Category: John Fitzgerald Kennedy

Reviews of books treating the assassination of John F. Kennedy, its historical and political context and aftermath, and the investigations conducted.

  • Review of Countdown 1960 – Part 2

    Review of Countdown 1960 – Part 2

    IV

    But as bad as all the above is, its not the worst part of this awful book. No, the worst part is when Wallace tries to show that the Kennedy campaign stole the 1960 election.  To do this, he does something I thought no credible author would ever do again. He trots out Judy Exner and Sy Hersh. Again, can the man be for real?  He must be the only reporter in America who is not aware that the book he is using, Hersh’s The Dark Side of Camelot, was discredited before it was even published.

    Hersh famously fell for a phony trust that was allegedly set up between the Kennedys and Marilyn Monroe by her attorney Aaron Frosch. Hersh was told, not once, but twice that the signatures were faked.  (For an analysis of this, click here https://www.kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-articles/sy-hersh-falls-on-his-face-again-and-again-and-again) When experts in forgeries finally examined the papers, they proved to be forged in every way. The question later became why did Hersh, or his publisher, not do an examination first?

    But then Hersh used Exner and, as one will read above and below, that story also blew up in his face. Exner—who we will deal with soon– had now changed her story a second time.  She now said she was knowingly exchanging messages between John Kennedy and Sam Giancana. Unlike Wallace, Hersh realized Exner’s ever evolving story had credibility problems.  So Hersh now said that there was a witness to her messenger mission, namely Martin Underwood, a political operative for Mayor Richard Daley. (Hersh, pp. 304-305) 

    Like the Monroe trust BS, this also exploded in Hersh’s face.  Because when Underwood was examined under oath by the Assassination Records Review Board, he denied he did any such thing. (ARRB Final Report, p. 136) But incredibly, Wallace alludes to that part of the story again here.  For whatever reason, he does not name Underwood. (Wallace, p. 113)

    Now, still going with “pie on his face” Hersh, Wallace writes that Joseph Kennedy was involved in bootlegging operations with organized crime during Prohibition. This was disproved by author Daniel Okrent in his fine book on the era titled Last Call.  Okrent went through nearly 900 pages of FBI documents on Joe Kennedy.  These were done to clear him for the many positions he served on in government. Okrent found not one page or source who said a word about any such involvement. Joe Kennedy biographer David Nasaw discovered the same for his book, The Patriarch. But Nasaw, who had unprecedented access to Joe Kennedy’s files, also went over how Joe got so very rich. It was through stocks, real estate and, above all, the film business. As Okrent notes in his book, this mob mythology was begun in the sixties by gangsters who clearly had an agenda to smear JFK and RFK since they had made their lives so troublesome with their war against the Mob.

    Another point that Wallace sidesteps is this.  As FBI agent William Roemer explained in his book, Man Against the Mob, the Bureau had total surveillance on Giancana.  This included following him everywhere he went and having electronic wires on four dwellings that he did his business in. In Roemer’s 400 page book one will read no reference on tape to any arrangement with Joe Kennedy or the election.  Which is pretty convincing that it never happened.

    But for me, there is something even more convincing.  That is the work of professor John Binder. His landmark article “Organized Crime and the 1960 Presidential Election” first appeared in 2007 at Public Choice; it has been preserved at Research Gate. In a statistical study, Binder examined the returns for what were considered the 5 Chicago Outfit controlled wards. He discovered that there was no indication that the voting trends in those wards went up, and in some cases they declined. He also makes short work of the idea that the outfit could influence the Teamsters in that election. (Wallace, p. 214) Since Jimmy Hoffa depised the Kennedys and would not trust them with a tennis ball. After all they had already gotten rid of Hoffa’ predecessor Dave Beck.

    Thus Binder deduces that “union members in states where the Outfit operated voted less heavily Democratic than usual and therefore against JFK.” Binder concluded his essay by saying that “much of what has been written about the Outfit, the 1960 presidential  election and other events involving  the Kennedy family appears to  be historical myth”. (Here is a link to this fascinating article https://themobmuseum.org/blog/did-the-chicago-outfit-elect-john-f-kennedy-president/

    I should add one concluding note about Sy Hersh and his JFK book: Not even the MSM supported it. And  in most cases they savaged it. The most brutal and thorough review was composed by Garry Wills in The New York Review of Books on December 18, 1997. That memorable critique closed by saying it was an odd experience watching a once valued reporter destroy his reputation in a mad, and ultimately failed, mission to tear down President Kennedy–while simultaneously imploding himself. Somehow Chris Wallace missed that.

    V

    What Wallace does in trying to revive the dead corpse of Judy Exner is something I don’t even think magician David Copperfield would attempt.

    Exner first surfaced into the American consciousness for the Church Committee in 1975. At that time—and this is key– she stated that she wanted to head off wild-eyed speculation that she had ever discussed her relationships with either Sam Giancana or Johnny Roselli with John Kennedy.  She also said she knew nothing about the CIA attempts to neutralize Castro, and they were never brought up with the president.  Also, the president did not know she was seeing Giancana and Roselli. (NY Times 12/18/75, article by John Crewdson)

    She called a press conference in San Diego to say that she wanted to clear her name so as not to be implicated in “these bizarre assassination conspiracies.”  She also added that she “had no wish to sell the rest of her story to book publishers or to the news media.” (ibid) Although there were phone calls from Exner to the White House from California, no notations recorded her as a visitor to the Oval Office. (ibid). Evelyn Lincoln said the same. 

    It was revealed that when Hoover informed the White Hose of who she was, the communications stopped after March 22,1962. (Ibid)

    What is exceptional about this initial summary is that almost all of it will be radically altered over time.  And Wallace does not tell the reader about any of the revisions. She did take part in the writing of a book and Wallace quotes from it.  But that book was clearly a team operation out of agent Scott Meredith’s office with prolific Mafia writer Ovid DeMaris as co- writer.  It is important to note that DeMaris was also a big fan of FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover and a Warren Commission backer. (The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, pp. 330-31). There is a salacious and unbelievable  scene in My Story placed at the Democratic Convention of 1960, one which has all the earmarks of being a fabrication. And unsurprisingly, Wallace repeats it here. (Wallace pp. 169-70; DiEugenio and Pease, pp. 332-33)       

    Not only does Wallace not tell the reader that Exner altered her story, he does not even note when it happened. It was for the February 29, 1988 issue of Peoplemagazine. And they were radical alterations. She reversed herself on everything she said in 1975. She now stated that she was seeing Giancana at Kennedy’s bidding! But further that she helped arrange meetings between Kennedy and Giancana and Kennedy and Roselli,  some of which took place at the White House!  (ibid, p. 333) If one reads the two best biographers on those two gangsters, William Brashler and Lee Server respectively, nothing like this ever came close to happening. And the idea it would happen with Bobby Kennedy as Attorney General is pure science-fiction. Exner was selling whoppers, and she was being paid tens of thousands to do so. (DiEugenio and Pease, p. 334)

    In her new and modified version, the reasons for these newly remembered meetings is in  order to cinch elections and to liquidate Castro. She specifically mentioned West Virginia at that time. Which Wallace agrees with.  Again, this shows  how poor his research is. Dan Fleming wrote a good book about that primary.  He notes that no subsequent inquiry—by the FBI, the state Attorney General, or by Senator Barry Goldwater—ever turned up any evidence of skullduggery that influenced the outcome of the election. (Fleming, Kennedy vs Humphrey: West Virginia 1960, pp. 107-12)  And unlike what Wallace tries to insinuate, Fleming interviewed literally scores of people throughout the state. He could not find any trace of any underworld figure on the ground during that primary.

    To show the reader just how bad Countdown 1960 is, Wallace mentions union leader Raymond Chafin, but he does so through author Laurence Leamer.  As far as I could detect, he does not refer to Chafin’s book Just Good Politics. Therefore Wallace twists the story of the Kennedy campaign contribution to Chafin for a get out the vote effort. Chafin originally backed Hubert Humphrey in that primary. Kennedy asked to meet with him and he told him that if he won, and then won the White House, he would give him even more than Humphrey had promised. Chafin changed his mind and asked for $3,500 to get out the vote.  Kennedy’s team misconstrued this and gave him $35.000, which he spent days delivering to other counties in the state.

    But that is not the end of the story.  Because Kennedy made good on his promise.  He summoned him to the White House after his inauguration. He was told he had 15 minutes with the president.  Kennedy countered and said Chafin would have all the time he needed.  At the end of the book, Chafin said that Kennedy ended up doing more for West Virginia than any previous president. That is quite a lot for Wallace to leave out of the story.

    In other words, Exner’s story about West Virginia is, to say the least, unfounded. But again, what Wallace leaves out is that Exner added to her story even further.  Almost ten years later, for Vanity Fair, she now said that JFK had impregnated her and she had an abortion.  Again, this is something she said the opposite of in her book. There she literally said “I didn’t have an abortion.” (DiEugenio and Pease, p. 336)

    But she then changed her story again for Hersh. For People, back in 1988, she said she was not really sure what was in the satchel that JFK gave her. Now it became 250,000 dollars in hundred dollar bills and the message was the elimination of Castro. (Hersh, pp. 303-07). To say that Exner changed her story is much too mild.  She has done a somersault from her original statements.  And the part about the elimination of Castro is an outright lie.  Because the declassified Inspector General Report on the CIA/Mafia plots to kill Castro specifically says that no president had any knowledge of them.  (Pp. 132-33)

    There is another outright lie that Exner told.  In Hersh’s book she told him that Attorney General Bobby Kennedy asked, “Are you still comfortable doing this. We want you to let us know if you don’t want to.” (Hersh, p. 308). Again, RFK is the man who had wall to wall surveillance on Giancana through both the FBI and the Justice Department. So Bobby was going to give Hoover bribery information on a mobster through the White House?  Who could believe this? 

    But Exner herself contradicted this.  In an interview she did with Larry King in 1992, she said that she never even talked to Bobby, perhaps in passing at a rally in Los Angeles.  In other words, Exner told so many lies she could not keep track of them. And this is the kind of witness that Wallace bases his book upon.  

    I could go on and on.  For example Wallace mentions the case of Florence Kater saying she had a picture of JFK leaving a girlfriend’s house at night.  The picture is not clear as to who the man is.  But Wallace attacks Kennedy for harshly scolding Kater about it in a threatening manner.  What Wallace does not reveal is this: Kater was blackmailing Kennedy.  She wanted a Modigliani painting.

    VI

    We now come to the reason for the book.  Which the author admits in his Acknowledgments. (p. 397). He says that during the January 6th Insurrection he was so disturbed  that he thought back to the elections he had covered.  He then writes that 2020 shattered the belief in acknowledging a winner and loser in a presidential campaign.  

    Wallace then makes a quantum leap in time.  He says that thinking about that day somehow reminded him of the election of 1960.  There is a slight problem here.  Wallace did not cover that election.  In fact, he was only 13 years old.  So, like much of the book, this simply does not wash. And if it did remind him of any election he covered, it should have been the 2000 election in Florida and the whole Bush v Gore phony decision commandeered by Justice Antonin Scalia and the Supreme Court. Where they halted the recount certified by the state and stopped the probability of Vice President Al Gore from winning the election.  Which it appeared he would have done since he was gaining on George W. Bush very quickly.  

    Besides the Supreme Court and its phony decision, we know that Roger Stone created a mini riot during a recount at the Steven B. Clark Government Center in downtown Miami. This was later named the Brooks Brothers riot since it was made up of Republican staffers disguised as local residents. As Chris Lehmann noted in The Nation, it was this ersatz local riot that outlined the blue print for Trump’s insurrection. (August 4, 2022) Roger Stone had been a dirty tricks impresario under Richard Nixon. In fact Stone wore a Nixon tattoo on his back. He then moved into the orbit of Donald Trump.  Stone was then part of the Stop the Steal demonstrations in Washington on the eve of the Insurrection.

    As Lehmann notes, the difference between the two is that the Florida riot worked.  That particular recount was halted and then the Supreme Court sealed the deal for the disastrous reign of George W. Bush. Which, among other things, included the deaths of about 650,000 civilians in Iraq. Even William Kristol later said that the Brooks Brothers riot let loose a buried trait in the GOP that later became dominant. (ibid)

    Also, many observers think that the whole mythology about the corruption in West Virginia began with Nixon’s operatives late in the general election.  When it looked like Nixon had lost his lead, they planted a story in the St. Louis Post Dispatch to this effect.

    So 2000 is the proper precedent for the Insurrection. Not a pile of mythology created after the fact by gangsters, Judy Exner and Sy Hersh. Wallace does not want to go there for obvious employment reasons. But also because he admits he favored Nixon in 1960. (Wallace, p. 397). He clearly did not like Kennedy.  And that carried forward to this book.  Any reporter who would stoop to using Exner and Hersh to trash JFK is too biased to be trusted.

    The best way to close this review it to quote Wallace from the MSNBC show The Beat. On October 9th, he commented on the Fox defamation lawsuit over the 2020 election. He said, “There ought to be a price to pay when you don’t tell the truth.”

    As detailed above, you just paid it Chris.

  • Review of Countdown 1960 – Part 1

    Review of Countdown 1960 – Part 1

    Whenever one thinks that the MSM cannot get any worse, or purposefully bad on the subject of John Kennedy or his assassination, another reminder arrives showing they can.  The latest example of this is Chris Wallace’s Countdown 1960.  This book, by former Fox reporter turned CNN employee Chris Wallace, is ostensibly about the race for the presidency in 1960.  I say ostensibly because anyone who knows the subject will be able to figure out what this book is really about.  And, in fact, Wallace pretty much confesses to his real intent in the acknowledgements section of the book.  That section is usually included in the front of a volume, but here its at the end. I will get to why I think that is so later.  

    I

    Like almost every writer who wants to exalt his work on this subject, Wallace begins by saying that the primary system of electing party nominees for the presidency was somehow a novelty in 1960.  And Kennedy decided to use it to original effect.  This is simply not the case. The primary system was really invented during the Progressive Era, but the first one was held before that, in 1901 in Florida. And just a few years later, 12 states were conducting them. By 1910, the practice of holding state elected delegates to cast ballots for the party winner at the convention was established. And, in fact, there was a memorable donnybrook in 1912 during the primary season between challengers Robert La Follette, Teddy Roosevelt and incumbent president William Howard Taft. And there was another memorable race as recently as 1952 between Dwight Eisenhower and Robert A. Taft.

    For me, the only notable differences in 1960 were 1.) The use of television, and 2.) The debates between Kennedy and Nixon. But the first would have happened anyway no matter who the candidates were.  It was a matter of the creeping reach and power of the broadcast media.  As for the second, this did not really establish a precedent. Because the next presidential debate did not occur until 1976. So right out of the gate, on page 3 to be exact, it can be said that Wallace is aggrandizing his subject. (As later revealed, this ties into his not so hidden agenda.)

    Another disturbing aspect of the book is the fact that Wallace and his researchers, Mitch Weiss and Lori Crim, did not seem to me to do a lot of genuine research.  In looking at the book’s reference notes, almost every one of them is to a prior book, newspaper article or periodical.  There is little that I would call new or original.  And, as I will explain later, some of the sources that Wallace uses are quite dubious; or as we shall see, in some instances, even worse than that.  These factors combine to make the book not just rather superfluous, but questionable at its foundations.

    One of the problematic areas of the book is that  very early Nixon is portrayed as an oracle on foreign policy. (p. 14) John Kennedy is portrayed as something of a cliché.  That is, the usual rich, handsome playboy portrait. (p. 17)  For example, Wallace begins by saying that Kennedy started running for the presidency in 1957, a thesis with which I would tend to disagree. (p. 2)  But if you are going to postulate such, how can any honest and objective author ignore Senator Kennedy’s great Algeria speech? Because it was made in that year. 

    Why is this both important and revelatory? There are two reasons why. First, that speech really put Kennedy on the national map. As Richard Mahoney noted, it provoked a firestorm of newspaper and periodical comments and editorials from all over the country. (JFK: Ordeal in Africa, pp. 14-16; see also, James DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, second edition,  pp. 25-28) That national furor ended up placing Kennedy on the cover of Time magazine, with the inside article titled “Man out Front”.  So how can that not be related to Wallace’s subject?

    The reason I think he does not include it is because that speech was a specific attack on President Eisenhower, his Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and, most relevant to Wallace’s book, on Vice President Richard Nixon. It assaulted the entire basis of their Cold War foreign policy in the Third World. Kennedy was essentially saying that America should not be backing European colonialism. We should be on the side of nationalism and independence in places like Algeria. And this was not just a matter of American idealism, but one of practicality.  He invoked what had happened three years earlier at Dien Bien Phu, where we had first backed the French empire–and it ended up in disaster. He proclaimed that what we should be doing now is assisting France to the negotiating table, in order to save that nation from civil war.  But we also should be working to free Africa. (See the anthology The Strategy of Peace, edited by Allan Nevins, pp. 65-81) 

    If one does not refer to this speech, or the trail that led Kennedy to make it, then yes, one can portray the senator as an empty Savile Row suit and Nixon as the experienced sagacious foreign policy maven. But that is simply not being accurate on the facts of the matter.  As John T. Shaw commented in JFK in the Senate, that speech made Kennedy the new voice of the Democratic party on foreign policy.  Since it challenged the prevailing orthodoxy of Eisenhower and Nixon. As Monice Wiesak wrote, this speech also made Kennedy the defacto ambassador to Africa. Because African dignitaries now began to follow him in the press and visit his office. (America’s Last President, p. 12)

    To ignore all of this is to shrink Kennedy and exalt Nixon.  If there is an historical figure who should not be exalted, it is Richard Nixon.  Because it was this Cold War monomania that first, got us into Vietnam, and then, from 1968 onward, kept us there. Until it became even more of a debacle than it had been under the French.

    II

    But there is another way that Wallace exalts Nixon. This is by minimizing the tactics he used to defeat, first Jerry Voorhees for a congressional seat, and then Helen Gahagan Douglas in a race for the senate. The latter is usually considered one of the dirtiest and most unscrupulous political races in American history. 

    Wallace spends all of one paragraph on it. (pp. 10-11)

    Which is really kind of startling.  Because illustrious author Greg Mitchell wrote a milestone book on that campaign in 1998.  It was titled Tricky Dick and the Pink Lady.  I could find no reference to that book in Wallace’s references.  In that campaign, Nixon’s team actually accused his opponent of being a conduit for Stalin. (Mitchell, p. 209) As Mitchell notes, up until that time, candidates who made anti-communism their focus usually lost.  That was not the case here. Nixon literally demagogued the issue to an almost pathological extent. As Mitchell notes:

    Republican and Democratic leaders alike interpreted the outcome as a victory for McCarthyism and a call for a dramatic surge in military spending…. Red baiting would haunt America for years, the so called national security state would evolve and endure and candidates would run and win on anti-Sovietism for decades. (ibid, xix)

    Nixon’s win seemed to demonstrate the political power of McCarthyism, which Senator Joe McCarthy had begun that same year with his famous speech in Wheeling, West Virginia. But as Mitchell proves in his first chapter, McCarthy’s speech drew heavily on the actual words of Congressman Nixon. As with Nixon, it was McCarthy’s aim to make anti-communism a political issue, to portray Democrats as not just soft on communism—Nixon actually tried this with President Truman– but in some cases as commie sympathizers. (This is one reason why Kennedy’s Algeria speech hit home, because it broke through all that Cold War boilerplate with facts and realism.)

