Category: John Fitzgerald Kennedy

Reviews of books treating the assassination of John F. Kennedy, its historical and political context and aftermath, and the investigations conducted.

  • David Kaiser, The Road to Dallas


    The Road to Dallas is a methodically bad book. And as you read it you pick up on the method in its badness. And then at the end you comprehend the reason for it all.

    Author David Kaiser begins the tome with a canard. In his introduction he says that this book is the first by a historian who has researched the “available archives”. (p. 7) If what he means by this are the releases of the Assassination Records Review Board, then he must think that fellow historians John Newman, Michael Kurtz, and Gerald McKnight are non-entities. They all wrote books based either largely, or in part, on the releases of the ARRB. And their works were all published before this book was. Kaiser then writes this sentence: “Partly because of the evidentiary excesses or deficiencies of so many other authors, I have written this book not only to show what happened but to make clear how we know it.” (Ibid) As we shall see, Kaiser’s own excesses and deficiencies as a historian prevented him from doing any such thing. And the last thing this book does is bring us any closer to what really happened in Dallas.

    There are other revealing passages that raised my antennae in this introduction. For instance, he states that the famous incident at Sylvia Odio’s apartment was a key to the assassination. He then names the three men who visited her. This “identification” is quite strained and dubious but the certainty with which it is made gave me even more pause about what he was up to. (I will explain that later. But my pause was well taken.) He also states that unbeknownst to the authors of the Inspector General’s Report on the CIA/Mafia plots to kill Castro, Carlos Marcello was actually involved in them. He says he has new evidence on this. We will discuss his “new evidence” about these plots later. (p. 3) On the same page as he writes the above, he then states with certainty that the CIA had nothing to do with the assassination. And, of course, the Garrison inquiry gets labeled a “farce” (p.6)

    But that’s not all Kaiser is certain about. He knows who actually was responsible for the crime: the Mafia Dons, Sam Giancana, Santo Trafficante, and Carlos Marcello, had JFK killed. And as with all these Mob did it tomes, the reason was to stop RFK’s war on the Mafia. Oswald was their instrument to kill Kennedy, and he did it for money. (As will be revealed, the way Kaiser cinches the financial argument is nothing if not bizarre.) How does he know Oswald killed Kennedy? Well the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) convincingly demonstrated that fact. (p.7) And he concludes this introduction by calling FBI agent Jim Hosty a dogged investigator who never quite caught up to Oswald. He then praises the FBI, the HSCA, and the CIA operatives who believed America deserved the truth. (I don’t know how he left out Mom and apple pie.)

    There is one part of this introduction that raised my antennae to telephone line height. In describing and praising the work of the ARRB, he writes that the Board was “led by historian Anna K. Nelson”. (p. 6) It was not. As anyone who followed it knew, Judge John Tunheim led the Board. (Known as Jack to his friends, which evidently, Kaiser is not.) As I read that I thought, “How could a guy who considers himself a serious historian make such a mistake? Maybe there’s more to it.” When I finished the volume I found out there was. And this ends up being the most interesting part of a boring, specious, and stultifying book.

    II

    Kaiser divides the book into three main sections. The first part is entitled “Criminals, Cubans, Kennedys, and the CIA.” This is all about the Castro revolution and the American reaction to it from Eisenhower through Kennedy. It is a story that has been told scores of times in the literature. And once you understand what Kaiser is up to here-which does not take very long-it becomes insufferably dull and predictable.

    Kaiser’s agenda here is the same as Gus Russo’s or Max Holland’s. In fact, if someone gave this chapter to me in typed form with no name on it, I would have guessed that one of those two guys wrote it. He begins with the Kefauver Committee and RFK getting involved with the crusade against organized crime. He then extends it to the Mafia’s holdings in Cuba and their ties to alternating Presidents Fulgencio Batista and Carlos Prio. Then comes Castro’s revolution, which alters all that, kicks them off the island, and that leads to the Mob’s desire to get back into Cuba.

    The story is banal. First, it is almost a half-century-old. Second, people like John Davis, Dan Moldea, Robert Blakey, Dick Billings, David Scheim, Lamar Waldron, Thom Hartmann, and Frank Ragano have all been down the road before. Kaiser has no problem using most of these authors. But what he does is make it just all more extreme. For instance, did you know that Eva Grant, Ruby’s sister, was part of the Capone Gang? (p. 15) How about Marguerite Oswald? She had mob ties too. (p. 17) This last bit of info he gets from the notoriously unreliable Hoover acolyte Aaron Kohn. Kohn has been exposed as a compromised source too many times to enumerate here. But just let me add this: ace archives researcher Peter Vea told me that he found documents in the ARRB collection that reveal that it was Kohn who was the impetus for the frame up of Jim Garrison on those phony kickback and tax charges. But if you consider the Garrison inquiry a “farce” then you don’t mind using someone who frames an innocent man as a source. (Which, as we shall see, Kaiser has no problem doing.)

    Interestingly, Kaiser introduces the testimony of John Martino in Chapter Two. Now, as I noted with Larry Hancock’s book, Martino allegedly stated that Oswald was a patsy who would be framed by the anti-Castro Cubans. So this was fitting enough for Hancock’s book, which postulates a CIA/Mafia plot. But its not fitting here. Kaiser postulates no such thing. As I noted, he has Oswald killing Kennedy. And the main plotters are the mobsters named above. So precisely how does the Martino story fit into his scenario? This is something he never explains or confronts. Further, he does not explain how Martino’s story expanded toward the end of his life. In 1975 Martino told a reporter for Newsday that he had met Oswald in the weeks leading up to the assassination. It was in Key Biscayne, where there is no evidence Oswald was at the time.

    What is Kaiser’s new evidence that Marcello and, perhaps Hoffa, were in on the CIA/Mafia plots to kill Castro? Well, like Lamar Waldron, it appears to come mainly from Dan Moldea’s dubious book, The Hoffa Wars. In my long review of Ultimate Sacrifice I discussed how dangerous it was to use Moldea’s book. Evidently, Kaiser did not read it, or if he did, he didn’t care. He even trots out that thoroughly discredited serial liar Ed Partin more than once. (Beginning on page 39) He notes that Partin had trouble passing his first polygraph test for Walter Sheridan. But, he adds, he passed his second one. (pgs. 132-133) What he does not reveal is that the second test was proved to be rigged by a panel of polygraph technicians. And the two men who administered it were later indicted for fraud. (The prurient reader can check my review of Ultimate Sacrifice, Section 2, paragraph 4, for more details on Moldea, Partin, and this test.)

    Like Waldron, Kaiser also tries to critique the Inspector General report on the CIA/Mafia plots. Again, he trots out Moldea for this. In his book on Hoffa, Moldea quoted a brief magazine snippet about a mobster named Bufalino. There was a mention that he claimed to be part of the plots. On this diaphanous piece of evidence, Kaiser now says that the Inspector General Report was faulty. What else does he use in this attempt? Are you ready? The testimony of CIA officers like Sam Halpern. Yet Halpern was already discredited as unreliable by David Talbot in his book Brothers. (See Talbot, p. 123) Talbot showed that Halpern actually used a dead man to, of all things, tie RFK to the Mob.

    Kaiser wants to do this because he wants to insert the Kennedys, especially RFK, into the plots to kill Castro. So he actually presents a thug like Halpern as “most forthcoming”. (p. 100) But yet, if he was so forthcoming, why didn’t Halpern spill his guts about RFK’s involvement in 1967 to the original writers of the IG Report? He had a perfect opportunity since he is listed as an interview subject for their work. Kaiser does not tell the reader about this. So he doesn’t have to explain it. He therefore can present Halpern as “forthcoming”.

    What Kaiser does with the testimony of Senator George Smathers on this issue is even worse. He begins his paragraph on the matter by saying that Kennedy was probably informed in advance of the plots against both Castro and Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic. (Trujillo was killed in late May of 1961.) This statement follows: “In early 1961 the President asked Florida Senator George Smathers … for his opinion of the reaction in Latin America if Castro were assassinated. When Smathers … strongly disapproved of the idea, Kennedy said he agreed with him. ( Kaiser, p. 78) He sources this to the Church Committee book entitled Alleged Assassination Plots. What he leaves out is that Smathers was a CIA asset who was involved with the funding for Eladio Del Valle, David Ferrie’s friend who was murdered in Miami the same day Ferrie died–with Jim Garrison about to indict Ferrie as a conspirator in the Kennedy assassination. Kaiser also leaves out the fact that when the subject was brought up in his presence, Kennedy got so furious he smashed a dinner plate and told Smathers he did not want to hear of such things again. (Alleged Assassination Plots, p. 124) Now, why would Kennedy bring up a subject that he was so opposed to that he would get violent about it? Because, as Kaiser implies, he didn’t bring it up. The CIA asset Smathers was pushing it on him. By leaving out Kennedy smashing the plate, Kaiser can 1.) Suggest it was the other way around, and 2.) Ignore how violently JFK was opposed to such things.

    Kaiser also leaves out other interesting Smathers testimony, some of it relating to Trujillo. In 1971, Smathers said that Kennedy seemed “horrified” at the idea of political assassination. Smathers related that JFK had told him “the CIA frequently did things he didn’t know about, and he was unhappy about it.” The president characterized the CIA as “almost autonomous”. In that regard, he told Smathers that he believed the CIA had arranged to have Diem and Trujillo killed. Smathers said, “He was pretty well shocked about that.” Kennedy concluded that he wanted “to get control of what the CIA was doing.” (The Assassinations, p. 329) Now, if Kennedy had been informed of the Trujillo assassination in advance, why would he be shocked about it? And why would he then be unhappy and trying to get control of the Agency?

    The capper in Kaiser’s almost mad attempt in this regard is his characterization of the famous Hoover memorandum of May of 1962. This occurred after both Hoover and RFK had discovered the CIA/Mafia plots by accident and both of them had investigations done on the matter. They met and Hoover wrote a memo on the meeting. The memo says that Hoover expressed shock at the CIA/Mafia association in view of the bad character of Robert Maheu and the “horrible judgment in using a man of Giancana’s background for such a project. The Attorney General shared the same views.” (The CIA had used its asset Maheu to approach mobster Sam Giancana about killing Castro for them.) What Kaiser does with this memo is slightly astonishing. (p. 106) He actually tries to argue that the mentioning of the bad character and background of Maheu and Giancana means that RFK objected to only the people used, not the actual plotting! Is Kaiser saying here what I think he is? Is he trying to say that if the CIA used an ethnic group RFK favored, like say Native Americans, Bobby Kennedy would have been overjoyed by the discovery of the murder plots? That is what I think he is saying. So according to Kaiser’s implication, RFK should have said: “Can we get any such work for Cesar Chavez’s Chicano friends in East LA? Can we bump off anyone out there?”

    Further, Kaiser leaves out the record of the original CIA briefer to RFK. In describing RFK’s reaction to this news, the man wrote: “If you have seen Mr. Kennedy’s eyes get steely and his jaw set and his voice get low and precise, you get a definite feeling of unhappiness.” (The Assassinations, p. 327) So here there is no record of him being upset about just the use of Maheu or Giancana. He is upset in general. (Recall, the memo Kaiser wants to use was written by Hoover.) This is why the IG Report states about this briefing, that it was restricted to the first phase of the Castro plots only. And these had ended a year before. It then adds: “Phase Two was already underway at the time of the briefing, but Kennedy was not told of it.” (Ibid) In other words, as Kennedy was being briefed and made aware of the first plots, the CIA had already extended them into another phase– without telling him at this briefing. And Kaiser leaves this out!

    Did I say Gus Russo or Max Holland could have written this section? Too mild. In his distortion, editing and ignoring of evidence, it actually approaches the work of the demonic Seymour Hersh in his infamous The Dark Side of Camelot.

    III

    The second section of the book is about Lee Harvey Oswald. To say that the portrait he draws is a curious one really does not do it justice. What appears to have happened is that Kaiser understands that the “lonely sociopath” portrait of Oswald is difficult to make fly today. So he keeps the latter part, and tries to amend the former part. He admits it is odd that an alleged communist like Oswald would have ties to conservatives like George DeMohrenschildt in Dallas and Guy Banister in New Orleans. So he says that the best way to explain this paradox is that Oswald was some kind of undercover agent. But he then goes into a limited hangout mode. Oswald was not really working for the Central Intelligence Agency as an agent provocateur. Kaiser writes that ” … it is far more likely that he embarked upon his career as a provocateur under unofficial supervision.” (p. 172, emphasis added) In other words, he doesn’t want him to be a real government agent.

    He tries to make this more palatable by curtailing his portrait of Oswald. He begins his chronicle of the man with his return from Russia. Which conveniently leaves a lot out. For example, his enlistment in the Marines where he listened to Russian records and subscribed to communist newspapers. His language training at the Defense Language Institute in Monterey, California. His technical training as a radar operator, which would give his defection to Russia some value to the KGB. His stationing at Atsugi air base in Japan, a huge CIA center and home of the U-2. His application for a hardship discharge although his mother was not actually enduring a hardship and he only stayed with her a few days when he got out of the service. His application and payment to Albert Schweitzer College in Switzerland, a college so obscure that neither the FBI in Paris or the Swiss federal police knew about it. His flight into Russia from Helsinki, when there were no commercial flights scheduled. His quite suspicious denouncement in Moscow of the United States. The fact that the KGB did not buy into this “defection” and shipped him 400 miles away to Minsk, where he was spied on and surveilled by Russian agents.

    By beginning where he does with Oswald, Kaiser can leave all the above out. He appears to do this so he can deny that Oswald was in any way a CIA operative. Which he does this way: “Oswald’s activities fall squarely into a larger pattern of FBI and private right-wing attempts to discredit communist fronts … ” (p. 191) And this is what I mean about the book being methodically bad. If Oswald was primarily working for the FBI, why would Hoover have to launch a five-month investigation for Albert Schweitzer College? You mean he didn’t know where his own operative had been headed? As I discussed in my review of A Certain Arrogance, the main American backer of that college was a primary stockholder in Southern Air Transport, a CIA shell company. But if you don’t tell your reader any of this then you don’t have to explain the dichotomies and non-sequitirs. And I should add here that the private company that Kaiser says Oswald may have worked for was the Information Council of the Americas, (INCA) Yet this would only explain Oswald’s activities in the summer of 1963, and secondly, INCA’s Truth Tapes were recycled into Latin America by Ted Shackley and the CIA.

    Another problem for Kaiser in this regard is David Ferrie, Clay Shaw and Guy Banister. These three men are all clearly associated with the CIA. He solves the Shaw problem by minimizing the Clinton-Jackson incident, spending about 2 _ pages on it. He then tries to present it as an FBI COINTELPRO operation. As Bill Davy has noted, this interpretation has some serious problems to it. First, the FBI operations against these types of groups were not formally begun until 1967. (Let Justice Be Done, p. 107) Second, the whole episode ends not in Clinton with the voter registration drive, but in Jackson, with Oswald applying for a job at a mental hospital. But if you skimp the incident, you can ignore these important factual points. As for Ferrie and Banister, Kaiser takes another page from Ultimate Sacrifice (a book which he condemns) by presenting them as being employees of Carlos Marcello. He actually says that “Ferrie took a vacation at the time of the Bay of Pigs invasion, but nothing is really known about what he was doing.” (p. 199) Evidently, Kaiser didn’t read Davy’s book. Ferrie was training Cubans for the Bay of Pigs at the Belle Chasse Naval Station just south of New Orleans. Equipment for the camp was coming in through the State Department and CIA through Ferrie’s good friend Sergio Arcacha Smith. There were about three hundred Cubans trained there over a six-week period. One group was trained as a strike force assault battalion before being sent to Guatemala for the ill-fated Bay of Pigs operation. They were trained in things like demolition, guerilla warfare, and underwater diving. The memo containing this information concludes that “the training was entirely Agency controlled and the training was conducted by Agency personnel.” (Davy, p. 30-31) The memo was signed by David Phillips. He should know since he was one of the managers of that debacle. So much for Ferrie not being a CIA agent and being in the exclusive employ of Marcello’s lawyer, Wray Gill. As for no one knowing where Ferrie was the day of the Bay of Pigs operation, evidently Kaiser never visited New Orleans or Baton Rouge. If he would have read the papers there he would have learned that Smith’s wife told the reporters that Ferrie had been at their house the day of the operation. (Baton Rouge State-Times, 2/27/67) And after the invasion failed, the two friends watched films of the failed operation. (Davy, p. 28) Did Marcello get those films for them? Finally, by his own admission, Ferrie was also employed by the CIA during Operation MONGOOSE. (Ibid) Again, Kaiser methodically ignores all this important and documented information. And much more.

    Kaiser devotes a chapter to the famous Odio incident. It’s as specious as everything else he does. First off, he tries to state that it actually was Oswald at Sylvia Odio’s apartment door. But as everyone who has studied the incident knows, this creates a problem because then one must ask: Who is the guy on his way to Mexico City at right around the same time? Kaiser tries to dodge this dilemma by saying that the incident may have occurred not in late September, but in October. (p. 246) This is strange. In the 1993 PBS Frontline documentary about Oswald, one of the very few good portions of that special was that they featured Odio and other corroborating witnesses to her story. They pinpointed the date as the last week in September, the 25th or 26th. But since Kaiser wants to dodge the question of an imposter, he leaves himself this ridiculous October date as an out.

    He then writes another weird sentence. In prefacing this incident, he describes it as, “The event that definitely ties Oswald to anti-Castro Cubans and indicates that he had been recruited to travel to Cuba and assassinate Fidel Castro … ” Oswald had been involved with anti-Castro Cubans throughout his whole stay in New Orleans. Too many to be named here. Jim Garrison had reams of files on most of them. The last part of that sentence is also troublesome. Kaiser repeatedly portrays Oswald’s trip to Mexico as a way to get to Cuba. Its like he wants the reader to forget that Oswald, or an imposter, visited the Russian Embassy there also. And the idea was to get a transit visa to Cuba and then go to Russia. Finally, as most good commentators on the Odio incident state, the impression left on Odio was the “loco” Oswald’s hatred of Kennedy for betraying the Cubans at the Bay of Pigs. This is the act which one of the three men, Leopoldo, told her that Oswald felt JFK should be killed for. (Accessories After the Fact, by Sylvia Meagher, p. 379)

    Finally, and most strange of all, Kaiser concludes that it was Loran Hall and Lawrence Howard with Oswald at Odio’s apartment. He bases this on an alleged conversation Hall had with the FBI in which he said he had been in Dallas in September with Howard and a man named William Seymour. And he uses, of all people, the late Gerry Hemming to bolster this. (pgs 258-259) He can do this because he completely ignores the fact that Hemming led author Joan Mellen to two other people as Oswald’s two cohorts. For Mellen, Hemming produced Angelo Murgado and Bernardo DeTorres as Leopoldo and Angelo.

    Hemming had been part of the International Anti-Communist Brigade with Hall. As Gaeton Fonzi notes in his extraordinary The Last Investigation, the members of this group were famous for giving out disinformation about the JFK case. (Fonzi, p. 114) As Fonzi further notes, Howard later denied being in Dallas. And when Silvia Odio was shown the photos of Hall and Howard, she did not recognize them. Hall later said he fabricated the story. Even later, he told the HSCA he never told the FBI he had been at Odio’s apartment. (Ibid, p. 115) Or as Meagher sums it all up: “Subsequent interviews with Loran Hall, Lawrence Howard, Sylvia Odio and Annie Odio resulted in the collapse of the assumption that Hall, Howard and Seymour were the men who had visited Mrs. Odio …” (Meagher, p. 387)

    So why does Kaiser insist on Hall being there? He needs Hall to link the plot to Florida mobster Santo Trafficante. (Kaiser, p. 260) This is revealed on the last page of his chapter on Odio. Not easily deterred, Kaiser is determined to fit that round peg into that square hole.

    IV

    The last section of the book is called “Converging Paths.” It is probably the worst of the three sections, which is saying something. The first two chapters of this section detail Kennedy’s Cuban policy after MONGOOSE was terminated. Kaiser opines that there was no dramatic difference between MONGOOSE and what came afterwards. Which is easy for him to do since he never mentions Kennedy’s refusal to back Operation Northwoods, the Pentagon’s secret plan to create a provocation to invade the island. And like Lamar Waldron he gives short shrift to the back channel set up by Kennedy to establish détente with Castro. He actually says it was going nowhere. (p. 306) Which completely contradicts Bill Attwood, a major participant in the negotiations. As Jim Douglass noted in JFK and the Unspeakable, Attwood wrote he had no doubt that it would have led to a normalization of relations between the two countries.

    He mentions Richard Helms’ testimony about the discovery of an arms cache in Venezuela in November of 1963. (pgs. 298-99) I discussed this incident in my review of Ultimate Sacrifice. Revealingly, Kaiser leaves out three important aspects to the story. First, Helms went to Bobby Kennedy to announce this important discovery of Castro subverting other countries in South America. Bobby was nonplussed. Helms then went to JFK with this alarming news of Castro exporting revolution. Kennedy told him it was no big deal and gave him a picture of himself. Later, CIA analyst Joseph Smith deduced that the CIA had planted the shipment to create a crisis for the US to invade Cuba.

    This incident, and the back channel, if explained fully, completely contradicts his statement about Kennedy’s attitude toward Castro. Kaiser writes that Kennedy never accepted the existence of Castro’s regime in Cuba and wanted to remove it, even if it meant American intervention. (p. 306) Needless to add, if Kennedy had wanted to remove Castro, he would have sent in the Navy during the Bay of Pigs, or the Marines during the Missile Crisis. Those were perfect opportunities for American intervention and nearly everyone around him would have backed him. In fact, they were encouraging him to do so. He did not. Kaiser never explains why he didn’t.

    The last three chapters, 15-17, are actually kind of pathetic. In the numerous impersonations of Oswald–for instance at the rifle range with Sterling Wood–all the critics have been wrong for all these years. It was really Oswald. And this helps explain his excellent marksmanship in Dealey Plaza. (p. 342) It was actually Oswald who left a rifle at the gunsmith shop with Dial Ryder. (pgs 349-350) And hold on to your hats. The famous Al Bogard story of an Oswald impersonator at the Lincoln-Mercury car dealership? Well, that was really Oswald. And the money he mentioned he would be coming into, well that was his reward for killing Kennedy. (pgs 350-351) I’m not kidding.

    Needless to say, according to Kaiser, Oswald killed Kennedy. How does he know this? The HSCA’s scientific tests prove it. He actually uses the Vincent Guinn analysis of the neutron activation test in this regard. And he uses the likes of Ken Rahn and Larry Sturdivan to back Guinn. This test has been thoroughly discredited at length and in depth by two superlative academic studies. (See “Death of the NAA Verdict” on this site’s front page.) He also uses the HSCA trajectory test done by Thomas Canning to show that Oswald could have fired the shot that went through both President Kennedy and Governor Connally. He never tells the reader that, strangely, Canning didn’t reveal the angle of that bullet in degrees during the entire fifty pages of his HSCA testimony. (The Assassinations, p. 79) Or that Canning moved up the back wound placement from where the medical panel had placed it in order to make that trajectory work. (Ibid) Or that at the time the HSCA placed the first hit of Kennedy, Zapruder frame 189, Oswald would have been firing through the branches of an oak tree. (Ibid. p. 84) And perhaps most devastating to Kaiser, he never quotes the letter Canning wrote to Blakey. It ends with this: “On balance, the entire effort would be justified solely by the strong indication of conspiracy at the Plaza.” Thus Kaiser’s own expert disproves not just this section, but his entire book.

    V

    Why would Kaiser lend himself to such a farcical exercise? As I said earlier, the mentioning of Anna Kasten Nelson’s name as the chair of the Board set off some alarm bells with me. The bells were ringing by the end of the book. In his Acknowledgements section he gives the game away. On page 494 appear two sentences which encapsulate The Road to Dallas. He writes first that Oliver Stone’s film JFK, “did more than anything else to promote the most irresponsible conspiracy theories about the case … ” He then follows that with this, “Professor Anna K. Nelson of American University, a board member, has also been an enthusiastic supporter of this project.”

    The two institutions of American society which were most rocked by Stone’s film were the media and academia. For good reason. The film was a slap in the face to them both. They were the key supporters of the phony Warren Commission story. First, the media accepted it without any analysis. Then, academia let that verdict go unchallenged through the years by posing no serious questions to it in history books or in academic journals. When Stone’s film was released almost three decades after the fact, it made them look like silly stiffs.

    Next to the late Kermit Hall, Nelson was probably the most outspoken member of the Board in this regard. Two of the four lists that President Clinton chose from to construct the Board were the Organization of American Historians, and the American Historical Association. So Clinton chose from establishment historians. And Nelson clearly had it in for Stone. In a piece she wrote for Chronicle of Higher Education, she attacked his portrait of President Nixon in his film Nixon. In an interview she did for Penthouse (January of 1997) she basically took the line of writers like George Lardner and Walter Pincus: There really was nothing new or revealing in the declassified files. She said “The sense you get in reading all of these documents is that the CIA and FBI were primarily concerned with covering up other kinds of operations.” She went on to say that J. Edgar Hoover damaged the Warren Commission’s credibility by protecting some CIA and FBI secret operations. She concluded that the reason over two million pages of documents were not revealed was, “It was part of the Cold War culture.” (Probe Vol. 4 No. 2)

    In another interview she gave to the LA Times (8/20/97), Nelson took a shot at Jim Garrison. Noting a release of what appeared to be a diary of Clay Shaw’s, Nelson said that it was “one more step that totally discredits Garrison’s trial and, incidentally totally discredits Stone’s movie.” She apparently forgot that it was Shaw’s trial and not Garrison’s. (Probe Vol. 5 No. 2) But she then added that although she believes the Warren Commission, she now believes it acted in haste. Although she thinks Oswald killed JFK, “there is likely more to the story.” (Ibid) After I wrote the article from which these quotes were pulled I concluded that what these comments proved “is that no one ever got ahead in the academic world by advocating conspiracy in the Kennedy assassination.”

