same air he does? Let me say this in their defense: Sylvia Meagher would not even enter the same building with the likes of John Hankey and Philip Nelson. And she would consider Fetzer’s associations with them enough to consider him persona non grata. So in addition to his lax critical standards, and his taste for the sensational, Fetzer appears also to be afflicted with a streak of megalomania about his own position in the JFK field.

    Today, far from being a Fonzi, or Meagher, it is more appropriate to look upon Fetzer as a Jeff Rense or Tom Flocco. That is, a repository for junk science and half-baked conspiracy fantasies (I can’t even call them theories. Is he aware of how many times NASA actually went to the moon?)

    But he still travels on, shilling for his own omnipotence in the field. In 2013, at the 50th anniversary of Kennedy’s murder, he sponsored a conference in Santa Barbara. In an interview with the (unsuspecting) local alternative media, he stated that there were anywhere from 8-10 shots fired at JFK. He then named six different locations from which they were fired. He then topped that. He now reeled off six different assassins—and which shots they were responsible for! (Santa Barbara Independent 11/20/13) Needless to say, Hankey and Nelson were part of this conference. Thankfully, the reporter did not ask Fetzer about the moon landings.

    On his radio program today, Fetzer will often be heard musing as to why some authors and researchers do not want to be guests on his show. But, he says, they will go on Seamus Coogan’s show. (Except that Seamus does not have a show.) Another musing is that he blames the Zionist cabal for obstructing his path into more popular media markets. A third thing he can’t figure out is why he is not invited to the more accepted JFK conferences. That is, those sponsored by people like Cyril Wecht and Debra Conway.

    The last is not hard to figure at all. Back in 1998, at a JFK Lancer Conference in Dallas, Fetzer got so vociferous in his attack on Josiah Thompson that Debra Conway decided to spare the audience from more of his rant. She walked over to the wall and disconnected the microphone.

    After what we know today about Jim Fetzer, we should all follow her example.

  • Shenon and the CIA’s Benign Cover-Up


    After failing to use a crap detector in order to provide a reasonable answer to a key question like “What Was Lee Harvey Oswald Doing in Mexico?” (Politico Magazine, March 18, 2015), Philip Shenon has returned this fall. But again without such a tool in hand. So he asserts again that the Warren Commission was not really fraudulent or wrong, but rather did not have all the facts on time.

    His newest piece “Yes, the CIA Director Was Part of the JFK Assassination Cover Up” (Politico Magazine, October 6, 2015) emphasizes that CIA Director John McCone “was long suspected of withholding information from the Warren Commission. Now the CIA says he did.”

    Shenon is trying to take advantage of a declassified chapter of the still classified biography of McCone written by CIA historian David Robarge in 2005. It was internally released as a report two years ago (“Death of a President: DCI John McCone and the Assassination of President John F. Kennedy,” in Studies in Intelligence 57, No. 3, September 2013). After being redacted for its public release on September 29, 2014, it´s now available at the National Security Archive.

    Robarge didn´t question the Warren Commission findings, especially that Oswald was the lone gunman. Shenon adds that it’s “a view shared by ballistics experts who have studied the evidence.” In making that preposterous statement about the evidence in the case, Shenon ignored the quanta of proof to the contrary. Which was furnished by, among others, Martin Hay in his essay Ballistics and Baloney. Shenon also snubbed the fact that the WC reported a wrong Mannlicher Carcano carbine as the murder weapon, (Armstrong, Harvey and Lee, p. 477), a wrong CE 399 as the Magic Bullet (DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, p. 227), and a wrong CE 543 shell (Kurtz, Crime of the Century, p. 51). And finally, as Dr. David Mantik has revealed, the current autopsy report, that is by the House Select Committee on Assassinations, wants us to think that the bullet which killed Kennedy – that is the one which struck him in the head – also has magical properties. Why? Because it struck Kennedy in the rear of the skull, then split into three parts. Miraculously, the middle part stuck in the rear of Kennedy’s skull without penetrating it. But the head and tail of this same bullet proceeded through his brain, went out the side of his head, and fell onto the front of the limousine. (See DiEugenio, Reclaiming Parkland, pp. 133-35) Nowhere in any of Shenon’s growing archive of literature on the JFK case, does he ever confront any of these disturbing, but true, facts. He just assumes that the ballistics evidence supports his thesis. It does not.

    Shenon focused on Robarge´s suggestion that “the decision of McCone and Agency leaders in 1964 not to disclose information about CIA’s anti-Castro schemes might have done more to undermine the credibility of the commission than anything else that happened while it was conducting its investigation.” In other words, Shenon is again ginning up the old news about the CIA not telling the Warren Commission about the CIA-Mafia plots to kill Castro. Which has been around since the Church Committee report in 1975. In other words, for 40 years. Thusly, the former New York Times reporter persists in reopening a line of inquiry already proven fruitless: that the Kennedy brothers and the CIA compelled Fidel Castro to take a preemptive lethal action against a sitting U.S. President. As if the Cuban leader wasn´t aware that killing JFK wouldn´t solve anything, but entailed risking everything. And at the same time that President Kennedy was engaging in back-channel diplomatic moves to establish détente with Cuba, something that Lyndon Johnson, with help from the CIA, dropped after Kennedy’s death – much to Castro’s chagrin. (DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition, p. 394)

    For Robarge and Shenon, the cover-up by McCone and others – Deputy Director Richard Helms, Counterintelligence Chief James Angleton, former Director Allen Dulles – may have been benign under the bureaucratic impulse towards CIA self-preservation. But it was a cover-up nonetheless, since it withheld information that might have prompted an aggressive investigation about Oswald’s ties to Castro. In reality (something absent in Shenon’s writings), the CIA’s cover-up was aimed at avoiding a deep investigation of Oswald’s ties to itself and to anti-Castro Cuban exiles.