    As Mitchell reveals—and contrary to what Wallace implies–Nixon had a lot of money in order to smear Douglas. Not only did he get large corporate contributions, but both the LA Times and the Hearst newspapers backed him. Along with Hollywood bigwigs like Cecil B. DeMille, Howard Hughes, Harry Cohn, Darryl Zanuck, Louis Mayer, Anne Baxter, John Wayne and Rosalind Russell. (Daily Beast, article by Sally Denton, November 16, 2009) Nixon also used anti-Semitism, since Douglas’ husband was Jewish. Nixon’s campaign made anonymous phone calls saying, “Did you know that she’s married to a Jew?” (ibid) But in addition to anti-Semitism, the campaign utilized racism. In the last days, thousands of postcards were mailed to white voters in suburbs, and into northern California. That postcard was emblazoned with the phony title—note the gender– “Communist League of Negro Women.”  The message was “Vote for Helen for senator.  We are with her 100%.” (ibid). Can a campaign get any more scurrilous than that? This is why Nixon had such a deservedly wretched reputation as a political hatchet man. Which somehow, and for whatever reason, Wallace wants the reader to forget.

     Nixon lied about what his agenda was both before and after this ugly race. Before it started he said–rather satirically in retrospect–there would be “no name-calling, no smears, no misrepresentations in this campaign.” (Ingrid Scobie, “Douglas v. Nixon”, History Today, November, 1992) And later, he downplayed his tactics for the campaign.  One reason the race had a lasting impact is that Nixon’s manager, the odious Murray Chotiner, became a tutor to the likes of later GOP advisors Karl Rove and Lee Atwater. 

    To relegate all this–and much more–to a single paragraph is just inexcusable.  Because, with a trick worthy of a card sharp, it hides two of the most important and unseemly aspects of Nixon’s career, his Machiavellian morality, and obsession with dirty tactics. 

    As we have seen, Nixon’s Cold War ideology would lead to a hellish ending in Indochina. His political tactics would cause Watergate. Incredibly, Wallace wants to whitewash both.

    III

    But all the above is not enough for Wallace, who is herniating himself by cosmeticizing Nixon.  He now makes a rather curious  statement:

    In 1960, America moved slowly toward racial equality, partly because of detours placed along the road to civil rights by southern governors. (pp. 23-24)

    He then adds something even more curious: Nixon supported civil rights. He uses the crisis at Little Rock’s Central High and the Civil Rights Act of 1957 as his evidence for this.  All of this relies on the ignorance of his audience to maintain even superficial credibility.

    Anyone who uses the web can find out that Eisenhower let the students at Central High be terrorized for 20 days while doing nothing. The courts had ordered nine African American students to enter Central High. Governor Orville Faubus called out the National Guard to prevent this. While this was boiling over, Eisenhower actually went on vacation to Newport, Rhode Island. He was then played for the fool by the redneck governor of the state. Faubus came to Newport and told Eisenhower he would now abide by the court ruling and withdraw the National Guard, who had worked against the students. He did not.  And the court ruled against him.  He then removed the Guard. Now the crowd had direct contact with the nine students the court had approved for attendance.

    Humiliated by Faubus and with the press now turning on him, Eisenhower had no choice but to call in federal troops.(LA Times, 3/24/1981, article by Robert Shogan.) Then he and Nixon tried to use a face saving device by submitting a weak civil rights bill to congress. They had no interest is expanding civil rights.  What they wanted to do was split the Democratic party in two: the northern liberals from the southern conservatives. Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson did all he could to try and modify the bill so it would not be so polarizing to the southerners. (“The Kennedys and Civil Rights”, Part 1, by James DiEugenio) Because of this, the act ended up being little more than an advisory commission with virtually no real enforcement power.  So what Wallace is trying to sell here about Nixon on civil rights  is transparent bunk.

    But again, what he leaves out makes Wallace’s efforts worse than bunk.  The Eisenhower/Nixon team worked against civil rights. As Michael Beschloss has revealed, Eisenhower tried to convince Earl Warren not to vote for the Brown vs Board decision. And, in fact, both Eisenhower and Nixon failed to support that decision. In the 1956 Autherine Lucy case at the University of Alabama, Eisenhower let an African American student be literally run off campus, even though the court had supported her attendance. He did nothing to protect her. (Irving Bernstein Promises Kept, p. 97; Jack Bass, Unlikely Heroes, p. 64)  This was two years after Brown vs. Board.

    In a full eight years, the Eisenhower/Nixon administration filed a total of ten civil rights lawsuits.  What makes that even more startling is that six of those years were under the Brown v Board decision. Two of those lawsuits were filed on the last day of Ike’s administration. (Harry Golden, Mr. Kennedy and the Negroes, p. 104) And recall, during the Eisenhower/Nixon years, not only did you have the Brown decision, you had the Montgomery bus boycott. In other words one had some ballast to push ahead on the issue.

    Its not enough for Wallace to disguise the real facts about Eisenhower/Nixon on the issue. He now utterly distorts what Kennedy’s public stance was. He says that JFK had been silent about civil rights. (p. 24, p. 160). This is more rubbish from a book that will soon become a trash compactor. In  February of 1956 Kennedy said the following: 

    The Democratic party must not weasel on the issue….President Truman was returned to the White House in 1948 despite a firm stand on civil rights that led to a third party in the South…..We might alienate Southern support but the Supreme Court decision is the law of the land.

    It is hard to believe that Wallace’s research team missed this speech.  Why? Because Kennedy made it in New York City and the story appeared on the front page of the New York Times for February 8th.

    But in case that was not enough for Wallace, in 1957 Kennedy said the same thing.  This time he made that speech—the Brown decision must be upheld– in the heart of the confederacy:  Jackson, Mississippi. (Golden, p. 95)  As noted in the first speech, JFK made his opinion public knowing full well he would lose support in the south. Which, as Harry Golden noted, is what happened.

    One of the most bizarre things that Wallace writes is that Kennedy voted for the watered down version of the Civil Rights Act of 1957. What Wallace somehow missed completely is this: Kennedy did not want to vote for this bill at all.  As he wrote a constituent, it was because it was so weak. He had to be lobbied to vote for it by Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson.  LBJ sent two emissaries to convince him to do so, but Kennedy resisted. Johnson now personally went to Kennedy to lobby him in person.  Kennedy still was reluctant, but he was instructed by some Ivy League lawyers who said it would be better than nothing. (See Lyndon Johnson: The Exercise of Power, by Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, pp. 136-37)

    What was the result of all this back and forth?  Essentially nothing.  Because as Harris Wofford wrote in his book Of Kennedys and King, Eisenhower and Nixon resisted just about every recommendation the Civil Rights Commission—which originated with the act—made.  He should know since he was the lawyer for the agency. (p. 21)

    So the inactivity on civil rights in the fifties is clearly due to three men: Eisenhower, Nixon and Johnson. When JFK came into office, as Judge Frank Johnson said, it was like lightning.  Things changed that fast. Including going directly at those southern governors Wallace was talking about.

    Read part 2

  • Gagné Desperately Dispenses CPR for the Lone Gunman (Part 2)

    Gagné Desperately Dispenses CPR for the Lone Gunman (Part 2)


    see Part 1

    G: “No one riding behind the president’s car, including JFK’s special assistants and close friends Kenneth O’Donnell and David Powers, reported a blowout to the back of his head, nor did motorcycle patrolmen B. J. Martin and Bobby Hargis…In fact, there exist no contemporaneous Dealey Plaza eyewitness reports of a blowout to the back of Kennedy’s head.” (313)

    DM: In that case then, try this report from Clint Hill: “…the President’s head on the right rear was missing…” This interview occurred on November 30, 1963.[1] Does G not consider this contemporaneous?

    Or try this one, which is based on an interview with Roy Kellerman on November 27, 1963: He noticed a wound in the back of his [JFK’s] head.[2] When later questioned by Arlen Specter, he described this wound as 5 inches [sic] in diameter and located at the right rear of the head. Does G not regard this as a contemporaneous report? (Roy later acknowledged in private that there had been a conspiracy.)

    Or consider this one from Tim McIntyre: “…horrified to witness…the back of the president’s head exploding.” This conversation originally occurred in December 1963.[3]

    Palamara’s extensive list (in Honest Answers) mostly focuses on the direction of the shots (with many reporting a shot from the right front), but the following individuals later all reported a large hole at the right rear: Sam Kinney, Linda Willis, Phillip Willis, Harry Holmes, Beverly Oliver, Ed Hoffman, Winston Lawson, Aubrey Rike, George Burkley, Bill Greer, Jesse Curry, and Dave Powers.[4] A fair number of witnesses also saw tissue flying to the left rear from JFK’s head and many saw a wound near the right ear, which they interpreted as an entrance wound. Of course, the Parkland physicians almost universally recalled a hole in the right rear, quite consistent with the similar report of eight Bethesda physicians.[5] And John Ebersole, the autopsy radiologist, described the head wound in the same way to me.

    G’s statement (about no contemporaneous Dealey Plaza witnesses) is either deliberately deceptive—or else it is unforgivably careless research. Either one is damning—and such an uncritical approach instantly discredits him as a serious scholar or thinker, especially after his duplicity about the throat wound. A thick smog has now settled over his entire disinformation campaign—and his confirmation bias has plainly been exposed. I now only wish that I were reviewing a more candid researcher, but the benefit of the doubt has totally vaporized. G’s effort is just the opposite of critical thinking. Furthermore, for me, reviewing such drivel from one so agenda driven gives me rather little pleasure—and it provides only pea-sized intellectual challenge.

    G: “But nothing suggests the car came to a stop for any length of time.” (336)

    DM: G has obviously not read Chapter 10 in Honest Answers (2021), where Vince Palamara lists 74 [sic] witnesses who recalled a limousine stop, or at least a near stop. So, how many does G think we need? And since when does “nothing” = 74?

    G: “According to Cyril Wecht, another JFK buff…” (346)

    DM: According to G, “Kennedy buffs” are amateur JFK conspiracy researchers (2). Then I would only ask G this question: How can someone who has done over 20,000 autopsies (and served on official government panels on the JFK assassination) possibly be called an “amateur?” Only G can answer that question.

    G: “…new disclosures should have led Mantik, Aguilar, and like-minded others to reconsider their assumptions. Sadly, this has not been the case.” (353)

    DM: Unless G has had access to my brain for the past 30+ years, there is no way he could know this. On the contrary, I have been re-evaluating evidence all my life. In fact, that is my trademark. Now nearing age 82, I no longer believe many ostensibly important lessons I learned during the first 50 years of my life. More to the point, I refused to see the movie, JFK, until I had spent several months reviewing the medical evidence. And, during much of this time (while mostly stuck in neutral), I sat on the fence, especially while I focused on the work of Luis Alvarez. (After all, Luis had won a Nobel Prize in physics—and was therefore automatically one of my heroes.) I also had listened to Luis’s lecture about the JFK case in 1975 at the Los Alamos National Laboratory and I had saved his preprint from that lecture. Even after I had unavoidably decided on conspiracy, every subsequent government disclosure led me to re-evaluate the evidence. (The foremost example of a changed conclusion is the Grassy Knoll shot, which I did not at first accept—but I do now.) I also do this routinely for patient treatment plans, often awakening at night to re-consider a critical aspect of a complex medical case. That is precisely why G should reference only my current opinions—not just those of 20+ years ago.

    The clarity of my vision has improved with time—because increasingly more evidence has emerged. I even discuss this evolution of JFK assassination evidence in my forthcoming hardcover book. So, in the end, this charge by G is only demeaning to him—but not at all to me. For me, life has always been about learning and renovating one’s knowledge. I only wish that G would agree to do this—but much of what we now know about this case is oddly absent from his book. Perhaps he should study this case for another 10 years, become up to date, and draft another book? In addition, an advanced scientific or medical degree would surely help. After all, truth can afford to wait—but can G wait that long?

    G: “When the ARRB showed the pictures from the National Archives to autopsy photographer John Stringer…he confirmed that these were his original work.”

    DM: This is just one more deception. After Stringer reviewed the brain photographs, he declared to the ARRB that he had not taken them. He knew this because they were the wrong film type and also because he had photographed serial sections of the brain—which no longer exist.[6] I have also demonstrated the radical inconsistency between the brain in the photographs versus the brain in the X-rays. At least one of these images must have been faked.[7]

    G: “Identical images do not create such an [stereo] effect…” (356)

    DM: G is here discussing stereo viewing of the autopsy photographs, which I have performed on virtually all of the photographic pairs at the National Archives. G does not say whether he has done any of this—which is a serious omission for a “critical thinker.” After all, it is not necessary to visit the National Archives to do this—as I have discussed in my online lectures. The images are available in Robert Groden’s Absolute Proof. G does not explain why he has not performed such an elementary exercise. But he is certainly correct about this: When identical images are viewed via a stereo viewer, no 3D effect is achieved. That bizarre result is precisely what is seen at the critical site at the back of JFK’s head—exactly where the Parkland physicians (and virtually everyone else) saw a large hole. Stereo viewing at that site shows only a 2D effect. And quite to the point, this absence of a 3D effect is not seen elsewhere in the autopsy collection, as I ascertained via a painstaking review of these many pairs of images. Who else has done this? So, what are the odds that—only at JFK’s occiput—a 3D effect is absent? (Robert Groden has confirmed the same observation to me.) G does not comment on this—but he has no excuse for omitting this simple exercise, which he could still do today or tomorrow, but I shall not hold my breath.

    G: “Although Mantik and others have continued to claim that Kennedy’s throat wound was a wound of entry, this theory has by now been discounted by numerous trained forensic pathologists.” (358)

    DM: If this is true, I have never seen those reports—and as usual, G does not cite even one of them. Did he simply invent this scenario out of whole cloth? This papal-like edict can scarcely represent in-depth research. Not a single Parkland physician (before encountering political pressure) described the throat wound as anything but an entry. Only a WC lawyer (Arlen Specter) was deemed qualified enough to identify it as an exit wound. On the contrary, all of the evidence goes the other way:

    1. Such a tiny exit wound could not be duplicated in experiments by the WC;

    2. Milton Helpern, who had done 60,000 autopsies, had never seen an exit wound that small;

    3. Before political leverage was exerted, the first scenario by NPIC included a throat shot at Z–190;

    4. During a WC Executive Session (December 18, 1963), John McCloy, Hale Boggs, and Gerald Ford discussed a possible frontal shot from the overpass.

    Furthermore, how many of these supposed “forensic pathologists” were told that the autopsy photographs had no chain of possession? Although the correct camera (and lens) had been located by the HSCA, it did not match the technical features of the autopsy photographs![8] Why would G hide this from his readers?

    G: “…an irregular-shaped white spot near the subject’s hairline…has led these authors to suspect this was the real entrance point…Aguilar and Mantik therefore conclude that the head in the photograph is not Kennedy’s…According to Mantik, this is as close as it gets to finding a ‘smoking gun.’” (358–359)

    DM: This is false—triply false. I have never believed that the white spot represented an entry wound; it is far too inferior to fit with the missing Harper fragment, which is discussed, and illustrated, in painstaking detail in my e-book, JFK’s Head Wounds. Furthermore, I have never stated that the head was not JFK’s. On the contrary, it is his head—but with the hole covered by a photographic matte insertion so as to disguise the hole. G seems unable to make such fine distinctions, which only confuses things for him, as he admits, “Confused? It seems everyone is.”

    Regarding smoking guns, I would now regard my subsequent discovery of the T-shaped inscription (see the end of this review for images) as a more blatant example of a smoking gun. But G seems not to know about this, even though the T discovery was made in 2001, and I have reported it on innumerable occasions.[9]

    G: “The X-rays and pictures both located the wound of entry high on the back of the head (at the cowlick), consistent with the trail of bullet fragments inside Kennedy’s skull, and of the exit wound.” (359)

    DM: This is (again) triply false:

    1. The radiologists could not locate a wound of entry (or of exit) on the X-rays. I agree. That was explicitly stated in their reports. Did G fail to read them?

    2. All three pathologists disavowed the “red spot” as a bullet entry. Humes said, “I don’t know what that [red spot] is…. I don’t, I just don’t know what it is, but it certainly was not a wound of entrance.” (7HSCA 254) In fact, no one at Parkland had reported such a red spot.

    3. The trail of bullet fragments does not even transect G’s selected cowlick entry site!

    4. And G’s statement totally ignores the many tiny metallic fragments at JFK’s forehead. This is thoroughly discussed in Chesser’s online lecture, which is not cited by G.

    G: “Mantik argues that the back wound, which he wrongly locates at the third thoracic vertebra, was too low to jibe with the single bullet theory. But the pathologists’ report never made any mention of the third thoracic vertebra.” (362)

    DM: G does not explain why my T3 location was wrong—this was merely another papal-like edict. But Dr. Burkley did sign the autopsy descriptive sheet, and he did cite the back wound at T3. He also signed JFK’s death certificate.

    In my conversation with Dr. John Ebersole, he cited T4. Moreover, Ebersole (like me) practiced the only specialty in which knowledge of external anatomic landmarks must correlate with internal anatomy. If this is not done accurately, cancers will be missed by the radiation beam and, because Humes was under severe political pressure, he could never identify the vertebra as T3. After all, that admission would instantly have impugned the SBT, so he deliberately omitted it (just as he deliberately misplaced the metal fragment trail by an impossible 4 inches on the X-rays). So, by what authority does G challenge the recollections of the on-site radiologist—or those of Dr. Burkley? Of course, G will never answer those questions.

    G: “Mantik also fails to tell his readers that most Parkland physicians would later endorse the autopsy’s findings.” (363)

    DM: In Murder in Dealey Plaza (p. 240), I cite 16 Parkland physicians who clearly did not recognize the photographs of the back of JFK’s head.

    Should that not be enough, G should view the documentary, The Parkland Doctors,[10] which was screened in Houston during the 2017 mock trial of Oswald.[11] Has G viewed this powerful display of agreement among these physicians? If so, he remains silent.

    G: “…Aguilar [and] Mantik…are reading the evidence incorrectly because they are bent on confirming existing beliefs…[They] fail to take note of the angle at which certain X-rays were taken.” (364)

    DM: This is an outlandish claim—I had no “existing beliefs.” And the comment about the angle is prima facie preposterous; how could I possibly target cancers without understanding perspective? Furthermore, I have carefully (on multiple occasions) documented the angle at which JFK’s AP skull X-ray was taken.[12] Has G read my 2019 critique of Randy Robertson (at my website—and repeated in my hardcover book), in which I describe—and illustrate—not only the angle, but also the divergence, of these X-rays? No one else has done this. This is one of the daftest claims in the entire book.

    G: “…no evidence has been produced to suggest that these men were coerced.” (363)

    DM: This is preposterous on its face. In fact, this is so egregious that we might easily conclude that G is uninterested in facts. On the contrary, Elmer Moore severely badgered Dr. Perry.[13] And from Rob Couteau, we now know that Humes also badgered Perry.

    Furthermore, during the trial of Clay Shaw, Pierre Finck made the following points:

    1. Senior military officers took an active part in proceedings and he implied that they were in charge of the autopsy.
    2. He admitted, after trying hard to avoid the question, that the pathologists were forbidden to dissect the president’s back and throat wounds and the connecting tissue.[14]

    G: “…F8 is certainly not depicting the lower back of the President’s head.” (365)

    DM: In my e-book, I offered 15 clues that F8 showed the back of JFK’s head. How many of these does G address: the answer is zero. He does not even cite my e-book! How can we have an adult conversation with such an approach?