    Kaiser seems to understand that. And he fulfilled Nelson’s wishes. He fills in the “more to the story” but he keeps Oswald as the lone assassin. Along the way, he trashes Stone and Garrison. In fact, if you analyze the book’s message it is essentially the inverse of Stone’s film. Kaiser is saying that 1.) Oswald killed Kennedy 2.) Any cover-up that ensued was probably because of Oswald’s nebulous ties to either INCA or the FBI, and 3.) The Kennedys weren’t that great anyway. But as I have proven above, he broke almost every rule of historical scholarship to achieve that agenda.

  • Gaeton Fonzi, The Last Investigation


    This year is the 45th anniversary of the JFK assassination, and the 40th anniversary of the RFK murder. Consequently, in addition to a flurry of new books on these two cases – plus the MLK case – publishers have decided to reissue three important books from the past. They are Gaeton Fonzi’s The Last Investigation, John Newman’s Oswald and the CIA, and Robert Blair Kaiser’s RFK Must Die. Since these three books are all important volumes, and all worth buying, I will write about each of them consecutively. Since they are all at least thirteen years old, I will not review them at length or in depth. But I will try and advise the reader of the quality, content, and scope of each work. He can then make up his mind as to whether he would like to take the time and money to invest in the tome.

    In my opinion, every person who does not have Gaeton Fonzi’s The Last Investigation, should buy the reissue. As the reader can see by perusing this list, I consider this book one of the ten best ever published on the JFK assassination. Even those who have the original might be interested in this new edition, which has everything in the first edition, plus a new Preface by Bernard McCormick, and a new eight-page Epilogue by Gaeton Fonzi. (Reissued by the Mary Farrell Foundation, it can be bought here.)

    The Last Investigation was originally published by Thunder’s Mouth Press in 1993. Unfortunately it ran into the teeth of the media buzz saw created by Gerald Posner’s ridiculous and atrocious Case Closed. Few people knew who Robert Loomis – the man who recruited Posner to do the job– was at the time. (Although Probe found out later.) So they could not foresee how he could orchestrate such a campaign. Therefore, Fonzi’s remarkable book did not get the opportunity to cross over and become a mainstream success.

    That is unfortunate. Not just for Fonzi, but for the public at large. They should feel cheated. Fonzi began his career as a writer in Philadelphia. Being located in Philly in the sixties, he had the opportunity to get in contact with two celebrated attorneys: Vincent Salandria and Arlen Specter. In the wake of President Kennedy’s assassination, these two intelligent, resourceful, and energetic men would become fierce antagonists. For from almost the day it happened, Salandria smelled a rat. He was one of the first writers to take the Commission to task in harsh terms. And in January of 1965, just a few months after the Warren Commission volumes were distributed, he wrote his milestone two-part article for the periodical Liberation. This long essay is still worth reading today as a historical landmark in the study of the medical and ballistics evidence, and as an expose of the inanities of the single-bullet-theory.

    After visiting Salandria, Fonzi went to visit Specter. Unlike the rest of the press, Salandria had armed Fonzi with facts. Fonzi’s description of his meeting with Specter, the Warren Commission counsel who authored the SBT, is one of the highlights of the volume. When Fonzi asked some informed questions of the slick, glib prosecutor, he was surprised at the reaction: “I couldn’t believe the hemmings and hawings, the hesitations and evasions I got … I had caught him off guard.” As Fonzi notes, Specter understood he had been exposed. So he later developed more ingenious rationales for what he had done. But that encounter with Specter was enough to convince Fonzi that JFK had been killed by a conspiracy. (p. 18) Further, Fonzi also concluded from his discussions with Specter, that the Commission began with the assumption of Oswald’s guilt. And they assigned Specter the job to “handle the fundamentals to support that conclusion.” (Ibid) In other words, there had not been any real investigation.

    What this book does is trace Fonzi’s journey into the next two government investigations of the crime: namely the Church Committee, and the House Select Committee on Assassinations. Not as a reporter, but as a participant. Pennsylvania Senator Richard Schweiker asked Fonzi to join his staff on the Church Committee, which was investigating abuses of the intelligence community. Schweiker and Senator Gary Hart both had an interest in the assassination of President Kennedy. So they were allowed to set up a sub-committee to investigate the reaction of the FBI and CIA to the assassination and how this impacted the Warren Commission. One of the most memorable parts of the book is Salandria’s warning to Fonzi before he goes to Washington. He tells him, “They’ll keep you very, very busy and eventually they’ll wear you down.” (p. 29)

    Fonzi ignored Salandria’s prophetic words and decided to go anyway. Almost immediately he found out that, as Salandria had warned, there would be sand traps put in his path. Clare Booth Luce sent him on a wild goose chase for a man who did not exist. He later found out she was talking to CIA Director Bill Colby at this time, and further, she was a member of the Association of Former Intelligence Officers, newly organized by David Phillips. He went on another wild goose chase in Key West for a reported sighting of Oswald with Jack Ruby. Fonzi later found out that this man also worked for the CIA. (p. 65) Finally, Fonzi memorably describes his meeting up with both Marita Lorenz and Frank Sturgis. This episode, with Lorenz answering her apartment door with a rifle, calling her agent about a movie offer, and Sturgis eventually getting arrested, is vivid low comedy.

    From here, the book begins to build its powerful argument for conspiracy in the JFK case. Fonzi’s chapter on Sylvia Odio’s meeting with Oswald – or his double – in Dallas is one of the very best in the literature. (Chapter 11) I would rank it up there with Sylvia Meagher’s work on that absolutely crucial witness, except Fonzi can reveal an aspect to her travail that Meagher could not. Namely that the Warren Commission actually joked about her, and never had any intention of taking her seriously. He combines this with the report of the Alpha 66 safehouse in Dallas where Oswald was reportedly seen. He then uses this to describe the background and activities of that particular Cuban exile group.

    And this is used to segue into his fateful meeting with Alpha 66 ringleader Antonio Veciana. Veciana had just been released from prison on a drug conspiracy charge at the time Fonzi looked him up. And, as Fonzi will note later, Veciana believed that it was his CIA handler Maurice Bishop who was behind that frame-up. Fonzi learned from Veciana that he had seen Bishop with Oswald at the Southland Center in Dallas in the late summer of 1963. In the wake of the assassination, Veciana kept his mouth shut about this of course. And when a government agent named Cesar Diosdato visited him after the murder to ask if he knew anything about Oswald or the assassination, he was even surer to do so.

    From the physical description Veciana gave, the Church Committee came up with an artist’s sketch of Bishop. When Schweiker saw the sketch, he told Fonzi that the face strongly resembled CIA officer David Phillips. And from all the activities that Veciana described to Fonzi, the investigator matched them up with where Phillips was at the time and with what he was doing. And here let me add something important. Most research done in the JFK critical community is made up of reading archival releases, perusing books and periodicals, and doing phone interviews. Reading this book, one understands the difference between that kind of work and what an actual field investigation is. They are worlds apart. People who are good at one, are not necessarily good at the other. They take different skills. The latter necessitates knocking on doors, making appointments, getting leads from one person that lead to another, taking notes and reading them at night, and finally and probably most importantly: knowing how to interview. This kind of sustained and relentless inquiry is what literally jumps off the page of this book. And to really appreciate it, you have to have done it. Fonzi is a first class field investigator. One of the best ever in the JFK field.

    Fonzi arranged for Veciana to meet Phillips face to face. Phillips acted like he never had seen him or heard of him before. (p. 169-170) This is incredible. Why? Because Phillips, along with his friend and colleague Howard Hunt, was so close to many Cuban exile groups, including Alpha 66. At this meeting, Phillips was so intent on feigning Veciana as a stranger that he asked Fonzi if Veciana was part of the Church Committee staff!

    Partly due to the Veciana testimony and the compelling Schweiker-Hart Report, the Church Committee gave birth to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. Another triumph of The Last Investigation is that it is an insider’s view of just how shabby that Committee’s work was. Fonzi details how it almost capsized at its inception due to the battle between Representative Henry Gonzalez and Chief Counsel Richard Sprague. Another memorable chapter from the book concerns the author’s attempt to interview Oswald’s close friend in Dallas, the enigmatic George DeMohrenschildt. Within 24 hours of serving him with a summons in Florida, DeMohrenschildt was dead. At this point, with Sprague being shown the door due to incessant attacks in the press, Fonzi could not even arrange interviews with DeMohrenschildt’s daughter – who he was living with at the time – or journalist Edward Epstein, who was simultaneously paying DeMohrenschildt hundreds of dollars for interviews. Those interviews were for a book called Legend, which was inspired in part by CIA counter-intelligence chief James Angleton. To say the very least, there are many questions that have never been satisfactorily answered about the circumstances surrounding the death of this most important witness. (For just one sample among many, see Jerry Rose’s essay on the subject in The Third Decade Vol. 1 No. 1 p. 21) The HSCA had an opportunity, in fact an obligation, to at least try and answer some of them. That it completely failed in that crucial endeavor says a lot about its efficacy and its legacy.

    Right after this, Fonzi relates an episode that shows us why it did not. Robert Tanenbaum, Sprague’s Deputy Chief Counsel, was out one night with some members of congress trying to collect votes to get full funding for the committee. A Republican representative, and future candidate for president, John Ashbrook approached him about that subject. He said, “Well, we really don’t mind funding the Kennedy assassination, although I didn’t think much of the man … but we’ll be damned if we’re going to fund that nigger King’s.” (Pgs. 204-205) Later, at home, Tanenbaum got a call from columnist Jack Anderson. Anderson wanted confirmation that Ashbrook had used that particular ethnic slur about Martin Luther King. The lawyer refused to confirm it. Then Ashbrook called him and tried to deny he had used the word. This was the three-ring circus the HSCA had become at this time. And as Fonzi notes, Anderson was one of the major outside forces reducing it to that sideshow.

    At this point, the new Chief Counsel Robert Blakey entered the picture. Blakey centralized the entire operation around him and his new JFK Deputy Gary Cornwell. Blakey and Cornwell were organized crime specialists. And, as Fonzi notes, their ambition was that if they found a conspiracy they would impute it to the Mob. But, above all, they would issue an authoritative sounding report. Everything else would be shoved aside in pursuit of that aim. Bases would be touched, issues would be engaged. But none of them to the point of actually being resolved. In other words, the substance of the report did not really matter. As Cornwell so memorably put it: “Congress gave us a job to do and dictated the time and resources in which to do it. That’s the legislative world. Granted it may not be the real world, but it’s the world in which we have to live.” (p. 222) Fonzi objected to this approach, saying that realistically that meant they could never actually complete a serious investigation. To which Cornwell happily replied in his immortal phrase, “Reality is irrelevant!” For all intents and purposes, this exchange sums up what happened to the HSCA after Sprague. It also explains why so much of their work in crucial areas e.g. the autopsy, ballistics, New Orleans etc. is so dubious today.

    But Fonzi soldiered on. He was able to find some sympathetic allies in Al Gonzalez, Eddie Lopez, and Dan Hardway. And those Four Musketeers helped produce much of the hidden substance of the HSCA’s work. I say hidden, since the fruits of their labors were either camouflaged or remained classified until the Assassination Records Review Board finally declassified it. In that regard, Fonzi relates his meeting with a man he calls “Carlos”. Through declassified files, we have since found out that this character is Bernardo DeTorres. DeTorres was suspected of being in Dealey Plaza the day of the assassination and actually having pictures of the crime. (See Probe Vol. 3 No. 6) Further, according to information unearthed by Fonzi and Gonzalez, DeTorres knew Oswald was not involved because he knew who actually was involved. He knew this because “they were talking about it before it even happened.” (p. 239)

    Needless to say, when Carlos/DeTorres was questioned in executive session he denied everything with impunity. He actually said: “I never worked for the CIA. I never talked to anybody associated with the CIA.” (p. 233) As he usually does, Fonzi caps this chapter with a zinger. He managed to secure Carlos/DeTorres phone calls from immediately after the time he was summoned by the committee. He had made many calls, “but the one that stuck out was the one to McLean, Virginia. I knew that billings on calls to CIA headquarters are listed under that town … .” (p. 242)

    Another interesting witness who Fonzi notes is CIA Director Richard Helms. As I noted in my review of Jefferson Morley’s book, according to Eddie Lopez, Helms was insufferably arrogant when called as a witness. When he walked outside to talk to reporters, he told George Lardner that no one would ever know who or what Lee Harvey Oswald represented. When he was asked about Oswald’s ties to the KGB or CIA, Helms said with a laugh, “I don’t remember.” When he was pressed on this point by a reporter he said, “Your questions are almost as dumb as the Committee’s.” (p. 302) Fonzi ties this in beautifully with how Blakey was either unwilling or unable to get to the bottom of Oswald’s ties to US intelligence. For instance, he points out that, among other holdings, Blakey never saw all of Oswald’s 201 file. (p. 301)

    Fonzi’s chapter on Mexico City is sterling. After briefly summarizing what the Warren Commission said about this trip (pgs 281-282), the author quotes David Phillips as telling a reporter that it was a good thing the CIA reported on Oswald being “here in September”. (p. 284) This is a fascinating statement, especially in regards to the Warren Commission. Because on page 777 of the Warren Report it says that the fact that Oswald has been to the Cuban Embassy was not known until after the assassination. Since one of his stations at the time was Mexico City, what did Phillips help report to Washington at the time that produced such misinformation? And did he know that the statement in the report was, apparently, false? If so, why did he not try to correct it? Further, in an interview Phillips did with the CIA friendly reporter Ron Kessler right before his HSCA testimony, Phillips made some interesting statements. He said he heard one of the tapes made in the Soviet embassy. He also saw a transcript. He said Oswald was trying to make a deal with the Soviets. He actually quoted Oswald as saying, “I have information you would be interested in, and I know you can pay my way.” (p. 285)

    Phillips had also claimed that all the tapes of Oswald’s calls to both embassies had been routinely destroyed a few days after they had been made. But as Fonzi notes, the problem with this is that the FBI had heard a tape of one of Oswald’s calls with the Russian embassy. Their agents determined it was not Oswald’s voice. This was after the assassination. And as the author further notes, Warren Commission attorneys David Slawson and William Coleman both said that they had heard tapes of a man who was supposed to be Oswald while they were in Mexico City investigating Oswald’s activities there. This was many months after Phillips said they were destroyed. (pgs. 286-287) There were other things that HSCA lawyer Dan Hardway surprised Phillips with. For instance, every source in both Miami and Mexico City who linked Oswald with some kind of Cuban plot emanating from Mexico City was one of Phillips’ assets. (pgs 292-293) According to the CIA, they learned of Oswald at the Russian embassy on Oct. 1st. Yet the cable on this was sent to CIA HQ on Oct. 8th. Phillips said he had signed off on it. (This is when, according to Phillips, Oswald made the “offer” he mentioned to Kessler.) Hardway had read the transcript and no such offer was mentioned. The routing slip indicated that Phillips had not read the transcripts. Further, in checking his scheduling, Hardway found out that Phillips could not have signed off on the cable since he was not in Mexico City at the time. (p. 293) Hardway came to believe that this cable had been created after the fact. And as Fonzi so memorably notes, Hardway’s questioning and his clear skeptical attitude about his Mexico City tale clearly had Phillips mentally dissheveled: he lit up a cigarette even though he already had two going. (p. 278)

    Much of the rest of the book chronicles: 1.) Fonzi’s confirmation of Phillips as Bishop 2.) His introduction into the literature of Dave Morales, and 3.) His chronicling the decline into ineptitude of the HSCA. Concerning the first, I really do not think there can be any question today that Bishop was Phillips. The number of witnesses who acknowledge Bishop and put him in exactly the place he should be according to Veciana is impressive. (See pgs. 319-320) One can question whether Veciana saw Oswald with him in Dallas. But not whether Phillips was Bishop. And Fonzi concluded that Phillips had Veciana set up on his drug charge, and may have had him shot right before the HSCA issued its final report. Interestingly, Fonzi brings up the figure of John Martino, who figures in books by Larry Hancock and David Kaiser. Fonzi interviewed both his widow and his son Edward. He writes that they told him that Martino never talked to either of them about anti-Castro Cubans being involved in the JFK case. (p. 325) Somehow this got reversed with Anthony Summers and others much later.

    Fonzi, with the help of Bob Dorff and Brad Ayers, located some friends of the late Dave Morales. Morales had been Ted Shackley’s Chief of Staff at JM/WAVE in Miami. He also worked in the infamous Phoenix Program in Vietnam. After interviewing Ruben Carbajal and Robert Walton, they relate to Fonzi the drunken tirade Morales went into at the mention of JFK’s name. It concluded with “Well, we took care of that sonofabitch didn’t we?” (p. 390) Fonzi, bless him, leaves it at that. He takes it not one foot further than the quote itself. Later writers, like David Talbot, and especially Shane O’Sullivan, have mutated and expanded this thing into Morales being directly involved in not just the JFK murder but in Bobby Kennedy’s as well. Yet this original quote says no such thing. It does not even impute direct involvement to Morales in the JFK case. (O’Sullivan even tried to place Morales – along with two other CIA officers – inside the Ambassador Hotel on the night RFK was killed.)

    Let me add one more compliment to this wonderful book. It is not just well-written. In some places it rises to the level of extraordinarily well-written. Almost every chapter is well-planned and organized. And the book as a whole contains a completed aesthetic arc to it. In that regard, let me close this discussion with a quote by Sylvia Odio. She explained why, in the nineties, she actually talked to PBS after refusing to talk to anyone for over a decade: “I guess it is a feeling of frustration after so many years. I feel outraged that we have not discovered the truth for history’s sake, for all of us.” (p. 406) She then continued with a telling perception: “I think it is because I’m very angry about it all – the forces I cannot understand and the fact that there is nothing I can do against them … We lost … we all lost.”

    An exquisite quote with which to close an exquisite book.

  • George Michael Evica, A Certain Arrogance


    A Certain Arrogance is the last published work by the late George Michael Evica. We mentioned the book in the Evica obituary on this site. There have been very few reviews or notices of A Certain Arrogance. But since the book deals with an interesting subject – and personages – I think it merits some discussion.

    The overall subject of the work is the use of religious institutions by American intelligence agencies for purposes of infiltration, surveillance, and subversion. It is a subject that interested others in the assassination field e.g. Jim Garrison. In looking through the late District Attorney’s files, I saw that he had clipped certain articles on the subject. The book studies the efforts of the American government in this area especially during and after World War II. The prime focus is on the towering figures of the Dulles brothers: CIA Director Allen, and Secretary of State John Foster. As Evica notes, the brothers – especially Allen – had a history of using liberal Protestant groups to achieve these kinds of aims. Some of the denominations Evica names as targets are the Quakers, Unitarians and other liberal Christian groups. (p. 85) One of the families that Allen Dulles exploited in this regard was the Field family: Herbert and his son Noel. The author states that Herbert Field’s Quaker-based network of World War I would become an integral keystone of Allen Dulles’ OSS spy operations during the Second World War. (p. 93) And it was Herbert’s son Noel who helped run it for Dulles. There were also Unitarians incorporated into the spy apparatus like Varian Fry and Robert Dexter. (pgs 98-99)

    Evica then points out the interesting paradox that the use of these liberal religious organizations allowed Allen Dulles an ideological mask over his operatives. Toward the end of their careers, Fry and Noel Field were accused of being communists. Yet until the end, Fry was associated with “several right-wing anti-Communist organizations closely tied to the CIA.” (p. 100) Noel Field began his government career as a State Department employee. He was a Quaker who later befriended the radical Unitarian, Stephen Frichtman, who constructed the Unitarian Service Committee in 1940. (p. 105) This committee later became part of a large umbrella group called Refugee Relief Trustees. The man supervising the Unitarian aspect of this umbrella group was Percival Brundage.

    Noel Field began his espionage career by aiding anti-Fascists trying to get out of Spain during the advent of Franco’s rule. Dulles used Field to work leftists resisting the Nazis. Then, by 1943, when it became obvious that the Allies would win the war, he began using him to strengthen church groups against communists. John Foster Dulles, for example, was a leading member of the American Council of the Churches of Christ. And he used the body “both as a stabilizing factor for … the German people, and as a stronghold against Bolshevism.” (p. 114) The body used by Allen Dulles was the World Council of Churches. At a meeting of the group in 1945, German theologian Martin Niemoeller told Dulles’s girlfriend and employee Mary Bancroft about this effort. (p. 116) This religious-intelligence union eventually became so extensive that by 1960 all liberal Protestant or Quaker/Unitarian welfare agencies were placed under suspicion by the KGB. ( ibid)

    Furthering just how secretive and extensive this nexus was is the fact that the curator of Allen Dulles’ personal papers from the time he was fired by JFK until his death was Garner Ranney. (This would include the former CIA Director’s time on the Warren Commission.) Then, after Dulles died, Ranney was one of a three-person team that governed the release of his papers through Princeton University. Ranney did the same kind of work for the Episcopalian church of Maryland. Evica notes that many of these files dealing with Field and the Unitarians have been sanitized. And the CIA cleared the boxes of cables and letters between Dulles and Field from the Unitarian Service Committee files stored at Harvard. And in fact, a writer who did a book on that Committee wrote to Evica that she had no doubt there were intelligence files on several of the upper level officers like Dexter and possibly Frederick May Eliot of the American Unitarian Association. (p. 134)

    All of the above serves as (rather lengthy) background in the book for what will be the main focus of the first and last parts. That would be Lee Harvey Oswald and his association with Albert Schweitzer College in Switzerland, and his later association in Dallas with Ruth and Michael Paine, who were first Quakers and then joined a Unitarian church in Dallas. (p. 246)

    As mentioned elsewhere on this site, Oswald’s association with Albert Schweitzer College is one of the most fascinating releases made by the Assassination Records Review Board. After a struggle with the FBI for a year, in December of 1995 the ARRB finally released a set of five documents concerning their search for Oswald in Switzerland – a place where he was never supposed to have been. This search was provoked by a request made long ago by Oswald’s mother to the FBI. She told agent John Fain that she had mailed her son a series of letters in Russia in late 1959. Some enclosed money orders. She got no reply. She was worried he might be lost. She alerted the Bureau to the fact that she had received a letter from an official of Albert Schweitzer College in Switzerland. A man named Hans Casparis told her that Lee had been expected there in April of 1960. Casparis also said that Lee had sent them a deposit registering for the spring, 1960 session.

    J. Edgar Hoover then began a search for Mr.Casparis and this college. This search occasioned the famous June 3, 1960 memo by FBI Director Hoover saying that there may be an imposter using Oswald’s birth certificate. The FBI representatives in Paris had no idea where the place was, so they got in contact with the Swiss Police. It took them two months to locate the school. (See Probe Vol. 3 No. 3) So the obvious question is: How did Oswald know about this college? It is a question the Warren Commission never came close to answering. But Albert Schweitzer College fits into Evica’s framework since it was founded by the Unitarian Church in 1953, as the Cold War was ratcheting up. Shortly after Kennedy’s murder, in 1964, the college was closed down. The FBI visited the institution twice: once in 1960, and again in 1963. As Evica notes, this may be why most of the papers on Oswald from Albert Schweitzer are gone. (The author notes that the files on the college at its Providence headquarters, where most American applicant forms were sent, were also spirited away in December of 1963.)

    Consider the facts above. Here you have an institution so obscure that the FBI in Paris never heard of it. So obscure that the Swiss Police took two months to locate it. An institution that actually closed down within months of JFK’s murder – yet Oswald only applied there; he never attended. In fact, from what we know, he never set foot in the place. Why did they then close shop, after eleven years, approximately when the Warren Report was issued? Especially since that report mentions Albert Schweitzer only briefly and in passing? (Referring to his passport application in Santa Ana California, here is the entirety of that mention: “His application stated that he planned to leave the United States on September 21 to attend the Albert Schweitzer College … .” (See Warren Report, p. 689) This is stunning in and of itself of course. Since, in any serious investigation, the mystery of how Oswald found out about Schweitzer would have been of some importance. Not to mention why he applied there, and why he did not show up. For as Evica notes, the college did not advertise in the Christian Register from 1948-59. (p. 65)

    Evica’s book tries to do at least some of the work the Warren Commission chose not to do. For instance, when he left the Marines, on his trip to Europe in 1959, Oswald mentioned attending a school in Switzerland on two occasions. (Evica, p. 17) But he did not. He proceeded to Russia. Yet the Swiss Police found out that he wrote Schweitzer from Moscow confirming that he still planned on attending the fall semester of 1959. ( Ibid, p. 18) What makes this episode even more interesting of course is that in this exact time frame Oswald is getting his so-called “hardship discharge” even though a) His mother had no real hardship, and b) There is no evidence he helped her through anything. Interestingly, he told his brother Robert that he was leaving for Europe from New Orleans where he planned to work for an export firm. When he got to New Orleans he booked passage on a freighter from an agency at Clay Shaw’s International Trade Mart. (Of course, CIA agent Shaw’s cover was that business.) In fact, on a form he filled out there Oswald listed his occupation as “shipping export agent”. (p. 17) Further, he listed his stay abroad as being for only a couple of months. Yet, if he was attending Schweitzer it would have to have been at least a four-month stay.