    The key is not that the CIA revealed nothing about the assassination attempts on Fidel Castro, but that it revealed very little about its close tabs on Oswald: the CIA knew what he was doing and was evaluating him. As John Newman, and others, have noted, three CIA teams were watching Oswald all the way down from Moscow (1960) to Dallas (1963): the Counterintelligence Special Investigation Group (CI-SIG), Counterintelligence Operations (CI-OPS), and the Counter-Espionage unit of the Soviet Russia Division (CE-SR/6).

    Oswald’s longtime friend and Civil Air Patrol colleague, David Ferrie, was also a CIA trainer for the covert operations against Castro codenamed Pluto (Bay of Pigs) and Mongoose. He blatantly lied about not knowing Oswald and having no association to any Cuban exile group since 1961.

    The CIA generated an index card for Oswald in the FPCC file (100-300-011) on October 25, 1963. In early summer he was leafletting the obsolete 1961 edition of The Crimes against Cuba, of which the CIA had ordered 45 copies. He was running his own one-man chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC) in New Orleans, while the CIA and the FBI were running a joint operation against that very same committee. Oswald was really working out of Guy Banister’s office and even put his address [544 Camp Street] on some FPCC flyers. A point that Banister was quite upset about. (DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition, p. 111)

    Banister was not only close to Ferrie, but also to anti-Castro belligerent groups. When Gordon Novel was invited by Cuban exile Sergio Arcacha to a meeting in Banister’s office for a telethon supporting the anti-Castro cause, a certain Mr. Phillips was there, and his description aligns with CIA officer David Phillips. (ibid, p. 162) According to Cuban anti-Castro veteran Antonio Veciana, Phillips was his CIA handler, known to him as “Maurice Bishop”, and met Oswald at the Southland Building in Dallas in late summer of 1963.

    Just after the assassination, Phillips vouched for a “reliable” informant who told a story about Oswald being paid in advance by a “negro with red hair in the Cuban Embassy” to kill Kennedy. In 2013, Shenon followed Phillips´ steps by including, toward the very end of his book A Cruel and Shocking Act, the long-ago discredited remake of that baleful story by Mexican writer Elena Garro: that Sylvia Duran, a Mexican employee at the Cuba Consulate, was a Castro agent who cranked Oswald up to kill Kennedy in a twist party at her brother-in-law’s house, where not only the notorious red-haired negro, but Garro herself were in attendance.

    Although Robarge also reported that the CIA might somehow have been in communication with Oswald before 1963, and had secretly monitored him since his defection to the Soviet Union in 1959 (through the illegal mail-opening program HTLINGUAL), Shenon overlooks this part. He wants to bolster the “Castro-did-it” propaganda campaign, apparently planted by the CIA even before the JFK assassination. Today it is clearly being orchestrated to manage public opinion in the face of the release – as required by law – of the remaining JFK records in October 2017.

    Overlooking all the sound investigation after the declassification process unleashed by the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB), Shenon cherry-picked through Robarge´s piece in order to find “misconceptions [like] the still-popular conspiracy theory that the spy agency was somehow behind the assassination,” as if it weren´t a fact that the CIA has never produced either an Oswald photo or a tape of his voice in Mexico City.

    By posing again a question highly appreciated by the CIA, “Had the [JFK] administration’s obsession with Cuba inadvertently inspired a politicized sociopath to murder John Kennedy?”, Shenon has no choice other than to distort the facts by asserting that “Robert Kennedy’s friends and family acknowledged years later that he never stopped fearing that Castro was behind his brother’s death.”

    In Brothers (2007), David Talbot has demonstrated that RFK´s suspicions settled instead on a domestic conspiracy. Neither his friends nor his relatives suggested that RFK feared that Castro was behind the assassination. On the contrary, he immediately asked DCI John McCone if the CIA was involved in the killing. His other leading suspects were the Cuban exiles and the mob. And his son RFK Jr. said the same years later in a Dallas interview with Charlie Rose (during the lead-up to the 50th anniversary: see The MSM and RFK Jr.)