    G: “While we could surmise that Mantik, Aguilar, and Fetzer have simply been short-sighted, a final example suggests that they were purposefully duplicitous.” (367)

    DM: I was indeed short-sighted. My myopia in one eye reached -9 diopters, which is what allowed me to identify the double exposure inside the 6.5 mm fragment while viewing the extant AP skull X-ray at the National Archives. This was only further proof that the 6.5 mm object had been (illegally) forged via a double exposure in the dark room.[15]

    G: “Misinterpretations are all the more likely when amateurs with little experience reading X-rays… (368)

    DM: So, after 40+ years of reading X-rays, I am still an amateur? In that case, how many years would qualify me as a professional?

    G: “…an expert radiologist, Dr. Gerald McDonnel…examined the autopsy X-rays for evidence of alteration and found none.” (370)

    DM: I have discussed McDonnel[16] and his proposed clues to X-ray alteration at length in my e-book, which G has obviously not read. Quite oddly, McDonnel did not even raise the possibility of using optical density as a tool! Furthermore, I have cited—quite specifically—how my observations do in fact meet McDonnel’s requirements. I even discovered one possibility that he had overlooked. Unfortunately, Mac passed away (not far from me on December 13, 1992) just as I was entering this case, or we would have had some fascinating conversations. I did, however, have enlightening (face-to-face and via telephone calls) conversations with Kodak’s top scientist, Arthur G. Haus, PhD, about my article on the X-ray alterations—which he read and about which he made no criticisms.[17] Also see my detailed technical references to the inspired work of Haus, which are cited in my online review of McAdams (at my website).

    G: “The…6.5 mm object…seemed to have troubled none of the autopsy doctors. In fact, it was not mentioned in their report.” (371)

    DM: Douglas Horne, who witnessed their ARRB testimony, observed quite the opposite effect. He reported that Humes was so frustrated that Horne expected him to walk out of his testimony at any minute. All three pathologists denied seeing this 6.5 mm object on the X-rays. Even worse, none of the dozens of participants at the autopsy (who observed these films on the view box that night) mentioned this object—which was precisely the point of taking any X-rays at all. This bogus object only surfaced with the Clark Panel Report some years later.

    Of course, when I asked John Ebersole about this object, he instantly terminated any further discussion of the JFK autopsy—and never spoke of it again to anyone. What G cannot dare to address, of course, is the unanimous opinion—of all the experts—that there is no image that correlates with this unphysical object on the lateral X-ray. Such a situation transports us directly out of our known physical world.

    Furthermore, on the AP skull X-ray, the front to back length of this bogus 6.5 mm object is many centimeters long (as shown by the optical density data), which is longer than all of JFK’s mercury-silver amalgams (which overlap one another on this view). Of course, G cannot afford to comment on such central conundrums, so he does not.

    Moreover, how does G explain this nearly circular 6.5 mm object—one that could not be explained by John Fitzpatrick (the ARRB forensic radiologist), or by the Clark Panel, or by Larry Sturdivan (the HSCA expert)?[18] Quite astonishingly, G (per his account) is able to succeed where everyone else has failed: “…it is little more than a distraction caused by circular logic.” (371)

    So, according to G, we now know that a circular object—visible on an X-ray film—was caused by circular logic! With this approach, one can easily escape into any conceivable fantasy. But this is not grounded in physical reality, and despite some exposure to critical thinking during my radiation oncology residency, I never learned any of this.

    G: Regarding the Z-film, he states: “Unless multiple witnesses can independently corroborate the same information, which they rarely do, the hunt for all of this hidden evidence can easily turn into a wild goose chase.” (372)

    DM: G has thereby belittled the recollections of many independent observers: Greg Burnham, Milicent Cranor, Scott Myers, Dan Rather, Cartha DeLoach, William Reymond, William Manchester, Homer McMahon, Dino Brugioni, Erwin Schwartz, Rich Dellarosa,[19] and others. Each one of these, without conferring with anyone else, has seen a version of the Zapruder film that contradicts the extant film—but the individual recollections surprisingly agree with one another! Surely, we should not hear this riposte again: “They all just made the same mistake.”[20] It is far too late for that reply.

    G also states: “…several eyewitnesses can produce clear and consistent memories of the alleged evidence” (372). To which I reply: Since this constraint is met by these many Z-film witnesses, by what right does G abandon his self-proclaimed decree for accepting evidence?

    And the comment, “and they rarely do” is not only false, but it is unsubstantiated. This is really becoming too much.

    Early viewers of the Z-film (e.g., Erwin Schwartz, Dan Rather, Deke DeLoach (at the FBI), and possibly even Pierre Finck, reported that JFK’s head moved forward—quite contrary to the Z-film! Furthermore, none of these early viewers reported a head snap.[21]

    On the other hand, G reports this:

    “We should take note that the head snap—real or faked—is barely perceptible when projected at the film’s normal speed of 18.3 frames per second.” (404)

    So, here is my reply to that: Then how did this so-called almost invisible head snap (per G) trigger the formation of the HSCA?

    G: “His [Mantik’s] main witness [to Z-film tampering] is Homer McMahon.” (406)

    DM: I have never said this—or even implied this. If I had to choose one primary witness, it would be Dino Brugioni. However, the existence of two totally compartmentalized viewing events (on two successive nights by two totally distinct groups) during November 23–24, 1963, provides overwhelming evidence of a cover-up. See Douglas Horne’s summary of this cacophony: Assassination of JFK – The Two NPIC Zapruder Film Events: Signposts Pointing to the Film’s Alteration. Especially watch the Z-film interview with Dino Brugioni, who was the Duty Officer at NPIC that weekend.

    In 1962, Dino helped to trigger the Cuban missile crisis by assisting in the discovery of Russian missiles in Cuba, and he is the author of one of my favorite photographic books: Photo Fakery: The History and Techniques of Photographic Deception and Manipulation (1999). The first chapter is titled “Photo Fakery is Everywhere.” In Chapter 3, he amusingly recalls (and illustrates) the work of Oscar Gustav Rejlander via his allegorical composite (and partly topless) photograph, The Two Ways of Life (1857), which was assembled from thirty negatives.

    G: Conspiracy theories are fed by “…an obsessive scrutiny of small inconsistencies and irrelevant details.” (430)

    DM: So, G would have us grieve that Max Planck obsessed over unexplained deviations in black body radiation—or perhaps he could have warned Einstein not to fret over the anomalous precession of the perihelion of Mercury (by 43.1 arc seconds—over 100 years).[22] Unfortunately for G, he has arrived too late for either of those observations.

    G: “…the suffering Christ remains, at best, one of thousands of peace-loving gurus tragically killed in their prime.” (434)

    DM: As expected, G does not cite even one of these slain thousands; in any case, Jesus of Nazareth is rarely regarded as a “guru,” especially not by billions of Christians.[23] Furthermore, from my days as an amateur (but devoted) New Testament scholar, I still recall Jesus’ statement, “Do not suppose that I have come to bring peace to the earth. I did not come to bring peace, but a sword.”—Matthew 10:24, the New International Version.

    G: “Conspiracy theories are an affront to responsible historical research and rational discourse.” (435)

    DM: Were they still alive, we would expect G to so inform each one of those 50–60 luminaries I listed in Addendum 5, “Believers in a JFK Assassination Conspiracy.”[24] G obviously thinks he knows more about this case than the combined expertise of LBJ, Nixon, Hoover, Tolson, Phillips, the Kennedy family, Burkley, Rowley, Curry, Kellerman, Greer, Kinney, Blakey, Tanenbaum, Sprague, Cornwell, and the Parkland doctors.

    Even worse though, G has impugned virtually every historical conspiracy. Does he honestly believe that all of these events are mere Conspiracy Theories?

    1. The murder of Julius Caesar (44 BC)

    2. The assassination of Abraham Lincoln (1865)

    3. 694 pogroms in 660 Russian towns (1905)[25]

    4. The Japanese sneak attack on Port Arthur (1905)

    5. The assassination of Archduke Ferdinand (1914)

    6. The Black Sox World Series Scandal (1919)

    7. The Tuskegee Experiment (1932–72)

    8. The Cambridge Five (1934–50s)

    9. The murder of Ernst Röhm (1934)

    10. Operation Himmler (1939)

    11. The murder of Leon Trotsky (1940)

    12. Spying on the Manhattan project (1941–45)[26]

    13. The Holocaust (1941–45)

    14. The Valkyrie Plot against Hitler (1944)

    15. The assassination of Mahatma Gandhi (1948)

    16. Operation Mockingbird (1950s)

    17. The Secret War in Laos (1953)

    18. Project MK-Ultra (1953–73)

    19. CIA-Mafia plots to kill Castro (1960–63)

    20. Assassination attempts (33) on de Gaulle (1961ff)

    21. Watergate (1972)

    22. Joannides’ role for the HSCA (1978–79)

    23. The Rajneeshee Bioterror Attack (1984)

    24. The Iran-Contra Affair (1985)

    25. 9/11 (2001)

    26. The Houston Astros World Series Title (2017)

    CONCLUSION

    But it is now past time to conclude this review. We have seen more than enough of G’s “critical thinking.” I prefer reality—for the past, in the present, and for the future. There are already enough zebras lurking out there.

    One final observation may be useful. Here are two images of an emulsion-based X-ray film that I own; I created the T-shaped inscription on this film. The film is similar to those used for the 1963 autopsy X-rays and the T-shape is similar to what I saw on one lateral JFK skull film. The T-shape was obviously produced by scraping emulsion off the JFK X-ray film. (The image of this lateral JFK X-ray is not in the public domain.) Recall that, at the National Archives, no emulsion is missing—on either side—of that lateral JFK skull X-ray film.



    The left image above shows the missing emulsion side, while the right image displays the intact emulsion side (my film has emulsion on both sides, just as the JFK autopsy films do). The 3D visual impact (on my film) of physically missing emulsion (actually gouged into the film) can only be fully appreciated via binocular vision. This is especially dramatic when viewed at a glancing angle to the light source. I repeatedly did this while at the National Archives (for both sides of the JFK film), but no emulsion was missing anywhere.[27]

    Therefore, we now know that the Archives houses only a copy of this lateral X-ray. After all, only a copy film could preserve both the T image and the emulsion. But if this a copy film, then the door stands wide open to X-ray alteration—because a double exposure could easily have intervened. Of course, we already knew that this same lateral JFK X-ray was a copy—due to the presence of the White Patch, so the T-shaped inscription is merely a second confirmation that this is not the original lateral skull X-ray of JFK.


    [1] 18H740–745.

    [2] FBI Report (Sibert and O’Neill).

    [3] Honest Answers: About the Murder of President John F. Kennedy (2021), pp. 302ff, by Vince Palamara, who gifted this book to me. The quote is from an interview with Tim McIntyre. Vince has compiled a wonderful—and indispensable—collection of witnesses here. Of course, G does not cite this amazing reference.

    [4] JFK: Absolute Proof (2013), by Robert Groden includes a magnificent set of images in which the witnesses place their hands on the back of their heads to locate JFK’s right rear head wound. As now expected, G does not cite this book either. We can only begin to wonder: What exactly has G been reading?

    [5] JFK’s Head Wounds (2015), by David W. Mantik. Of course, G does not cite my book.

    [6] “Two Different Brain Specimens in President Kennedy’s Autopsy,” by Douglas Horne in Murder in Dealey Plaza (2000), edited by James Fetzer, p. 299.

    [7] https://www.fff.org/freedom-in-motion/video/jfks-head-wounds/

    [8] How Five Investigations into JFK’s Medical/Autopsy Evidence Got it Wrong – Introduction (history-matters.com)

    [9] Pittsburgh Text2.PDF (assassinationresearch.com)

    [10] The Parkland Doctors (2018) – IMDb

    [11] The 2017 Houston Mock Trial of Oswald (kennedysandking.com)

    [12] The Assassinations: Probe Magazine on JFK, RFK, and Malcolm X (2003), edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, p. 265.

    [13] dr perry jfk badgered – Search (bing.com)

    [14] Dr Pierre Finck: Dissecting JFK’s Back and Throat Wounds : The JFK Assassination (22november1963.org.uk)

    [15] The JFK Skull X-rays: Evidence for Forgery David W. Mantik DALLAS, TEXAS November 21, 2009 – [PPT Powerpoint] (vdocuments.net)

    [16] Dr Gerald Matthew “Mac” McDonnel (1919-1992) – Find a Grave Memorial

    [17] Assassination Science (1998), p. 134, edited by James Fetzer.

    [18] JFK Myths (2005), p. 193, by Larry Sturdivan. This expert, who testified for the HSCA, claimed that this 6.5 mm object could not possibly represent a real piece of metal. There is no physical correlate on the lateral X-ray—which is physically impossible. I agree with Sturdivan: this is not the world that he and I know. On the other hand, it is difficult to know what world G inhabits.

    [19] Dellarosa offers his personal descriptions of the action here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XrRbkY9gEnQ.

    [20] David Lifton supposedly will suggest (in his forthcoming book—if it ever arrives) that Robert S. McNamara approved the Z-film alteration: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wMblToYoWzA. Also see Lifton’s recent comment: https://educationforum.ipbhost.com/topic/15099-inside-the-arrb-vol-4/page/4/.

    [21] Oddly enough, every new viewer of the extant Z-film, above all else, is stunned by the backward head snap. And today no one ever sees JFK moving forward (like Ike Altgens and Dan Rather and Deke DeLoach did). Why is G not aware of this ridiculous discrepancy?

    [22] Einstein Relatively Easy – Advance of the perihelion of Mercury

    [23] On the contrary, most Christians would be insulted with that description of him.

    [24] Fetzer 2000, p. 404.

    [25] Sleeper Agent: The Atomic Spy in America Who Got Away (2021), by Ann Hagedorn, Kindle, p. 13. This is the story of George Koval, born on Christmas Day, 1913, in Sioux City, Iowa, who delivered the secrets of Oak Ridge, Tennessee’s 75,000 workers to the Soviets. This included the polonium details, used to ignite the atomic bomb, i.e., polonium generated the neutrons that triggered the bomb. (On 1 November 2006, Alexander Litvinenko was poisoned and later died on 23 November, becoming the first confirmed victim of polonium-induced acute radiation syndrome.) After George’s death, Vladimir Putin (in 2007) named George a “Hero of the Russian Federation.” As George began his work, he appeared to be the average clean-cut American, only two years out of the US Army. He could recite the history and stats of every big-league pitcher in 1948—and he had skills as a shortstop. Of course, the Soviet spying had begun much earlier (in August 1941), with the work of Klaus Fuchs (who, ironically, loaned his car to Richard Feynman). Already in spring 1942, Lavrentiy Beria had sent a memo to Stalin about using uranium for bombs, even describing two hemispheres whose sum would exceed the critical mass. In other words, Stalin was not surprised at the allusion to the atomic bomb at Yalta.

    [26] Ibid., p. 78.

    [27] The right image is slightly colored, because we are looking through the film base, which has a blue tinge.

  • Gagné Desperately Dispenses CPR for the Lone Gunman (Part 1)

    Gagné Desperately Dispenses CPR for the Lone Gunman (Part 1)


    Hi David, I just looked at the survey questions. These are WAY [sic] beyond my competency…Feel free to use the above and my earlier comments.

    —Michael Shermer[1]

    Another falsehood of this title [Gagné’s title] is thinking critically. As a criminology graduate with a first-class degree who applied critical criminological thinking to all his work, I can safely say no critical thinking has been applied to this one-sided rubbish.

    —Anonymous Amazon Review (this constituted one-half of G’s reviews)

    His volume is a cogent and incisive treatment of the whole assassination landscape, with a particular attention to recent conspiracy arguments…

    —John McAdams, Ph.D.[2]

    I concede that I am not an expert in any of these disciplines… [military history, ballistics, health sciences, photography and film and the like]

    —Michel Jacques Gagné

    It would take more than one book to respond to all of Aguilar’s and Mantik’s theories. Doing so would also force us to discuss complex medical procedures that might confuse the nonexpert and which this author does not have the medical training to debate in depth and detail. But this does not prevent us from identifying the many errors in logic and research that make Aguilar and Mantik’s theories refutable…

    —Michel Jacques Gagné [3]

    A reliable way to make people believe in falsehoods is frequent repetition, because familiarity is not easily distinguished from truth.

    —Daniel Kahneman[4]

    Facts do not cease to exist because they are ignored. That men do not learn very much from the lessons of history is the most important of all the lessons that history has to teach.

    —Aldous Huxley (who, like C.S. Lewis, also died on November 22, 1963)

    —————————————————

    Michel Jacques Gagné. He teaches courses in critical thinking, political philosophy, philosophy of religion, and ethics at a junior college near Montreal, Canada. He has an M.A. in history with a thesis on civil rights. He enjoys discussing conspiracy theories, but has no specific training in science or medicine or forensics. He does not even cite any personal interviews with witnesses. By his own admission, his research has consisted solely of reviewing official sources and “thinking critically.” He has not been banned from the National Archives, nor has he ever visited there.

    David Wayne Mantik. He completed his physics Ph.D. thesis on X-ray scattering from proteins while at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and then concluded his training with an NIH post-doctoral fellowship in biophysics at Stanford University (Grant FO2 GM37600). After several years on the tenure-track physics faculty at Michigan, he changed professions and graduated from the University of Michigan Medical School. He became Board Certified in Radiology after a residency at USC, where he was also awarded an American Cancer Society Junior Faculty Clinical Fellowship (#568). He next directed the residency training program at Loma Linda University, where he treated cancers with the proton beam. After 40 years now, he still treats cancer patients in radiation oncology—the only specialty in which knowledge of external anatomy is critical for precise targeting of cancers via modern imaging techniques. In this specialty, he is often required to read many X-rays every day. However, he is not board certified in the detection of forged X-rays—because no such specialty exists. He has visited the National Archives (specifically to view the JFK artifacts) on nine separate days. Like Michael Chesser, MD, he has now been banned from the National Archives (although not for misbehavior).

    —————————————————

    NOTE: G identifies Gagné in the following discussion. My replies are identified by DM. The page numbers (in parentheses) refer to the Kindle edition (but these numbers may not be stable over time and usage).

    G: “The logical principle of Ockhams’ razor” will serve as G’s guide. (xvii)

    DM: On the contrary, it is not always possible to know which one of several conflicting theories is correct—or even which one is the simplest. For example, at the turn of the twentieth century, the ether was the simplest explanation. Does G therefore now believe in the ether?

    Furthermore, there is no empirical evidence that the world is simple. For example, who would describe quantum theory as simpler than classical mechanics? So, does G truly not accept quantum mechanics (which I have studied over many semesters)?

    The fundamental mistake that G makes is to assume that we can transpose a philosophico-scientific principle to the complex JFK case. In fact, he uses this pretext to gloss over (a la Michael Shermer) multifaceted, but crucial medical and scientific data, thus falling prey to confirmation bias. Also, recall that G has forthrightly admitted that he has no special expertise in the required areas for this case. Inevitably then, he alights on an improbable knife edge, where, like Humpty Dumpty, he often falls off and crashes. Moreover, he has not even read my peer-reviewed articles; even worse though, he—quite paradoxically—touts peer-reviewed articles as reliable treasure troves, but he never explains why he has excluded mine from his reading list.