    One reason that the Commission ignored most of this may be that it did not want to draw attention to the holes in the paper trail. As I have noted above, some of it is missing – swept up in the wake of the FBI investigation. But even in what was left, Evica points out some tantalizing inconsistencies. For instance, Oswald sent a deposit to the school even though there is not a written record of his official acceptance. (p. 34) Yet, as the author notes, this was the official procedure as outlined by the college secretary, Erika Weibel: you were accepted first, then you sent the deposit. Further, there is no letter of introduction from Oswald to the college. In other words, there is no indication of how or why Oswald became interested in attending with his request for an application form. (p. 32) When Oswald did apply, he used the wrong form. He submitted an application form for the summer session, not the regular fall term. This short form was mailed before March 4, 1959. Yet the date on the form is March 19th. He also sent the longer, correct form on March 4th. But as Evica notes, since the college wrote Oswald that it got his incorrect form no later than March 28th ” the college could not have sent out the longer, correct form to him any earlier than March 28th, 1959.” (p. 33) So who got Oswald the longer, correct form before the college sent it out? And who told him that he sent out the wrong form in the first place? ( This is all reminiscent of Guy Banister correcting Oswald when he put his office address on his Fair Play for Cuba literature in New Orleans.)

    Well, it may be one of the denizens from Banister’s office. Evica could not find any evidence that Oswald attended any Unitarian churches prior to applying to the Swiss school. But a close friend of Oswald’s in the Marines did attend. Interestingly, it was the Warren Commission’s prime witness attesting to Oswald’s communist leanings: Kerry Thornley. At the time he knew Oswald in the Marines, Thornley testified that he “had been going to the First Unitarian Church in Los Angeles.” (p. 21) This particular church is the subject of a sixty-page FBI report at the National Archives. But when Thornley was then asked if Oswald had any connection to that church, he replied that he did not. (Ibid)

    The man who wrote Oswald’s mother, Hans Casparis, is also an interesting character. He is one of the founders of the college, and in 1959-60 he was billed as the director. In his correspondence with Oswald, Casparis changed the opening date of the spring trimester three times. But Evica could find “no record in the available Albert Schweitzer College documents at Harvard Divinity School Library supporting this schedule modification.” ( p. 37) Evica also found a student who said the pushed back start date never took place. And that Oswald’s name never appeared on any student roster. (Ibid) Need I add that almost all the records for the Friends of Albert Schweitzer College at Harvard for the 1959-60 term are missing? (p. 289)

    All these questions about Oswald, the college, and its sudden disappearance are accentuated by the questions about Hans Casparis. Casparis wrote that he had graduated from three universities and lectured at the University of Zurich. But when Evica contacted that university they said he had never lectured there. The universities he said he had graduated from were Zurich, Basel and the Univeristy of Chicago. But Evica discovered that he held no reported diplomas or degress from these three universities. (p. 78) So from Evica’s research, here you had a man who billed himself as a professor of a college who did not receive a degree from any of the academic institutions he said he attended. And this was supposed to be one of the “founders” of Albert Schweitzer.

    Almost all of the material on Oswald and Albert Schweitzer is at the beginning of the book. And for me this was the best part of the volume. Evica was not a skilled or supple writer, but when he bit into a particular issue he persevered and saw it through to the end as he saw it. No one has taken the Albert Schweitzer story as far as he has. The second reason this demonstration is valuable is it shows once again that if you press on almost any aspect of the Oswald saga, questions, inconsistencies, paradoxes in abundance come to the forefront. How many Marines in 1959 applied for a Unitarian college abroad, sent their deposit forward, and then never showed up, deciding to defect to Russia instead? But that is about par for the course with Lee Harvey Oswald. Third, the appearance of Thornley and Shaw’s ITM reminded me of a talk I had with former House Select Committee investigator L. J. Delsa. Along with Bob Buras, Delsa manned the New Orleans beat for the HSCA. He told me that one of David Ferrie’s purposes as a Civil Air Patrol captain was the recruitment of young men for future military-intelligence functions.

    As alluded to above, the long middle section of the book, ranging approximately from pages 85-219, basically chronicles how the American government used and abused religious institutions for subversive ends. This part of the volume could have used compression. In my view, about half of this part of the book could have been cut with very little of any substance lost. Evica was a friend and colleague of Peter Dale Scott, and some of the sub-headings and his approach here reminds me of Scott at his worst. For example, here are a couple of sub-headings: “The Killian/Brundage/Bissell/Rockefeller Space Program”, “The CIA, the Catherwood Foundation, the Young Family, the Philippines, and Ed Lansdale”. Like Scott, Evica does not use the rubric Chapter, but Essay. Essay Seven is titled “Percival Brundage, The Bureau of the Budget, James R. Killian Jr., Lyndon Baines Johsnon and the Unitarian Matrix.” And as with Scott, much of the material is just excess baggage. The connections are just too wide to be material or relevant. Especially in these days that are post ARRB.

    But towards the end, the relevance picks up. First, Evica presents interesting facts about Percival Brundage who was involved with Albert Schweitzer College. Brundage was a major Unitarian Church officer from 1942-54, when it was cooperating with both the OSS and CIA. But even more interesting he was a signatory to the incorporation papers of Southern Air Transport. In fact, he became one of the registered stockholders in the company. (p. 223) As many people know, this was a notorious CIA proprietary company that did major air supply missions for the Company in both Southeast Asia and the Caribbean. It originated with Paul Heliwell’s purchase of Claire Chennault’s Civil Air Transport for the CIA. Civil Air Transport was then broken down into smaller units, one of them being Southern Air Transport. SAT specialized in the Caribbean area. When the Certificate of Incorporation of the Friends of Albert Schweitzer College was filed in New York, Brundage was one of the three directors named. He served as president of the body from 1953-58. So here you had a man who played an importnat part in Allen Dulles’ religious spy apparatus, and who was a major stockholder in a notorious CIA shell company, and he just just happens to end up the president of Albert Schweitzer College and a chief member of its American support team.

    Then at the end, Evica ties the loop together by profiling the background on the Paines and how they fit into this milieu. As Evica notes, much of this material is taken from the extraordinary work done on the couple by Carol Hewett, Barbara La Monica, and Steve Jones. (Much of which was published in Probe. Evica makes good use of it, but inexplicably he leaves out some of the more important evidentiary aspects relating to the Warren Commission inquiry. This includes things like the mystery of the Minox camera and the origin of the rifle allegedly ordered by Oswald.) As the author notes, this work is so potent that it was attacked by a big gun of the GOP, Thomas Mallon in his pathetic whitewash of a book, Mrs. Paine’s Garage.

    Evica uses much of Hewett, La Monica, and Jones’s excellent work and even supplements it with other authors. He makes other good points, like the exquisite timing of the separation of Ruth and Michael Paine, which made it so convenient for Marina to move in with Ruth before the assassination. How CIA contact George DeMohrenschildt introduced Oswald to the Paines and the White Russian community of Dallas-Fort Worth. And at one of the very first meetings of Oswald with this group, Lee talked to Volkmar Schmidt for three hours. And according to Schmidt, through Edward Epstein, “Oswald violently attacked President Kennedy’s foreign policy … Schmidt baited Oswald with a negative analysis of right-wing General Edwin A. Walker and an impending American fascism.” (p. 237) Why Oswald would want to talk to Schmidt, who was a neo-Nazi fascist, is puzzling. But Schmidt concluded that “Oswald was completely alienated, self-destructive, and suicidal.” This vignette encapsules what the Warren Commission would do with Oswald several months later: pin the shooting of Walker and murder of Kennedy on him, and paint him as a sociopath. I suppose it is just a coincidence that, at this time, Schmidt was living with Michael Paine. (ibid)

    Evica closes the book with a couple who emerged as character witnesses for the Paines during the Warren Commission inquiry: Frederick and Nancy Osborn. The Osborn family, including his father Frederick Sr., was significantly involved in the American eugenics movement whose intention was to “create a superior Nordic race.” (p. 251) Frederick Sr. also worked with Allen Dulles in the organization of the National Committee for a Free Europe. (p. 254) The funding for this group eventually came from Frank Wisner’s Office of Policy Coordination in the CIA. (p. 255) These were the connections of the friends of the kindly Quaker couple who befriended Lee and Marina.

    Mr. Mallon, are you paying attention?

  • Larry Hancock, Someone Would Have Talked


    I have spoken to Larry Hancock on several occasions. I like him and some of the Lancer Group people he is associated with, like Debra Conway. But Hancock’s book Someone Would Have Talked is a decidedly mixed bag.

    From the title, it tries to circumvent the notion that Warren Commission defenders always trot out. Namely: If there was a conspiracy to kill President Kennedy, why has no one talked about such an enterprise before or since? The book enumerates several people who did do just that. But its real aim is to outline the actual conspiracy as he sees it. And he tries to tilt that conspiracy in a certain way. It’s the way he tilts it that I have some major problems with.

    The first chapter focuses on John Martino. Martino was involved with a Mafia-owned hotel in Cuba prior to Castro’s revolution. He was then arrested and jailed by the revolutionaries. Once he was released in 1962 he began to speak out against Castro, joined up with some para-military types like Felipe Vidal Santiago and Gerry Hemming, and was also a speaker on the John Birch Society circuit. He died in 1975. But before he passed away he spoke about what he had heard of the plot to kill Kennedy to a couple of friends and to his wife. One of the friends, Fred Claasen, went to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. According to Hancock, the HSCA did only a perfunctory investigation of the claims. Later on, in Vanity Fair, (December of 1994) Anthony Summers fleshed out the story more fully. Hancock, on page 16, puts the Martino findings in synoptic form:

    1. Cuban exiles manipulated Oswald in advance of the plot and two of them were snipers in Dealey Plaza.
    2. Oswald was a U. S. government undercover operative who was approached by anti-Castro exiles representing themselves as pro-Castro.
    3. Oswald was supposed to meet an exile contact at the Texas Theater. Oswald thought he would help him escape the country, but the actual plan was to shoot him. Tippit’s killing aborted this. Therefore the planners had to have Ruby murder Oswald.
    4. The motorcade route was known in advance, and the attack was planned thoroughly in advance.

    It is interesting to note here that shortly after this, in Chapters 3 and 4, Hancock begins to summarize the story of Richard Case Nagell, another person who had knowledge of the assassination. I think to any knowledgeable and objective observer comparing the two stories, Nagell’s is more compelling. For by 1975, when the Martino story first surfaced, all of the enumerated points above were realized as distinct possibilities or contingencies by most serious researchers. The one exception being the anti-Castro exiles presenting themselves to Oswald as pro-Castro. But this would be the most speculative part also, since the only people who could actually verify it would be Oswald and the Cubans who approached him. And since I have noted elsewhere, most of the Cubans in this milieu are notoriously unreliable, that would leave Oswald.

    I said that by 1975 Martino’s information was pretty well known to serious investigators. But really, as Hancock relates it, it was known earlier than that. For by the end of 1968, all of the points — except as noted — were working axioms of the New Orleans investigation by DA Jim Garrison. To use just one investigator’s testimony, researcher Gary Schoener has said that Garrison was “obsessed” with the Cuban exile group Alpha 66. At one time, he thought they were the main sponsoring group manipulating Oswald, and that they had pulled off the actual assassination.

    One avenue by which Garrison was led to believe this was through Nagell. And one thing I liked about the book was that it summarized a lot of Nagell’s testimony in more complete, concise and digestible terms than previously presented (see pgs. 39-58). In the first edition of Dick Russell’s book, The Man Who Knew Too Much, Nagell’s story wandered and got lost in a 900-page mountain consisting of much extraneous and tangential elements. Although Hancock leaves out some rather important details — which I will mention later — he does a nice job in distilling and relating its basic outlines. Between the two, because of who he was, his first person testimony, and some evidence he had, I believe Nagell’s story easily has more evidentiary value.

    Consider: Nagell actually tried to inform the authorities in advance. When they did not respond, he got himself arrested. He was then railroaded — along with Secret Service agent Abraham Bolden — because of his attempt to talk. He then wrote letters describing his knowledge to friends while incarcerated (see Probe Vol. 3 No. 1). He then revealed to Garrison assistant William Martin his specific knowledge of two of the Cuban exiles who were manipulating Oswald. One he named as Sergio Arcacha Smith. The other who he only hinted at had a last name beginning with “Q”. This could be Carlos Quiroga, or Rafael ‘Chi Chi’ Quintero. Since Smith and Quiroga were known associates in New Orleans, I lean toward Quiroga. Nagell actually revealed that he had recorded their incriminating talks with Oswald on tape. Since he — as well as Garrison — did not know that Martin was a double agent, it is not surprising that the FBI later broke into his belongings and absconded with the tape, among other things. (Strangely, or as we shall see later, perhaps not, Hancock leaves this intriguing episode out of his book.)

    Now since Garrison was the first law enforcement authority Nagell confided in directly, and the first person to take him seriously, the DA was clearly interested in the Cuban exile aspect. Especially since Nagell’s information was being reinforced to him from multiple angles. For instance, David Ferrie’s close friend Raymond Broshears was also quite specific with Garrison as to the importance of Sergio Arcacha Smith. And when Garrison tried to get Smith extradited from Texas, the local authorities, under the influence of Bill Alexander and Hugh Aynesworth, refused to cooperate. (It is puzzling to me that Hancock, who is so interested in the Cuban groups, seems to try to minimize the importance of Smith.)

    One thing Hancock makes clear is how Nagell originally got involved in the JFK case. Like many foreign intelligence operatives, one of Nagell’s ports of call was Mexico City. As certified by his friend Arthur Greenstein and an FBI memorandum, Nagell was there in the fall of 1962. And at this time, he began acting as a triple agent: “He represented himself to a Soviet contact as a pro-Soviet double agent, while secretly retaining his loyalty to the United States.” (p. 54) It was in this pose that he became known to the KGB. When they approached Nagell they asked him to monitor a Soviet defector and his wife. The second mission they had was to infiltrate a group of Cuban exiles. The Russians had discovered a group of them in Mexico City making threats against President Kennedy for his actions at the Bay of Pigs. The Russians had garnered that part of the scheme was to blame the plot on the Cubans and Russians. This is something that, in the wake of the Missile Crisis, the Russians were desperate to avoid. From here, Hancock summarizes the stories of both Vaughn Snipes and Garret Trapnell, people Nagell suspected as being considered as pro-Castro patsies by the Cuban group (pgs 56-58). And it was this trail that eventually led Nagell to New Orleans and Oswald.

    II

    It is probably a back-handed complement to Hancock to praise him for his neat and precise synopsis on the man who Garrison called the most important witness in the JFK case. For, as noted above, he seems much more preoccupied with Martino. And with that preoccupation, the middle section of the book uses Martino’s more general information to explore what Hancock calls “persons of interest”. But right before this the author makes a most curious statement. He writes, “Knowing that Martino was part of a conspiracy and was in communication with individuals in Texas on November 22… ” (p. 61) Having read the book closely and written over 14 pages of notes on it, I fail to see how Hancock justifies this statement. As summarized above, the information Martino had could have been communicated to him through several of his Cuban exile friends. None of it connotes Martino being part of the plot. And Hancock advances no affirmative evidence to prove that point. (I should also add that the last part of the quoted phrase is ambiguous. It could mean that, after the fact, he was in contact with people who say they were in Dallas that day.)

    It is statements like this that I think seriously mar the book. It is nothing if not an ambitious book. For instance, right after the above statement concerning Martino, Hancock tries to pinpoint the exact moment in time where Oswald began being manipulated by Cuban agents. He says it is while he was in New Orleans on 8/28/63. He marks this by a letter Oswald wrote to the FPCC about a planned move. He then adds that Dallas was not actually in the assassination plan at this time. He says that at the end of August, the hit was planned for Washington in September. This is based on nothing more than a letter Oswald wrote on September 1st mentioning a possible move to Baltimore which, of course, never occurred.

    Now — and this is important — there are all kinds of things Oswald did in New Orleans that, retrospectively, could be seen as part of his frame-up. Too many to be listed here. And there are others, besides the Cuban exiles, who were involved with his manipulation e.g. Ed Butler, Guy Banister, David Ferrie, and Clay Shaw in New Orleans. (Not to mention George DeMohrenschildt and the Paines in Dallas.) For instance, there is the absolutely remarkable journey Shaw, Ferrie, and Oswald took to the towns of Clinton and Jackson which occurred about a week before this letter was written. Also, the House Select Committee on Assassinations discovered that Banister either was thinking of, or actually did send, a dead rat to the White House that summer. These things seem to me to be at least as interesting as this letter for marking purposes. But again, the author does not note them. I mention them here just to indicate how difficult it is to make an extraordinary claim like he does, actually trying to pinpoint when Oswald began being manipulated. I really don’t think this is possible. But, as we shall see, it is par for the course in this book.

    From here Hancock begins to explore those “persons of interest” he mentioned earlier. Some of the people he chooses are interesting, some of them are not. A prime example of the latter is Victor Hernandez who he spends two meandering pages on (pgs 64-65). Some others, like Robert McKeown, seem to me to be more relevant. There is also a section entitled “Oswald in the School Book Depository” (p. 69). And in this section and the pages that follow, Hancock deals with the evidence that exculpates Oswald. He does a good job with the gunshot residue testing. He writes that there was nothing to connect either Oswald’s cheek to the rifle or his hands to the pistol. And that upon hearing word of this, the FBI ordered agents not to make those facts available to anyone in order to “protect the Bureau.” (p. 73) Further in this regard, he uses the work of Harold Weisberg to show that on seven occasions the FBI had fired the rifle with the result being the depositing of heavy powder on the subject’s cheeks. (Ibid)

    Hancock caps this section nicely. After proffering up all this probative evidence, he then quotes Cortland Cunningham’s testimony to the Warren Commission. This testimony states in part, “No sir; I personally wouldn’t expect to find any residues on a person’s cheek after firing a rifle … so by its very nature, I would not expect to find residue on the right cheek of a shooter.” (Ibid)

    Another interesting part of the book is how it deals with the experiences of the late Dallas detective Buddy Walthers. This is based on a rare manuscript about the man by author Eric Tagg. Walthers was part of at least three major evidentiary finds in Dallas. Through his wife, he discovered the meetings at the house on Harlendale Avenue by Alpha 66 in the fall of 1963. Second, he was with FBI agent Robert Barrett when he picked up what appears to be a bullet slug in the grass at Dealey Plaza. And third, something I was unaware of until the work of John Armstrong and is also in this book, Walthers was at the house of Ruth and Michael Paine when the Dallas Police searched it on Friday afternoon. Walthers told Tagg that they “found six or seven metal filing cabinets full of letters, maps, records and index cards with names of pro-Castro sympathizers.” (Hancock places this statement in his footnotes on p. 552.) This is absolutely startling of course since, combined with the work of Carol Hewett, Steve Jones, and Barbara La Monica, it essentially cinches the case that the Paines were domestic surveillance agents in the Cold War against communism. (Hancock notes how the Warren Commission and Wesley Liebeler forced Walthers to backtrack on this point and then made it disappear in the “Speculation and Rumors” part of the report.)

    III

    Since Hancock is dealing in the Cuban exile milieu, he spends a lot of time on the infamous characters of Dave Morales and John Roselli. And this is where I need to mention a couple of volumes the author uses, books which I find unreliable.

    One of them is Ultimate Sacrifice, which I have reviewed at length previously. I won’t go through the myriad problems I have with that book. But as a result of that, I was surprised that Hancock seemed to actually take it seriously. Even its most questionable thesis, about a so-called second invasion of Cuba assembled by the Pentagon and CIA (see p. 200). Unfortunately, Hancock leaves out the fact that Director of Plans Richard Helms didn’t seem to know about that invasion. And neither did Pentagon Chief Bob McNamara or National Security Adviser McGeorge Bundy.

    The other book relied upon here is All American Mafioso: The Johnny Roselli Story. This is by Charles Rappleye and Ed Becker. This book, like Ultimate Sacrifice, makes extravagant claims about Roselli that I find rather strained and poorly sourced, e.g. his alleged involvement in the death of Castillo-Armas in Guatemala. One of the sources for the Roselli book is Jimmy Fratianno, a noted Mafia informant. If one walks around Los Angeles (where I live) often enough, one will eventually meet someone who knew a friend of Fratianno’s. And that person will tell you a tale Fratianno had not revealed in public before about Roselli’s involvement in President Kennedy’s assassination. I know this for a fact since it just happened to me about eight months ago. Unlike Rappleye and Becker I will not be writing about it. As Michael Beschloss has stated, there is no library with the declassified papers of Sam Giancana. Or in this case, John Roselli. So, in large part, one must rely on the word of people like Jimmy “the Weasel” Fratianno. And if you wish to aggrandize and sensationalize Roselli, then you will use a character like him. I would place the Becker/Rappleye effort somewhere on a par with John Davis’ tome on Carlos Marcello. So it was not surprising to me that the authors of the gaseous Ultimate Sacrifice were eager to use both of these works. It did surprise me that Hancock used the Roselli book as much as he did. In fact, about half his chapter on Roselli is sourced to it. He even mentions an alleged meeting between Roselli and Ruby in the fall of 1963. Yet he then adds that this is based on FBI reports that no one can produce.

    I had a similar problem with the following chapter on David Phillips. And it started right on the first page (159). Hancock writes, “Phillips was without a doubt a CIA general.” If we consider that word in its normal sense, with normal examples e.g. Eisenhower, Schwarzkopf etc. then I don’t understand it. At the time frame of the JFK assassination, Phillips was an operations officer. A man in the field supervising things getting done and done right. Not a guy behind the lines planning and approving the overall campaign. In his fine book A Death in Washington Don Freed quotes CIA Director Bill Colby (p. 81) as calling Phillips a great operations officer. So if we go by Colby’s rather authoritative account, Phillips was really a Lt. Colonel at the time — parallel to someone like Oliver North in the Iran/Contra scandal. Hancock then goes further. He applies this same spurious hierarchical title — “general” — to Dave Morales. Yet Morales was Chief of Staff to Ted Shackley at JM/WAVE during this period. I would not even apply the word “general” to Shackley at the time, let alone Morales. Or if I did, it would at most be Brigadier General, not a starred one. It was their superiors at Langley, e.g. James Angleton, who were the generals. People like Phillips and Morales were implementers. (Hancock devotes an entire chapter to Morales. Which is part and parcel of the hubbub that has attended the research community since Gaeton Fonzi introduced him in The Last Investigation. As I noted in my review of the documentary RFK Must Die this has reached the point of actually — and unsuccessfully — implicating him in the murder of Robert Kennedy.)

    Hancock uses Philips’ own autobiography The Night Watch for much of the background material on the man. He then uses one of his timelines to take us up to the famous Bishop/Phillips masquerade episode with Antonio Veciana. But surprisingly, he leaves out some of the most intriguing points about Phillips in Mexico City. Especially his work on the fraudulent tapes sent to Washington to implicate Oswald in the JFK case. For instance, Hancock does not even mention the role of Anne Goodpasture, Phillips’ assistant in Mexico City. There is some extraordinary material on her in the HSCA’s Lopez Report. Neither does he mention the utterly fascinating evidence that John Armstrong advances in his book Harvey and Lee. Namely that Phillips sent the dubiously transcribed Mexico City tapes of Oswald by pouch to himself at Langley under an assumed name. Why would he do such a thing? Well, maybe so that no officers but he and Goodpasture would have the tapes from their origin in Mexico City to their arrival at CIA HQ. This mini-conspiracy was blown in two ways. First, when FBI officials heard the tapes as part of their Kennedy murder investigation and concurred that they were not of Oswald. Second, when HSCA first counsel Richard Sprague showed the official transcripts of the tapes to the original Mexico City transcriber. The transcriber replied that what was on those transcripts was not what he recalled translating. It seems odd to me that these very important points would be left out of any contemporary discussion of Phillips. Even more so since Hancock goes into the Mexico City episode less than a hundred pages later (pgs 275-282)

    IV

    The above leads to a structural criticism of this book, namely its uneven organization. There is almost as much jumping around here as in Joan Mellen’s A Farewell to Justice. But unlike with that book, the fault is not in the editing down of a longer work. It seems here to be part of the ambitious, gestalt-like approach. Hancock the theorist is handling many different threads, and assigning them equal weight. It’s a wide grasp, and Hancock the writer isn’t up to the task. The job of Hancock the writer was to at least try and mold all these separate strands into a clean, clear narrative frame that would keep the reader’s attention and drive him forward to a convincing conclusion. To put it mildly, the book did not succeed on that level. It’s a difficult read. It does not really have a chronological organization, or even a thematic one. Which is why Hancock probably uses all those cumbersome and unhelpful timelines. The thematic approach he attempts is also weak. The chapter titles are supposed to suggest a general framework of what to find. Sometimes this works and sometimes it does not. For instance, he introduces the aforementioned Robert McKeown in Chapter 2. But then his story is not filled in until almost 200 pages later (pgs 189-191) Same with Jack Ruby. Details about him are filled in throughout the book. But they seem to me to be incomplete in themselves, and not completing an intellectual or narrative arc. This organizational problem is multiplied by other technical errors in the book’s production. For example the proper rubric to give the introduction to a book is “Foreword,” not “Forward”. In the index, even though he is mentioned prominently, you will not find the name of Robert McKeown. Conversely, my name is mentioned in the index, but it does not appear on the pages listed.