    Shenon of course, also adds that: 1) RFK was in on the CIA-Mafia plots, and that 2) RFK was instrumental in getting Allen Dulles appointed to the Warren Commission. The first assertion was denied by the CIA in its own Inspector General Report on the plots way back in the sixties (1967). Somehow, Shenon missed both that and the Church Committee report on the subject, which also denied that the Kennedys were in on the plots. (See The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, p. 327)

    As for RFK using his influence with President Johnson to get Allen Dulles on the Commission, well, what can one say? Except the following: Everyone and his mother knows that LBJ and Bobby Kennedy hated each other’s guts from an early date. And it only got worse, not better, after JFK was killed. In light of that, the idea that Johnson would ask for Kennedy’s advice to man the Warren Commission is ridiculous. But further, as Leonard Mosley wrote many years ago in his book on the Dulles family, Bobby Kennedy was the prime mover in getting his brother to fire Allen Dulles in 1961. Not satisfied with that, he then asked Dean Rusk if any other member of the Dulles family was still in their employ. Rusk said yes, there was Allen’s sister, Eleanor. Kennedy demanded she also be fired since he did not want any of the Dulles family around anymore. So why would he then request that Dulles be brought back after he helped get him and his sister fired – let alone to investigate the murder of his beloved brother? (DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, p. 395)

    Martin Hay has also chimed in on this issue in his review of Howard Willens’ book, History Will Prove us Right. There is no record of any communication by Johnson with Bobby between when the Commission idea is accepted by him and his call to Dulles. LBJ suggested a series of names to J. Edgar Hoover. When he got to Dulles, he did not say a word about Dulles being suggested by Bobby Kennedy. When he got Dulles on the phone, he told the former CIA director he wanted him to join the Warren Commission “for me”.

    But as Hay writes, even more convincing is LBJ’s phone call to his mentor Senator Richard Russell. Russell asked Johnson if he was going to let Bobby nominate someone. Johnson replied with a firm and direct “No.” (see Willens review)

    In a note to Jeff Morley at the web site JFK Facts, Shenon tried to defend his contention by pointing to a memo written by longtime Johnson assistant Walter Jenkins. This document was allegedly written on November 29, 1963, the day that Johnson called Dulles to appoint him to the Commission. Why do I say “allegedly”? Because as Dan Hardway notes, what Shenon does not mention is this: a handwritten notation at the bottom of this memo says, “Orig. not sent to files”. And further, it bears a stamp saying that it was received in the central files in April of 1965! Moreover, as Hardway also points out, there was a three-way call between Dulles, Johnson and Kennedy in June of 1964. This was during a racial crisis in Mississippi. Both Johnson and Kennedy had more than one opportunity to affirm that RFK had suggested Dulles for the Commission. Neither of them did. (See JFK Facts entry of October 24, 2015)

    Shenon´s approach to a benign cover-up by the CIA for diverting the WC away from Castro actually seeks to turn the public away from the largely declassified Lopez Report, the monumental 300 page investigation by the HSCA of Oswald’s alleged visit to Mexico City on the eve of Kennedy’s assassination. By doing so, he deflects the genuine line of inquiry about what appears to be the intricate CIA deception prepared in advance of the JFK assassination. In any case, Shenon and other mouthpieces for the “Castro did it” diversion – or in the light version of “Castro knew it” by Dr. Brian Latell – put the CIA in a very delicate position.

    If Oswald, a former Marine re-defector from the Soviet Union, was a true believer in Marx, with the zeal to engage in a variety of pro-Castro activities in New Orleans, then it’s a colossal CIA blunder that he would be allowed to travel to Mexico City and visit both the Cuban and the Soviet embassies – which were under heavy surveillance by the Agency; and that, afterward, the CIA would lose track of him, even after the former Russian defector allegedly met with a Soviet representative in their embassy. (DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition, pp. 354-55) And lose track of him to such a degree that no one from the FBI, the police, or Secret Service even talked to him upon his return to Dallas, despite it being just seven weeks before President Kennedy was slated to visit the city. And incredibly, the re-defector would now actually end up on Kennedy’s parade route, thereby walking through any FBI or Secret Service security scheme in broad daylight. What does the silence on the CIA-Mafia plots have to do with any of that? What makes this drivel even worse is that reportedly, Politico dropped an excerpt from David Talbot’s important new book on Allen Dulles in order to run more of Shenon’s fabricated bombast.

    Shenon even avoids addressing the most recent declassification move by the CIA at a public symposium. This was called Delivering Intelligence to the First Customer at the LBJ Library. Among the 2,500 President’s Daily Briefs (PDBs) from the Kennedy and Johnson administration released on that occasion, the one from November 25, 1963 reveals that the CIA told Johnson the same blatant lie in which Ed Lopez and Dan Hardway caught CIA Inspector General John H. Waller: “It was not until 22 November 1963 (…) that the [CIA] Station [in Mexico City] learned that [the] Oswald call to the Soviet Embassy on 1 October 1963 was in connection with his request for visa [and] also visited the Cuban Embassy.” In fact, six senior CIA officers reporting to Helms and Angleton knew all about “leftist Lee” six weeks before JFK was killed.

    Shenon is simply performing another high-wire balancing act: dealing openly with CIA misdemeanors in order to hide more serious wrongdoing, and therefore supporting an unsupportable thesis; namely, that the WC was right about Oswald as the lone gunman.


    See also Jim DiEugenio’s review of Shenon’s book A Cruel and Shocking Act.

  • The Pistol


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    The Evidence IS the Conspiracy, Table of Contents