    Occam’s (or Ockhams’) razor can be useful in specific settings. For example, doctors use a version of it—“when you hear hoofbeats, think horses, not zebras”—to ensure they go for the simplest diagnosis to explain their patient’s symptoms.[5]

    G: “…my acceptance of certain conspiracy theories had less to do with the strength of the evidence and more to do with my emotional and existential needs for an inspiring story that gave my life meaning.” (xvii)

    DM: My career, my family, and my hobbies provided complete fulfillment before I encountered the JFK case. I did not need this case for any self-realization. Besides, I was then already over 50 years of age.

    G: We should “be ready to follow sound logic and clear evidence wherever these lead…and engage in meaningful and respectful exchanges.” (xviii)

    DM: Contrary to his claim, G never cites the most powerful scientific evidence in this case—the optical density data[6] taken directly from the extant autopsy X-rays at the National Archives. And he has never tried to exchange any ideas with me—even though my e-mail address appears in my online (peer-reviewed) articles.

    G: “We must be ready to tolerate uncertainty…” (xviii)

    DM: On the other hand, G is never uncertain about the lone gunman! He implies that every single piece of evidence supports it.

    G: “I have made every effort to avoid resorting to personal attacks.” (xxii)

    DM: Here are quotes from G—do these seem like personal attacks?

    “While we could surmise that Mantik, Aguilar, and Fetzer have simply been short-sighted, a final example suggests that they were purposefully duplicitous.” (367)

    And then try this one:

    “…Mantik is seeing monsters in his bedroom closet.” (372)

    Or this one:

    “…Mantik indulges in a five-page flight of fancy of photographic ‘what-ifs’…” (383)

    G: “…conspiracists rarely submit their convictions to the scrutiny of formal logical analysis…careful critical thinking threatens to undermine the fragility of their untested theories, which can, in turn, trigger a personal crisis of faith…” (6)

    DM: Just so, but G has not submitted his own convictions to the three alarming signs of X-ray alteration.[7] In fact, he totally avoids all three, even though the meaning of the T-shaped inscription (see the images at the end of this review) is purely a matter of common sense—the argument was instantly anticipated by my 15-year-old son (a non-radiologist) when I began to describe the evidence. And insofar as the lone gunman is concerned, if that baseless theory were proven to be true, my world view would be radically improved—and I would certainly not have a crisis of faith.

    G: He cites “Richard Hofstadter’s influential 1964 essay, ‘The Paranoid Style in American Politics’…In Hofstadter’s view, conspiracism [that is G’s word—Richard did not use it] is essentially the fruit of economic and political angst, a fear of being dispossessed by suspicious minority groups…” (8)

    DM: Richard Hofstadter’s article[8] was first published in Harper’s Magazine on the first anniversary of the JFK assassination—in November 1964.[9] What are the odds of that?

    Furthermore, and quite contrary to G, no pertinent economic or political angst led me into this JFK case.

    G: “JFK conspiracists are largely left-leaning liberals in their political views.” (8)

    DM: That is not me—at all. I am more accurately described as a classical liberal (a la Adam Smith and John Locke).[10]

    G: “Americans are most likely to believe in CTs when they feel themselves locked out of power…” (10)

    DM: Although I believe in CT scanners, G’s description does not remotely apply to me. I have no interest in power, particularly not in political power. My career bears clear witness to that, although I know colleagues who fit that description quite well.

    G: “British psychologist Patrick Leman similarly argues that conspiracism arises out of a condition called anomie: feelings of general disaffection, rejection, or disempowerment from society” (11).

             DM: I do not recognize myself here—at all.

    G: “Kay identifies seven personality types that are easily seduced…those muddling through a mid-life crisis [I am 81 years old]; failed historians [not me]; mothers with autistic children [probably not me]; cosmic voyagers; cranks; evangelical doomsayers; and radical firebrands.” (12)

    DM: None of my friends would recognize any of my new personas here. Furthermore, I wonder which members of the 9/11 Commission would fit G’s descriptors—after all, they proposed a conspiracy that included 15 Saudis!

    G: “CTs are an example of what happens when people base their convictions on fears, unjustified suppositions, and wishful thinking instead of sound reason and investigation.” (15)

    DM: So, that is what happened to me because I took hundreds of data points (from the extant autopsy X-rays and photographs) during my nine visits to the National Archives?

    G: “Most conspiracists are notorious for insufficiently referencing their sources…I have selected expert academic or journalistic sources whose authors are subject to a rigid editorial process.” (16)

    DM: My forthcoming hardcover book will include over 900 footnotes. Several of my articles have been published in peer-reviewed journals, but G cites none of them. In that case, how did he know that they were not subjected to a “rigid editorial process?”

    G: “Kennedy crumpled sideways onto his wife.” (26)

    DM: On the contrary, the Z-film shows that JFK was initially thrown violently backward. Did G miss the head snap? (As we shall see below— he barely noticed it!)

    G: “[Oswald]…was a former US Marine trained to shoot rifles at long-range targets.” (27)

    DM: Between May 8, 1959, and November 22, 1963, despite diligent efforts by the FBI, no evidence was ever unearthed to show that Oswald fired a weapon during those 1,600+ days (which is even longer than US involvement in WW II).[11] Moreover, Marine Colonel Allison Folsom,[12] testifying before the Warren Commission (WC), characterized Oswald (while he was in the Marines and using a Marine-issued M-1) as “a rather poor shot.”

    Charles de Gaulle survived over 30 assassination attempts,[13] but (according to G) JFK could not survive even one attempt by Lee Harvey Oswald. If you genuinely believe this, you have a lot to explain, especially since JFK was hit by multiple bullets (as everyone agrees) from more difficult shots. Moreover, if G is correct, why did the OAS not hire Oswald to kill de Gaulle instead of squandering its resources over so many failed attempts?[14]

    G: “Some witnesses described a man similar to Oswald standing in the sixth-floor window.” (27)

    DM: Only one witness made such a claim, which he later retracted. Besides, the window was partially closed and only a small portion of the body would have been visible. But G’s approach here is oxymoronic—after all, he claims not to trust eyewitness testimony, so why does he cite a witness at all? The same bizarre paradox soon occurs when he cites witnesses who claimed to see Oswald at the Tippit murder scene. (28) Since when, given his penchant for “critical thinking,” is being inconsistent (about the reliability of witnesses) truly required for critical thinking?

    G: “A 6.5 mm Mannlicher-Carcano rifle was also found stashed between stacks of boxes.” (28) “No evidence of 7.65-millimeter bullets, casings, or fragments [sic] was ever found anywhere in the TSBD or Dealey Plaza.” (283)

    DM: G cites the several policemen who initially described a different weapon. Weitzman described the weapon that he and Boone discovered as “a 7.65 Mauser bolt action, equipped with a 4/18 scope, a thick leather brownish-black sling on it.” (Click here for details) But, of course, G fails to cite the report of my friend, Noel Twyman, who during the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB), discovered a receipt for a 7.65 mm Mauser shell recovered from Dealey Plaza. The shell was found between November 22 and December 2, 1963.[15]

    G: “A handmade paper bag [was] recovered on the sixth floor of the TSBD…” (29)

    DM: Two different paper bags may have existed; furthermore, no photograph was taken at the time of discovery. To salvage his story, G omits most of the relevant evidence. (Click here for details) The FBI had two reports on the paper used for the bag—one stated that the paper was “not identical” with the book depository paper, while the other stated that the paper had the same “observable characteristics.” The astute reader can likely guess which one was prepared last.[16] Of course, we learn none of this from G.

    G: “[The Carcano]…had been purchased the previous spring from a Chicago sports store…” (29)

    DM:

    1. The WC was never able to prove that Oswald received the weapon through the post office.

    2. The bank deposit slip read February 15, 1963, even though Oswald did not order the weapon until March 1963!

    3. In the book depository, the police found a 40.2-inch carbine with a 4-power scope.

    4. Oswald ordered a 36-inch carbine in March 1963; the 40-inch weapon was not advertised for sale until April 1963.

    5. Klein’s employee, Mitchell Westra stated, “Klein’s would not have mounted scopes on 40-inch Mannlicher-Carcanos.”

    6. Klein’s microfilm records disappeared.

    7. The FBI did not find Oswald’s fingerprints on the money order.

    8. The clip was still inside the weapon when it was found even though it is nearly impossible for an empty clip to remain there.

    9. The serial number was not unique—John Lattimer owned the same weapon with the same serial number. (C 2766)[17]

    G: “The same weapon was used linked to the ammunition used to kill Tippit.” (29)

    DM: This is a remarkably childlike approach to the complexities of the Tippit murder. For a much fuller explication read the 675-page Into the Nightmare (2013) by my fellow Badger, Joe McBride. Sergeant Gerald Hill had told Officer James Poe to mark two shells with his initials, but when Poe examined the shells for the WC, his initials had disappeared! Even G’s bald-faced claim that the shells matched the gun is far from certain,[18] but we can no longer expect G to express even a sliver of doubt when evidence favors his biases. For example, nowhere does he mention the conundrums posed by the multiple wallets in the Tippit scenario. This is critical thinking?

    G: “The evidence against Oswald was strong.” (29)

    DM: The evidence against Oswald was contaminated. Even Dallas Police Chief Jesse Curry became a vocal doubter of the lone gunman theory: “We don’t have any proof that Oswald fired the rifle, and never did. Nobody’s yet been able to put him in that building with a gun in his hand.”

    G: “The entrance wound in the president’s back, for instance, could finally be linked to the wound in his throat (as an exit wound).” (30)

    DM: Three members of the WC—Hale Boggs, Richard Russell, and John Cooper—thought that the single bullet theory (SBT) was improbable.[19] Russell even insisted that his opposition be printed in the report; of course, this was not done. In any case, the SBT is anatomically impossible—see my many discussions of this issue as well as my demonstration of this faux pas on a CT scan.[20]

    In late 1966, Jim Garrison was on a flight with Louisiana Senator Russell Long, who convinced him that the Warren Commission Report was fiction.

    More importantly, the Magic Bullet (of SBT fame) is irrelevant—its provenance has long since been trashed by Tink Thompson and by Dr. Gary Aguilar.[21] Even worse though, two bullets arrived at the FBI lab that night (see my online FFF lecture[22]). Which one of these bullets does G accept? He does not say—so we do not know. Perhaps G does not know either?

    If Oswald had acted alone, why then are his tax returns still being withheld for “national security reasons?” And why did Gerald R. Ford, my fellow Michigan alumnus and near neighbor in Rancho Mirage, tell the former French president (Valery Giscard D’Estaing) in 1976 that “It wasn’t a lone assassin.[23] It was a plot. We knew for sure that it was a plot. But we didn’t find who was behind it.”[24]

    G: “The Dallas DA reached the conclusion that Oswald did murder Kennedy, that he probably did so alone [sic].”

    DM: Dallas District Attorney Henry Wade (6 PM, November 22, 1963): “Preliminary reports indicated more than one person was involved in the shooting.” The legendary Dallas DA ran a conviction machine that was results-oriented (i.e., not truth oriented).[25] Wade obtained 19 convictions that were later overturned. Oswald might well have been #20. So, should we accept Wade as a “critical thinker?”

    G: “The suspect, it turned out, had expressed hatred for the United States on several occasions…” (30)

    DM: Did G fail to read Oswald’s speech (in July 1963) at the Jesuit House of Studies at Spring Hill College near Mobile, Alabama? He does not cite it. In this rather private setting, where he presumably shared his real opinions, Oswald has little good to say about communism or communists, whom he describes as “a pitiful bunch.”[26]> This is more critical thinking by G?

    G: “[The Warren Commission] would paint him as a disgruntled and unstable loner.” (30)

    DM: If so, why then was Paul Bleau able to show that Oswald had either plausible, probable, or definite intelligence links to at least 64 individuals?[27] Does that seem like more than average? And Senator Richard Schweiker (The Village Voice, 1975) stated: “We do know Oswald had intelligence connections. Everywhere you look with him, there are fingerprints of intelligence.”

    G: “…the rifle’s ammunition closely resembled pieces of lead recovered from Connally’s body and bullet fragments found inside the limousine.”

    DM: This is disgraceful. Even I have no idea what G means by “resembled.” If he means that it was visibly similar, then that is meaningless. If he means that it was matched by neutron activation analysis, then he is hopelessly out of date. And he surely cannot mean that lands and grooves matched—because lead fragments would be useless for this. Is this truly the best we can expect from “critical thinking?”

    G: “The Commission also discovered that the ammunition fired at Kennedy…shared a resemblance with a slug found at the site of an unsolved cold case…photographs of Walker’s house were found among Oswald’s possessions…” (36)

    DM: This is the logical fallacy of the a priori argument, which our critical thinker should immediately recognize. Furthermore, “resemblance” is meaningless—unless G ties it to some specific scientific evidence, which he forgets to do. This is merely more of G’s “critical thinking.” In fact, the Walker ballistics evidence is very much in doubt. Walker himself claimed repeatedly that CE-573, the bullet fragment supposedly retrieved from the scene of the shooting, was not the fragment he had held in his hand and examined.[28] Furthermore, how could Oswald miss such an easy stationary target, but then be so precise with much more difficult (and multiple) shots on November 22?[29] (G also does not inform us that the rear license plate on the vehicle in that photograph had been suspiciously cut out!)

    G: The JFK autopsy “was performed by a team of pathologists with insufficient experience with forensic investigations.” (38)

    DM: In a book already jam-packed with myths, this is merely one more. Humes conducted the weekly brain cutting sessions at Bethesda, so he surely knew how to examine a brain. To appreciate the respect in which Humes was held by his pathology colleagues during the HSCA investigation, just read Real Answers (1998) by Gary Cornwell.

    But that point is merely the tip of the iceberg. Humes was not a victim of inexperience. On the contrary, he was an active participant in the cover-up. We recently learned this from Rob Couteau: Perry claimed that one or more of the autopsy doctors warned him (during a telephone call that night) that he would appear before a medical board if he continued to insist on his story (about a throat entry wound). Perry said they threatened to take away his medical license.[30]

    G: “Precedence should be given to physical evidence…” (41)

    DM: If so, why does G totally ignore the optical density data—which may be the most important physical evidence of all? Moreover, this data was confirmed some years ago at the National Archives by Michael Chesser, M.D.[31] But G does not even cite Chesser!

    G: “…the single bullet theory was not accepted unanimously by its [the WC] staffers…” (41)

    DM: (Final Report of the ARRB, 1998, p. 11): “Doubts about the Warren Commission’s findings were not restricted to ordinary Americans. Well before 1978, President Johnson, Robert Kennedy, and four of the seven members of the Warren Commission all articulated, if sometimes off the record, some level of skepticism about the Commission’s findings.”

    G: “As we shall see, the WC’s findings have been scrutinized, verified, and largely accepted by a wide range of historians, forensics, and ballistics experts…” (42)

    DM: I wonder how many of these purported experts have made nine visits to the National Archives to examine the JFK artifacts. And how many of these experts actually examined JFK’s body and brain? After all, this is the only traditional means of ascertaining the cause of death. In particular, photographs are never a satisfactory substitute for the body or for the brain. Finally, how many were trained to detect (illegitimate) photographic or X-ray alterations? I can assure you that there is no such specialty. Even forensic pathologists are typically unaware that, of Rembrandt’s supposed original 600 paintings, only 300 are now considered authentic. Ironically, X-rays have been used to decide this issue. Does G know anything about any of this? If so, he does not say.

    G: “…the CIA later explained that its Mexico City station had simply photographed the wrong man.” (Chapter 2, footnote 43)

    DM: G disingenuously regards this merely as proof of their disorganization, but not as proof of their role as accessories in a coverup

    Even J. Edgar Hoover knew that an imposter had played a role: “We have up here the tape and the photograph of the man who was at the Soviet Embassy using Oswald’s name. That picture and the tape [sent by the CIA] do not correspond to this man’s voice, nor to his appearance.”

    Even Robert G. Blakey concluded that the CIA had lied. (Click here for details) Does G not know this?

    G: “…the name Hidell was that of a former acquaintance in the US Marines.” (Chapter 2, footnote 44)

    DM: Richard Case Nagell had been a US counterintelligence officer from 1955 to 1959. Oswald’s path converged with Nagell’s in Tokyo, where both worked in an operation code namedHidell.” In 1963, Nagell worked with Soviet intelligence in Mexico City. (See chapter 4 in the book by Jim Douglass.) On October 31, 1995, the ARRB mailed Nagell a letter from Washington, DC, seeking access to documents about the JFK conspiracy. The very next day (November 1, 1995) Nagell was found dead in the bathroom of his Los Angeles house. For more about Nagell (and his remarkable parallels with Oswald), see The Man Who Knew Too Much (1992), by Dick Russell (i.e., not Richard Russell, Jr., the WC member). Of course, you will look in vain for a reference to Dick’s book in G’s book.

    G: “However, it remains possible that Tague’s injury had another unexplained cause.” (Chapter 2, footnote 65)

    DM: After G warns us against the speculations of conspiracists, this is an example of critical thinking? Why else would Tague’s cheek have been struck in Dealey Plaza? Just what is our “critical thinker” pondering here to explain a cheek injury?[32]

    G: “A myth is a story made up…that serves to unfold part of the world view of a people.” (50)

    DM: This is a perfect description of the lone gunman potion that has been served up to the public by the power elite, which now includes the media. G has finally hit the nail on the head. The lone gunman has perfect explanatory power for them. And it truly is all about power, just as G has claimed all along.

    G: “Chomsky’s volume responds to claims that Kennedy, had he survived, would have pulled American troops out of Vietnam…” And then G claims, “Kennedy thus completely misunderstood…the plight of the people of South Vietnam…” (59)

    DM: G seems too timid to clarify his own views on this subject so he hides behind Chomsky. However, Harvard historian Fredrik Logevall (of course, he is not cited in G’s book) does not agree with Chomsky’s conclusion—at all. He is the Laurence D. Belfer Professor of International Affairs at the John F. Kennedy School of Government. Read his book, Embers of War: The Fall of an Empire and the Making of America’s Vietnam (1999). On the contrary he believes that Johnson immediately changed course. Has G read this book, or the books by John Newman or David Kaiser or Gordon Goldstein or Jim Blight or Richard Mahoney? Perhaps G really prefers to limit what he reads. After all, he seems irresponsibly ignorant in medicine, in science, and now in history.

    G: “President Johnson and his entourage quietly wondered whether the Russians or Cubans had something to do with all this.” (60)

    DM: LBJ apparently stated: “I never believed that Oswald acted alone…” LBJ added that the government “…had been operating a damned Murder Inc. in the Caribbean.” (Click here for details)

    G: “Two days later, during a memorial service held at Capitol Hill, the Supreme Court judge [oddly not named, but clearly Earl Warren] would again intone that Kennedy had been a ‘believer in the dignity and equality of all human beings…’” (63)

    DM: Since Oswald had not yet been killed, Warren had unethically prejudged the accused assassin.[33] In the American justice system, the accused must be presumed innocent when the trial starts. Judges especially must not proclaim the guilt of the accused in the court of public opinion. So, how did Warren forget this—and then get away with this serious breach of ethics? Did he merely toss his ethical standards into the trash bin? Instead, he publicly seized upon the lone assassin myth while he asserted, “…an apostle of peace has been snatched from our midst by the bullet of an assassin. What moved some misguided wretch to do this horrible deed may never be known to us…”[34] Does this suggest that Warren was open-minded to conspiracy?

    G: “…the vast majority of conspiracist works have undiscriminatingly accepted the ‘saintly’ view of President Kennedy as a great humanist.” (72)

    DM: I did not even vote for him.