    The above production flaws accentuate the tilt in the book that I noted earlier. Although it’s a bit difficult to discern, the conspiracy I see Hancock postulating here is a kind of rogue, loosely knit, willy-nilly operation. A set of Cubans is at the bottom committing the crime (he points toward Felipe Vidal Santiago). The supervisor of this plot is Roselli, who Hancock terms the “strategist”. Since Roselli has connections to the CIA, the implication is this is where Phillips and Morales come in. To top the machinations as depicted by Hancock — and in a rather original stroke — he brings in Roselli’s friend and super Washington lobbyist Fred Black. He says Black is the guy who saw President Johnson right after he took office and had some blackmail material on him and this is why LBJ went along with the cover-up.

    Where does this information appear to come from? Newly declassified ARRB files perhaps? Nope. It’s from another rather questionable book that the author uses. This is Wheeling and Dealing, by the infamous Bobby Baker. Now again, to go into all the problems with using a book like this and with someone like Baker would take a separate essay in itself. Suffice it to say, Baker had such a low reputation and was involved with so many unsavory characters and activities that RFK pressed then Vice-President Johnson to get rid of him before the 1964 election. The Attorney General was worried some of these activities would explode into the press and endanger the campaign. Liking the protection his position with Johnson gave him, Baker resisted. He then fought back. One of the ways he fought back was by planting rumors about President Kennedy and a woman named Ellen Rometsch. The resultant hubbub, with daggers and accusations flying about, is the kind of thing that authors like Seymour Hersh and Burton Hersh make hay of in their trashy books. (I didn’t think it was possible, but Burton Hersh’s book Bobby and J. Edgar is even more awful than The Dark Side of Camelot. It is such an atrocity, I couldn’t even finish it.) Suffice it to say, Baker was forced out in October of 1963. Researcher Peter Vea has seen the original FBI reports commissioned by Hoover about Rometsch and he says there is nothing of substance in them about her and JFK. I am a bit surprised that Hancock would try and pin the JFK cover-up on information furnished by the likes of Baker and Black.

    This is all the more surprising since the author includes material from John Newman’s latest discoveries about Oswald, James Angleton, the CIA and Mexico City. To me this new ARRB released evidence provides a much more demonstrable and credible thesis as to just how and why Johnson decided to actively involve himself in the cover-up.

    To make his Black/Baker theorem tenable on the page, Hancock leaves out or severely curtails some rather important and compelling evidence. In 1996, Probe published a milestone article by Professor Donald Gibson entitled “The Creation of the Warren Commission” (Vol. 3 No. 4 p. 8). It was, and still is, the definitive account of how the Warren Commission came into being. And it was used and sourced by Gerald McKnight in the best study of the Warren Commission we have to date, Breach of Trust, published in 2005. According to this evidence declassified by the ARRB, there were three men involved in pushing the concept of the Warren Commission onto the Johnson White House. They were Eugene Rostow, Dean Acheson, and Joseph Alsop. (There is a fourth person who Rostow alluded to but didn’t name in his call to Bill Moyers on 11/24. Ibid p. 27) This trio sprung into action right after Oswald was shot by Ruby. And they began to instantly lobby Moyers, Walter Jenkins, Nick Katzenbach, and President Johnson to create what eventually became the Warren Commission. To say that Hancock gives short shrift to Gibson’s seminal account is a huge understatement. He radically truncates the absolutely crucial and stunning phone call between LBJ and Alsop of 11/25. One has to read this transcript to understand just how important it is and just how intent and forceful Alsop is in getting Johnson to do what he wants him to. (The Assassinations pgs. 10-15.) By almost eviscerating it, Hancock leaves the impression that it is actually Johnson who was pushing for the creation of a blue ribbon national committee and not Alsop! (Hancock pgs 327-328) I don’t see how any objective person can read the longer excerpts and come to that conclusion. So when Hancock states (p. 322) categorically that “President Johnson was the driving force in determining and controlling exactly how the murder of President Kennedy was investigated,” I am utterly baffled at how and why he can write this. The sterling work of both Gibson and McKnight show that this is a wild and irresponsible exaggeration.

    V

    But this puzzling aspect of the work relates to other dubious but just as categorical statements that abound in it. On page 298, Hancock writes that the Oswald as Lone Nut story was created after the fact as a damage control device and was not part of the plot. If that is true then why did Shaw and Ferrie try to get Oswald a position at a mental hospital in Jackson, Louisiana in the summer of 1963? When Garrison studied this incident he concluded its goal was to get Oswald into such a hospital under any circumstances. And then announce after the assassination that he had been there as a patient. Presto! You have the officially deranged sociopath the Warren Commission tries to portray. Also, on and dovetailing with this, multi-millionaire Jock Whitney did a curious thing on 11/22/63. He went to work as a copy editor at the New York Herald Tribune — a paper that he owned. One of the things he did was to approve an editorial that suggested that very Lone Nut scenario. (Probe Vol. 7 No. 1 p. 20) Right after making this unwarranted assumption, Hancock writes about how the plotters actually meant to portray the patsy: “The plotters were presenting Oswald as a paid Castro agent associating with Castro operatives.” (Ibid) Two questions I have about this “presentation.” First, who was paying him and how much? In other words, what happened to the money? Second, who were these pro-Castro operatives? I fail to see them in any study of Oswald. This seems to me to be, outside the fantasy world of Gus Russo, a vacuous and unsupportable concept.

    On another occasion the omniscient Hancock states that the conspirators lacked “a Dallas intelligence network.” (p. 379) Well, if your self-appointed plotters are people like Santiago and Roselli, this might be accurate. But if you unblinker your eyes, people like George DeMohrenschildt, CIA chief J. Walton Moore, Ruth and Michael Paine, and the rather large White Russian community — who, among other things, counseled Marina Oswald on her New Orleans Grand Jury testimony — these suspicious characters might serve just fine as an intelligence network.

    Finally, in a rather revealing statement, Hancock writes that if the cover-up had been pre-planned, “there should not have been the glaring problems we now see in regard to the autopsy.” (p. 299) Again, this is a real puzzler. The medical part of this case held quite strongly until the time of the HSCA. In other words for 15 years. When a strong critical movement arose against the Warren Commission in 1967, Warren Commission lawyer David Slawson — then in the Justice Department — started the move toward an official review of the autopsy. From the beginning, his intent — which he actually wrote about — was to stop the critical community in its tracks with an authoritative medical document supporting the Warren Commission verdict. Slawson’s efforts ended up in the formation of the so-called Fischer Panel, an illustrious panel of forensic pathologists selected by Ramsey Clark. They issued their report in 1968 and it predictably certified that only one assassin was involved and all shots came from the rear. This report was then used to batter both the Warren Commission critics and DA Jim Garrison, who was pursuing his case against Clay Shaw at the time. How did it achieve this aim? Because of its Washington based sanction of secrecy. Only the result was announced. The material and methodology used to attain it was kept hidden. It was not until the HSCA report, and the second generation of books on the case which followed it, that this area of evidence began to be seriously addressed. And this was in the late 70’s and early 1980’s. And it was not until the nineties, with the Assassination Records Review Board releases, that so much was finally declassified that the medical aspect began to be sharply skewered from multiple angles. In other words, what went on at Bethesda — a deliberately incomplete and deceptive autopsy conducted under military control — was not fully revealed until three decades later. Which is quite enough time to keep the cover-up intact. From a conspiratorial standpoint, the only other solution to this problem — disguising the true nature of the shots and the assassin — would have been to actually have a sniper on the sixth floor and to have him perform what the Commission actually said he did. But this could not have been done since we know today that the feat is not possible. So what did happen, the federally sanctioned cover-up, was an operational necessity which did the trick.

    These kinds of blanket yet porous statements occur quite often throughout this book. (There are many others I could have listed but, for reason of rhetorical overkill, I did not.) So although there are some interesting and worthwhile aspects to this book, overall I found it really disappointing. It is spotty, pretentious, unconvincing in its overall thesis, and uses questionable sources and witnesses to advance parts of its presentation, while leaving out more credible evidence that works against that particular presentation. It pains me to write like this, since I like Mr. Hancock and think he and his organization have done some good work. But I have to.


    Also read the update to this review.

  • Vincent Bugliosi, Reclaiming History: The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy


    W.W. Norton & Co., New York, NY, 2007. 1612 pages plus CD-rom, $49.95.


    “[A]lthough there have been hundreds of books on the [JFK] assassination,” Vincent Bugliosi writes in the introduction to Reclaiming History, “no book has even attempted to be a comprehensive and fair evaluation of the entire [italics in original] case, including all of the major conspiracy theories.”[1] Indeed, no book has – not even this 1612-page book, supplemented by a CD-rom containing 958 pages of endnotes – although not because it is too short.

    The gigantic swing that Bugliosi takes is easily the most ambitious one-person undertaking ever published on the Kennedy assassination. Bugliosi, the famous Charles Manson prosecutor, devotes more than 1400 pages of text and endnotes to “reclaiming” the lost truth as first set forth by the Warren Commission. He then devotes 900 more pages of text and endnotes to pounding myriad “conspiracy theorists” whose efforts over the years, Bugliosi claims, have wrought a grave injustice on the Commission and performed a “flagrant disservice to the American public.”[2]

    It is not just that critics have convinced 75 percent of Americans (Bugliosi’s figure [3]) to reject the official truth, which he says happens to be the real truth. These critics, Bugliosi contends, are also responsible for a widespread loss of faith in once-respected institutions. Such widespread skepticism, “gestating for decades in the nation’s marrow,” he writes, “obviously has to have had a deleterious effect on the way Americans view those who lead them and determine their destiny. Indeed, Jefferson Morley, former Washington editor of the Nation, observes that Kennedy’s assassination has been ‘a kind of national Rorschach test of the American political psyche. What Americans think about the Kennedy assassination reveals what they think about their government.’”[4] To those who might wonder if more than 1600 pages of text and 900 pages of endnotes were really necessary, Bugliosi says that the problem is so severe that nothing less would have sufficed.

    Although Warren Commission skeptics might not welcome this gargantuan new salvo, there is no denying that Bugliosi’s Herculean effort is an historic and important contribution. It is valuable not only as a reference for the myriad facts in the case and for debunking some of the pro-conspiracy codswallop that has not elsewhere already been debunked (most of it has been, if one has the time to find it). The book’s use also lies in demonstrating that it may not be possible for one person to fully master, or give a fair accounting of, this impossibly tangled mess of a case. In fact, despite Bugliosi’s pugnacious pummeling, he hasn’t laid a glove on major elements of the case for conspiracy.

    And, regrettably, it must be said that the most distinguishing characteristic of this book is its demagogic pugnacity. Bugliosi cleaves the world of opinion holders neatly in two – sensible Warren Commission loyalists and conscious evildoers, the “conspiracy theorists.” He allows, however, for the occasional sincere dupe. Although his prosecutorial, conclusions-driven style is redolent of Gerald Posner’s in Case Closed, the last attorney-written book to defend the Warren Commission, Bugliosi’s endless self-congratulation and his arrogant condescension make his book far more insufferable.

    These traits may have served Bugliosi well as a Los Angeles County prosecutor where, he boasts, he won felony convictions in 105 of 106 jury trials. [5] They may have helped him knock out true-crime books, including his famous book about the Manson murders, Helter Skelter. But his arrogance is of little use in untangling the hopelessly conflicted facts in this 44-year old national tragedy. His incessantly hurling slurs such as “deranged conspiracy theorist,” “crackpot,” “con man,” “kook,” and “huckster” at virtually all critics inevitably carries a whiff of buffoonery and anxious self-promotion about it. And that’s particularly the case when he’s flat-out wrong on the facts.

    A typical example is Bugliosi’s mocking of skeptics who say that Robert Kennedy was, to borrow from Bugliosi, a “conspiracy theorist.” He counters not with an informed discussion, but by producing an RFK quotation of support for the Warren Commission.[6] Ironically, in the very week that Bugliosi’s book premiered, a new best-selling book by David Talbot, Brothers, was published proffering book-length documentation of something skeptics have long known and Bugliosi could have known if he had really looked: While RFK toed the official line in public for the obvious, political reasons, in private, and until the day he died, he remained active as, to borrow from Talbot, “America’s first assassination conspiracy theorist.” [7] But if one peers past Bugliosi’s conclusions-driven narrative, past his errors of fact and interpretation and past his snarky, self-congratulatory tone, there is much to be thankful for in this book. His writing is generally lucid and engaging and his compilation of facts from disparate sources is a remarkable achievement and an astonishing boon to all students of the case. For whether one agrees with Bugliosi or not, he has provided an almost encyclopedic repository of the innumerable facets of the case, particularly those useful to Warren Commission loyalists. But this can be as much a curse as a blessing. For the book is so jammed with endless, repetitive, and often inessential details – especially those implicating Oswald – that the general reader may find it impossible to make out the forest amid Bugliosi’s endless trees.

    A few of words of advice are in order about who should read the book and how to read it. First, this is probably not a book for novices, because Bugliosi provides so many peripheral details that one can easily lose the thread or lose interest in the thread. Second, serious students of the case, and even casual readers, are advised to read the book with the included CD-rom running on a computer. For not only is some of the most important material available only in the CD-rom’s 958 pages of endnotes, but the endnotes occasionally qualify the text so much that the net effect is to eviscerate the sweeping generalizations on the printed page. But one need not read the entire book to find value.

    Bugliosi marvelously chronicles the events surrounding that day in Dallas in a section entitled “Four Days in November.” It may be the best hour-by-hour timeline in print. The 300-plus pages he devotes to the events between 6:30 a.m. on Friday, November 22, the day of the assassination, through Monday, November 25 leave out almost nothing of significance. And his narrative is strengthened by this section’s lack of invective and disparagement. He reserves those features for the remainder of Reclaiming History, turning it into a distracting and tiresome screed more fit for settling scores than history. Few of the remaining 2000-plus pages are free of his cheap shots, his bitter denunciations, and his often silly remonstrations. That is not to say his criticisms are entirely invalid.

    For, as with the sinking of the Maine, the attack at Pearl Harbor, the Gulf of Tonkin incident, Sept. 11, and the events at Roswell, New Mexico, the Kennedy case has attracted its share of the febrile-minded. If such people are looking for a good remedy, then Reclaiming History offers it. Want to know why Jimmy Files, a 20-year old mafia wannabe didn’t shoot JFK from the grassy knoll with a Remington Fireball – a .222-caliber, single shot pistol?[8] Want to know why the father of actor Woody Harrelson wasn’t one of the notorious “tramp” conspirators who were picked up near Dealey Plaza right after the fact? [9] Want to know why Secret Service Agent George Hickey didn’t accidentally shoot JFK while riding in the car behind the President’s? [10] The answers are in Bugliosi’s book.

    But Bugliosi makes scant allowance for the fact that not all crackpot theorizing arises ex vacuo from febrile minds. It wasn’t exactly one of Bugliosi’s “kooks” who kicked off the Vietnam War by spinning the yarn about an unprovoked attack in the Gulf of Tonkin on August 4, 1964. [11] Had the government not initially reported finding a UFO at Roswell, New Mexico, and then changed its story – twice – “con men” would have been deprived some of the juicy grist they used in their mills. [12] And, although there may indeed have been “hucksters” behind the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s reassurances that the toxic air at Ground Zero was safe, they were the sort of official hucksters Bugliosi laments that the public no longer trusts in the wake of skeptics having scuttled the Warren Commission’s ship in the public’s mind. [13]

    But it is not just crackpots who have given up the faith; so also has the government itself. Two independent teams of seasoned, government investigators assembled by the Church Committee and the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) concluded that, as the HSCA put it, “It is a reality to be regretted that the [Warren] Commission failed to live up to its promise.” [14] Bugliosi never mentions this finding. Nor does he mention any of the harshest of the official critiques. Instead he offers only a few of the milder ones, which he then nitpicks and dismisses, in order to stand foursquare with the Warren Commission. The Commission’s key failing was not investigating the murder itself, but instead handing the job over to the FBI, which, the HSCA determined, had “generally exhausted its resources in confirming its case against Oswald as the lone assassin, a case that Director J. Edgar Hoover, at least, seemed determined to make within 24 hours of the assassination.”[15] The Church Committee also discovered that “derogatory information pertaining to both [Warren] Commission members and staff was brought to Mr. Hoover’s attention … .”166 One can only wonder if the notorious Hoover might have sought such information as insurance that the Commission wouldn’t deviate from Hoover’s lone nut theory – one that exculpated the Bureau and Hoover for not shielding JFK from a successful plot. Nowhere in Bugliosi’s 2500 pages will you find any of these official findings.

    Bugliosi also withholds the Church Committee’s most scathing assessments of the Bureau’s efforts and instead offers a quotation from the committee’s report that seems to praise it: “The FBI investigation of the Assassination was a massive effort.” [16] Bugliosi omits a more representative, and telling, assessment that appears on the very same page of the committee’s report: “Almost immediately after the assassination, Director Hoover, the Justice Department and the White House ‘exerted pressure’ on senior Bureau officials to complete their investigation and issue a factual report supporting the conclusion that Oswald was the lone assassin. Thus, it is not surprising that, from its inception, the assassination investigation focused almost exclusively on Lee Harvey Oswald.” [17]

    Bugliosi does not even once mention what may be the Church Committee’s most important, and damning, conclusion about how the FBI, CIA, Secret Service, and other investigative agencies were affected by so powerful a lobby as Hoover, the Justice Department and the White House, all urging that the focus be kept solely on Oswald. The Committee wrote that it had “developed evidence which impeaches the process by which the intelligence agencies arrived at their own conclusions about the assassination, and by which they provided information to the Warren Commission. This evidence indicates that the investigation of the assassination was deficient and that facts which might have substantially affected the course of the investigation were not provided the Warren Commission or those individuals within the FBI and the CIA, as well as other agencies of Government, who were charged with investigating the assassination.” [18] That verdict was reaffirmed in a new book about the CIA, Legacy of Ashes by New York Times journalist, Tim Weiner, who wrote that, in their investigation of the Kennedy assassination, the FBI and CIA’s “malfeasance was profound.”[19]

    In the interests of full disclosure and before addressing specific evidence, I note that I am one of the many people Bugliosi consulted while writing Reclaiming History. He wrote to me on numerous occasions and quotes me in his book, treating me much more gently than he does most non-believers. Comparing our pleasant, prepublication exchanges with what ended up on his cutting room floor was quite an eye opener. To convey to readers just how selective and conclusions-driven Bugliosi’s book is, and because of the impossibility of comprehensively reviewing so massive a book, this review will highlight the bullet evidence – evidence so central that two of Bugliosi’s most favored sources have called it the “Rosetta Stone” of the Kennedy case – evidence that, by itself alone, proves that Oswald did it. [20] I hope that my discussion of the bullet evidence will make clear why this detail-drenched book ultimately falls, and why the case for conspiracy still stands.

    The Bullet Evidence in the JFK Case

    Because only three expended shells were found in the “sniper’s nest” in the Texas School Book Depository, and because it is accepted that one shot missed, it follows that, if Oswald did it, he must have done all of it – inflicted seven wounds in JFK and Governor John Connally – with only two bullets. Bugliosi insists that the evidence shows precisely that – that two bullets, and only two bullets, hit their mark in JFK’s limousine, and both were fired from Oswald’s Mannlicher-Carcano rifle. Bugliosi’s proof is two-part and straightforward.

    First, a bullet, Warren Commission Exhibit #399, mocked by skeptics as the “magic bullet” because it was virtually undamaged after an amazing odyssey during which it supposedly broke three bones in two men, was supposedly found on a stretcher at Parkland Hospital. The FBI reported that the unique pattern of grooves etched onto the surface of #399 had been caused by unique impressions on the inside of the barrel of Oswald’s rifle and so proved that #399 had been fired from Oswald’s rifle, to the exclusion of all other rifles in the world. Second, all the fragments recovered from both victims, JFK and Governor John Connally, were shown by a sophisticated scientific analysis – neutron activation analysis [NAA] – to trace to just two bullets. They came either from #399 or from a second bullet, two large remnants of which were found in the limousine. And FBI tests proved that the second bullet, like #399, had also come from Oswald’s rifle.

    Reflecting its importance to the anti-conspiracy community and himself, Bugliosi devotes great attention to NAA, stating that it confirms that all the smaller recovered fragments came from one or the other of these two bullets alone. The small fragments recovered from Governor Connally, for example, were shown by NAA to have been dislodged from #399, the stretcher bullet. And fragments removed from JFK’s brain at autopsy matched the bullet fragments found in the limousine. Thus, Bugliosi argues, with only two bullets from Oswald’s rifle in play, not only is there is no need for a third bullet, nor a second assassin, but there is no possibility of either. Although Bugliosi does a masterful job of persuasively laying out the NAA case, what he omits cuts the heart out of his thesis.

    Neutron Activation Analysis of Bullet Evidence

    First elaborated before the House Select Committee on Assassination’s re-analysis of Kennedy’s murder in 1977, NAA is a sophisticated scientific technique. Although it has since been abandoned because the results of the technique have been wrongly interpreted in legal cases, NAA had been used by the FBI and police to identify bullets from a crime scene and to match recovered fragments to specific bullets. It turns out that the Kennedy case was the first instance in which NAA was used to make such matches. The technique involves measuring miniscule levels of “impurities” that are commonly found in bullet lead; typically, the levels of antimony (Sb), silver (Ag) and copper (Cu) are measured. Vincent Guinn, an authority on NAA, put JFK’s bullet evidence to the test for the HSCA and, against all expectations at the time, testified that NAA seemed inextricably to tie Oswald to the crime. In recent years, NAA has been championed by only two individuals – whose work Bugliosi endorses – a retired atmospheric chemist, Ken Rahn, Ph.D, and Larry Sturdivan, the coauthors of two papers on the topic in 2004.[21]

    Drawing on the work of Guinn, Rahn, and Sturdivan, Bugliosi explains that NAA proved useful in the Kennedy case only because of an unusual feature of the bullets that Oswald had used. “When subjected to NAA by Dr. Guinn,” Bugliosi writes, “all five of the specimens produced a profile highly characteristic of the Western Cartridge Company’s Mannlicher-Carcano ammunition.”[22] That profile, Guinn had testified, was that with Mannlicher-Carcano (MC) bullets the amounts of trace components varied between bullets, but didn’t vary within a single bullet. To understand what he meant, think of MC bullets as one might think of crayons. Within a box of crayons, although each individual crayon is only one, distinct color, all the individual crayons are distinctly different colors. If one took slivers from different crayons and mixed them up, they would still be traceable to the crayon of origin because each sliver would retain the color of the crayon it came from.

    Based on Guinn’s work, Bugliosi argues that NAA showed that the lead from MC bullets and fragments could be traced the same way one might trace crayons and their fragments. Just as within a given crayon the color is uniform throughout, so, Guinn said, NAA showed that the level of antimony is uniform throughout the lead in each MC bullet. Put another way, NAA can prove whether bullet fragments came from one or more bullets because all the fragments from a single bullet have the same trace amount of antimony – whether they came from the bullet’s head, midsection, or tail – just as slivers from a single crayon have only one color. But if they came from two MC bullets, the NAA would show two groupings of antimony, just as slivers from two crayons would show two groupings of color. If they came from three MC bullets, the NAA would show the fragments falling into three groups, and so on. By contrast, in most other types of bullets, the quantity of antimony does not vary from bullet to bullet. If they were crayons, they would all be of the same color. But “[e]ven more interesting,” Bugliosi elaborates, “the [NAA] results fell into two distinct groups … all five specimens had come from just two bullets. … [T]he large fragment found in the limousine, the smaller fragments found on the rug of the limousine, and the fragments recovered from Kennedy’s brain were all from one bullet.”[23] The limousine fragments, in other words, came from the shot that hit Kennedy in the head. But, Bugliosi continues, Guinn’s “most important conclusion by far, however, scientifically defeating the notion that the bullet found on Connally’s stretcher had been planted, was that the elemental composition and concentration of trace elements of the three bullet fragments removed from Governor Connally’s wrist matched those of a second bullet, the stretcher bullet [#399]. The stretcher bullet, then, had to be the one that struck Connally … .”[24]

    Thus, according to Bugliosi, the NAA “Rosetta Stone” of the JFK case had established three central facts. First, the varying levels of trace components detected by NAA proved that all the fragments came from the type of ammo used in Oswald’s rifle. Second, the fragments recovered from JFK’s brain and from the limousine all came from a single bullet. Third, only one other bullet, #399, could have played a role, and it could not have been planted because NAA showed that all the remaining fragments – those extracted from the governor – had come from #399. Thus, Bugliosi tells us, with NAA’s confirming that only two bullets from Oswald’s rifle were involved, the possibility of a third bullet and a second gunman had been excluded scientifically. But, not only can none of these claims withstand scrutiny, Bugliosi certainly knew of their serious weaknesses but withheld them from his readers.

    Neutron Activation Analysis: Critique

    Regarding the first supposed central fact – that varying trace components prove that the fragments came from Mannlicher-Carcano lead – one obvious problem with this claim is that it fails simple logic – it begs the question. In arguing that the varying levels of antimony in the recovered bullets and fragments proves that the ammo came solely from Oswald’s ammunition, Bugliosi has assumed as true that which is in dispute. The fact that there were varying levels of trace components scarcely eliminates the possibility of different types of bullets. Rather, varying levels is precisely what one would expect if different assassins had fired different types of bullets. [25] In other words, despite NAA’s amazing accuracy in measuring trace components, it did not prove that only one type of bullet had been fired.

    Bugliosi’s science isn’t much better than his logic. In a long endnote, Bugliosi acknowledges several recent studies that have cast such doubt on the value of NAA in matching bullets that the technique has been all but abandoned by crime investigators. [26] Yet he writes that, “no one has successfully challenged the findings of Dr. Guinn in the Kennedy assassination,”[27] as if the very studies he cited had not already eviscerated Guinn’s finding, which, in fact, they had. As is now well known from the very research that Bugliosi cites, the lead found in MC bullets is not at all unique or even unusual. In fact, it’s rather common.

    As two scientists from Lawrence Livermore Lab, metallurgist Erik Randich, Ph.D, and chemist Pat Grant, Ph.D, reported in an article in the Journal of Forensic Science in 2006 (which Bugliosi cites), “The lead cores of the bullets [Guinn] sampled from [Western Cartridge Company’s] lots 6000-6003 contained approximately 600-900 ppm antimony and approximately 17-4516 ppm copper (with most of the copper concentrations in the 20-400 ppm range). In both of these aspects, the … MC bullets are quite similar to other commercial FMJ [full metal jacketed] rifle ammunition.” Thus, the scientists conclude, the JFK bullet fragments “need not necessarily have originated from MC ammunition. Indeed, the antimony compositions of the evidentiary specimens are consistent with any number of jacketed ammunitions containing unhardened lead.” (my emphasis) [28]

    Using exquisite photomicrographs (photographs of enlarged microscopic images) of MC bullets cut in cross-section as proof, Randich and Grant also demolished the second and third pillars of Guinn’s case for NAA – that individual MC bullets have uniform levels of antimony. In fact, like most jacketed ammunition, the antimony in MC bullet lead “microsegregates,” that is, it clumps around microcrystals of lead during cooling, and so variations in antimony from one part of the bullet to another are to be expected. In other words, the bullets are not like single-colored crayons, they said, in effect. Instead, if I may offer yet another metaphor, MC bullets are more like a marbled cut of beef. Just as the amount of fat in a sliver taken from a single piece of marbled beef can vary depending on where it is snipped, so too can the amount of antimony vary in fragments snipped from different parts of a single bullet. Thus, Randich and Grant not only rebutted the claims that Bugliosi made regarding Guinn’s original NAA work; they also upended the published claims made by anti-conspiracists Rahn and Sturdivan. However, unlike Rahn and Sturdivan, Randich and Grant have (they have told me) no opinion on the conspiracy question – both remain entirely agnostic. [29]

    Bugliosi doesn’t ignore Randich and Grant. He dismisses their paper on the sole basis of a personal letter (which he reprints in a long endnote) from the longtime anti-conspiracist, Larry Sturdivan, the very man who came up with the idea that NAA was the JFK “Rosetta Stone” in the first place! Unfortunately, like Guinn and Rahn before him, Sturdivan had no metallurgical expertise. [30] So it was no surprise when, in his “refutation,” Sturdivan repeated Guinn’s apparent error, saying, without offering proof, that JFK’s bullet fragments were identifiable as MC shells because they had the near-unique NAA profile typical of those bullets, [31] a profile that the scientists from Lawrence Livermore Lab say does not exist. “Any number of jacketed” rounds, they said, would have produced the same NAA profile as JFK’s fragments.

    But perhaps the most telling aspect of this story is how Bugliosi, who endlessly touts his high standards of scholarship, dealt with these flatly contradictory analyses. He had to choose between the personal remarks of a longstanding anti-conspiracy NAA proponent with unremarkable credentials and those of two conspiracy-agnostic Lawrence Livermore Lab scientists with superb credentials writing in the peer-reviewed scientific literature, and he chose the former.

    Given the importance that Warren Commission loyalists have attached to this evidence, a scholar of any merit would have checked the claims in Sturdivan’s personal letter with someone in a position to know – if not Randich or Grant, then some other authority on bullet metallurgy. Bugliosi apparently didn’t do that, which I discovered only when I contacted Randich and Grant myself. Both told me that Bugliosi had never once contacted them – whether about their paper, about Sturdivan’s “refutation,” or about anything else. And, in rejecting Randich and Grant to embrace Sturdivan’s conclusions, Bugliosi cites no one but Sturdivan, who is as demonstrably inexpert as he is interested in perpetuating NAA as the “Rosetta Stone” of the Kennedy case.

    Ironically, it might have saved Bugliosi considerable embarrassment if he had gotten a second opinion. For in the very week that Reclaiming History was released, a second scientific report was published – this one by a team led by Texas A&M statistician, Clifford Spiegelman, Ph.D, and a 24-year veteran of the FBI Lab, William Tobin, Ph.D – that added additional doubts to those voiced by Randich and Grant about the statistical model that Guinn, Rahn, and Sturdivan had used in making their NAA case. Calling Guinn, Rahn, and Sturdivan’s statistical analysis “fundamentally flawed,” Spiegelman and Tobin demonstrated that, properly used, statistical models show that Kennedy’s bullet fragments could have come from more than two bullets – even as many as five. Thus, all the pillars undergirding the NAA “Rosetta Stone” have collapsed. Not only does the historic NAA data not exclude the possibility of a second assassin, it can’t even prove that all the fragments came from the MC rounds that Oswald supposedly used. [32]

    In a recent interview, Bugliosi was asked about the new NAA developments. “Can you talk about the new findings on bullet fragments from the scene?” Bugliosi answered, “These former FBI agents [sic] came up with a statement, and people are asking around the country about this new story. Here’s how new it is – it’s in my book. They’re talking about neutron activation analysis. It was simply corroborative.” [33] Indeed, Spiegelman and Tobin’s study was corroborative – but of Randich and Grant, in refuting Bugliosi. And Spielgelman and Tobin’s new study, of course, is not in Bugliosi’s book.

    Warren Commission Exhibit #399 and the Kennedy case

    Bugliosi loses another big round in a second important controversy regarding the bullet evidence, this time involving the bona fides of Warren Commission Exhibit #399. Doubts about the magic bullet have persisted because the official version had it that, despite breaking three bones in two men, #399 nevertheless emerged with no damage whatsoever to the business end of the bullet – the tip – and suffered only a minor flattening of the base of the slug. Bugliosi tackles the subject by focusing on knocking down skeptics “who cling to the belief that the stretcher bullet (#399) was planted” in order to frame Oswald. [34]

    Although there is no denying that #399’s near-pristine appearance had, at one time, sparked speculation it had been planted on the stretcher at Parkland, virtually no one argues that anymore. But what critics argue today instead represents an altogether more menacing opponent that, despite much flailing, Bugliosi never manages to land a blow against. New evidence suggests that the problem with #399 is not that it was planted on a hospital stretcher, but that it may not be the same bullet that was found on a stretcher. In our correspondence, Bugliosi and I explored this issue in some detail, as we will see.

    The story begins when the Warren Commission asked the FBI to chase down #399’s chain of possession. Records show that the Bureau sent the bullet back and forth to Dallas in June 1964, filing a report with the Warren Commission on July 7, 1964, which the Warren Commission published as Exhibit #2011. The report said that Dallas FBI Agent Bardwell Odum had shown #399 to the two Parkland witnesses who had first seen a bullet on the stretcher: Darrell Tomlinson, who discovered it on the stretcher, and O.P. Wright, the hospital personnel director and former police officer whom Tomlinson called over to look at it. [35] The report also said that both had told Odum that, although #399 “appears to be the same one” that had been on the stretcher, neither could “positively identify” it, meaning that they had not carved their initials on the bullet found on the stretcher as positive proof.

    But Exhibit #2011 told an oddly different story about the next two men in the bullet’s chain of possession. Secret Service Agent Richard Johnsen, who collected the bullet from Wright at Parkland, and James Rowley, the chief of the Secret Service, told the FBI that they “could not identify this bullet (#399) as the one” – the bullet found on the stretcher at Parkland. Intriguingly, a declassified FBI memo dated June 24, 1964, from the special agent in charge of the Bureau’s Washington office to J. Edgar Hoover, told the same story as #2011: Johnsen and Rowley “were unable to identify” #399. [36] Neither the June 24th memo nor the Bureau’s July 7th report to the Warren Commission explained what they meant by “unable to identify.” Did the Secret Service agents mean they were merely unable to “positively identify” #399? Or unable identify it at all? There are no extant records, old or new, showing that either the Warren Commission or the Bureau investigated further.

    The mystery deepened two years later when a one-time Yale and Haverford philosophy professor, Josiah Thompson (then working for Time/Life), interviewed O.P. Wright. As Thompson described it in his classic book, Six Seconds in Dallas, “I then showed him photographs of CE 399 … and he rejected all of these as resembling the bullet Tomlinson found on the stretcher. Half an hour later in the presence of two witnesses, he once again rejected the picture of # 399 as resembling the bullet found on the stretcher. … As a professional law enforcement officer, Wright has an educated eye for bullet shapes.”[37]

    And there the conflict lay, undisturbed, until after the passage of the JFK Records Act, when I requested the complete file of FBI reports on #399. If the FBI’s report of July 7, 1964 (#2011) to the Warren Commission was accurate, I was certain that there would be an “FD-302” written by Dallas Agent Bardwell Odum recounting that the Parkland witnesses, Tomlinson and Wright, had told him that #399 looked like the stretcher bullet. This is because 302s are the reports that agents submit after doing field investigations, and Odum would certainly have sent one in after tracking down the witnesses who found one of the most important pieces of physical evidence in the case.

    But after petitioning both the FBI and the National Archives, and after the National Archives conducted a special search on my behalf, I was informed that there was no such report in the files. Nor were there 302s of any kind from Dallas concerning the magic bullet. Worse, in what the National Archives told me was the complete file, there was only a single report from the FBI’s Dallas office about #399. It was written on June 20th – before the FBI’s July 7th report (#2011) that said that Tomlinson and Wright thought that #399 “appears to be the same one” found on the stretcher. But the June 20 report said nothing of either Tomlinson or Wright’s having said that #399 resembled the stretcher bullet.[38] In fact, it suggested precisely the opposite.

    The June 20 report was a formerly suppressed FBI “Airtel” from the head of the FBI office in Dallas (“SAC, Dallas” – i.e., Special Agent in Charge, Gordon Shanklin) to the head of the FBI, J. Edgar Hoover. It reads, “For information WFO [Washington Field Office of the FBI], neither DARRELL C. TOMLINSON, who found bullet at Parkland Hospital, Dallas, nor O. P. WRIGHT, Personnel Officer, Parkland Hospital, who obtained bullet from TOMLINSON and gave [it] to Special Agent RICHARD E. JOHNSON, Secret Service, at Dallas 11/22/63, can identify bullet.”[39] As this was the only Dallas record on #399, one can only wonder where the Washington office got the information that they reported to the Warren Commission on July 7, 1964 that Tomlinson and Wright had said that there was a resemblance between #399 and the stretcher bullet. So what about the field agent, Bardwell Odum, who is named in #2011 as having heard the Parkland witnesses say that there was a resemblance?

    With Josiah Thompson’s help, I tracked Odum down in 2002 and sent him the original July 7th FBI report and the June 20, 1964 FBI Airtel from Dallas. In a recorded call we had the following exchange:

    GA: “[F]rom what I could gather from the records after the assassination, you went into Parkland and showed (#399 to) a couple of employees there.”

    BO: “Oh, I never went into Parkland Hospital at all. I don’t know where you got that. … I didn’t show it to anybody at Parkland. I didn’t have any bullet. I don’t know where you got that but it is wrong.”

    GA: “Oh, so you never took a bullet. You were never given a bullet … .”

    BO: “You are talking about the bullet they found at Parkland?”

    GA: “Right.”

    BO: “I don’t think I ever saw it even.”

    My first inclination was to wonder if Odum might have forgotten his trip to the hospital. But if so, that meant that Odum’s memory was good enough to recall that a bullet had been found at Parkland but not good enough to remember that he had carried it around Parkland himself. I re-reviewed the entire file on #399 and confirmed that Odum’s name was nowhere in it. Unwilling to leave it at that, on November 21, 2002 Josiah Thompson and I both visited Bardwell Odum in his home in a suburb of Dallas. Concerned as to what his age and the passage of 38 years might have done to the 78-year old’s recall, we were both struck by how very bright and alert Odum was. To ensure that there was no misunderstanding, we laid out on a coffee table before Odum copies of all the relevant documents. We then read aloud from them.

    Again, Odum said that he had never taken a bullet – any bullet – to Parkland to show to witnesses. Nor had he ever had any bullet related to the Kennedy assassination in his possession during the FBI’s investigation in 1964 or at any other time. Because a record from the Washington FBI office seems to prove that #399 had indeed been sent back and forth to Dallas in the appropriate time frame,[40] we gently asked Odum whether he might have forgotten the episode. Answering somewhat stiffly, he said that he doubted he would have ever forgotten investigating so important a piece of evidence in the Kennedy case. But even if he had forgotten, he said he would certainly have turned in the customary 302 field report covering something that important and he dared us to find it. The files support Odum; as noted above, there are no 302s in what the National Archives states is the complete file on #399.

    To recap, the FBI’s Washington office advised the Warren Commission on July 7, 1964 that two Parkland Hospital eyewitnesses, Darrell Tomlinson and O. P. Wright, had told Agent Bardwell Odum that #399 looked like the bullet that they had found on a hospital stretcher. No internal FBI records corroborate that, including the two documents (the June 20th Airtel and the June 24th memo) that touch on #399 and that predate the July 7th report. To the contrary: the two June documents contradict the July 7th report in that they say, simply, that neither witness could identify #399.

    Then, in 1966, Wright, who was experienced in firearms, flatly denied that there was a resemblance, and, in 2002, a suppressed FBI file from the Dallas office turned up – the only Dallas file that mentioned Wright – saying only that Wright could not identify #399. Also in 2002, Odum, the FBI agent who was supposed to have originally heard Wright say that there was a resemblance, insisted that Wright had never told him that, that he had never interviewed Wright, and that he had never even seen #399.

    Given that this new evidence suggests that #399 may never have been properly identified and authenticated, it certainly merits the thousand words Bugliosi devotes to it.[41] But, as with NAA, he dodges the core evidence and instead delivers a blizzard of facts and sarcastic comments that serves more to fog the issue than clarify it.

    With his trademark tone of derision and contempt, Bugliosi challenges what he claims is “an article of faith among conspiracy theorists” – the idea that #399 “was ‘planted’ by the conspirators to frame Oswald.” Although a bullet plant at Parkland is hardly an article of faith among most skeptics, particularly in recent decades, it would not have been unreasonable if Bugliosi had presented his counter to that (outdated) argument, if only for the sake of completeness.

    Bugliosi instead sneers, “[If] Commission Exhibit No. 399 was never identified and authenticated as the magic bullet that connected Oswald to the assassination, doesn’t that necessarily knock out the hallowed belief of most of his fellow conspiracy theorists that Exhibit No. 399 was … planted to frame Oswald?” By offering a faux, sarcastic “endorsement” of the new evidence, he is up to his old tricks, begging the question: he has assumed #399’s authenticity, which is the very thing the new FBI evidence raises doubts about. Never once does he even allow for the possibility that the Bureau might have switched a bullet fired through Oswald’s rifle for the one that turned up on a stretcher. That places Bugliosi in the position of having faith in the FBI, whose failings in the Kennedy case were confirmed by the Church Committee, the HSCA, and many responsible historians and skeptics, but having no faith in an individual FBI agent whose reputation is unblemished and whose account is independently corroborated by both a credible witness on the scene, O.P. Wright, and by the FBI’s own internal records.

    Bugliosi regards Odum’s repeated assertion that he had never even seen #399 with skepticism, arguing that, “Unless the July [7, 1964] report is in error as to the name of the agent who showed Tomlinson the bullet, Odum, almost forty years after the fact, has simply forgotten.” Bugliosi then acknowledges that Odum claimed “that if he had shown anyone the bullet [at Parkland], he would have prepared an FBI report (called a ‘302’),” and in this connection Bugliosi cites a letter that I wrote to him on October 13, 2004. [42]

    Indeed, as I recounted to Bugliosi in my October 13, 2004 letter, that is exactly what Odum did tell me. And so where is Odum’s 302 concerning Tomlinson and Wright? Or, if it was a different agent from Odum, where is that agent’s 302? Bugliosi doesn’t ask, doesn’t tell. He simply drops the whole subject of 302s, ignores that Odum’s name is absent from the FBI’s internal files, and he never acknowledges the likelihood that either a 302 covering the Parkland witnesses and #399 is missing from the files, whether written by Odum or someone else, or that the Bureau never interviewed the Parkland witnesses.

    And so, Bugliosi keeps his gaze willfully averted from obvious questions about #399, such as, (1) As Odum was able to remember without my prompting that a bullet was found at Parkland, how was it that, as Bugliosi proposes, it had not only slipped Odum’s mind that he had held that very slug himself, but also that it was he who had lugged it around to witnesses at Parkland?, (2) If Bugliosi’s alternative explanation for Odum’s name showing up in the FBI’s July 1964 letter is right – that the Bureau wrote down the wrong name by mistake – then where are the 302s from the agent who actually did do the Parkland interviews?, and (3) And why didn’t the SAC’s June 20, 1964 Airtel to D.C. convey the important fact that Tomlinson and Wright had told Odum (or another agent) that #399 looked like the stretcher bullet if, indeed, they had originally told the FBI that? These are just the obvious questions, yet Bugliosi ignores all of them. And he ignores other inconvenient evidence as well.

    How, for example, does Bugliosi deal with the fact that Wright, as a former deputy chief of police in Dallas, with considerable experience with firearms,[43] insisted in 1966 that #399 was not the bullet he held on November 22? He doesn’t tell his readers anything at all about it. Even when he mentions my essay that outlines the visit that Thompson and I paid to Odum in his home, Bugliosi withholds from his readers a key point of that essay, namely that Wright’s denial in 1966 is bolstered considerably by the head of the Dallas FBI office telling Washington in June, 1964 what certainly sounds like the same thing: that neither Parkland witness could identify #399. Moreover, Wright’s disavowal of #399 got another boost in 2002 when Odum told us that Wright had never told him that there was a resemblance.

    There is a particular irony in this last oversight, quite apart from Bugliosi’s vowing that he “will not knowingly omit or distort anything” (Bugliosi’s emphasis),[44] and his condemning “the practice of conspiracy theorists knowingly omitting and citing material out of context.”[45] It is not as if, apart from my essay, Bugliosi would have been unfamiliar with Wright’s having disowned #399 to Thompson in 1966. For, in Reclaiming History, Bugliosi mentions Thompson’s book, Six Seconds in Dallas, at least 50 times, and he even cites the very page in the book (p. 156) where Thompson points out that Tomlinson and Wright had “declined to identify” #399. [46]

    The above examples offer but the merest glimpse of the central problem with Reclaiming History: history is not being reclaimed, it is being reframed along anti-conspiracy lines by Bugliosi’s knowingly omitting and citing material out of context. Examples similar to Bugliosi’s selective presentation of the bullet evidence abound.

    One such example occurs when Bugliosi attempts to rebut skeptics who claim that Parkland doctors said that JFK had a rearward skull defect that suggested a rearward bullet exit (whereas any bullets that Oswald fired would have exited the front). Bugliosi counters with a quote from one of the Parkland doctors: “Dr. Charles Baxter testified that the head exit wound was in the ‘temporal and parietal’ area.” [47] The important word here is “parietal,” which is a skull bone that extends from the crown of the head, well behind the hairline, toward the very rear of the skull. When Baxter specified “temporal and parietal,” he was then reading his own handwritten notes into the record before the Warren Commission. But nowhere did Baxter say anything about that being the exit wound’s location. Moreover, as David Lifton first pointed out in his 1980 book, Best Evidence, although Baxter did indeed say “parietal and temporal” when he read the notes he’d written on the day of the murder, that is not what Baxter actually wrote. [48] Anyone with a copy of page 523 of the Warren Commission Report, or access to a computer, can see that on the day of the assassination Baxter had quite legibly written that JFK’s “right temporal and occipital bones were missing.” (my emphasis)[49] A missing occipital bone, or a gaping wound in occipital bone, would offer evidence that a bullet had entered from the front and exited through the rearmost occipital bone.

    Similarly, Bugliosi cites the testimony that autopsy witness and medical technologist, Paul O’Connor, gave at a mock trial of Lee Harvey Oswald in London as evidence that a bullet hit JFK in the rear of the skull and exploded out the front. He writes, “I said to O’Connor, ‘You told me over the phone that this large massive defect to the right frontal area of the president’s head gave all appearances of being an exit wound, is that correct?’ O’Connor [replied,] ‘Yes, on the front.’”[50] Despite indicating that he was familiar with what O’Connor had told the HSCA in 1977, Bugliosi withholds it from his readers. The HSCA reported that O’Connor “believes that the bullet came in from the front and blew out the top.”[51] O’Connor also told the HSCA that JFK’s skull defect was in the region from the “occipital around the temporal and parietal regions.”[52] Furthermore, for Sylvia Chase’s KRON television special on JFK, O’Connor described the wound as an “open area all the way across to the rear of the brain just like that,” and with his hands demonstrated the rearward location of the defect. In his 1993 book, The Killing of a President, Robert Groden reproduced a photograph of O’Connor with his hand over the backside of his head, demonstrating the location of JFK’s skull injury.[53] Bugliosi discloses none of this to his readers.

    But perhaps Bugliosi’s most flagrantly selective and misleading citation of morgue witnesses is that of John Stringer, the Navy photographer who took JFK’s autopsy photographs. Although Bugliosi admits that there have been problems with Stringer’s claims over the years, he expresses full confidence in what the photographer has to say about JFK’s skull injuries. “When I spoke to Stringer,” Bugliosi writes, “he said there was ‘no question’ in his mind that the ‘large exit wound in the president’s head was to the right side of his head, above the right ear.’ … When I asked him if there was any large defect to the rear of the president’s head, he said, ‘No. All there was was a small entrance wound to the back of the president’s head.’”[54]

    Bugliosi surely knows, but withholds from his readers, that Stringer was just as insistent to author David Lifton in 1972 that the major defect in JFK’s skull was rearward. The JFK Review Board published as a major medical exhibit a November 14, 1993 news article by journalist Craig Colgan dealing with Stringer’s flip-flopping on JFK’s skull wound – an article that Bugliosi would certainly have seen. [55] Colgan reveals in the article that, in 1993, Stringer identified his own voice in Lifton’s 1972 recording. Here is the relevant part of Lifton’s interview with Stringer, as it appears on page 516 of Lifton’s book, Best Evidence:

    Lifton: “When you lifted him out, was the main damage to the skull on the top or in the back?”

    Stringer: “In the back.”

    Lifton: “In the back?… High in the back or lower in the back?”

    Stringer: “In the occipital part, in the back there, up above the neck.”

    Lifton: “In other words, the main part of his head that was blasted away was in the occipital part of the skull?”

    Stringer: “Yes, in the back part.”

    Lifton: “The back portion. Okay. In other words, there was no five-inch hole in the top of the skull?”

    Stringer: “Oh, some of it was blown off – yes, I mean, toward, out of the top in the back, yes.”

    Lifton: “Top in the back. But the top in the front was pretty intact?”

    Stringer: “Yes, sure.”

    Lifton: “The top front was intact?”

    Stringer: “Right.”

    Lifton, to eliminate any question about what Stringer meant, then asked him if the part of Kennedy’s head that was damaged was that part that rests against the bathtub when one is lying back in the bathtub. “Yes,” Stringer answered.[56]

    Worse, Colgan disclosed that ABC’s “Prime Time Live” associate producer, Jacqueline Hall-Kallas, sent a film crew to interview Stringer for a 1988 San Francisco KRON-TV interview after Stringer, in a pre-filming interview, told Hall-Kallas that Kennedy’s skull wound was rearward. Colgan reported, “When the camera crew arrived, Stringer’s story had changed, said Stanhope Gould, a producer who also is currently at ABC and who conducted the 1988 on-camera interview with Stringer … . ‘We wouldn’t have sent a camera crew all the way across the country on our budget if we thought he would reverse himself,’ Gould said … . ‘In the telephone pre-interview he corroborated what he told David Lifton, that the wounds were not as the official version said they were,’ Hall-Kallas said.” [57] Unsurprisingly, Bugliosi says nothing about any of this.

    Hundreds of pages could be written detailing similar examples of Bugliosi’s omitting or distorting the evidence. And yet the reviews published in major news outlets have been favorable. The Los Angeles Times’ reviewer, Jim Newton, even hailed Reclaiming History as “a book for the ages.”[58] The mainstream media, relying upon reviewers who have no particular knowledge of the assassination, dependably bow to the official version. This pattern dates to the release of the Warren Report on September 27, 1964 when New York Times reporter Anthony Lewis falsely reassured the public, “The Commission made public all the information it had bearing on the events in Dallas, whether agreeing with its findings or not.”[59] Similarly, The Times’ Assistant Managing Editor, Harrison Salisbury, having read none of the 26 volumes of supporting evidence, nevertheless announced, “No material question now remains unresolved so far as the death of President Kennedy is concerned.”[60] The lead taken by the paper of record from day one has been largely followed ever since. Thus, the national press also gushed over Gerald Posner’s anti-conspiracy book, Case Closed, a book that was savaged in a prescient review by George Costello in the Mar./Apr. 1994 issue of the Federal Bar News & Journal (the predecessor of The Federal Lawyer). I say “prescient” because there is no small irony in the fact that Costello has found stout vindication for his criticism of Case Closed from an unexpected, highly acclaimed expert – Vincent Bugliosi.