    G: “…there is a strong left-liberal or libertarian bias running through much of this literature…” (72)

    DM: None of my friends or family would recognize me as a left liberal.

    G: “Garrison was right to say that Clay Shaw worked for the CIA.” (98)

    DM: Kudos to G for acknowledging that Shaw was a paid CIA informant. In fact, Shaw had worked for the CIA since 1949, first starting as a contract agent—and he had filed 30 reports for the CIA during 1949–1956.[35] In order to facilitate his private life as a gay person, he had used the name Clay Bertrand. However, G does not inform us that, by the end of Shaw’s trial, the jury (perhaps all of them) had come to believe in a JFK conspiracy.[36]

    G: “…Dan Rather produced an ambitious four-part investigation…that vindicated the Warren Report.” (84)

    DM: This was on CBS during June 25–28, 1967. Nonetheless, Rather had also reported that, in the original Z-film (as he viewed it that initial weekend) JFK had gone forward—just the opposite of what we now see in the extant film. Robert Tanenbaum (Deputy Chief Counsel for the HSCA) directly confirmed to me a remarkable 1993 confession by Dan Rather (Jim DiEugenio, Probe, January-February 1999, p.3): “We really blew it on the Kennedy assassination.” Does G know this?

    G: “However, it is rarely acknowledged by most conspiracists that the HSCA’s acoustic evidence …was impeached almost immediately…” (94, 113)

    DM: Then I am indeed a rare bird, since I have never accepted the acoustics case of the HSCA. In fact, over ten years ago, I wrote a 100+ page, extremely critical review of Don Thomas’s book (an update is now at my website). And my new hardcover book will include further devastation of this issue, along with lethal comments from the reigning acoustics expert, Michael O’Dell. My update should bring closure to this hopelessly conjured case. So, in view of this, will G then stop calling me a conspiracist? I shall not hold my breath for his great awakening.

    G: The ARRB “…found no cover-up.” (100)

    DM: However, the ARRB final summary did emphasize that the Secret Service had quite deliberately destroyed pertinent records of JFK’s trips—even after the ARRB had warned them not to do so.

    More importantly though, the board members had no clue about the medical evidence. I wrote a letter to the chairman, John Tunheim, and included about 20 questions to be distributed to each board member. The purpose was to ascertain their level of knowledge about (and interest in) the medical evidence. Although John promised to forward this questionnaire to his colleagues, I never received a reply from anyone. That told me all I needed to know. Douglas Horne (a nonmedical person), who served on the ARRB staff for several years, was also appalled at the medical ignorance (both of the board and its staff—except for lawyer Jeremy Gunn), so we should not be surprised at their misleading summary.

    As Horne tellingly wrote, “I know from personal observation that not one Board member attended one medical witness deposition and I was reliably informed by Jeremy Gunn that not one Board Member read the transcript of any medical deposition during the active lifespan of the ARRB.”[37]

    G: He cites John Costella once. (101)

    DM: Yet John, with his physics PhD and his vast technical knowledge of optics, is the world’s expert on the Z-film. He has clearly demonstrated, via clever mathematical transformations, exactly where (inside the film) and how this film was altered. G is technically unable to address these issues, so he wisely chose to bypass Costella’s stunning work.[38]

    G: He cites “Interview with Former NIPC [sic] Employees: The Zapruder Film in November 1963” in Fetzer (2000). Horne is also the focus of several low-budget online interviews and lectures such as ‘Altered History: Exposing Deceit and Deception in the JFK Assassination Medical Evidence…’” (115)

    DM: G’s typo escaped him—the reference should be to NPIC, the National Photographic and Interpretation Center. And G needlessly tries to impugn Horne’s effort by calling it a “low-budget” offering. This is a strike below the waist. In fact, Horne produced an excellent documentary—which still remains unrefuted. Of course, G says little about it.

    G: “All those who knew him agree that Oswald was a tight-lipped and enigmatic figure who rarely shared his own thoughts, even with those close to him.” (210)

    DM: Prof. Ernst Titovets, MD, PhD, is the author and the only English-speaking friend of Oswald in Minsk. So his book (Oswald: Russian Episode) offers a unique insight into the authentic Oswald. Exceptional in assassination-related literature, Oswald emerges here as a fully human character without the burdens of post-assassination history and conjecture, which often either distort his character or his motivations.[39] I have read this book, but Titovets is not cited in G’s book. Surely G should read this entire book before concluding anything about Oswald, but here again we are assailed by G’s ever-present “critical thinking,” in which in-depth research is quite unnecessary.

    G: “One of the most succinct and comprehensive conspiracist descriptions of what happened…is found in Oliver Stone’s 1991 JFK.” (243)

    DM: I disagree. It would be wiser to consult a real expert—an actual sniper. For example, read Fry The Brain: The Art of Urban Sniping and its Role in Modern Guerrilla Warfare (2008) by John West. Has G read this book? I doubt it—as he does not cite it.

    G: “Shortly after the assassination Lt. J.C. Day…did lift…a palm print belonging to Oswald from the rifle barrel…” (278–279)

    DM: In my acerbic, online critique of John McAdams, I have summarized the (dishonest) use of fingerprints in the courtroom, with special emphasis on its abuse in the Oswald matter.[40] Very recently we have learned even more about junk science in the courtroom: forensic scientists have often overstated the strength of evidence from tire tracks, fingerprints, bullet marks, and bite marks.[41] And John McAdams committed the same fallacy in his book.

    G’s forensic knowledge of fingerprints is gravely delinquent. He has not read my summary here. And he has ignored the statements of experts: “When somebody tells you, ‘I think this is a match or not a match,’ they ought to tell you an estimate of the statistical uncertainty about it”—Constantine Gatsonis, Brown University statistician.

    He has also misinterpreted Carl Day, who took Oswald’s palm print. In 1964, Day refused to sign a written statement confirming his fingerprint findings. (See WC Exhibit 3145, which is the FBI interview of September 9, 1964) When FBI expert, Sebastian Latona, got the weapon from Day, he found no prints of value, no evidence of fingerprint traces, and no evidence of a lift. Furthermore, Day took no photographs of this palm print—either before or after he supposedly lifted it. (Click here for details)

    In 2009, a committee at the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) concluded: “No forensic method has been rigorously shown to have the capacity to consistently, and with a high degree of certainty, demonstrate a connection between evidence and a specific individual or source.” In other words, judges and juries have sent (many) people to prison (and some to their deaths) based on bogus science.[42]

    Also see Pat Speer’s comments here.

    G: “…Kennedy’s throat wound was not visible to the pathologists at Bethesda…” (306)

    DM: This is utterly false, as discussed in detail in my forthcoming book.

    First, Boswell has repeatedly claimed (from early on) that they did know about it.

    Second, we do not even require Boswell’s recollection. The bruising at the right lung apex immediately told Humes that the apex had been struck by a projectile on Elm St—and the only possible cause was a throat shot. He already knew that the back wound was superficial and that it was far too inferior to explain the throat wound (just look closely at the face sheet—it is obvious there). Furthermore, while at the National Archives, I had a model wear JFK’s jacket—the bullet hole was preposterously low. (And yes, I have seen the photograph of the bunched-up collar on Elm St.) Besides, the jacket tells us nothing about the bullet hole in the shirt, which is also ridiculously low (as I observed at the National Archives). Many eyewitnesses have also confirmed this.

    Third—and even worse—we have just learned that Malcolm Perry (who performed the tracheostomy) had immediately (and in private), confirmed his initial conclusion: the throat wound was an entry.[43]

    Fourth, Malcom Perry originally recalled (for the WC) phone calls on November 22. Parkland nurse, Audrey Bell,[44] reported that Perry had told her that he had been kept awake by such calls during the night.

    Fifth, Dr. John Ebersole, the autopsy radiologist, told me (now on a recorded interview at the National Archives) that the first phone call had occurred at 10:30 PM and that a second one followed, still during the autopsy.[45]

    Sixth, Pathologist Dr. Robert Karnei (who would have performed the autopsy on anyone but JFK—and who retired in July 1991 as director of the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology) recalled hearing of such calls before the body left the morgue.

    Seventh, William Manchester, in his 1967 book wrote this: “Commander James J. Humes, Bethesda’s chief of pathology, telephoned Perry in Dallas shortly after midnight…”[46]

    Eighth, the commanding officer of the Bethesda Naval Hospital (Capt. Robert Canada, MD) told Michael Kurtz that “…we were aware from telephone calls to Dallas and from news reports that the president had an entrance wound in the throat…”[47]

    see Part 2


    [1] Shermer is one of Gagné’s (positive) reviewers. The quotation is excerpted from his e-mails to me. The pertinent JFK assassination survey (with Shermer’s quote) is at my website: The Mantik View – Articles and Research on the JFK Assassination by David W. Mantik M.D.,Ph. D.. My website also includes a review of Shermer’s naïve view of the JFK assassination.

    [2] Gagné’s book was published in 2022, but McAdams died on April 15, 2021. John was an associate professor of political science at Marquette University, where he taught courses on American politics, public policy, and voter behavior, but he had no training in science or medicine or in forensics. “How to Think Like John McAdams” is my critique of his book; this critique is at my website. Like McAdams, Gagné offers not a single reference to standard works on logical fallacies. During the ten years after I wrote this devastating critique of his book, McAdams mumbled not a single word in self-defense. And McAdams is surely wrong about Gagné being up to date. For, example, Gagné never cites my e-book, JFK’s Head Wounds (2015), which is far more current than my earlier work (which was mostly based in the 20th century). My current hardcover book (of 600+ pages), Paradoxes of the JFK Assassination (2022), will soon be released on Amazon. It should also be emphasized that none of Gagné’s reviewers are (or were) forensic science experts—nor does he quote any forensic pathologists, although he enjoys alluding to them. On the other hand, Cyril Wecht, MD, JD, who cheers my work (and who accompanied me on my first visit the National Archives), is the past president of both the American Academy of Forensic Sciences and the American College of Legal Medicine.

    [3] My research is most notable for its experimental data, taken directly from the extant JFK autopsy X-rays at the National Archives—it is not especially notable for any theories. In fact, if I were asked what my theories were, I would be momentarily mystified. G seems haplessly disoriented and incapable of distinguishing between experiment and theory—and so he never cites my optical density data. For him it is sufficient merely to pronounce a conclusion, as in a papal-like edict, i.e., if he makes a claim then that is adequate—no proof need be forthcoming. We are plainly off to an unfortunate start, especially for a supposed “critical thinker.”

    [4] Kahneman was the recipient of the Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences for his seminal work in psychology. The quotation appears in Thinking Fast and Slow (2011).

    [5] Exactly so. When my son had anomalous symptoms, his primary care doctor recited the zebra rule. Instead, after my diagnosis of an exceedingly rare, growth hormone secreting pituitary adenoma proved to be correct, I told this excellent physician, “Don’t let a zebra bit you in the rear.” If I had taken Gagné’s advice, my son might have become incurable—instead of being cured by surgery. But now he will soon complete his medical residency and take his board certification examinations.

    [6] Greg Henkelmann, M.D. (physics major and radiation oncologist): “Dr. Mantik’s optical density analysis is the single most important piece of scientific evidence in the JFK assassination. To reject alteration of the JFK skull X-rays is to reject basic physics and radiology.” Unbelievably, the phrase “optical density” appears nowhere in G’s book. Exactly how does a “critical thinker” justify ignoring such hard scientific data? Meanwhile, G accuses me of being selective in citing evidence! (My original optical density article appeared in Assassination Science (1998), edited by James Fetzer, pp. 120ff.)

    [7] https://www.fff.org/freedom-in-motion/video/jfks-head-wounds/

    [8] See A Conspiracy So Dense: Richard Hofstadter’s “Paranoid Style” – Brewminate: A Bold Blend of News and Ideas and also Richard Hofstadter’s Brilliant Essay Misled Us About the Paranoid Style of American Politics | History News Network. Unfortunately, Richard had overlooked the chronic conspiracy theories found in the mainstream, e.g., the recent Russia Collusion Hoax, the Iraqi Weapons of Mass Destruction, as well as those persistently devised by the CIA (such as the so-called Missile Gap during the Kennedy era).

    [9] According to Wikipedia, on November 21, 1964 (sic) Hofstadter delivered the Herbert Spencer Lecture at Oxford University (on this same subject).

    [10] What Is Classical Liberalism? Definition and Examples (thoughtco.com). I am also sympathetic with “the constrained vision,” as described in A Conflict of Visions (2002), by Thomas Sowell; but I also empathize with Miguel de Unamuno y Jugo’s Tragic Sense of Life (1921). But none of this should matter in assessing the JFK assassination evidence.

    [11] As a more current example, Tiger Woods had recently gone 1700+ days without a major tournament win.

    [12] Frazier RA: Testimony of Robert A. Frazier before the Warren Commission: http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/russ/testimony/frazr1.htm).

    [13] How Charles de Gaulle Survived Over Thirty Assassination Attempts (theculturetrip.com)

    [14] By late 1963, there was an international pool of 2,000 to 3,000 highly trained and motivated assassins, ready and willing to make a buck: JFK: The French Connection (2012) by Peter Kross, Kindle, 4820. If G is correct, however, none of them could match the success rate of Lee Harvey Oswald, who worked for free.

    [15] Max Holland Says Enough! (kennedysandking.com)

    [16] Bugliosi supposedly solved this conflict—by claiming that the reports were from different days, thus implying that further work had clarified the situation. Unfortunately for Bugliosi, both reports were created on the same day (November 30, 1963). Pat Speer has even argued (with surprising support) that the bag currently in evidence is not the original one. This issue is further confounded by the fact that the police did not photograph the bag where they say it was found; in fact, it was not photographed at all until November 26, 1963!

    [17] Kennedy and Lincoln (1980), John Lattimer, p. 250: “In 1974 and 1975, my sons and I had conducted a series of experiments with a 6.5 mm Mannlicher-Carcano carbine, model 91-38, serial number C2766…exactly like Oswald’s.”

    [18] FBI agent Cortland Cunningham (not in G’s book) could not match the bullets (taken from Tippit) to Oswald’s supposed handgun (WC Volume 3, p. 465). Did G actually read Cortland’s report here: Cortlandt Cunningham (whokilledjfk.net)?

    [19] Even the initial FBI investigation did not accept the SBT! And JFK’s personal physician did not accept the SBT either: Admiral George Burkley, MD, refused to agree that there had been only one shooter: JFK Revisited Misleads on Dr. Burkley’s Suspicions of a Conspiracy (onthetrailofdelusion.com). Of note, Burkley had been the only physician at both Parkland and at Bethesda, so if he did not inform the pathologists about the throat wound, then he promptly became a culprit in the cover-up. On the other hand, my good friend Dr. Robert Livingston had telephoned Dr. Humes before the autopsy and told him about the throat wound. Surely Dr. Humes was not so senile as to forget this within the next few minutes: Robert B. Livingston (spartacus-educational.com). Dr. Livingston repeated this claim under oath in the lawsuit against JAMA, in which JAMA had defamed Dr. Charles Crenshaw. My professional society (the AMA) rightfully lost that suit: Item 33.pdf (hood.edu).

    [20] Murder in Dealey Plaza (2000), pp. 252ff, edited by James Fetzer. The dispositive CT scan is illustrated in Document 45 of Cover-Up (1998) by Stewart Galanor.

    [21] The Magic Bullet: Even More Magical than We Knew (history-matters.com)

    [22] https://www.fff.org/freedom-in-motion/video/jfks-head-wounds/

    [23] http://jfkfacts.org/president-ford-spoke-jfk-plot-says-former-french-president/.

    I asked Ford to autograph his Oswald book for me, which he promptly did, reminding me (while he signed with his left hand) that he was the last surviving member of the WC. Perhaps I got lucky—he did not seem to recognize me.

    [24] https://www.facebook.com/killjfk/posts/586489194733140

    [25] Wade had obviously forgotten (or more likely had never learned) the Canons of Professional Ethics, Canon 5 (1908): “The primary duty of the lawyer engaged in public prosecution is not to convict, but to see that justice is done.”

    [26] http://22november1963.org.uk/lee-oswald-speech-in-alabama

    [27] https://kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-articles/oswald-s-intelligence-connections-how-richard-schweiker-clashes-with-fake-history.

    [28] For his correspondence, see Justice Department Criminal Division File 62–117290–1473.

    [29] http://22november1963.org.uk/lee-oswald-speech-in-alabama

    [30] Kennedys And King – The Ordeal of Malcolm Perry

    [31] Assassination of JFK – A Review of the JFK Cranial x-Rays and Photographs. Chesser discovered the presence of many tiny metallic particles near JFK’s forehead on the two lateral X-rays—as well as a small hole in the skull at that site, consistent with the passage of a bullet through the forehead. These observations can only lead to one conclusion: JFK was hit in the forehead by a bullet. (Actually, there is much more evidence for this, as I have outlined.) Although Chesser’s online lecture occurred in 2015, G is blissfully unaware of it. Of course, he cannot be allowed to know this, or else his entire case would collapse—and his book would be totally useless, except for lighting a fireplace.

    [32] JFK’s cheek had several (highly suggestive) puncture wounds, which I have discussed, but G seems unaware of these.

    [33] Oswald had been killed only a few hours before Warren’s eulogy, but Earl had likely prepared his address while Lee was still alive.

    [34] Eulogies for President Kennedy | JFK Library

    [35] The French Connection (2012), Kindle p. 239, by Peter Kross.

    [36] Max Holland Says Enough! (kennedysandking.com)

    [37] Inside the Assassination Records Review Board (2009), by Douglas P. Horne, Volume 1, p. 17.

    [38] A Scientist’s Verdict: The Film is a Fabrication – John P. Costella, Ph.D. (assassinationscience.com)

    [39] I have adapted this comment from the Amazon website.

    [40] https://kennedysandking.com/john-f-kennedy-reviews/mcadams-john-jfk-assassination-logic-how-to-think-about-claims-of-conspiracy-1. Regarding fingerprints, for Frontline in 1993, Vincent Scalese (the HSCA fingerprint expert) offered the perfect example of misleading testimony, when he used the word, “definitely”: “…we’re able for the first time to actually say that these are definitely [sic] the fingerprints of Lee Harvey Oswald and that they are on the rifle. There is no doubt about it.” To make matters even worse, John McAdams’s oxymoronically titled book endorses this view even though, given the state of the literature in 2011, he should have known better: JFK Assassination Logic: How to Think about Claims of Conspiracy, p. 161, note 27.

    [41] “Reversing the legacy of junk science in the courtroom,” by Kelly Servick, March 7, 2016:

    http://www.sciencemag.org/news/2016/03/reversing-legacy-junk-science-courtroom.

    Michael Chesser, MD, has just notified me of another human tragedy—due to reliance on junk science: https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2022/apr/28/forensics-bite-mark-junk-science-charles-mccrory-chris-fabricant?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other.

    [42] We have seen this scenario before; for the HSCA, Robert Blakey once declared that neutron activation analysis was the “linchpin” of the ballistic evidence against Oswald. Unfortunately for Blakey, that linchpin is totally fractured, and such evidence is no longer even permitted in the courtroom.

    [43] According to Jim DiEugenio, the pathologists’ knowledge of the throat entry wound (from contemporaneous records) while at the autopsy has just been confirmed by author Rob Couteau: Kennedys And King – The Ordeal of Malcolm Perry

    [44] https://history-matters.com/archive/jfk/arrb/medical_interviews/audio/ARRB_Bell.htm

    [45] My transcript of our conversation is in Murder in Dealey Plaza (2000), edited by James Fetzer, p. 433.