    In Reclaiming History, Bugliosi lands a well-deserved barrage of punches on Posner for distortion and misrepresentation, quoting, among other things, a review by Jonathan Kwitney for the Los Angeles Times – one of the few negative reviews besides Costello’s that Posner’s book received.[61] Bugliosi quotes Kwitney’s astute observation that Posner “presents only the evidence that supports the case he’s trying to build, framing this evidence in a way that misleads readers who aren’t aware that there’s more to the story.”[62] Bugliosi then hastens to assure readers that he is no Posner: “I can assure the conspiracy theorists who have very effectively savaged Posner in their books that they’re going to have a much, much more difficult time with me. As a trial lawyer in front of a jury and an author of true-crime books, credibility has always meant everything to me. My only master and my only mistress are the facts and objectivity. I have no others. The theorists may not agree with my conclusions, but in this work on the assassination I intend to set forth all of their main arguments, and the way they, not I, want them to be set forth, before I seek to demonstrate their invalidity. I will not knowingly omit or distort anything. However, with literally millions of pages of documents on this case, there are undoubtedly references in some of them that conspiracy theorists feel are supportive of a particular point of theirs, but that I simply never came across.”[63] Bugliosi’s attempt to cover himself in that final sentence is obviously inadequate, as this review has shown that he has omitted numerous significant but inconvenient points that he had to have come across. Bugliosi, it seems, will always be a prosecutor.

    But Bugliosi’s prosecutorial habits were invisible to the New York Times’ reviewer, Bryan Burrough, who was so smitten with Reclaiming History that he wrote on May 20, 2007 that conspiracy believers should henceforth “be ridiculed, even shunned … marginalized … the way we’ve marginalized smokers … [made to] stand in the rain with the other outcasts.”[65] His slur elicited a remarkable reaction in the form of a letter to the editor published on June 17, 2007. It was remarkable not so much for the facts it laid out, but because the Grey Lady, which has consistently backed the Warren report, for once permitted her readers to see them.

    Washington Post journalist Jefferson Morley, one-time BBC correspondent Anthony Summers, Norman Mailer, and the aforementioned David Talbot wrote: “The following people to one degree or another suspected that President Kennedy was killed as a result of a conspiracy, and said so either publicly or privately: Presidents Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon; Attorney General Robert Kennedy; John Kennedy’s widow, Jackie; his special advisor dealing with Cuba at the United Nations, William Attwood; FBI director J. Edgar Hoover [!]; Senators Richard Russell (a Warren Commission member), and Richard Schweiker and Gary Hart (both of the Senate Intelligence Committee), seven of the eight congressmen on the House Assassinations Committee and its chief counsel, G. Robert Blakey; the Kennedy associates Joe Dolan, Fred Dutton, Richard Goodwin, Pete Hamill, Frank Mankiewicz, Larry O’Brien, Kenneth O’Donnell and Walter Sheridan; the Secret Service agent Roy Kellerman, who rode with the president in the limousine; the presidential physician, Dr. George Burkley; Mayor Richard Daley of Chicago; Frank Sinatra; and ’60 Minutes’ producer Don Hewitt.”[66] One could assemble a list of thoughtful and well-known skeptics that is several times as long as this one.

    With the death of JFK fading further and further into history, chances are small that yet another attorney, either pro- or anti-Warren Commission, will step into the ring and knock down Bugliosi the way Bugliosi did Posner. But one certainly could: Bugliosi’s ferocious jaw, it turns out, is made of glass. For, despite the fact he has put out 2500 pages, there aren’t many that a half-decent boxer couldn’t take a good swing at. [66]

     


    End Notes

    1. Vincent Bugliosi, Reclaiming History. New York: Norton, 2007, p. xiv.

    2. IBID, xv.

    3. Bugliosi’s figure, IBID, p. xv-xvi.

    4. IBID, xvi.

    5. Bugliosi. Flapcover: “In his career at the L.A. County District Attorney’s office, he successfully prosecuted 105 out of 106 felony trials, including 21 murder convictions without a single loss.”

    6. Bugliosi, 1449.

    7. David Talbot. Bobby Kennedy: America’s first assassination conspiracy theorist. Chicago Sun Times, May 13, 2007. On-line at: http://www.suntimes.com/news/otherviews/383811,CST-CONT-kennedy13.article

    8. Bugliosi, p. 917-919, and endnote, p. 510.

    9. . Bugliosi, p. 906 – 907.

    10. Bugliosi, p. 926.

    11. I base this on a suggestion from University of Kentucky historian George Herring. He advised me that perhaps the most thorough, and best, discussion of the manner in which the non-events of August 4, 1964 in the Tonkin Gulf were manipulated to ensure passage of the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, which paved the way to war, can be found in: Edwin Moise, Tonkin Gulf and the Escalation of the Vietnam War. U. North Carolina Press, 1996.

    12. CNN Interactive, U.S. News Story Page, 6/18/97. On line at: http://www.cnn.com/US/9706/18/ufo.report/ [“Further confusing the issue has been the Air Force’s conduct, first in claiming it had the wreckage of a UFO and then denying it. It contradicted itself again in 1994, saying that the wreckage was in fact part of a device used to detect Soviet nuclear tests.”]

    13. Jane Kay. Ground Zero Air Quality was ‘Brutal’ for Months – UC Davis Scientist Concurs that EPA Reports Misled the Public. San Francisco Chronicle, 9.10.03. On-line at: http://www.commondreams.org/headlines03/0910-07.htm. [Quote: “A UC Davis scientist who led the air monitoring of the smoldering ruins of the World Trade Center said dangerous levels of pollutants were swirling about the site at the same time the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency assured the public that the air was safe to breathe.”]

    14. House Select Committee on Assassinations. Final Assassinations Report, p. 261. On line at: http://www.aarclibrary.org/publib/jfk/hsca/report/html/HSCA_Report_0146a.htm

    15. House Select Committee on Assassinations. Final Assassinations Report, p. 128. On-line at: http://www.aarclibrary.org/publib/jfk/hsca/report/html/HSCA_Report_0079b.htm

    16. Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations, Book V, p. 47. On-line at: http://www.historymatters.com/archive/church/reports/book5/html/ChurchVol5_0027a.htm

    17. Book V: The Investigation of the Assassination of President J.F.K.: Performance of the Intelligence Agencies, p. 32. http://www.aarclibrary.org/publib/church/reports/book5/html/ChurchVol5_0019b.htm

    18. The Investigation of the Assassination of President John F. Kennedy: Performance of the Intelligence Agencies, Book V, Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, United States Senate, p. 6. On-line at: http://www.aarclibrary.org/publib/church/reports/book5/html/ChurchVol5_0006b.htm

    19. Tim Weiner, Legacy of Ashes, p. 228. New York, Doubleday, 2007, p. 228.

    20. Larry Sturdivan & Kenneth Rahn, Neutron Activation and the Kennedy Assassination – Part II, Extended Benefits. Journal of Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry, Vol. 262, No. 1 (2004) 215 – 222.

    21. Kenneth Rahn & Larry Sturdivan, Neutron activation and the JFK assassination – Part I, Data and interpretation. Journal of Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry, Vol. 262, No. 1 (2004) 205 – 213.

    22. Larry Sturdivan & Kenneth Rahn, Neutron activation and the JFK assassination – Part II. Extended benefits. Journal of Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry, Vol. 262, No. 1 (2004) 215 – 222.

    23. Bugliosi, p. 814.

    24. IBID.

    25. IBID.

    26. Clifford Spiegelman et al, Chemical and forensic analysis of JFK assassination bullet lots: Is a second shooter possible? Annals of Applied Statistics, May, 2007. On-line at: http://www.imstat.org/aoas/next_issue.html

    27. Erik Randich et al, Metallurgical Review of the Interpretation of Bullet Lead Compositional Analysis, Forensic Science International, 2002, pp.174, 190).

    * Charles Piller & Robin Mejia, Science Casts Doubt on FBI’s Bullet Evidence, Los Angeles Times, February 3, 2003, pp. A1, A16. On-line at: http://centerforinvestigativereporting.org/articles/sciencecastsdoubtonfbisbulletevidence

    * Board on Chemical Sciences and Technology, Forensic Analysis, Lead Evidence, National Research Council, February 10, 2004.

    * Los Angeles Times, February 11, 2004, p. A12.

    * New York Times, February 11, 2004, p. A17.

    * Pittsburgh Tribune Review, November 22, 2003, p.A3)*

    * Erik Randich, Ph.D. & Patrick M. Grant, Ph.D. Proper Assessment of the JFK Assassination Bullet Lead Evidence from Metallurgical and Statistical Perspectives. J Forensic Sci, July 2006, Vol. 51, No. 4, p 728. doi:10.1111/j.1556-4029.2006.00165.x. Available online at: www.blackwell-synergy.com

    28. Bugliosi, endnote, p. 435.

    29. Erik Randich, Ph.D. & Patrick M. Grant, Ph.D. Proper Assessment of the JFK Assassination Bullet Lead Evidence from Metallurgical and Statistical Perspectives. J Forensic Sci, July 2006, Vol. 51, No. 4, p 723. doi:10.1111/j.1556-4029.2006.00165.x. Available online at: www.blackwell-synergy.com

    30. Personal communication with E. Randich and P. Grant.

    31. Bugliosi, endnotes, p. 437, 438.

    32. IBID.

    33. John Solomon. Study Questions FBI Bullet Analysis in JFK Assassination. Washington Post, 5/16/07, p. A03. On line at: http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/05/16/AR2007051601967.html. See also: Clifford Spiegelman et al, Chemical and forensic analysis of JFK assassination bullet lots: Is a second shooter possible? Annals of Applied Statistics, May, 2007. On-line at: http://www.imstat.org/aoas/next_issue.html

    34. Robin Lindley, Why Vincent Bugliosi Is So Sure Oswald Alone Killed JFK (Interview). History News Network. On-line at: http://hnn.us/articles/41490.html

    35. Bugliosi, endnote, p. 438.

    36. Warren Commission Exhibit, #2011. Warren Commission Hearings, vol. XXIV, p. 411 – 412. On-line at: http://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wcvols/wh24/html/WH_Vol24_0215a.htm

    37. Copy of 6/24/64 FBI memo from “SAC WFO” to “Director” available on-line at historymatters.com, in: Gary Aguilar & Josiah Thompson,. The Magic Bullet – Even More Magical Than We Knew? Available on-line at: http://www.history-matters.com/essays/frameup/EvenMoreMagical/EvenMoreMagical.htm. See fig. 6.

    38. Josiah Thompson J. Six Seconds in Dallas. New York: Bernard Geis Associates for Random House, 1967, p. 175.

    39. For additional details, including images of declassified files and information from the National Archives, see: Aguilar G, Thompson J. The Magic Bullet – Even More Magical Than We Knew? Available on-line at: http://www.history-matters.com/essays/frameup/EvenMoreMagical/EvenMoreMagical.htm

    40. Memo available on-line. See: http://www.history-matters.com/essays/frameup/EvenMoreMagical/images/Slide5-1.GIF and http://www.history-matters.com/essays/frameup/EvenMoreMagical/images/Slide5-2.GIF

    41. Copy of this memo is available on line. See: Aguilar G, Thompson J. The Magic Bullet – Even More Magical Than We Knew? Available at: http://www.history-matters.com/essays/frameup/EvenMoreMagical/EvenMoreMagical.htm; or see: http://www.history-matters.com/essays/frameup/EvenMoreMagical/images/Slide12.GIF

    42. Bugliosi, endnote, p. 544-545.

    43. Bugliosi, endnote, p. 545.

    44. Bugliosi, p. 84.

    45. Bugliosi, xxxix.

    46. Bugliosi, p. 385.

    47. Bugliosi, endnote, p. 427; cites page 156 of Josiah Thompson’s Six Seconds in Dallas. New York: Bernard Geis Associates for Random House, 1967.

    48. Bugliosi, p. 403, footnote.

    49. David Lifton, Best Evidence, New York, Carroll & Graf, 1980, p. 330.

    50. Warren Report, p. 523. On-line at: http://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/wc/wr/html/WCReport_0274a.htm

    51. Bugliosi, p. 409.

    52. O’Connor-Purdy interview for House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA), 8/29/77, p. 5 – 6.. ARRB Master Set of Medical Exhibits, MD 63. On-line at: http://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/arrb/master_med_set/md64/html/Image5.htm

    53. O’Connor-Purdy interview, 8/29/77, p. 5 – 6.. ARRB Master Set of Medical Exhibits, MD 63. On-line at: http://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/arrb/master_med_set/md64/html/Image4.htm to http://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/arrb/master_med_set/md64/html/Image5.htm

    54. Robert Groden. The Killing of a President. New York: Viking Studio Books, 1993, p. 88.

    55. Bugliosi, p. 410.

    56. ARRB Master Set of Medical Exhibits, MD 143 – Newspaper Article from Vero Beach, Florida Press Journal written by Craig Colgan, titled: Body of Evidence: Local Photographer Recalls JFK Autopsy. On line at: http://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/arrb/master_med_set/md143/html/md143_0001a.htm

    57. David Lifton. Best Evidence. New York, Carroll & Graf, 1980, p. 516..

    58. Vero Beach Press-Journal, November 14, 1993, p. 1C-3C. See ARRB MD # 143, on-line at: http://www.history-matters.com/archive/jfk/arrb/master_med_set/md143/html/md143_0001a.htm

    58. Jim Newton. Los Angeles Times, May, 14, 2007. Quote reproduced at: http://www.reclaiminghistory.com.

    59. Anthony Lewis. On the release of the Warren Commission Report, New York Times, 9/27/64. Reproduced in: The Report of the Warren Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy. New York: New York Times edition, October, 1964, p. xxxii.

    60. The Report of the Warren Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy. New York: New York Times edition, October, 1964, p. xxix.

    61. Bugliosi, Introduction, p. xxxvii.

    62. Bugliosi, Introduction, p. xxxviii.

    63. Bugliosi, Introduction, p. xxxviii – xxxix.

    64. Bryan Burrough. Or No Conspiracy? New York Times, 5.20.07. On line at: http://www.nytimes.com/2007/05/20/books/review/Burrough-t.html

    65. Letter to the editor, New York Times, June 17, 2007. On-line at: http://www.nytimes.com/2007/06/17/books/review/Letters-t-1-1.html?_r=2&oref=slogin&oref=slogin

    66. A collection of informative essays written by skeptics analyzing aspects of Reclaiming History is available at www.reclaiminghistory.org.

  • Vincent Bugliosi, Reclaiming History: The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy


    I

    “Vincent Bugliosi is working on a book, in which he plans to evaluate the most important issues in the JFK case.”

    No, this was not a publisher’s coming attraction blurb posted last book season on Amazon.com. Rather, it was the lead item in Paul Hoch’s newsletter, Echoes of Conspiracy, from October 16, 1987! Twenty years later, famed Manson gang prosecutor Bugliosi and publisher W.W. Norton have delivered a massive, oversized tome. And what it lacks in new (or old) persuasive material it makes up for in sarcasm, invective, and ad hominem attacks directed at critics of the Warren Commission’s findings.

    It may seem unusual to employ Bugliosi’s name in the same vein as Shakespeare’s, but amidst all of his bluster and bombast this reviewer was ultimately reminded of the line from Act 5 of Macbeth. To paraphrase: Reclaiming History is “full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.”

    To trace the genesis of this work one has to go back to a mock trial of Lee Harvey Oswald sponsored by London Weekend Television over the course of three days in late July of 1986. Copious hours of footage were edited down to four hours and broadcast in 2-hour installments over two consecutive nights on November 21 and 22, 1986 on the Showtime cable channel. (It was broadcast in England and other European countries as well). Bugliosi was selected as the “prosecutor” and Oswald was represented posthumously by noted attorney Gerry Spence. Actual witnesses were called to the stand and the overall production was fairly noteworthy. As one who videotaped the program and watched it several times later, I came away from it feeling Gerry Spence was ill-prepared. (Bugliosi goes to great lengths in his book to dispel this, noting all of the time and resources Spence spent on the case). After deliberating for a day, the mock jury returned a verdict of guilty. As much as Bugliosi likes to remind his audience of this fact in both the book and interviews, he obviously views this as quite the feather in his cap. And he should. For just after the trial, Bugliosi signed a contract with Norton and received a generous advance (rumor has put it as high a $1,000,000) to write about the trial and the case in general. Indeed Bugliosi writes in his introduction that he commenced work on the book following the trial in 1986, bringing the tally on his time card for the project up to 21 years.

    II

    Flash forward several years from the trial and Bugliosi still hasn’t delivered a book. In the intervening years however numerous events have transpired, not the least of which was Oliver Stone’s 1991 film, JFK. Stone’s film electrified audiences with its pro-conspiracy slant and led to the formation of the temporary government body, the Assassination Records and Review Board. After the ARRB closed its doors in 1998, some six million pages of documents had been disgorged from various government agencies and private citizens and placed in the National Archives. Bugliosi, whose mandate was to cover all aspects of the JFK case, now had a daunting task on his hand. Indeed, in the August 18, 1998 edition of the New York Post they announced that “Bugliosi’s Final Verdict Delayed.” (The book’s original title was Final Verdict: The Simple Truth on the Killing of John F. Kennedy). Quoting a spokeswoman for Norton, the article acknowledged that, “Vincent asked for more time with the manuscript and people felt that this was not a book that they wanted to rush into print … It was in the fall (’98) catalog – so we must have thought in April that it was realistic for publication this year.” According to the Post “the book will now be bumped to the spring of 1999.” (Bugliosi was only eight years late). Now, at the 11th hour the tireless senior citizen doggedly combed through the archives, interviewed numerous witnesses, kept up on all of the assassination literature and began writing his magnum opus. (Actually the low-tech Bugliosi dictated his manuscript into a Dictaphone and had a dictation secretary type up his work. Bugliosi would then handwrite edits and inserts on yellow legal paper for further typing). All of this while churning out 3 other books!

    III

    What was ultimately delivered was a bloated, padded defense of the indefensible: the single bullet theory and the other conclusions of the Warren Commission. The book totals 1,612 oversized pages and weighs in at a whopping 5+ pounds. On top of that, it includes a CD-ROM which contains an additional 1,128 pages of source notes and endnotes, requiring the reader to have a computer by his side. (something that apparently Bugliosi doesn’t even have). Indeed, Bugliosi admits that if he had followed standard publishing conventions his work would have totaled 13 volumes!

    What strikes one most upon reading Bugliosi’s work is the amount of ad hominem attacks he launches at the JFK research community. Few are spared Bugliosi’s vitriol. Most are referred to as “zanies” (Bugliosi’s favorite. It’s even used in a chapter title).The Chief Military Analyst for the ARRB is called “insane,” “obscenely irresponsible”, “harebrained” and his theories “mad.” Joachim Joesten, an early critic, is a “communist”. Colonel Fletcher Prouty is a “wacky, right-winger.” Mark Lane – a “left-winger.”

    “Conspiracy theorist” is Bugliosi’s term of choice for JFK researchers and in Bugliosi’s hands it is a pejorative. It is tossed about in the same manner that “commie” and “pinko” were some fifty and sixty years ago.

    Indeed, the most troubling aspect of Bugliosi’s name-calling campaign is the amount of red-baiting in the book. As if stuck in a time warp, Bugliosi trots out such fractured tidbits as “Mark Lane was the slickest and most voluble of the early left-wing group of writers, and the KGB (per copies of documents from KGB files spirited out of Russia by a KGB defector in 1992) even contributed two thousand dollars, through an intermediary whose association with the KGB Lane was probably unaware of, to Lane’s efforts.” Bugliosi devotes a whole chapter to his Lane bashing.

    Bugliosi further smears Lane (as well as Harold Weisberg) by quoting Johann Rush who accuses Lane and Weisberg as being “leftists sympathetic to Marxist ideology.” Bugliosi quotes Rush throughout his book and Rush’s anti-communist screeds make INCA’s Ed Butler sound like FDR. Bugliosi even uses Rush as an “expert” commentator on the acoustic evidence. Right about now the reader may be asking: “Who is Johann Rush?” Well, Bugliosi’s political and scientific expert is the WDSU cameraman who filmed Oswald’s 1963 pamphleteering mission in front of the New Orleans International Trade Mart! As for Joachim Joesten, without a bit of shame Bugliosi presents Joesten’s Gestapo file, intelligence prepared by the Nazi’s, as proof of his communist leanings. (The file was originally requested of the CIA by the Warren Commission as a means of countering Joesten’s early criticism of the lone assassin theory. The CIA was only too happy to oblige in the smear job as evidenced by the comments written by a CIA official on the routing slip; “Let’s really stick it to him!”

    Even this author’s modest effort in the field (Let Justice Be Done) gets a trip to Bugliosi’s wood shed and a look at how he treats my work may give some insight on how he deals with others in the field as well.

    On page 980 of the main text he writes; “Conspiracy author William Davy, who believes Clay Shaw was involved in Kennedy’s assassination, writes, “Curiously, both Somoza and Juan Peron were patients and friends of Shaw’s close associate, Dr. Alton Ochsner … Ochsner is best known for his association with Ed Butler and the Information Council of the Americas, or INCA … INCA was composed of several members of the New Orleans elite. These included … Eustis and William B. Reily. The Reily family owned William B. Reily & Co., makes of Luzianne coffee. It was at Reily’s where Oswald found work as a machine greaser in the summer of 1963″”

    It’s important to note the dots between the sentences in Bugliosi’s presentation above, because what he has done is quote my work from 3 different pages and 2 distinct chapters, separated by 117 pages and then presents it as a seamless narrative. Of course, you would have to check his endnote, inconveniently located on the CD-ROM, as well as my book, to verify this. At numerous points in his book, Bugliosi takes the critics to task for just this kind of conduct.

    Further distortion of the record is on page 824 of the notes section, where Bugliosi writes that, “Conspiracy author William Davy suspects [Leslie Norman] Bradley of possibly being involved in the assassination because on August 21, 1966, a Houston man named S. M. Kauffroth wrote the FBI office in Houston and said that Bradley had told him on November 24, 1963,that after being released from the Cuban prison in May of 1963 it was tough to survive financially but that Clay Shaw was “helping us.””

    I defy any reader of my book to find a passage where I insinuate, imply or anywhere state that Bradley was involved in the assassination. I quote only what is in the FBI document that Bugliosi notes above.

    Bugliosi keeps his dismal track record intact when he states that I wrote that Permindex is a “CIA front.” He then cites pages 95 and 98 of my book. However, on page 95, the CIA isn’t even mentioned and on page 98 it is mentioned only in the context of a quote in the Italian newspapers as to that possibility.

    I could go on, but I’m sure the reader gets the point. One last thing though is his attempted smear of me with guilt by association. On page 543 he writes that Judyth Baker’s allegations of her affair with Oswald and other New Orleans intrigues “looks like any other conspiracy book that could have been written by, well, Harrison Livingstone, or Robert Groden, or Jim Garrison, or William Davy, with all the allegations of conspiracy one would expect to find in these books.” At no point have I ever endorsed (publicly or privately) or even written about Ms. Baker’s Harlequin Romance version of events in New Orleans.

    At this point one has to wonder if Bugliosi even fully read my book.

    IV

    Of course the mainstream media response to all of this can be summarized in one word: predictable. Ever since their rush to judgment in endorsing the Warren Report in 1964, they have been looking for a redeemer to pull their bacon out of the credibility fire. The New York Times, The L.A. Times, The Washington Post and many of the cable news outlets have practically tripped over themselves in their ardent endorsements. The Washington Post teased its readers with a blurb on the cover to their Book World magazine that read: JFK’s Murder Solved. Inside, the review was headlined, “Goodbye, Grassy Knoll”. The adoration was heaped on by reviewer Alan Wolfe who, like Bugliosi, couldn’t resist the name calling: Mark Lane is overweening and paranoid, Oliver Stone is irresponsible.

    However, The Post’s review was bush league compared to The New York Times reviewer who urged that anyone who believes in conspiracies should be marginalized, ridiculed and shunned, “the way we do smokers.” The remarks were so strident that it provoked a response in the form of a letter to the editor signed by author Norman Mailer, and journalists David Talbot, Jefferson Morley and Anthony Summers.

    The media love fest seemed to have played itself out early and the book would probably have died the ignominious death it so richly deserves except Forest Gump came to the rescue. Shortly after the book was released Variety announced:

    “HBO is near a deal with Playtone that will turn Vincent Bugliosi’s 1,632-page book “Reclaiming History: The Assassination of President John F. Kennedy” into a miniseries.

    Ten-parter will debunk long-held conspiracy theories and establish that assassin Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone.

    HBO is wrapping up a deal to finance and air the mini, which will depict Oswald’s journey to becoming an assassin and his subsequent murder on live TV by Jack Ruby.

    Playtone’s Tom Hanks and Gary Goetzman will exec produce along with their “Big Love” star Bill Paxton.

    The network will make a companion documentary special, with Bugliosi addressing myriad conspiracy theories, including those involving the Mafia, the KGB or Fidel Castro in JFK’s assassination.

    Project was hatched after Hanks, Paxton and Goetzman had a conversation about the shooting. They decided to look at Bugliosi’s book, published last month by W.W. Norton, as the basis for a possible project.

    “I totally believed there was a conspiracy, but after you read the book, you are almost embarrassed that you ever believed it,” Goetzman said. “To think that guys who grew up in the ’60s would make a miniseries supporting the idea that Oswald acted alone is something I certainly wouldn’t have predicted. But time and evidence can change the way we view things.”

    “Many more people will see the miniseries than will read the book,” Bugliosi told Daily Variety. “With the integrity that Tom, Gary and Bill bring, I think that we will finally be able to make a substantial dent in the 75% of people in this country who still believe the conspiracy theorists.”

    With statements like Mr. Goetzman’s, one doubts if Goetzman, Hanks and Paxton really read Bugliosi’s 2,740 pages or any of the critical literature released prior, or subsequent, to Reclaimimg History – especially within a month’s time. (For an example of a book that would make for a much more compelling dramatic narrative, the aforementioned should check out David Talbot’s Brothers.)

    If the readers find HBO’s position as offensive as I do, try cancelling your subscription to their service and let the VPs of the network and Mr. Hanks’ representatives know of your displeasure. It’s your history. Reclaim it.

  • Vincent Bugliosi, Reclaiming History: Besmirching History

    Vincent Bugliosi, Reclaiming History: Besmirching History


    Besmirching History: Vincent Bugliosi Assassinates Kennedy Again

    The purpose of Bugliosi’s Reclaiming History is to defend the integrity of the USG National Security State by grossly distorting its nature and function, by disguising that it is the servant of factions of the ruling classes within the United States, and by pretending that it did not and could not contemplate the assassination of a democratically elected President whose recalcitrant politics fell outside its parameters. According to Bugliosi, only the lunatic can seriously entertain that Kennedy was murdered because he pursued dÈtente with the USSR, championed nuclear disarmament, decided not to back the invasion of the Bay of Pigs with US military, made a peaceful resolution of the Cuban Missile Crisis when the military wanted invasion and war, and decided to withdraw US troops from Vietnam rather than pursue by brute force an imperial venture in Southeast Asia. According to Bugliosi, Oswald is not just the murderer of Kennedy, he is the only one involved, and he is nothing but “a first class ‘nut.’” (945) Thus, Kennedy’s murder is deprived of any political significance whatsoever.

    Bugliosi considers himself at liberty to mock those who appreciate the opposing world view, inter alia, “conspiracy icon Vincent Salandria [for claiming that] ‘the killing of Kennedy represented a coup d’Ètat.’ … I suppose that since a coup d’Ètat is defined as a sudden, unconstitutional change of state policy and leadership ‘by a group of persons in authority,’ … you couldn’t even have a coup without the involvement, cooperation, and complicity of groups like the FBI, CIA, and military-industrial complex.” Individuals who entertain such notions are so wrapped up in “their fertile delusions” that they substitute finding a motive for finding evidence, make no connections between, e.g., the CIA and Oswald, and thus sadly show nothing but “this crazy, incredibly childlike reasoning and mentality that has driven and informed virtually all of the pro-conspiracy sentiment in the Kennedy assassination from the beginning.” (985-987) We shall answer Bugliosi by showing direct involvement of all these organs of state power in the cover-up and the assassination, though in this brief excerpt, only the FBI.

    Three Mannlicher-Carcano shell casings were found in the SE corner of the 6th floor of the Texas School Book Depository. The home movie film of the assassination taken by Abraham Zapruder, the obstruction of the line of sight to the motorcade by a large oak tree, and the fact that bystander James Tague nearly several hundred feet away was struck by cement fragments from a missed bullet that nicked the curb, imposed constraints on the official cover-up. The final shot that blew open Kennedy’s head, and the missed shot, left just one other bullet to do all the rest of the damage to the president and Governor Connally. The “single-bullet” theory is essential to the Warren Commission’s indictment of Lee Harvey Oswald as the lone gunman, and Bugliosi is committed to it in full. ” … in this case, the physical evidence isn’t just persuasive or even overwhelming, it’s absolutely conclusive that only three shot were fired, and that one of the two shots that hit Kennedy [CE 399] also went on to hit Connally. Hence, Connally was not hit by a separate bullet, which would have established a second gunman and a conspiracy.” (451)

    The official story has that bullet, CE 399, enter President Kennedy from behind through the base of his neck to the right of his spine at a steep downward angle, pass through him without hitting bone, exit at the very base of his anterior neck, and then strike, as Bugliosi tells us, “the upper right area of Connally’s back, exit the right side of the chest (just below the right nipple), reenter the back of his right wrist, exit the opposite side, and finally come to rest after causing a superficial entrance wound in the left thigh.” [1] This gentle description omits that 399 shattered Connally’s fifth rib in many places, then broke the radius bone in his wrist, the densest and hardest-to-fracture bone in the human body, yet came out unscathed except for a slight flattening at its end.

     

     

    Real bullets don’t behave this way: when they break bone they are smashed, dented or mangled, whereas this slightly flattened bullet looks much like the sample Mannlicher-Carcano bullets fired by the FBI in its tests into cotton wadding or by Henry Hurt (Reasonable Doubt, 1985, photo section) into a bucket of water.

     

     

    The frame-up of Lee Harvey Oswald was extensive, and pre-meditated long before the assassination itself. Here, however, I want to give you one example of the frame-up that is clean and simple, easy to understand and easy to remember. Bugliosi writes of Friday night, 11:30 p.m., the day of the assassination. Dallas Chief of Police Curry is being pressured to turn over his evidence to the FBI, when Curry has the only legal jurisdiction, and if something goes wrong with the evidence that undermines Oswald’s prosecution, Curry will be blamed for it. Finally, Curry strikes a compromise to loan the evidence to the FBI for 24 hours only, provided there are “photographs of everything sent to Washington, and an accountable FBI agent, Vince Drain, to sign for and accompany all of the evidence to and from the nation’s capital.” (183) In an endnote on p.158, Bugliosi smears Curry by repeating sworn testimony from a subsequent DPD custodian of the evidence that “Jesse E. Curry, had pilfered the files to get material for his 1969 book, Retired Dallas Chief Jesse Curry Reveals His Personal JFK Assassination File,” making Curry seem a cheap opportunist. It will become immediately clear why Curry may have had to pilfer the evidence. A portion the DPD picture of the evidence before it was taken to FBIHQ follows from p.88 of the 1969 edition of Curry’s book.

     

     

    Exhibit “9” is the gun taken from Oswald when he was arrested in the Texas Theater. #4 is “a .38 Special bullet taken from Officer Tippit’s body.” And, the fact to take home with you, #3 is “a metal fragment from the arm of Governor Connally.” The smashed bullet fragment, Exhibit #3, is wider than the .38 Special and about as wide as CE 399 itself. Stop and think! Here, in Exhibit #3, is the full assassination cover-up in a single example: The bullet fragment #3 smashed after breaking so much bone is at least the size of your pinky nail. It did not come from CE 399, so the FBI is not framing Oswald because they sincerely believe he is the guilty lone assassin, but because that is the assassination cover story, full stop. CE 399 was, of course, planted in order to have a bullet whose ballistic markings could be matched to the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle that Oswald allegedly used to shoot Kennedy. There were many other bullets fired that day, but this bullet fragment gives the others collective legitimacy.[2]

    The crucial point is that the FBI could not undertake this frame-up without full confidence that the National Security State, of which it is a member, had both the will and the means to accomplish all aspects of the cover-up. There were multiple shooters from multiple locations. Thus, masses of evidence would have to be ignored or destroyed. Scores of witnesses would need to be overlooked, dismissed, intimidated, or eliminated, most especially Lee Harvey Oswald. August committees would have to be formed whose witting members would pressure, seduce, or trick the others into sufficient compliance to fool the people. High-ranking well-respected trusted members of society who control the media would have to be complicit in fronting the salesmanship. Minions of the intelligence community, only relatively few of whom were in on the planning stages of the assassination, had to be counted upon to do their part to conceal the plotters of the assassination from the American public. The media would have to be ready and able, and known in advance to the FBI and others to be ready and able to bewilder and confuse the people. In fact, none of the plotters involved in the cover-up would have dared to undertake such a cover-up without the full faith and understanding that the media was under the control of the ruling class and would be used to facilitate, rather than expose, the cover-up. Think! How the hell could any such plotters ever dream of getting away with such a crime but for their control of the fictionally named “free press”? We shall in any case prove such control and use of the media. This “national security state” is not jargon, but the ugly reality behind the façade of democracy in American life.

    We shall, in due course, reveal the essentials of the National Security State by making the “invisible government” visible. It is not a pretty sight. The only silver lining from Curry’s Exhibit #3 is that it liberates us to look upon and interpret the evidence for what it is because we know that the National Security State, tool of the ruling class, is lying to us. Bugliosi, needless to say, repeatedly tells us that the evidence for the single-bullet (i.e., that did all the damage to Kennedy and Connally) is compelling and overwhelming.

    Chief Curry provides a copy of the 11/23/63 five-page FBI analysis of the evidence completed within the 24-hour window given by the DPD. Guess what?† The fragment from Connally’s arm is returned not weighed, to the Dallas Police Department.† (The only other bullet fragments that the FBI does not weigh are two fragments removed at autopsy from Kennedy’s head.) In the process, it will be doctored or replaced to produce a drastic reduction in size and shape that will conform to the official story, and that will give rise to endless debate about whether the paltry fragments remaining as official evidence might have come from CE 399. [3] To answer Bugliosi, we have just shown the part of the coup d’Ètat directly engaging the FBI in the cover-up.


    Citations

     

    1. Reclaiming History, p. 447, with grammatical tense changed to fit this essay’s text.

    2. Robert J. Groden, The Killing of a President, 1993, under “Gunshots” in the index for possibly six shots, esp. pp. 41, 68-70 for photos of where missed shots struck.

    3. In Post Mortem, JFK Cover-up Smashed!, ©1969, 1971, 1975, Harold Weisberg, the doyen of micro-analytic detail, discusses Curry’s book and the 11/23/63 FBI report analyzing the bullets sent by Chief Curry, with particular attention to Q9, the fragment taken from Connolly’s arm. (See especially pp. 603-604) Weisberg complains loud and long and justifiably at the paucity and poverty of the analysis, and about the omission of the requested spectrographic analysis, all of which permits endless debate about what the evidence means rather than “smashing” the cover-up. But the keen-eyed, detail-oriented Weisberg apparently never notes that the FBI did not weigh Q9 (DPD Exhibit #3), that it returned it to DPD, and most crucially – what would have smashed the cover-up by itself — that Q9 is the size of a pinky nail. The Killing of a President, 1993, p.100, has a cropped picture of the evidence that DPD sent the FBI on 11/23/63 that is almost identical to the one in this article, but he offers it without any caption or explanation so that DPD Exhibit #3, which is FBI Q9, is meaningless, like so many of the otherwise excellent pictures in Groden’s book. Although a picture may be worth a thousand words, this is the

  • Gerald McKnight, Breach of Trust


    I was rather predisposed against reading Gerald McKnight’s Breach of Trust. Most of the recent books on the JFK case had been disappointing. Not just the horrible and ridiculous Ultimate Sacrifice, but others like the efforts of Jaime Escalante and Michael Kurtz. In addition, McKnight’s book was on the Warren Commission. So I thought, quite naturally: Who needs another book on that subject in this day and age? But then I saw that writers like David Talbot and Jim Douglass recommended it. So I reconsidered and decided to pick it up. I am glad I did.

    This is an extraordinarily worthwhile effort. What the author has done is not repetitive. He has collated the most up to date information, much of it released by the Assassination Records Review Board, and taken us deeper into the inner workings of the Commission than any other writer I know. Previously, writers like Mark Lane and Sylvia Meagher showed us some of the rather odd conclusions the Warren Commission came to in light of the evidence before it. What Breach of Trust does is not just show us how wrong the Commission was, but why and how they did what they did. In this regard, I cannot imagine a future author going much further.

    I

    One of the things Breach of Trust does that is singular in the field is to demonstrate just how J. Lee Rankin was put in place as Chief Counsel, and how influential he really was. Previous authors have noted how Earl Warren had tried to insert his friend and colleague Warren Olney III as Chief Counsel, how certain commissioners thwarted this, and how Rankin was then substituted. But no author has explained at this length and depth just why Olney was so objectionable, how and why he was shot down, and why Rankin was the replacement choice. This part of the book begins on page 41 with a description of the Warren Commission’s first executive session of December 5, 1963. McKnight briefly describes Warren’s professional relationship with Olney from his days in California, showing just how effective and collegial they were in pursuing some of Warren’s progressive goals. In the next paragraph, McKnight provides the transition to the opposition with three pungent sentences:

    As head of Justice’s Criminal Division Olney also had a shared history with FBI Director Hoover that was altogether different. Hoover despised Olney. As one FBI agent remarked, “Olney was the only guy who had balls enough to stand up to Hoover.” (p. 41)

    Among Olney’s sins on Hoover’s scorecard were his public pronouncements about the presence and influence of the Mafia. Second was the fact that he was a liberal on the civil rights issue. It turns out that both Hoover and Nicholas Katzenbach from Justice were determined to strike preemptively so Olney would not take office. Their source for Warren’s plans for chief counsel was the FBI informant on the Warren Commission: Congressman Gerald Ford. (Another achievement of the book is the demonstration of just how big an informant Ford was for Hoover. It is more than what was hinted at before which, in turn, shows how brazenly Ford lied about this in televised interviews.)

    Katzenbach wanted Olney out because he perceived him as a maverick who he would not be able to control. And since he already had written his famous memorandum about convincing the public as to Oswald’s role as lone gunman, he did not want Olney straying off the range on this issue. In fact, as the author notes, Katzenbach was so worried about this possibility that he installed his man from the Justice Department, Howard Willens, on the Commission to keep an eye out if Olney did become counsel. (p. 42)

    It was overkill. Hoover and Katzenbach unleashed a lobbying campaign on the Commission to head off Olney. The point man for Hoover on this was Cartha DeLoach. DeLoach’s prime inside asset for the “Dump Olney” program was Ford. (McKnight does a nice job penciling in the long “give and take” relationship between Hoover and Ford that made them such amiable chums.) Considering what was at stake, there is little doubt as to why this troika went into overdrive to accomplish their mission. For as McKnight states, “Had Olney served as Chief Counsel it is very likely that the Warren Commission Report would have been an entirely different historical document.” (p. 44)

    When Warren tried to push Olney through at the second executive session, it was Ford and John McCloy who joined forces to obstruct him. And McCloy just happened to have a short list of alternative choices on hand, one of which was J. Lee Rankin. An impromptu sub-committee was formed consisting of Ford, McCloy, Allen Dulles, and Warren. In a matter of hours, Rankin became the consensus choice. Warren really had no option in the matter since, as Ford told DeLoach, both he and Dulles threatened to resign if Olney was chosen. (p. 45)

    II

    Why was Rankin an easy choice? In addition to being a friend and colleague of McCloy, he was the opposite of the anti-Christ Olney in one central regard: he was almost as cozy with Hoover as Ford was. As McKnight describes it: “The choice of J. Lee Rankin, a conservative Republican, was greeted at FBI headquarters with elation.” (Ibid) As Solicitor General, Rankin had defended the FBI in court. He was on a first name basis with Hoover. To quote the author again, “Rankin was a supremely cautious bureaucrat, a consummate insider, not a boat-rocker like Olney.” (Ibid) The choice of Rankin was crucial for the FBI and Katzenbach since it greatly improved their chances of having both the initial FBI report on the assassination and Katzenbach’s premature memo validated with little friction or confrontation.

    As general counsel his management style was rigidly centralized. One former assistant counsel complained that staff contact with the Commission members “was all done through Rankin.” All staff contact and communication with the FBI had to be approved or was channeled directly through Rankin’s office… Rankin proved resourceful at every turn…successfully guiding the whole enterprise toward the predetermined destination laid down in the November 25 Katzenbach memo. The heading that Rankin followed for nine months…was lifted right off Hoover’s chart, and it pointed to Oswald…as the assassin. (Ibid)

    As McKnight states, as an evidentiary brief, the FBI report is an embarrassment in and of itself. He writes, “The report was largely a vilification of Oswald.” (p. 27) Since it was done so quickly (submitted to the White House on December 5th), and so haphazardly it can only be called a Rush to Judgment, in the worst sense of that term. For instance, even though it ended up being five volumes long with almost nine hundred pages, it did not describe all of Kennedy’s wounds, list the cause of death, did not mention Governor John Connally’s wounds, and did not account for all the known shots. Incredibly, it devoted all of 10 words to the JFK shooting and only 42 words to his wounds. This was done because the FBI did not have the official autopsy report. The Bureau rejected an offer by the Secret Service to lend it the autopsy protocol, the X rays, and the photos.

    In spite of all these failures, Katzenbach called the FBI report “spectacular”. (p. 27) He then distributed it to high officials of agencies of government. Why? Because it vilified Oswald’s character, named him as the assassin, and stated that he had no cohorts. This had been preordained of course. Orders had been given not to investigate a conspiracy, and evidence of Oswald’s innocence — like the Bronson film — was discarded. (Pgs. 16-18) By November 26th, just two days after Ruby shot Oswald, the FBI had reached its main conclusions. Yet, this was the event that provoked many people to consider thoughts of a conspiracy. McKnight writes that one of the reasons for the headlong hurry was to stamp out “conspiracy allegations” from Mexico City. (p. 25) Hoover sent an agent there to get Ambassador Mann and CIA Station Chief Win Scott “on message, to alert them to the ‘facts’ of the case: that the White House and the FBI were convinced of Oswald’s guilt and that there had been no conspiracy.” (Ibid)

    In a revealing November 29th conversation with President Johnson, Hoover showed that he knew little of what actually happened even a week after the fact. He told LBJ that one bullet rolled out of Kennedy’s head. That CE 399 was found on Kennedy’s stretcher after heart massage. That the alleged weapon could fire three shots in three seconds. (p. 28) These statements were all grossly mistaken. But that did not matter to Hoover or the fate of the Bureau’s report. The FBI began to leak its conclusions to the media anyway. And by doing this before the Warren Commission held its first executive session meeting, the Bureau began to entrap the Commission in its own faulty conclusions.

    But the FBI report differs in some crucial regards from the Warren Report. For example, although the Bureau was aware of the hit on James Tague, it ignored this and said that all three shots struck either Kennedy or Connally. The Bureau also had the shot entering Kennedy’s back at a much steeper angle. At this angle, it would be impossible for the bullet to exit at the throat level. For these and other reasons, the Commission ended up not publishing the FBI report (CD 1) in the 26 volumes. As the author notes, “That the Commission, given its own deplorable record…felt compelled to suppress the FBI report…was a resounding rebuke indeed.” (p. 144) Yet the Commission had to do this or they would be admitting that the government came to two different versions of the same crime within ten months. And the two versions were incompatible with each other. But because the FBI report was not published or released yet, this fact was not evident.

    Actually, it’s even worse than that. Why? Because the Secret Service also agreed with the Bureau’s shooting sequence. (p. 3) Further, in 1966, when the discrepancy between the FBI and the Commission became public, Hoover insisted that his version was correct. (p. 4) But, there was still a third government version of the crime that was not known. Within days of the assassination, the CIA had the Secret Service copy of the Zapruder film. The Agency’s analysis of the film concluded that the first shot did not come from the sixth floor. Second, more than one gunman was involved. (p. 6) In reality, there were three official versions of the crime within ten months. But the public was unaware of any except the Commission’s.

    III

    This was the precarious position that the Commission found itself in essentially from the start. With no independent investigative staff, they were largely at the mercy of the FBI, Secret Service, and CIA for their information. But mostly the Bureau, and the Bureau had already come to their verdict. For instance, to further incriminate Oswald and to show he had a sociopathic predisposition toward violence, the FBI report asserted that Oswald had tried to shoot General Edwin Walker on the evening of April 10, 1963. (When I talked to FBI agent Warren DeBrueys in New Orleans, he told me this was based on the testimony of Marina Oswald and the fact the assailant in both cases aimed at the victims’ head.) But there were serious problems with this second case against Oswald:

    1. The Dallas Police never considered him as a suspect in over seven months.
    2. The evidence indicated more than one man was involved.
    3. The ammunition was steel-jacketed, not copper-jacketed as in the Kennedy case.
    4. Walker was a rightwing extremist who Kennedy had removed from his command for distribution of Birchite propaganda. So the political calculus behind the shootings was confused.
    5. The conspirators had access to a car which, officially, Oswald did not.
    6. The police deduced the weapon was a high-powered rifle, which the Mannlicher-Carcano was not.
    7. Walker and his private investigators suspected a former employee, William M. Duff, as the sniper. (pgs. 48-50)

    But as McKnight shows, the capper in this regard is CE 573, the mutilated remainder of the bullet recovered from Walker’s home. When assistant counsel Wesley Liebeler deposed Walker for two hours in April of 1964, he never mentioned it. This seemed odd since Walker held the bullet in his hands afterwards. Fifteen years later Walker was watching a televised hearing of the House Select Committee on Assassinations. Chief Counsel Robert Blakey held up CE 573 for the camera while discussing the firearms evidence in the JFK case. As McKnight notes:

    Walker, a thirty-year career army officer with extensive combat experience in World War II, and with more than a passing familiarity with military weaponry, was stunned. According to Walker, what Blakey represented as the bullet fired into his home bore no resemblance to the piece of lead the police had recovered, which he had held in his own hand and closely examined. (p. 52)

    So there was no real ballistics evidence to connect Oswald to the Walker shooting. This left a mysterious note that Oswald, according to Marina, had left her that night. Even though Marina said she placed the note in a Russian book, it did not show up in the two day DPD search through Oswald’s room or the Paines’ household, where Marian was staying. It was not until November 30th that Ruth Paine sent the book to Marina through the Irving County police. After the police turned over the book to the Secret Service, the note was finally discovered on December 2nd. It was not signed or dated. When FBI fingerprint specialist Sebastian Latona was questioned by the Commission, he was not asked about the “Walker note”. Perhaps because staff attorney Melvin Eisenberg had learned that Latona had found neither Lee nor Marina’s fingerprints on the note.

    McKnight finalizes this section by doing what he usually does. He takes us behind the scenes and shows us what was happening at the Commission and in the field. By doing this he cracks open the superficial front presented by both reports and shows us that in reality, the authorities themselves knew that there were serious problems with what they presented to the public and the media. On May 20, 1964 Rankin had written Hoover complaining that Marina’s testimony on the Walker case “was riddled with contradictions”. (p. 57) FBI agent Gordon Shanklin then assigned two agents to Marina because he agreed that “her statements just don’t jibe.” (Ibid)

    In fact, the report that Shanklin commissioned to resolve Marina’s “contradictions” did nothing but deepen them. The agents, Ivan Lee and Robert Barrett, interviewed two witnesses who both confirmed there were two suspects, that neither resembled Oswald, and they had access to a Ford. Their main witness, Walter Kirk Coleman, never testified before the Commission. What was left in the case against Oswald was the photo found in his possessions of the back of Walker’s home. In light of the above, this now became as suspect as the infamous backyard photographs.

    Yet despite all of the above, the Warren Report states that the Walker episode demonstrated Oswald’s “disposition to take human life” and it “was considered of probative value in this investigation.” (pgs. 56, 58) McKnight explores the Walker case at length and it is one of the best discussions of the incident that I have read. He concludes that it has value not just in and of itself, but that it “was just a microcosm of what was to follow in the government’s investigation into the Kennedy assassination.” (p. 58) He is correct.

    IV

    Three of the most important chapters in the book (Chapters 7-9), deal with the medical and ballistics evidence. The Bethesda pathologists — James Humes, Thornton Boswell, and Pierre Finck — did not see the clothes or photos in preparation for their post-mortem report. Further, as the author details, the autopsy of the century lasted approximately from 8-11 PM. Yet, according to Dr. Michael Baden, it should have gone at least twice that long. And perhaps as long as 8-10 hours. (p. 155)

    One of the arresting aspects of the book is McKnight’s characterization of Humes. Whereas many Warren Commission critics have treated him, and the other two, with a modicum of respect — perhaps in the misguided hope that they would eventually see the light — McKnight is anything but kind. (Since Humes has now passed away, the author may feel that he can take the gloves off.) He exposes as a canard the idea that Humes burned his original autopsy draft and “bloodstained” notes out of respect for the dead president. McKnight writes that this could not have been the case since this draft was prepared in the unbloodied comfort of the doctor’s own home. (p. 165) When interviewed by the ARRB’s Jeremy Gunn on this point, Humes became flustered and angry. He said it “might have been errors in spelling, or I don’t know what was the matter with it, or whether I even ever did that.” (Ibid) Later he added, “I absolutely can’t recall, and I apologize for that.” (Ibid) McKnight suggests that assistant counsel Arlen Specter recognized this problem at an early date and met with the doctors approximately 8-10 times prior to their testimony in March. Subsequently, when Specter elicited the rather startling revelation about burning the first draft, no one batted an eyelash. As the author puts it: “Not a single commissioner was moved to ask Humes what right he had to destroy these papers or even why he felt compelled on his own initiative to consign them to archival oblivion.” (p. 158)

    But with this established, Specter and Humes moved on to a second deception. Namely that Commission Exhibit 397 was the documentary record upon which the official autopsy report was based. This exhibit consisted of a set of notes, and the handwritten revision of the incinerated draft of the autopsy report. One of the note pages was the autopsy “face sheet” (body diagram with wounds marked), and the others were notes of Humes’ talk with Dr. Malcolm Perry of Parkland Hospital about the tracheotomy he had performed on President Kennedy in Dallas. But this cannot be the entire record since the final, single-spaced, 6-page autopsy report contains many facts that are not contained in these documents. After a thorough analysis, McKnight concludes:

    There are, give or take, about eighty-eight autopsy “facts” in the official prosectors’ report. About sixty-four of these “facts” or pieces of medicolegal information (almost 75%) cannot be found in either the published notes or CE 397. Some fifteen of these pieces of information involve measurements and numbers that are not found in the published record. (p. 162)

    So where did these other “facts” come from? The author makes the argument that, contrary to the Humes-Specter fabrication about the burning of the original autopsy draft, this report actually survived. He believes it was around until about November 26th. That it began to be revised and altered in the office of Admiral C. B. Galloway on Sunday afternoon after Jack Ruby killed Oswald. (I should add here that McKnight is not appreciative of the efforts of Jeremy Gunn in what turned out to be the last examination of Humes. He feels Gunn did not press him hard enough.)