    [46] The Death of a President, Penguin Books (1977), pp. 432 – 433, by William Manchester.

    [47] The Assassination Debates (2006), p. 87, by Michael Kurtz.

  • JFK VS LBJ: The MSM in Overdrive

    JFK VS LBJ: The MSM in Overdrive


    As our readers know, I just did a two-part review of the very poor CNN four-part special about Lyndon Johnson, largely modeled on the work of Joe Califano. As an honest appraisal of Johnson’s presidency, that program was simply unforgiveable, both in regard to Johnson’s domestic and foreign policy. (Click here for details) Concerning the latter, it actually tried to say that Johnson did not decide to go to war in Indochina until after the Tonkin Gulf Resolution had passed. Since LBJ used that resolution as an act of war, most of us would fail to see the logic in that, but that is how desperate CNN and the production company, Bat Bridge Entertainment, were in trying to salvage Johnson’s reversal of Kennedy’s withdrawal plan and decision to enter a disastrous war in Vietnam. That war plunged America into a ten-year-long struggle that resulted in epic tragedy for both Indochina and the USA.

    Mark Updegrove was one of the talking heads on that program, as well as one of its executive producers. Updegrove was the director of the LBJ Library for eight years. He is now the president and CEO of the LBJ Foundation in Austin. He began his career in magazine publishing. He was the publisher of Newsweek and president of Time/Canada. He was that latter magazine’s Los Angeles manager, but he was also VP in sales and operations for Yahoo and VP/ publisher for MTV Magazine. In other words, Updegrove has long been a part of the MSM.

    I could not find any evidence that Mark is a credentialed historian. All I could discover is that he had a Bachelor’s Degree in Economics from the University of Maryland. I don’t think it is improper to question whether or not a man should be running a presidential library if he is neither an historian nor an archivist. The writing of history is a much different discipline than being a publisher or running business operations. At its fundamental base, it means the willingness to spend hours upon hours going through declassified documents, supplementing that with field investigation, and also tracing hard to find witnesses. Then, when that travail is over, measuring the value of what one has found.

    It is not an easy task to write valuable history, especially of the revisionist type that bucks the MSM, for the simple reason that revisionist history that challenges hallowed paradigms is not a good path to career advancement. The much safer path is what the late Stephen Ambrose did. When a friend of his did discover powerful evidence which demanded a revisionist reconstruction about World War II, Ambrose first befriended him and then—measuring the costs to his career—turned on him. That is the kind of behavior that gets you business lunches with people like Tom Hanks. (James DIEugenio, The JFK Assassination: The Evidence Today, pp. 45–48)

    As I reviewed at length and proved with many examples, the aim of the above CNN series was to somehow elevate Johnson’s rather poor performance as president over the space of five years. It was a presidency that was so violent, corrosive, and polarizing that the late Philip Roth wrote a memorable book about its enduring and pernicious impact on the United States. There were many instances that I did not even deal with in my two-part review of that series, for example the overthrow in Brazil and the forcing out of George Papandreou in Greece in 1965. Who can forget Johnson’s rather direct reply to the protestations of the Greek ambassador in the latter case:

    Then listen to me Mr. Ambassador: fuck your Parliament and your Constitution. America is the elephant. They may just get whacked by the elephant’s trunk, whacked good…We pay a lot of good American dollars to the Greeks, Mr. Ambassador. If your Prime Minister gives me talk about Democracy, Parliament, and Constitutions, he, his Parliament, and his Constitution may not last very long. (William Blum, The CIA: A Forgotten History, p. 244)

    As William Blum shows in his book, Johnson was true to his word.

    Because of the above, it is not an easy job to somehow whitewash and then rehabilitate Johnson the man and Johnson the president, especially because LBJ followed President John Kennedy and almost systematically reversed much of his foreign policy, with so many debilitating results. In his film JFK: Destiny Betrayed, Oliver Stone showed those actions in relation to Indochina, Congo, the Middle East, and Indonesia. That film also tried to show how Kennedy was also working on modes of détente with both Cuba and the USSR. These were both abandoned by the new president.

    Apparently Updegrove is well aware of how poorly Johnson does in a comparison with Kennedy. He has now written a book about Kennedy. Because of his longtime relations with Time magazine, he got them to do what is essentially a preview/promo for that book. (See Time online April 26, 2022, story by Olivia Waxman.)

    To see where Updegrove’s book Incomparable Grace: JFK in the Presidency is coming from, one can simply read the italicized intro to his own summary. Waxman writes that since 1963, there have been “myths and misunderstandings” about JFK and the early “gunning down” of the handsome leader caused some of this “continued fascination.” Waxman then lets Updegrove, who is not an historian, take charge with these words:

    History in its most cursory form is a beauty contest and, as we look at John F. Kennedy, he’s a perfect President for the television age, because he shows up so well and speaks so elegantly.

    Who needs to read the book? We have seen this infomercial so many times by the MSM that reading the book is superfluous. Kennedy was the glamour president. He was handsome, exquisitely tailored, a good speaker, and witty. This was what made him an icon in history, but he really did not have any notable achievements behind him. It was all glitz. And then Updegrove begins that part of the MSM formula: the belittlement of JFK, the so called myths and misunderstandings that caused the continued fascination with Kennedy the president. Mark chooses three areas to hone in on for his attack.

    The Missile Crisis

    He begins by saying that the first myth is that “JFK won the Cuban Missile Crisis by staring down the Soviets.” Updegrove then writes that the true cause of the crisis was that the Russians knew they were at a large atomic disadvantage and also that the USA had offensive missiles in Turkey. Therefore, this was not just “recklessness on the part of Nikita Khrushchev,” it “was really more of a calculated risk.” The risk being to get the missiles removed from Turkey. He says the world did not know about the Turkish agreement at the time. I would beg to disagree and you can find my basis for disagreement in the following story from the New York Times in late November of 1962. The agreement about Turkey was out and known in the public at that time. Unlike what Updegrove wants to maintain, most understood what the main terms of the agreement were. But further, to say that was the basis of the agreement is to ignore that the Russians had about ten times as many missiles in Cuba as the USA did in Turkey. (Philip Zelikow and Ernest May, The Kennedy Tapes, p. 60)

    I would, however, also disagree with him on two other more important points. First, JFK’s achievement in the Missile Crisis was not a “stare down”. It was avoiding a nuclear conflagration. Anyone who reads the book The Kennedy Tapes will understand that JFK took the least provocative and least risky alternative that was offered him: the blockade. Many others in the meetings recommended bombing the missile silos or an outright invasion of Cuba. Both Kennedys were asking about the former: Would that not create a lot of casualties? (May and Zelikow, p. 66) Kennedy became rather disenchanted with that option.

    What Kennedy did was opt for the blockade, which also gave the Kremlin time to think about what they were doing. This neutralized the hawks in both camps. And I should not have to tell Updegrove how angry and upset the Joint Chiefs were with that choice. General Curtis LeMay accused Kennedy of appeasement and compared what he was doing to what Neville Chamberlain did at Munich with the Nazis. (James DiEugenio, Destiny Betrayed, Second Edition, p. 57)

    But what is important here in regard to Updegrove is that in reading the transcripts, Johnson was siding with the hawks. At a meeting on October 27, 1962—towards the end of the crisis when Kennedy was trying to corral the confidence of his advisors for an agreement—Johnson was not on board. He said, “My impression is that we’re having to retreat. We’re backing down.” He then said we made Turkey insecure, and also Berlin:

    People feel it. They don’t know why they feel it and how. But they feel it. We got a blockade and we’re doing this and that and the Soviet ships are coming through. (May and Zelikow p. 587)

    He then said something even more provocative in referring to a U2 plane shot down by Cuba, “The Soviets shot down one plane and the Americans gave up Turkey. Then they shoot down another and the Americans give up Berlin.” (Ibid, p. 592) He then got more belligerent. He said that, in light of this, what Khrushchev was doing was dismantling the foreign policy of the United States for the last 15 years, in order to get the missiles out of Cuba. He topped off that comment by characterizing Kennedy’s attitude toward that dismantlement like this: “We’re glad and we appreciate it and we want to discuss it with you.” (ibid, p. 597) It’s reading things like that which makes us all grateful Kennedy was president at that time.

    This is what Kennedy’s achievement really was, not taking this crackpot hawkish advice and instead working toward a peaceful solution that would satisfy everyone. And with this on the table, we can now fully understand Updegrove’s next point.

    The Vietnam War

    Updegrove says it was a myth that Kennedy would have pulled out of Vietnam. In his article, he ignores the fact that Kennedy had already given the order to begin that withdrawal with NSAM 263. He then pens a real howler: Kennedy did not tell any of his military advisors about his intent to withdraw. I could barely contain myself when I read that, but this is how desperate one gets when trying to argue this point, which has been proven through the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB) beyond any reasonable doubt.

    Most people would consider Robert McNamara a military advisor; after all he was the Secretary of Defense running the Pentagon. Roswell GIlpatric was McNamara’s deputy. In an oral history, he said McNamara told him that Kennedy had given him instructions to start winding down American involvement in Vietnam. (James Blight, Virtual JFK, p. 371) McNamara then conveyed this instruction to General Harkins, another military man, at a conference in Saigon in 1962. McNamara told Harkins to begin to form a plan to turn full responsibility for the conflict over to South Vietnam. (James Douglass, JFK and the Unspeakable, p. 120) In May of 1963, Harkins and all departments in Vietnam—military, CIA, State—submitted those withdrawal plans to McNamara. I showed the documents of this conference on a Fox special last year. I said, as anyone can see, everyone there knew Kennedy was withdrawing and there was no serious dissent, since they knew it was the path the president had chosen. (See the program JFK: The Conspiracy Continues) These documents were declassified by the ARRB in late 1997, so they have been out there for well over 20 years.

    But further, the Board also declassified the discussions Kennedy had with his advisors in October of 1963, when the withdrawal plan was being implemented. At that time, Kennedy and McNamara overruled all objections to the withdrawal by people like National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy and Joint Chiefs Chairman Max Taylor. Again, Taylor was another military man. (John Newman, JFK and Vietnam, 2017 edition, pp. 410–11). Finally, when McNamara was leaving the Pentagon, he did a debrief interview. There, he said that he and Kennedy had agreed that America could help, supply, and advise Saigon in the war effort, but America could not fight the war for them. Therefore, once that advisement was completed, America was leaving; and it did not matter if Saigon was winning or losing: we were getting out. (Vietnam: The Early Decisions, edited by Lloyd C. Gardner and Ted Gittinger, p. 166)

    Johnson is a liability for Updegrove here also. He knew all of this. And he objected to it. In a February 1964 discussion with McNamara, he bares his objection to Kennedy’s plan for withdrawal. He says he sat there silent thinking, what the heck is McNamara doing withdrawing from a war he is losing. (Blight, p. 310)

    I really do not see how it gets any clearer than that.

    JFK and Civil Rights

    I just did a long review of this issue on Aaron Good’s series American Exception. Updegrove uses the hoary cliché that Kennedy came late to the issue and “he refused to do anything on a proactive basis relating to civil rights.” Both of these are utterly false and, again, LBJ ends up being a liability for Updegrove.

    In 1957, President Eisenhower and Vice-President Nixon sent a mild, nebulous bill to Capitol Hill to create a pretty much toothless Civil Rights Commission. Neither man gave a damn about civil rights. In fact, Eisenhower had advised Earl Warren to vote again the Brown vs Board case. (Click here for details) The reason they did this was because Governor Orville Faubus had just humiliated the president over the crisis at Little Rock, so this was a way of salvaging the president’s image. The other reason was that the GOP wanted to split the Democratic Party between the northern liberals and the southern conservatives, and this was a way to do it.

    In order to minimize that split, Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson watered the bill down even more, to the point that Senator Kennedy did not want to vote for it. Johnson had to lobby him to do so. Finally, JFK relented after his advisors told him it would be better than nothing. Prior to this, for 20 years, LBJ had voted against every civil rights bill ever introduced on the Hill. And he did so on the doctrine of States Rights, echoing John Calhoun. The reason he relented this time was that he knew he could not run for president as a veteran segregationist. This was what had crippled his mentor Richard Russell’s presidential ambitions. Contrary to what Updegrove writes, this is why Kennedy was so eager to get to work on this issue in 1961.

    Kennedy had hired Harris Wofford, attorney for the Civil Rights Commission, as a campaign advisor. After his election, he asked Wofford to prepare a summary of what to do with civil rights once he was inaugurated. Wofford told him that he would not be able to get an omnibus civil rights bill through congress his first year and probably not in his second year either. This was primarily due to the power of the southern filibuster in the Senate, but what he could do was act through executive orders, the courts, and the Justice Department, in order to move the issue. And then that could build momentum for a bill in his third year. (Irving Bernstein, Promises Kept, pp. 44–50)

    Kennedy followed that advice just about to the letter. To say that Kennedy did nothing proactive on civil rights until 1963 is bad even for Updegrove. On his first day in office, Kennedy began to move towards the first law on affirmative action. (Bernstein, pp. 52–53). He signed such an executive order in March of 1961, saying that every department of the government must now enact affirmative action rules. He later extended this to any contracting with the government. In other words, if a company did business with say the State Department, that company also had to follow affirmative action guidelines. This was a huge breakthrough. Since now, for example, textile factories in the south had to hire African Americans to make uniforms for the Navy.

    Bobby Kennedy made a speech at the University of Georgia Law Day in 1961. He said that, unlike Eisenhower, this administration would enforce the Brown vs. Board decision. Therefore, the White House went to work trying to force all higher education facilities in the South to integrate their classes. They did this through restrictions on grants in aid and money for federal research projects. Universities like Clemson and Duke now had to integrate classes.

    Through the court system, Kennedy forced the last two reluctant universities in the South to accept African American applicants. This was James Meredith at Ole Miss in 1962 and Vivian Malone and James Hood at Alabama in 1963. When the Secretary of Education in Louisiana resisted the Brown decision, Bobby Kennedy indicted him. When Virginia tried to circumvent Brown by depriving funds to school districts, the Kennedys decided to build a school district from scratch with private funds. (Click here for details)

    Kennedy strongly believed that voting rights was very important in this struggle. He therefore raised funds to finance voting drives and moved to strike down poll taxes in the south. (Bernstein, pp. 68–69). All of this, and more, was before his landmark speech on civil rights in June of 1963. You can ignore all of this if you just say well Kennedy was not proactive on the issue, but that is not being honest with the reader.

    In my opinion, it is no coincidence that the CNN series was broadcast about a month before Updegrove’s book came out. And the book was accompanied by articles in Time and People and various appearances on cable TV.

    If you did not know by now, that coupling shows we are up against a coordinated campaign, but the other side will not admit that.

  • The JFK Assassination Dissected by Cyril Wecht and Dawna Kaufmann

    The JFK Assassination Dissected by Cyril Wecht and Dawna Kaufmann


    Alongside Mark Lane, Josiah Thompson, and Jim Garrison, Dr. Cyril Wecht’s face long ago made its way onto my own personal Mount Rushmore of JFK assassination experts. A world-renowned forensic pathologist, lawyer, author, and founder of the Cyril H. Wecht Institute of Forensic Science and Law at Duquesne University in Pittsburgh, his credentials and intellect are not open to question. Perhaps more importantly, his courage and integrity are beyond reproach. In opposition to most of his colleagues in medicine, Dr. Wecht has never been afraid to take a stand against official pronouncements when he knows them to be wrong. As such, he has been one of the most prominent and outspoken critics of the US government’s lone nut solution to the Kennedy assassination for more than fifty years. And never being one to follow the herd, Dr. Wecht has been just as outspoken when his fellow Warren Commission critics have gone off the deep end with their pet theories.

    My own contact with Dr. Wecht has been sadly limited. However, in 2015, after ballistics expert Lucien Haag published a piece titled “Death of the Shooter on the Grassy Knoll” in the pages of the AFTE Journal, I was among a small group of assassination buffs who offered Dr. Wecht and his colleague Dr. Gary Aguilar some ideas on how to respond. In a detailed email, I shared my thoughts on what could be discerned from a comparison of JFK’s post-mortem skull X-rays and the X-ray of a test skull that had been shot with the very rifle and ammunition Lee Harvey Oswald is alleged to have used. A few hours later, Dr. Wecht responded, “Thank you very much for your perceptive comments and observations…I appreciate your keen analysis and incisive critique…Your points will be helpful to us as we prepare our response to these WCR sycophants.” (Private email, Aug 13, 2015) To say the least, I was humbled and delighted by his kind words. I was equally as happy to see a comparison of the same two X-rays appear in Wecht and Aguilar’s published response.

    It perhaps goes without saying, therefore, that I was excited to learn that Dr. Wecht had published―with co-author Dawna Kaufmann―his first full length book on the Kennedy case. And my enthusiasm was stoked by the title of the book, The JFK Assassination Dissected, which appeared to me to suggest that the famous pathologist would be giving readers the benefit of his professional skills by offering an in-depth analysis of the forensic evidence in the case. As it turns out, however, that is not the type of book this is.

    Written as a kind of memoir, The JFK Assassination Dissected functions largely as an overview of the last fifty-eight years from Dr. Wecht’s perspective. The first third or so of the book functions largely as an introduction to the basic facts of the case. And as I read these early chapters, it occurred to me that I have long lamented the lack of a decent introductory book on the case, one that does not offer or promote long-discredited theories or erroneous conclusions. The JFK Assassination Dissected could almost fill that void, but for a few important caveats. Firstly, the book does not cite any of its sources, a must for any scholarly work. Secondly, it contains some important errors of fact, the most baffling of which is the claim, “According to the Warren Commission, as of September 1962, [Lee Harvey] Oswald began receiving a $200 stipend as FBI informant number S172.” And finally, the authors appear to accept some important elements of the official portrait of Oswald, despite how strongly much of it has been contested.

    For example, Wecht and Kaufmann matter-of-factly repeat the Warren Commission’s claim that in the spring of 1963 Oswald attempted to assassinate retired Army Major General Edwin Walker. The authors write of how Oswald allegedly stalked the “ultra-conservative” Walker, “taking photos of the general’s residence.” Then, on April 10, 1963, “…crouched behind a fence at the rear of the house where he could see Walker sitting at his desk. Oswald then fired one shot, at a distance of less than 100 feet away. The bullet hit the wooden frame of the window, and small fragments hit the general’s arm and caused bleeding.” (p. 89)

    The above has long been a favourite story of Warren Commission loyalists, because of what it supposedly says about Oswald. For instance, lone nut zealot Mel Ayton called the Walker incident “the most compelling pre-assassination evidence for Oswald’s propensity to meticulously plan and carry out an act of political assassination, alone and unaided.” (Beyond Reasonable Doubt, p. 149) And yet there have always been profound reasons for questioning Oswald’s participation in the whole affair. To begin with, Oswald never made it onto the Dallas police department’s list of suspects during the several months it investigated the shooting. Furthermore, eyewitness evidence suggested that at least two people were involved. Walter Kirk Coleman, a neighbour of General Walker, told police that he saw two men leaving the scene in two separate cars, one of whom stopped to put something on the back floorboard of his car, while the other climbed into a green or blue Ford and “took off a hurry.” (WC Vol. 24 p. 41) Neither man, according to Coleman, resembled Oswald and, in fact, Oswald did not have a car or even held a driver’s license.