    The chapter on the autopsy concludes with a quite interesting discussion of the cipher of Dr. George Burkley, Kennedy’s personal physician. As others have noted, Burkley was in the presidential motorcade, in the Parkland emergency room, with the body on Air Force One, in the Bethesda morgue, and in the ambulance returning the body back to the White House. He was the one physician who was with the body the entire time after the shooting. Hopefully, this would have put him in position to resolve some of the conflicts over the medical evidence, or at least explain how they came about. Realizing his importance, what did the Commission do with him?

    Incredibly, JFK’s personal physician was never called to testify. Commission assistant counsel Specter never interviewed Burkley or asked him to prepare a statement on his observations of the president’s wounds or any information he might have relating to the assassination. The FBI and the Secret Service never mentioned him before or after they submitted their respective reports…to the Warren Commission. (p. 177) One of the reasons that may have given Specter pause before deposing Burkley was the fact that he had signed President Kennedy’s death certificate. This document placed the back wound at the level of the third thoracic vertebra. Which is much lower than where the Gerald Ford-revised Warren Report placed it: at the base of back of the neck. And at this level, a bullet headed downward would not be able to exit the throat. Since Specter’s main function was to enthrone the single bullet theory, the last thing he wanted was to place in the record a debate over this document. What makes the document even more interesting is the point of reference used for the wound placement. It is more accurate than what the pathologists used. Dr. Finck located the point in an odd way. He measured from the mastoid process to the acromin, or tip of the right shoulder. These are not fixed body landmarks. In his ARRB interview, Finck stated that “JFK’s spine, a fixed landmark, was the correct and only point of reference to determine the accurate location of this posterior wound.” (p. 179) Like Burkley did. As the author notes, one has to wonder if Finck’s measuring points were deliberately chosen in order to disguise just where the posterior entrance was. If so, then Burkley was not in on this obfuscatory design. Which made him a most valuable witness. Further, Burkley’s placement is corroborated by much more evidence than the Warren Report’s, e.g. the holes in Kennedy’s shirt and jacket, observations by both FBI and Secret Service agents, the autopsy face sheet, and, as we shall see, the FBI reenactment in Dallas. Ultimately, what the death certificate does is not just call into question the magic bullet theory, but also the number of shots, and whether the back wound exited at all. In sum, it had the potential to scuttle the Warren Report. Which is probably why it does not appear in either the report or the 26 volumes of evidence. McKnight ends his discussion of Burkley by noting that when author Henry Hurt called the doctor to arrange an interview he replied that he felt the Kennedy case was a conspiracy. When the writer tried to follow up this conversation with a full-length interview, Burkley promptly refused.

    McKnight’s two chapters on the ballistics evidence are equally compelling. For months of its existence, the Commission tried to ignore the ricochet hit to bystander James Tague off the curb. Even though they were aware of it, as late as June of 1964, Specter was trying to discount its importance. (p. 185) Tague was not deposed until July 23, 1964. This only occurred because Dallas reporter Tom Dillard asked the U.S. attorney for north Texas a question about Tague during a public appearance. The attorney then sent a registered letter, including a photo, to Rankin. So now, in July, the drafts of the report finally included the curb strike. And now, since he was down to two bullets for Kennedy and Connally, Specter had the unenviable task of stitching together the single bullet theory. As with the medical evidence and Burkley, Specter ignored his best witness.

    Dr. Joseph Dolce had spent three years as a battlefield surgeon in the Pacific Theater during World War II. He retired as a full Colonel. In 1964 he was chairman of the army’s Wounds Ballistic Board. As McKnight describes his stature in the field:

    When the Commission asked the army for its top ballistics man, it sent Dolce. He was regarded so highly as an expert on wounds from high-velocity weapons…that in the event of a serious injury to any VIP in Congress or in the administration, he was to “be called to go over the case.” (p. 186)

    The problem for Specter was that Dolce concluded Connally was hit by two shots. He also stated that the magic bullet, CE 399, could not have shattered the governor’s wrist and remained pristine. Dolce later recalled a meeting with several experts and Commission staff. He said it was Specter who battled hardest for the viability of CE 399.

    Dolce then participated in experiments conducted at Edgewood Arsenal in Maryland. These were done with Oswald’s Mannlicher-Carcano, a hundred 6.5 mm bullets, and ten cadaver wrists. Dolce told film-maker Chip Selby that in each and every instance the bullet was “markedly deformed” after firing. (p. 187) Dolce was never called as a Commission witness. And Specter never questioned any of the ballistics experts about the above experiment. (p. 189) Specter then requested a reenactment in Dealey Plaza. Yet on the FBI stand-in for President Kennedy, the chalk mark signifying the back wound is at the point where Burkley described it: the third thoracic vertebra. And this appears in Chapter 8 of the report, photograph 12. (p. 192)

    In his draft report, Specter ignored all of the above. He wrote that “all medical findings established” that a single bullet caused Connally’s wounds. Dolce’s name did not appear in his June 10th report. In fact, the actual report on the Edgewood firing experiments did not appear in the Warren Report or in any of the 26 volumes. It was not declassified until 1972. (p. 197)

    Dolce was upset by what the Commission had done with these experiments. Years later, he wanted to talk to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. He wished to testify that the actual report on the experiment had been altered before it was submitted to the Commission. He wanted to share the original report with the new investigating body. He conveyed this wish to his senator Lawton Chiles, who passed it on to a congressional representative on the committee. Yet Dolce was never called as a witness by the HSCA. Dolce has been mentioned before in the literature on the case. But as with other matters outlined above, McKnight goes further in both length and depth about this crucial witness than anyone before him.

    V

    Another major aspect of Breach of Trust are McKnight’s sections dealing with Oswald’s activities that intersected with the CIA and FBI. The author rightly discounts the remarkably feeble Warren Commission report on Oswald in Mexico City. This rather brief essay by David Slawson and William Coleman shrivels like a crushed grape in comparison to the volume prepared by Dan Hardway and Ed Lopez for the House Select Committee. As McKnight notes, the Warren Commission’s given itinerary for Oswald — Mexico City to Cuba to Russia — made little sense. Prior to this, “He had shown no interest in returning to Russia, and by all indications the Soviet state had no interest in allowing the anti-Soviet Oswald back into the country. (p. 61)

    Oswald’s attention and activities had now turned from Russia to Cuba, and he now actually denigrated the Soviet system when asked about it. Also, Oswald had no funds to stay in Cuba for any extended period of time, let alone go on to Russia. He had been out of work for nearly two months prior to going south of the border. As the author notes, the Slawson-Coleman report was based almost exclusively on information originating with the CIA. (p. 63) Because of this reliance, all the intelligence tradecraft in Mexico City — later revealed in the Hardway-Lopez Report — went unnoticed in its predecessor: the false phone calls attributed to Oswald, the missing photos and audiotape recordings, the survey of the infallible surveillance system the CIA had in place, the human sources inside the Cuban consulate, the key but questionable roles played by David Phillips and Ann Goodpasture. And, above all, the question of an imposter posing as Oswald. In relation to all this, the author writes of the Slawson-Coleman Report:

    The Commission must be credited, at least, for correctly reporting that Oswald was in Mexico City from September 27 to October 2, 1963. Much of the rest of the Warren Report’s treatment of Oswald in Mexico City cannot be safely assumed to be an accurate account. (p. 64)

    From here, the book goes on to note all the inconsistencies and oddities in the documentary record that should have indicated to any honest inquiry that something was wrong with the CIA’s story. A story which on 11/23 the CIA was pushing on President Johnson, particularly, “his alleged contact with the Soviet consular official Valery V. Kostikov” who the CIA reported “was a sabotage and assassination expert.” (p. 66)

    At this point the author shrewdly and forcefully points out that there was one person in Washington who had reservations about this tale as early as the 23rd. He was J. Edgar Hoover. McKnight summarizes a phone conversation the president had with the director on that day about Oswald in Mexico City:

    …Hoover admitted that the evidence so far was “not very strong.” Hoover then related some news that must have captured the president’s attention — there was evidence that someone in Mexico City had been impersonating Lee Harvey Oswald, the charged assassin of President Kennedy. (p. 67)

    The Commission’s main investigating arm was on the verge of uncovering an ersatz trail, with all the ramifications that unmasking could entail, including who Oswald was and what his purpose in Mexico really concerned. (Hoover’s doubts about this part of the story grew as time went on. He later scribbled in his famous marginalia that the CIA had handed them a “snowjob” about Oswald in Mexico City.) The CIA now realized it was on thin ice about this aspect and it began to forcefully crowd out the Bureau with the Commission on Mexico City. Director of Plans Richard Helms actually wrote the Bureau and the Commission letters making this clear. And when the Bureau discovered that other CIA reports trying to blame Castro for the murder, e.g. the Gilberto Alvarado tale, were also diaphanous, the Agency now switched its story:

    Eventually the CIA would drop the pretense of any Oswald-Kostikov connection when the White House unmistakably signaled that it was not interested in any “Red plot”, real or manufactured. In July…Richard Helms…disclosed to Rankin that…Oswald met with Pavel A. Yatskov not Kostikov. (p. 70)

    President Johnson was so against the “Oswald as a Red agent” line that he removed a diplomat who was pushing it from office, Thomas Mann, the American ambassador to Mexico. Needless to say, none of this extraordinarily relevant and compelling information made it into the Warren Report.

    The intelligence strand between Oswald and the FBI that gets lengthy treatment here is the infamous Hosty note. This is a written communication left by Oswald in the Dallas FBI office for James Hosty who was attempting to interview Marina Oswald. Reportedly a violent threat, the note was kept by the Bureau and then destroyed after the assassination by Hosty on orders from office chief Gordon Shanklin. The Commission had heard of this note through the testimony of Ruth Paine. (p. 260) Again, this incident should have raised the investigatory antennae of the Commission a few feet in the air. If it was a threat of a violent nature, the FBI should have reported it to the Secret Service. Oswald would then have been passed on to the Protective Research Section (PRS) headed by Robert Bouck. They would have found out he worked along the motorcade route and he likely would have been surveilled or detained that day.

    Yet, as noted here, before 11/22/63, “Oswald’s name was not known to the PRS.” (p. 250) What makes this even more curious is that Hosty was handling the Oswald file in Dallas. (Ibid) Hosty had information about Oswald’s trip to Mexico and his visits to the two communist embassies. Finally, as Hosty revealed later, he believed that Marina was some kind of KGB-planted “sleeper agent” (p. 254) In November, when he attempted to interview Marina, it was about Oswald’s calls to the Soviet Embassy. It was this visit to the Paine household in search of Marina that prompted Oswald to deliver the note to the FBI office. So the Bureau had 2-3 weeks to convey this important information to the Secret Service. They did not. Further, Oswald had written a letter to the Soviet Embassy in Washington in which he mentioned Hosty and the FBI. (p. 258)

    Finally, Hosty had found out himself that Oswald worked at the Texas School Book Depository on the motorcade route. When the man running the Oswald inquiry at the Bureau, Alan Belmont, learned all this he realized what a blow the note and Hosty’s inaction would be to the Bureau’s image. He relayed his displeasure to Shanklin and Shanklin told Hosty to ditch the note, which he did by flushing it down the toilet. When Hosty was questioned, the Commission did not mention the note or its fate, nor did Hosty volunteer any information about it. Hosty’s testimony, excerpted by Knight, borders on the comical. When asked if he even thought about Oswald in relation to Kennedy’s upcoming visit or the motorcade route, Hosty replied with a simple “No.” (p. 261)

    The author’s discussion of this episode is thorough, detailed, and provocative. In passing, he mentions some clear questions it all poses:

    1. Would someone contemplating killing the president leave a threatening note in the office of the local FBI?
    2. If Hosty suspected either of the Oswalds as communist sleeper agents, why did he not alert the Dallas Police beforehand?
    3. Why did the Commission go along with Hoover’s decision to strike a citation to Hosty in Oswald’s address book?
    4. Was Oswald some kind of informant to the Bureau, and did this explain Hosty’s negligence?

    The author ends this chapter on Hosty by showing how accommodating Rankin was to Hoover. Rankin told the Bureau that the Secret Service was angry with them about this clear lapse. The Bureau went to the top level of the Secret Service and got them to rein in the testimony of Robert Bouck before the Commission. Bouck never mentioned Hosty. (p. 280) The FBI was pleased with Rankin’s efforts. As assistant director Alex Rosen wrote, the Commission seemed satisfied with Hosty’s presentation. (p. 281)

    VI

    The real achievement of Breach of Trust is this: as much of it as I have described, there is still as much that I have left out. To write at length about all of it would make this review much too long. But to briefly mention some samples:

    1. It was Rankin’s idea to classify the executive sessions Top Secret. (p. 89)
    2. The Sibert-O’Neill report on the autopsy was so disturbing that neither of the agents was called to testify. (pgs 91-92)
    3. Hoover and James Angleton discouraged any move toward an independent staff. (p. 93)
    4. McKnight presents the best case for Oswald not being on the sixth floor that I have seen, with corroborating witnesses that I did not recall. (pgs. 115-116)
    5. There is no evidence that the FBI did a cotton swab test to see if the Mannlicher- Carcano was fired that day. (p. 121)
    6. The Commission conspired with the FBI to keep the exculpatory results of the spectrographic tests out of the record. (p.125)
    7. The Commission was so sensitive to the rumors of Oswald’s government agent status that Rankin tried to falsify the record of the January 22, 1964 meeting. (pgs 128-135)
    8. Rankin covered up the information the Commission had that Oswald may have been given a CIA source number. (pgs. 137-140)
    9. According to the FBI analysis of the Zapruder film, the first shot came at frame 170, when the limousine was hidden by the branches of an oak tree. (pgs. 150-153)
    10. Rankin plotted in advance to avoid an accurate stenographic record of the 9/18/64 executive session in order to disguise Sen. Russell’s dissent about the single bullet theory. Thereby falsely presenting it as a unanimous decision. (pgs. 294-95)

    And even this still does not do complete justice to this extraordinary, magisterial book. One that should serve as a model for what can be achieved in the field with the new declassifications by the ARRB. What McKnight has done has deepened our understanding of just how badly the Warren Commission served the public. But by explaining also how and why it happened, he gives us a new version, one in stereo and high definition. At the end of Rush to Judgment, Mark Lane wrote that the Warren Report dishonored “those who wrote it little more than those who praise it.” This book makes you feel the sting of that dishonor more than any other book that I know. But, as with the best work in the field, it helps us transcend that shame with the beauty and power of pure understanding. And with that achievement, this volume joins my list of the top ten ever written in the field.

  • Letter to the Editor re: Bryan Burrough’s review of Reclaiming History


    from The New York Times


    June 17, 2007

    J.F.K.

    To the Editor:

    Bryan Burrough’s laudatory review of Vincent Bugliosi’s book on the Kennedy assassination (May 20) is superficial and gratuitously insulting. “Conspiracy theorists” — blithe generalization — should according to Burroughs be “ridiculed, even shunned … marginalized the way we’ve marginalized smokers.” Let’s see now. The following people to one degree or another suspected that President Kennedy was killed as the result of a conspiracy, and said so either publicly or privately: Presidents Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon; Attorney General Robert Kennedy; John Kennedy’s widow, Jackie; his special adviser dealing with Cuba at the United Nations, William Attwood; F.B.I. director J. Edgar Hoover (!); Senators Richard Russell (a Warren Commission member), and Richard Schweiker and Gary Hart (both of the Senate Intelligence Committee); seven of the eight congressmen on the House Assassinations Committee and its chief counsel, G. Robert Blakey; the Kennedy associates Joe Dolan, Fred Dutton, Richard Goodwin, Pete Hamill, Frank Mankiewicz, Larry O’Brien, Kenneth O’Donnell and Walter Sheridan; the Secret Service agent Roy Kellerman, who rode with the president in the limousine; the presidential physician, Dr. George Burkley; Mayor Richard Daley of Chicago; Frank Sinatra; and the “60 Minutes” producer Don Hewitt. All of the above, à la Burrough, were idiots.

    Not so, of course. Most of them were close to the events and people concerned, and some had privileged access to evidence and intelligence that threw doubt on the “lone assassin” version. That doubt remains today. Bugliosi himself this year joined us, Don DeLillo, Gerald Posner, Robert Blakey and two dozen other writers on the assassination in signing an open letter that appeared in the March 15 issue of The New York Review of Books. The letter focused on a specific unresolved lead, the discovery that a highly regarded C.I.A. officer named George Joannides was in 1963 running an anti-Castro exile group that had a series of encounters with Oswald shortly before the assassination.

    This is obviously pertinent, yet the C.I.A. hid the fact from four J.F.K. investigations. Since 1998, when the agency did reluctantly disclose the merest outline of what Joannides was up to, it has energetically stonewalled a Freedom of Information suit to obtain the details of its officer’s activities. Here we are in 2007, 15 years after Congress unanimously approved the J.F.K. Assassination Records Act mandating the “immediate” release of all assassination-related records, and the C.I.A. is claiming in federal court that it has the right not to do so.

    And now your reviewer, Burrough, seems to lump together all those who question the official story as marginal fools. Burrough’s close-minded stance should be unacceptable to every historian and journalist worthy of the name — especially at a time when a federal agency is striving vigorously to suppress very relevant information.

    Jefferson Morley
    Washington

    Norman Mailer
    Provincetown, Mass.

    Anthony Summers
    Waterford, Ireland

    David Talbot
    San Francisco

  • Vincent Bugliosi, Reclaiming History


    Epic book resurrects finding that Oswald acted alone in killing JFK

    Bugliosi picks only the evidence that backs his argument


    This review originally appeared in the June 3, 2007 Pittsburgh Post-Gazette


    Former Los Angeles prosecutor Vincent Bugliosi claims to be “Reclaiming History” from the riffraff of conspiracy theorists in his massive new book on the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. The term “conspiracy theorist” is practically married to the assassination, tossed about the way the House Un-American Activities Committee used to throw around “Communist sympathizer.” One size fits all!

    But according to Bugliosi, conspiracy theorists are the reason more than 75 percent of Americans don’t believe the conclusions of the Warren Commission, established by President Lyndon Johnson to investigate the crimes. Bugliosi’s intent is to expose its critics as “fraudulent” on the way to resurrecting the conclusion of that panel, which found that Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone.

    The first question to Bugliosi must be, “Who cares?”

    For more than 40 years, every wingnut outside the city limits of Roswell, N.M., has gravitated to the Kennedy case, and Bugliosi attempts to list them all.

    For instance, in a footnote, he skewers someone named Nord Davis Jr, who apparently believes 21 bullets were fired in Dallas’ Dealey Plaza and that Parkland Hospital doctors confused police officer J.D. Tippit’s body with that of Kennedy.

    Or take the case of James Fetzer, Ph.D., who, Bugliosi points out, has been on a crusade for the past decade to prove that the Zapruder film “is a complete fabrication” put together by some shadowy intelligence agency.

    Many historical events draw wacky theories. The proper response is to ignore them; it is not to write a 1,660-page book exposing their wackiness.

    ON THE OTHER HAND, the Kennedy case is remarkable in that the growth of conspiracy theories has come to obscure the basic evidence. It is as if opinions and wacky theories have grown like a fungus into the basic pattern of facts.

    From the outset, this growth threatened serious research into what actually happened in Dealey Plaza. Bugliosi has performed a useful function by scrubbing away a number of nutty theories that have surfaced since Nov. 22, 1963.

    But what about Bugliosi’s more serious intent — to resuscitate a variant of the Warren Commission’s account of the assassination?

    In 1993, another lawyer, Gerald Posner, tried the same thing in his book Case Closed. Yet Bugliosi cites numerous examples of Posner’s “distortion” and “misrepresentation.” He quotes approvingly a Washington Post review of Posner’s book, which criticized him for presenting “only the evidence that supports the case he’s trying to build, framing the evidence in a way that misleads readers.”

    But this is exactly what Bugliosi does. Like any experienced prosecutor, he highlights the evidence that furthers his case while ignoring or confusing contrary evidence. Examples of this approach can be found almost everywhere in the book.

    Take his spirited defense of Warren Commission junior counsel Arlen Specter’s “single-bullet theory.” Bugliosi agrees that this theory — that Kennedy and Texas Gov. John Connally were hit by the same bullet — is necessary to conclude that Oswald acted alone. He also acknowledges that the theory was developed by Specter and other commission staff members in the spring of 1964 to save the single-assassin conclusion. He also notes that when the time came to approve it, the commission split down the middle.

    To his credit, he tells us Connally denied from first to last that he was hit by the same bullet that hit Kennedy. His wife, Nellie, testified that she heard a shot and saw the president react to being hit. Only then did she see and hear a second shot crash into her husband’s back.

    Bugliosi tells us Nellie Connally was “confused” and that her husband relied upon her confusion. However, you will find nowhere in Bugliosi’s book the fact that no witness in Dealey Plaza could attest to both men being hit by the same shot or that the FBI’s review of the Zapruder film led them to conclude Connally and Kennedy were hit separately. He tells us that Dr. Malcolm Perry at Parkland Hospital estimated the size of the supposed bullet exit hole in JFK’s throat to be “3 mm to 5 mm in diameter,” but he neglects to tell us that wound ballistics experts at Edgewood Arsenal carried out experiments showing bullets from Oswald’s rifle would cause exit wounds two to three times that size.

    Even more egregious is his handling of the trajectory through JFK’s back and neck. A face-sheet on which notes were taken during the autopsy shows the supposed exit wound in the throat to be higher than the entry wound in the back.

    When the autopsy photos were finally produced in the 1970s, a medical panel concluded that the course of the bullet through Kennedy was at an upward angle (the accepted number is 11 degrees). So how does Kennedy get shot from the sixth floor of a building when the bullet takes an upward path through his body?

    The Warren Commission took the simplest course. The staff let the autopsy doctor instruct a medical illustrator to raise the back wound from the back to the neck. Commission member U.S. Rep. Gerald Ford then corrected a final draft of the panel’s report to read “neck wound” rather than “back wound.” Voila, a “back wound” had become a “neck wound.”

    Faced with that 11 degree upward angle, the House Select Committee on Assassinations took a more inventive approach in its 1978-79 investigation. It just leaned Kennedy forward at the time he was shot.

    And Connally, who took a shot at a 27-degree downward angle? His body position was leaned back a sufficient amount. Voila, an 11-degree upward angle through one body had become a 27-degree downward angle through a second body, thus a straight line had been maintained.

    Like any good prosecutor, Bugliosi admits it was “upward” but never tells us how much. Then he publishes a diagram from the House’s report showing Kennedy bent forward. He says in a caption that the diagram shows “his head tilted forward slightly more than it actually was as shown in the Zapruder film.”

    That’s quite an understatement since the Zapruder film never shows Kennedy bending forward at all. He’s sitting erect in the back seat waving to the crowd. Then when the limousine travels behind a sign and emerges three-quarters of a second later, he’s sitting erect but wounded.

    The Zapruder frames contained in Bugliosi’s book show Kennedy never took the position he had to take for the Warren Commission’s single-bullet theory to work. Bugliosi gets it to work by telling his readers only part of the story and by using a diagram even he admits is inaccurate. This prosecutorial approach infects the whole book and makes it unreliable as a guide to the evidence.

    Little light shed

    Does Bugliosi offer anything new? Not much.

    Three explanations — Bugliosi, the Warren Commission and the House committee — claim Kennedy was shot in the head at Zapruder frame 313. Bugliosi and the commission say Kennedy and Connally were hit simultaneously while the car is behind the sign, frames 207-224.

    The committee moves this single-bullet, double hit earlier to frame 190. It also cites four shots in all with two additional misses fired from the grassy knoll at frame 290 and the sniper’s nest in the book depository at frame 160.

    The commission found that a third shot missed but cannot determine when it was fired or where it hit. Bugliosi has a first shot fired at frame 160, which misses the limousine entirely.

    None of these reconstructions makes much sense. All three require that a large body of evidence indicating JFK was hit in the head from the right front be simply disregarded. All three face the fatal objections to which the single-bullet theory has been subject from the very beginning.

    The House Select Committee’s reconstruction requires the putative gunman in the book depository to have fired blindly into a tree when he would have had a clean shot only a second and a half later.

    Bugliosi’s minor change to the commission’s reconstruction makes less sense than the original. One would expect the first shot from a sniper to be the most accurate. Why would a shooter miss the limousine entirely on his first shot when it was right below him and Kennedy was large in his sight, then hit Kennedy twice with his next two shots at greater ranges?

    As the commission noted, most Dealey Plaza witnesses placed the first shot significantly later. Phil Willis, for example, said the first shot jarred his finger on the shutter of his camera and produced a photo taken at frame 202.

    The real scandal of the aftermath of the Kennedy assassination is that no reconstruction of the event makes sense. We know the event happened in one way rather than another. But the evidence is discordant and irreconcilable at a primitive level. The meaning of this discordance is unclear, but the simplest explanation is that not all the “evidence” is really evidence.

    What is crystal clear, however, is that more than 43 years after the event we don’t know what happened.

    From the very beginning, the event has been left to advocates of one view or another. The Warren Commission put together a case for the prosecution against Oswald. It failed when critics showed its conclusions were not justified by the evidence it considered.

    The same could be said for the House Select Committee, which reached a conclusion diametrically opposed to that of the Warren Commission.

    What this case doesn’t need is more advocacy on the part of lawyers like Posner and Bugliosi. They squeeze the evidence into one mold or another, offering opinions on this or that, buttressed by whatever they choose to tell us, ignoring the rest.

    What this case does need is some old-fashioned, historical scholarship. It’s a shame and a waste of great time and effort that Bugliosi decided to contribute to the problem and not to its solution.