    To be fair to Wecht and Kaufmann, the authors do mention the fact that two men were seen leaving the scene. What they do not divulge, however, is that the bullet that was recovered from Walker’s home was identified at the time as being a 30.06 steel-jacketed round. (Sylvia Meagher, Accessories After the Fact, p. 288 and WC Vol. 24 p. 40) It was not until the Warren Commission began looking into the incident that the bullet suddenly became a 6.5 mm copper-jacket, like the ones fired by Oswald’s rifle. This magical transformation of composition and calibre was a little too rich for Walker. When the retired Army general―who had held the real bullet in his hand on the night it was dug out of his wall―saw the Commission’s bullet on television he immediately started a campaign to have the government “withdraw the substituted bullet.” (Gerald McKnight, Breach of Trust, p. 52) Unsurprisingly, he was ignored.

    Another basic tenet of the official Oswald legend that Wecht and Kaufmann repeat without objection is the claim that the violent-tempered ex-Marine was in the habit of beating his wife, Marina. Yet, as I have written before, there is good reason to suspect that the reality of this issue is more complex than Commission apologists would have us believe. Testimony offered to the Commission suggested that Marina had taken pleasure in tormenting and embarrassing her husband in front of friends and Lee was himself observed covered in scratches inflicted by his wife. (HSCA Vol. 12, p.129) Marina even admitted in her own testimony that she would hit and throw objects at Lee. “I’m not a quiet woman myself,” she confessed. (WC Vol. 5 p. 598) It seems to me that whilst there is little doubt the Oswald marriage was often a violent one, in all likelihood neither party was entirely blameless.

    I was initially confused as to why Wecht and Kaufmann appeared so willing to accept the mainstream view of Oswald, but the answer came in a later chapter of the book which details a lunch Dr. Wecht had with Marina in November 1992. Writing of Marina’s “bravery” and being “in awe” of her ability to “separate fact from conjecture.” (p. 266) It seemed obvious that Dr. Wecht was quite taken by Oswald’s widow as she told him many of the same tales she had been recounting for nearly three decades by that time. It is important to note at this point that claims such as those concerning Oswald’s allegedly violent temper or his attempting to kill General Walker are reliant almost entirely on Marina’s word. In fact, as Mark Lane once noted, “The [Warren Commission’s] case against Lee Harvey Oswald was comprised essentially of evidence from two sources: Dallas police officers and Marina Oswald.” (Lane, Rush to Judgment, p. 307) In other words, in order to buy into the official story, it is essential to rely on Marina.

    It may well be that Dr. Wecht’s instincts are correct and he is right to believe her. On the other hand, Marina has proven, to be kind, a rather unreliable witness. In fact, over the years she has given so many conflicting stories that when the House Select Committee on Assassinations conducted its own ill-fated probe into the assassination in the late 1970s, the staff compiled a report totalling more than thirty pages titled “Marina Oswald Porter’s Statements of a Contradictory Nature.” Shortly after her husband’s own death at the hands of Jack Ruby, Marina told authorities that he had been a good husband who loved to help out with his children and she could think of no acts of violence he had committed. Later, her description changed to one of a selfish, vicious wife-beater who forced himself on her sexually and was, as she told Dr. Wecht, a “lousy father.” (p. 260)

    It might be argued that the evolution of Marina’s story was a result of her overcoming a sense of embarrassment or loyalty to her dead husband. Yet it cannot be ignored that the negative stories about Lee first began to emerge during the two-month period that Marina was held at the Inn of Six Flags in Arlington, Texas, and repeatedly interrogated by the Secret Service and FBI under threat of deportation. (WC Vol. 1 pp. 79; 410) Nor can it be ignored that, as Mark Lane pointed out, “In the course of Marina’s variegated testimony, she became richer.” (Lane, ibid) Indeed, soon after the assassination, she received hundreds of thousands of dollars in public donations and story advances, prompting her to hire a business manager. And the more the money rolled in, the more she painted herself as a helpless victim to a monstrous husband.

    These days, as Wecht and Kaufmann explain, Marina says she believes there was a conspiracy behind the Kennedy assassination, that Oswald was telling the truth when he labelled himself a “patsy,” and that both her and her deceased husband were lied to by the U.S. government. (p. 262) On the other hand, she continues to insist that the horrendous portrait she helped paint of Oswald is an accurate one and has not admitted to telling any lies of her own. Maybe that is because the essential facts of the story she eventually settled on are, despite numerous contradictions, sadly true. Or perhaps Marina is sticking to her guns simply because she has become accustomed to playing the victim. Either way, I do believe the authors would have been better served had they conveyed her account with a little more caution.

    Still, I cannot help but respect Dr. Wecht’s ability to state what he believes to be true regardless of what popular opinion may be. Although most students of the assassination take it as a given that Marina is not to be trusted, Dr. Wecht is, as usual, forging his own path. And it must be said, whatever his personal beliefs, Wecht usually takes care not to go beyond the bounds of the evidence. Thus, it is no surprise to me that he remains open minded on many issues, including the question of precisely what role Oswald played in the assassination.

    II

    Generally speaking, JFK assassination researchers fall into two camps: those who believe Oswald was totally innocent and played no part in the assassination and those who say he acted entirely alone. Dr. Wecht, however, appears to occupy the far less crowded middle ground. In a chapter dealing with Oswald’s arrest and the murder of police officer J.D. Tippit, he refuses to offer an opinion on Oswald’s guilt, writing that “Lee Harvey Oswald was the person arrested. I won’t argue whether he was the person who shot Officer J.D. Tippit.” (p. 53) Although Oswald’s innocence in the Tippit murder is taken for granted by a great number of assassination researchers today, Dr. Wecht’s is a wholly reasonable position. He notes that the official narrative has “many holes” that “might have been patched had Oswald been allowed to offer a defense,” (p. 53) and details several pertinent questions raised by critics. Yet, he does not say that the oft-repeated inconsistencies in the case against Oswald prove his innocence any more than the state’s evidence proves his guilt.

    Another element of the official story that Wecht and Kaufmann repeat without objection is the notion that Ruth Paine was nothing more than a friendly, do-gooding Quaker woman who took Marina in because she “wanted to improve her Russian-language skills” (p. 65) She also helped Oswald get a job at the Texas School Book Depository out of the goodness of her heart, yet such a belief is more than questionable today. In his highly regarded 2008 book JFK and the Unspeakable, author Jim Douglass detailed a number of curious connections between Ruth Paine, her husband Michael, and US intelligence agencies. For example, Michael’s stepfather was Arthur Young, the inventor of the Bell Helicopter and Michael himself worked as an engineer for Bell, a job that carried a security clearance of which he claimed not to know the details. Furthermore, his mother was Ruth Forbes Paine Young who was a lifelong friend of OSS spy Mary Bancroft, the mistress of CIA director Allen Dulles. As Douglass summarized, “By heritage Michael Paine was well connected in the military-industrial complex.” (Douglass, p. 169)

    Ruth Hyde Paine’s own familial connections are equally, if not more, interesting. Douglass points out that right after Ruth helped the Warren Commission to hang the assassination solely on Oswald, her insurance executive father, William Avery Hyde, received a three-year government contract from the Agency for International Development (AID), an organisation whose field offices were, as former Ohio governor and AID director John Gilligan later admitted, “infiltrated from top to bottom with CIA people.” (Ibid, 170) The end-of-tour report William Avery Hyde made of his time in Lima, Peru, may have been addressed to the State Department, but it was passed along to the CIA. As Douglass suggests, it may well be that Hyde used his insurance expertise as a “cover for gathering information on people [in Latin America] the CIA was watching carefully in the ferment of the sixties.” (Ibid)

    If her father’s CIA connections are less than certain, the same cannot be said of Ruth Paine’s younger sister Sylvia Hyde Hoke who, by 1963, was enjoying her eighth year as an employee of the Agency. Yet incredibly enough, five years later when Ruth was questioned in front of a grand jury in New Orleans, she admitted to knowing that her sister had a “government job,” but claimed not to know for which agency she worked. Nonetheless, when the same grand jury questioned Marina Oswald about why she had cut ties with Ruth shortly after the assassination, Marina explained, “I was advised by the Secret Service not to be connected with her.” Why? Because, according to Marina, the Secret Service had told her that Ruth “was sympathising with the CIA…she had friends over there and it would be bad for me if people find out a connection between me and Ruth and CIA.” (Ibid, 173)

    Intriguingly enough, Marina received a similar admonition from her husband’s eldest brother, Robert, who had become immediately suspicious of the Paines after meeting them for the first time at Dallas police headquarters on November 22, 1963. Later that evening, Robert wrote in his diary “I still do not know why or how, but Mr. and Mrs. Paine are somehow involved in this affair.” (WC Vol. 1, p. 346) Shortly thereafter, as he told the Warren Commission, Robert advised Marina to “sever all connections with Mr. and Mrs. Paine…I recommended that she did not talk to Mrs. Paine at all nor answer her letters…” (Ibid, pp. 420–21)

    Robert’s instincts aside, the central question remains: did Ruth and Michael Paine’s intelligence connections have any bearing on their relationship with Lee Harvey Oswald? A definitive answer to that question remains elusive. However, a possible clue can be found in volume 19 of the Warren Commission hearings and exhibits in the form of a report written by Dallas deputy sheriff Buddy Walthers. The report in question describes numerous items that were found in the Paine garage on the day of the assassination. Among them, according to Walthers, was “a set of metal file cabinets that appeared to be the names and activities of Cuban sympathizers.” (WC Vol. 19 p. 520) The obvious question raised by Walthers’ report is just why Ruth and Michael Paine would be in possession of file cabinets filled with the “names and activities of Cuban sympathizers,” if they were not involved in some form of intelligence gathering? Can there be any other explanation? And is it really nothing more than coincidence that Oswald’s main preoccupation appears to have switched from Soviet communism to Castro’s Cuba around the same time he became acquainted with the Paines? Whatever the answers to these questions may be, it remains puzzling to me that almost none of the above appears in The JFK Assassination Dissected and that the authors unhesitatingly portray the Paine/Oswald relationship in much the same manner it was described in the Warren Report.

    On a more positive note, Dr. Wecht remains the vociferous critic of the commission’s single bullet theory that he has always been, describing it unreservedly as “a hoax.” (p. 130) The SBT is, of course, integral to the official story, for without it there simply could not have been a lone gunman. Many of the arguments Dr. Wecht makes against the theory―the impossible trajectory, the near-pristine condition of the bullet etc.―will likely be familiar to even new students of the assassination today. However, there is one point Dr. Wecht has been making for decades that, it seems to me, gets routinely overlooked.

    In October 1966, at the invitation of soon-to-be “cherished friend” Josiah Thompson, Dr. Wecht travelled to New York for his first ever viewing of the complete Zapruder film. Although, as he writes, he had already come to “seriously discount” the SBT by that time, “seeing the Zapruder film underlined its fantasy.” Not only did the film clearly show Governor John Connally react to being shot considerably later than President Kennedy, it also showed that approximately one second after a bullet had supposedly shattered his wrist and severed the radial nerve, Connally “sat there with absolutely no evidence of pain on his face and his hand firmly gripping his hat.” (p. 157) The unlikelihood of such a scenario, of Connally still holding onto his Stetson hat long after the nerves that permit such action have been severed, further underscores the impossibility of the SBT. It also lends credence to the proposition forwarded by Josiah Thompson in his most recent book, Last Second in Dallas, that Connally’s wrist was injured around five seconds after frame 230, at approximately frame 327, when it was in the ideal position to be struck by a large fragment from a bullet that exited the side of Kennedy’s head.

    This type of observation is clearly right in Dr. Wecht’s wheelhouse as a forensic scientist. As previously noted, it is this very expertise that I believe serves as the selling point for his new book. And, to be sure, there is plenty of discussion about the medical evidence to be found in the pages of The JFK Assassination Dissected. For example, the authors describe President Kennedy’s wounds as they were observed at Parkland Hospital and give a detailed account of the procedures performed there in an ill-fated effort to save his life. Later in the book, Dr. Wecht is highly critical of Kennedy’s autopsy doctors and their report. He notes that lead pathologist Dr. James J. Humes was not a board-certified forensic pathologist and “had never performed an autopsy on a gunshot victim before.” (p. 68) Furthermore, quoting the autopsy report’s conclusion that the “projectiles [that struck Kennedy] were fired from a point behind and somewhat above the level of the deceased,” Dr. Wecht argues that “this one sentence is a direct contradiction of the medical evidence and numerous witness statements.” (p. 125) Yet, he does not take the opportunity to expand on this point or to ensure that readers understand the contradiction.

    This highlights precisely why the book fell short of my expectations. Although the authors hint at the many mysteries and contradictions that unfortunately exist in the medical record, Dr. Wecht does not attempt to provide a detailed analysis of the materials or to fully explain what reasonable conclusions can be drawn from them.

    III

    Back in 2016, in the previously mentioned article for the peer reviewed AFTE Journal, Drs. Wecht and Aguilar utilized the Zapruder film and the post-mortem X-rays of JFK’s skull to make the case for a head shot from the grassy knoll. Wecht and Aguilar noted the presence of a trail of bullet fragments in the very top of the skull, explaining that this fragment trail alone “almost completely eliminates the official theory JFK was struck from above and behind with a single bullet that entered his skull low, through the occipital bone…” They further concluded that the explosion of skull, blood, and brain seen in frame 313 of the Zapruder film―and the rearward snap of his head―was most likely the result of a shot, “fired from the right front, striking tangentially near the top right portion of the President’s skull, with a portion of the bullet being deflected upward and to the left rear of the limousine…a second head shot…[fired] from behind circa Z–327 is a tantalising possibility, for it would explain why the President’s head rolled swiftly forward after that frame…”

    Sadly, nothing like the above appears in The JFK Assassination Dissected. The X-rays are not provided, let alone annotated. And the only mention I could find of the fragment trail is found in Dr. Wecht’s account of a conversation with former Justice Department attorney John Orr of which he writes, “We discussed how the snow-flaking pattern seen in the X-rays of Kennedy’s skull suggests an expanding soft or hollow-point bullet that pulverizes its target, rather than a military bullet that is what Oswald was said to have used.” (p. 282) Whilst this observation is undoubtedly correct, it is puzzling to me that this is as much as Dr. Wecht has to say on the subject. There seems to be little logical reason why the analysis and conclusions he co-authored for an obscure forensic journal is not repeated in a book he presumably hopes will reach a much broader audience.

    Furthermore, after finishing the book, I found myself less certain of Dr. Wecht’s opinions on some issues than I was before I picked it up. For example, there has been for some decades considerable debate among both amateur sleuths and genuine medical experts over the authenticity of the autopsy photographs and X-rays. Perhaps the most highly credentialed individual to offer the opinion that these materials have been altered is physicist and radiation oncologist Dr. David Mantik. In 2014, having spent considerable time studying Dr. Mantik’s work, I asked Dr. Wecht for his opinion on it. He responded by saying, “I have no basis to unequivocally contend that JFK’s autopsy photos and X-rays have been tampered with,” adding that, “…Dr. Mantik is an outstanding expert. The observations he has expressed should be thoroughly reviewed and analyzed.” (Private email, January 6, 2014) From this, I took that Dr. Wecht was not sold on the theory but was keeping an open mind. He appeared to confirm this two years later, when he utilized the X-rays for the AFTE Journal without making any suggestion whatsoever that they might be altered. And yet, a couple of passing remarks in The JFK Assassination Dissected appear to suggest that he has long felt otherwise.

    In a high point of the book, Wecht relates a visit to New York with legendary Warren Commission critic Sylvia Meagher. They had a wide-ranging discussion, in which she told Wecht that Oswald was framed and a band of Cuban exiles killed Kennedy. (p. 151) But she also offered her belief that it would not be beyond the government to fabricate autopsy photographs and X-rays to suit the lone nut scenario. “There was no way to prove it at that time because the materials had not yet been released,” Dr. Wecht notes, “but I would reflect back on her comments in years to come and appreciate how prescient they were.” (p. 152) To me at least, these comments tend to indicate a belief that Meagher has since been proven correct.

    The second such suggestion comes from his account of a visit he paid to the set of Oliver Stone’s 1991 movie, JFK. After Stone asked Dr. Wecht to take a look at the parts of the script dealing with the autopsy and medical evidence, he emphasised for the filmmakers that the Parkland doctors saw a gaping hole in the back of Kennedy’s head that does not appear in the autopsy photos. “That suggests,” he told the director, “…that the fatal blow had to come from the front and that the autopsy photos must have been tampered with.” (p. 253) If this does indeed reflect a long-held belief by Dr. Wecht, then it has not, as far as I am aware, been apparent in previous writings and comments. On the other hand, if it is something he has become more convinced of over recent years, it would have been useful to know why. Either way, I wish there had been further discussion of the issue in the book and that he had made his stance crystal clear.

    Other readers may be confused as to Dr. Wecht’s opinion on the nature of JFK’s throat wound. Since virtually the day of the assassination, there has been a common―if, in my opinion, erroneous―belief among researchers that descriptions of the wound given by the emergency room physicians who treated Kennedy at Parkland Hospital prove that it was one of entrance. In discussing the observations of the Parkland doctors, Dr. Wecht writes, “Usually, first impressions of eyewitnesses are the most credible.” He goes on to note that “On three separate occasions” Dr. Malcolm Perry “described the bullet wound in the throat as an ‘entrance wound.’” Furthermore, Wecht explains, Dr. Perry was contacted on the night of the assassination by Secret Service agent Elmer Moore, “who explained that the doctor had to have seen an exit wound in the throat and berated him for holding an opinion that would cause the government trouble…Soon after, he began publicly modifying his observation of the throat wound as being either an entrance or exit wound…’” (p. 127–128)

    From the above, readers might be forgiven for thinking that Dr. Wecht believes Perry’s initial assessment was correct. That, however, does not appear to be the case. Dr. Wecht writes that the doctors at Parkland “did not roll over Kennedy’s body for a full inspection, so they didn’t know about the bullet that entered the back and exited his throat.” (p. 128) And later in the book he suggests without further elaboration that “the bullet that hit Kennedy and missed Connally likely continued to crack the limo’s windshield, leaving a dent on the chrome.” (p. 282) This, it seems to me, is an area that deserved much greater attention. I believe that the majority of readers would have benefited greatly from a detailed discussion in which Dr. Wecht brought his skills to bear and explained the circumstances under which a rifle bullet might leave behind an exit wound that has all the appearances of an entrance. With his decades of experience, Dr. Wecht might finally have put this matter to rest. Or, at the very least, given those who cling to the belief that the throat wound had to have been an entrance reason to reconsider.

    This review has been critical, but I do not want to create the impression that The JFK Assassination Dissected is a poor book or that it is without redeeming qualities. On the contrary, it is an engaging read and there is more than enough information on offer to inspire the casual reader or novice researcher to dig deeper into the assassination. I very much enjoyed the fact that it was presented as something of a memoir and some of my favourite parts of the book were those in which Dr. Wecht gave his recollection of his encounters with other notable figures like Mark Lane, Jim Garrison, and the late Warren Commission lawyer Arlen Specter. An encounter he had with Specter after a debate with the Commission lawyer is another memorable vignette in the book. (p. 143)

    Nonetheless, for me the book could have been much more. Dr. Wecht is, as far as I’m aware, the first career forensic pathologist ever to author, or co-author, a full-length book on the JFK assassination. As such, it would have been something special had he given readers the full benefit of his knowledge and experience and dug deeper into the medical evidence. As it stands, The JFK Assassination Dissected is a mostly worthwhile first or second book for anyone developing an interest in the subject, but has little new or revelatory to offer those of us who have been around for a while.

  • Michel Gagne: On Not thinking Critically

    Michel Gagne: On Not thinking Critically


    Michel Jacques Gagne teaches at a junior college near Montreal. He has titled his book about the murder of John F. Kennedy Thinking Critically about the Kennedy Assassination. From that title, one would think the author would set forth a rather cool and methodical description of the state of the evidence in the JFK case today.

    That is not what this book is about. Gagne uses the same general pretext that the late Gary Mack used when he became an employee of the Sixth Floor Museum, namely, that he had formerly been a believer in a JFK conspiracy. But suddenly, one fine day, like St. Paul on the way to Damascus, he had a vision. The vision told him to read the Warren Report, which rather weirdly he had not yet done, even though he had been in the JFK field awhile. He then wrote two published pieces, one in 2013 and one in 2017 about the case. (The second one was for Michael Shermer in Skeptic, which tells us a good deal.) In his Author’s Preface, he tells us he has learned three things on his journey:

    1. To follow sound logic and evidence wherever they lead.

    2. Engage in respectful and meaningful exchanges.

    3. Do not speculate too much, if it’s not merited.

    Then there is a small section entitled “A Note on Nomenclature.” The following sentence appears:

    Though sometimes used pejoratively by other authors, this book’s use of the word “conspiracist,” “conspiracy theorist,” and “JFK buff” is based on objective definitions with no derogatory intent. (p. xxii)

    He does not define what those objective definitions are. If Kennedy was killed by a conspiracy, then how can these terms not have a derogatory meaning? If Gagne is going to deny Kennedy was killed by a conspiracy, and he is writing after the completion of the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB), then why should we trust him?

    It turns out, we should not and he reveals why in his introduction on the next page. There he begins the book proper, with an attack on the Warren Commission critics through Oliver Stone’s 1991 film JFK. That film is over three decades old. In the interim between its release and today, over 2 million pages of documents have been declassified by the ARRB. Should that not be the place to start, if one was doing “critical thinking” about the JFK case? For if Oswald acted alone, why did it take 30 years to begin declassifying those 2 million pages? And why, to this day, are about 14,000 of those pages still not open to the public? I could not locate those questions in this nearly 500-page book.

    II

    Very soon, Gagne writes that a conspiracy could not have occurred without being exposed by the proper authorities. (Gagne, p. 5) The FBI and the Warren Commission were the proper authorities. Knowing the kind of inquiry those two bodies ran; how could anyone make such a statement? FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover admitted on more than one occasion that he knew Kennedy was the victim of a conspiracy. (James DiEugenio, The JFK Assassination: The Evidence Today, p. 246) Gagne then breaks his rule #2 as described above with: “As we will see, conspiracists rarely subject their convictions to the scrutiny of formal logical analysis…” When in fact, this process happens all the time in the critical community. (That rule will now be broken literally scores of times by Gagne. Per page count, he uses as much in the way of insult and invective contra the critics as say Vincent Bugliosi did.)

    We then go into Part 1 of the book. This whole opening section is simply a recital of the Warren Report’s evidence against Oswald. Right here I said to myself: “This is Gagne’s idea of thinking critically?” How anyone today could accept every major conclusion and every aspect of the evidentiary record as left by the Commission is kind of shocking. To note one lacuna: In this section, Gagne does not mention Sam Holland, who Josiah Thompson in Last Second in Dallas names as the most important witness to the crime. To note another: Gagne places Oswald on the 6th floor without comment. (Gagne, p. 27) He even notes the three witnesses on the 5th floor who allegedly heard shells hitting the ceiling above them, when, to take just one of them, Harold Norman made no mention of this noise during his first FBI interview on November 26, 1963. And there is no trace of him saying any such thing prior. The story did not materialize until December 2, 1963, apparently under the tutelage of the notorious Secret Service cover up agent Elmer Moore. (DiEugenio, p. 55)

    Concerning what happened after John Kennedy’s autopsy, Gagne implies that the exhibits were given over to the Kennedy family almost immediately. (Gagne, p. 29) As anyone can find out, they were really under the control of the Secret Service until Robert Kennedy had the materials turned over to the National Archives in 1965. A year later, the so-called Deed of Gift was written up. (Click here for details)

    Gagne also states that, after the autopsy, the brain was to be studied the next day, which is not possible. (Gagne, p. 30) A brain must be suffused in a chemical mixture before it is examined. As Review Board analyst Doug Horne states in the documentary film JFK Revisited, using a special technique, the shortest time this could be is 72 hours. But since Gagne is following the official records, the brain exam for Kennedy was on December 6th at the earliest. That date is handwritten on the supplementary autopsy report, while the rest of the report is typed, which suggests it was added after the form was prepared. (DiEugenio, p. 163). Needless to say, Gagne does not go into all the problems with that report or how so many experts today do not believe that Kennedy’s brain photos are genuine. There is a small mountain of evidence that indicates such is the case. Gagne ignores it. (DiEugenio, pp. 160–65)

    Gagne marches on with the official Warren Report record, impervious to the banana peels he is slipping on and how, incrementally, his argument is being dissipated. According to Gagne, Bethesda pathologist Jim Humes did not get into contact with Parkland Hospital until the day after the autopsy. In Oliver Stone’s documentary JFK Revisited, according to a nurse from Parkland, this is not true, but we also now have it right from Dr. Malcolm Perry. Within a few days of the assassination, he told reporter Martin Steadman that the autopsy doctors had called him that night and tried to get him to change his story about an anterior neck wound, indicating a shot from the front. They even threatened him with professional disciplinary hearings if he did not. (Click here for details)

    But Gagne marches on, oblivious to the quicksand under his feet. In the closing act of those three shocking days in Dallas, Gagne has Jack Ruby striding down the Main Street ramp to the Dallas Police HQ parking lot to shoot Oswald. (Gagne, p. 31) Even the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) had severe reservations about that Warren Report scenario. For instance, they found a witness on the police force who had parked his car right across the street from the ramp before the shooting took place. Don Flusche said that Ruby did not come down that ramp. And he knew the man. (DiEugenio, pp. 227–28)

    The HSCA also found out that policeman Patrick Dean likely lied about Ruby being able to come in another way—from behind the building through an alley way. (DiEugenio, pp. 228–29) Gagne does not mention the fact that even the Warren Commission suspected Dean was not credible on more than one point dealing with this key issue. For instance, Commission attorney Burt Griffin wrote a memo in which he stated the following:

    1. Dean was derelict in securing all the doors to the basement.

    2. Griffin had reason to believe Ruby did not come down the ramp.

    3. He suspected Dean was now part of a cover-up and was advising Ruby to say he came down the Main Street ramp, even though he knew he didn’t. (DiEugenio, pp. 228–30)

    I don’t see how it gets much worse than the above. Except perhaps by adding this fact: Dean, who was in charge of security that day, failed his polygraph—even though he wrote his own questions! (DiEugenio, p. 229)

    As the reader can see, Gagne’s chronicling of the crimes of that weekend is just not credible. In fact, what Gagne does is an object lesson in why the Warren Report has fallen into disrepute. And for him to say that his belated reading of that report was his moment of conversion speaks little of, well, his critical thinking ability.

    III

    From here, Gagne jumps to the formation of the Warren Commission. His record is dubious on that score also. How anyone can write about that topic without mentioning Don Gibson’s work is startling. Gibson found the phone calls by Eugene Rostow and Joe Alsop to the White House which literally turned Lyndon Johnson around on this subject. LBJ did not want to form such an extralegal committee. He wanted a Texas based investigation supplemented by the FBI. (The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, pp.3–17) And with Gagne, I could not detect another crucial point: the use LBJ made of mushroom clouds to get people like Earl Warren and Richard Russell to consent to join. Neither wanted to serve.

    Why is this important? Because it’s clear that these atomic ploys had an impact on Warren. The man who ruled in Gideon v. Wainwright that even those under bereft circumstances deserved an attorney, suddenly decided that Lee Oswald was not entitled to a defense. (DiEugenio, pp. 311–12) I did not notice any complaint that Gagne made about this fact; or the leaked stories that the FBI passed to the media to convict Oswald in the press. (DiEugenio, p. 309) What this meant was this: not only was Warren depriving Oswald of a right to counsel, but he was also doing it amid a wave of prejudicial publicity. Apparently, this unfairness means nothing to Gagne.

    If this litany of errors and omissions is not enough to typify Gagne’s wildly skewed book, I would like to turn the reader’s attention to pages 82–84. I have rarely read three pages strewn with as many mistakes. Jim Garrison did not halt his prosecution of Clay Shaw after the trial. (William Davy, Let Justice be Done, pp. 185–87) Garrison did convict someone, namely Dean Andrews, for perjury. (Davy, p.302) The jury at the Shaw trial did think the JFK case was a conspiracy. (Jim Garrison, On the Trail of the Assassins, p. 250) That is why they asked to see the Zapruder film 9 times. The reason LBJ did not run in ‘68 was not due to ill health. As Jules Witcover reveals in his book 85 Days, the reason he abdicated was due to his near defeat by Gene McCarthy in New Hampshire and his upcoming trouncing in Wisconsin. I should add that on page 78 Gagne asserts that David Ferrie was questioned by the Warren Commission. For 59 years, apparently every author on the case missed that.

    Gagne can’t even get the authorship of books correct. Vincent Salandria never wrote a book. (Gagne, p. 77) The anthology False Mystery was assembled, edited, and marketed by John Kelin. (Email communication with Kelin, April 18, 2022) Gagne later writes that Zachary Sklar rewrote Garrison’s On the Trail of the Assassins. (Gagne, p. 98) This was news to Sklar when I told him about it. He said if that would have been the case, he would have gotten a co-writer credit on the cover. He added that Gagne never called him about this point. (Email communication of April 16, 2022)

    In dealing with the Assassination Records Review Board, Gagne is also lacking in rigor. He writes that the Review Board did not unearth any clear proof that the HSCA or the Warren Commission was duped or behaved in bad faith. Please sir.

    The Board unearthed the fact that Gerald Ford altered the final draft of the Warren Report. He moved the wound in JFK’s back up to his neck, which makes a substantial difference for the trajectory of the Magic Bullet. Ford knew that and that is why he changed it. In fact, Ford knew the Commission was a sham. He revealed this to French president Valery Giscard d’Estang. (See the film JFK Revisited) As journalist Jeff Morley found out, the man the CIA brought out of retirement to be their liaison to the HSCA was there under false circumstances. George Joannides was running and funding the Cuban exiles that Oswald was so suspiciously dealing with in the summer of 1963. It was a CIA operation codenamed Amspell, yet the HSCA had an agreement in place that said no CIA agent operating in 1963 would be allowed near the committee. HSCA Chief Counsel Bob Blakey was shocked when he learned the CIA had duped him. (See JFK: Destiny Betrayed) And if Gagne had spoken to Dan Hardway, he would have realized that with Joannides, the CIA now began to give the HSCA redacted documents and taking their good old time in doing so. (Author’s interview with Hardway at the AARC conference in 2014)

    IV

    As the reader can see, Gagne’s book is a veritable trail of folly and error. He can even write that no records from the Review Board contained any proof of any conspiracy. (Gagne, p. 100) It would literally take me several pages to reply to that howler, but just let me name two instances. The ARRB declassified The Lopez Report, the 350-page report on Oswald’s alleged activities in Mexico City, written by Ed Lopez and Dan Hardway. It strongly indicates that there was an impersonator in Mexico City passing himself off as Oswald. In addition to that, both the FBI and CIA lowered Oswald’s profile in September and October, in order to make sure that those weird activities were barely noticed and therefore Oswald was allowed to be on the motorcade route. (John Newman, Oswald and the CIA, pp. 621–30)

    A point that Gagne avoids in his overriding attempt to place Oswald on the 6th floor at the time of the shooting is the corroborating testimony of Victoria Adams, Sandy Styles, and Dorothy Garner. As author Barry Ernest has written, the last was only made possible by the Review Board. The difference between Garner and the other two is that she remained on the fourth floor while Adams and Styles descended. This is about 15–30 seconds after the shooting. Garner also did not see anyone coming down the stairs. Would she not have if Oswald was on the 6th floor? What makes this all the worse is that J. Lee Rankin knew about her testimony, yet neither Styles nor Garner was ever called as a witness before the Commission. (Ernest, The Girl on the Stairs, pp. 214–15) As Gagne must know, if the defense can show the prosecution is concealing exculpatory evidence they can move for a dismissal of charges.

    I don’t even want to write about Chapter 15, which is where Gagne writes about President Kennedy’s autopsy. This might be the worst part of the book. Gagne tries to minimize any evidence of there being missing photos in the autopsy inventory. (Gagne, p. 355) Yet, as Doug Horne elucidates in his five-volume book, this was clearly known and acknowledged in 1966. There was a review of the photos by the Justice Department late in the year. In attendance were Kennedy pathologists Jim Humes and Jay Boswell, autopsy photographer John Stringer, and radiologist John Ebersole. Stringer told the ARRB that the Justice Department lawyer, Carl Belcher, understood that there were photos missing at this time. (Horne, Inside the ARRB, pp. 145–47) Yet, knowing such was the case, the participants lied and said the inventory was complete. But here is the capper, Belcher had his named erased from the final copy. Lawyers call this consciousness of guilt.

    As to why John Kennedy’s autopsy was so poor, Gagne keeps in step with the rest of the book: it was because the Kennedy family rushed the proceedings. (Gagne, p. 353) That excuse has been pretty much riddled by writers like Harold Weisberg and Gary Aguilar. Both Humes and Boswell said this was not the case in testimony before the ARRB. (DiEugenio, p. 139) Humes specifically told a friend that he was ordered not to do a complete autopsy, but that order did not come from Bobby Kennedy. (Ibid) In fact, in his permission slip for the autopsy, RFK left the “restrictions” box unmarked.

    What Gagne is trying to avoid, of course, is the fact that there was an extraordinary amount of Pentagon brass in the room that night and they directly interfered with the autopsy procedure. In fact, under oath at the trial of Clay Shaw, Pierre Finck said that Humes was so constricted that he had to ask, “Who’s in charge here?” (DiEugenio, p. 139) Finck’s testimony further revealed that the brass did not allow the doctors to dissect the path of the back wound through the body. This is why we will never know if that wound transited Kennedy, which is one reason you do autopsies in a gunshot homicide case.

    It’s kind of shocking that Gagne uses John Stringer as a witness to say the autopsy photographs are real and intact. In addition to the above inventory with Belcher, Stinger told the ARRB that he did not take the photos of Kennedy’s brain in the National Archives. He said this under oath, with the pictures in front of him. (DiEugenio, p. 164) Can Gagne really not be aware of this? It was a central part of the documentary JFK Revisited.

    As the reader can see, under analysis, this book is really almost a comedy of errors. I won’t even go into the personal portrait of Kennedy that the author draws. Gagne insinuates that the Kennedys were in on the CIA/Mafia plots to kill Castro. The CIA’s own 1967 Inspector General report admits the Agency never had presidential approval for the plots. (I.G. Report, pp. 132–34) He also writes that Lyndon Johnson believed he was following Kennedy’s policy in Vietnam. (Gagne, p. 186) In JFK Revisited, Oliver Stone plays a tape of Johnson talking to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara. On that tape LBJ says he was aware of Kennedy’s withdrawal plan and disagreed with it.

    Which brings up what is perhaps the reason for the book. Gagne had to have been aware of Oliver Stone’s two documentaries released last year and this year. Those films had a worldwide impact. His strategy seems to be to try and demean the director by attacking the 1991 feature film. Talk about not thinking critically! But beyond that, I could find no reference by Gagne to The Book of the Film, published in 1992. That was a reference work to that movie. It included a profusely annotated script. Talk about loading the deck. These are the techniques Gagne uses to attack critics of the official story.

    In sum, here is a book that might be one of the worst written in the last few years. This review could be much longer, but it would just be repeating the pattern above. Routledge Publishing, the house that released it, should be held responsible for letting such a volume enter the public arena.

  • JFK: Case Not Closed

    JFK: Case Not Closed


    Dave O’Brien wrote a book in 2017 entitled Through the Oswald Window. Unfortunately, for whatever reason, I missed that book and have not read it, but O’Brien brings up some of the points that he likely made in that book in his new effort entitled JFK: Case Not Closed. Four chapters of his new book were written by Johnny Cairns, who I consider one of the best of the new generation of JFK researchers.

    Early in this book, O’Brien brings up one of the points he likely made in his earlier book—and it’s a cogent one. Dave was once allowed access to the infamous “sniper’s window” at the Texas School Book Depository. Reflecting back on that visit, he asks two questions. If Oswald had really been at that window, why did he not shoot Kennedy as the president came down Houston Street? (p. 21) That was an unobstructed shot with the target right below him.

    He then goes onto a second issue. That particular window is at the southeast corner of the sixth floor. If we are to believe that Oswald was the lone assassin, was on that floor, and committed a premeditated murder, then there is another question that should be asked by anyone was has been on that floor. Why didn’t Oswald use the southwest window, at the opposite end. This would have solved more than one problem for the alleged killer:

    1. The oak tree would be removed as an obstruction.
    2. Kennedy would have been right below him.
    3. He would have had clear access to the target the whole time.
    4. He had a more direct and quicker escape from that floor.

    If one buys into the Warren Report, the alleged murderer had days to plan his crime. But he never figured on any of these circumstances? In spite of all these mitigating factors, as O’Brien writes:

    Yet, he chose the southeast corner window and allowed the left-hand turn onto Elm Street knowing that the fully-blossomed Oak Tree protected his target for valuable seconds, and that once clear of the foliage, his target was mere seconds from safety under the bridge just yards away. Why? (p. 21)

    As O’Brien writes, it is inexplicable that the Warren Commission never even considered this as part of their inquiry into Kennedy’s assassination. But any new formal inquiry should do so. Because it strongly indicates that Oswald was not what the Warren Report said he was. The idea of a reopening of the Kennedy case is a strong theme featured in the book. (p. 22)

    II

    From here, O’Brien notes another oddity. At Zapruder frame 312, right before the fatal headshot, JFK’s head is right next to Jackie’s. In fact, in the photo he shows on page 42, she is leaning so far over to his side of the seat that their heads are almost touching. But as the author notes, in the next split second, three things will happen that seriously undermine the official story which says Oswald shot Kennedy from behind. First, Kennedy’s head and body go backward, crashing off the back seat. Second, Jackie Kennedy reaches onto the trunk of the car attempting to retrieve a part of her husband’s skull, which is visible there. Third, motorcycle officer Billy Hargis, riding to the left and behind Kennedy’s limousine, is splattered with blood and tissue—and with such force that he momentarily thought he was hit. (pp. 42–45; 187–93). How could all three of these events occur in that short of an interval if the official story was correct? Do they not all betray a shot from the front? (And in arguing for a front shot, O’Brien mounts one more telling argument against the so-called neuromuscular reaction, see p. 46)

    Chapters 4–7 of the book were composed by Johnny Cairns. As anyone who has been exposed to his writing will automatically understand, they are first-class. They strike the Warren Report at the points where it is supposed to be strongest: the physical evidence against Oswald.

    In taking up the case of Oswald ordering the rifle, Johnny asks: if the FBI was monitoring the publications Oswald was getting through the post office—and they were—how could they not know he was also in receipt of a rifle and handgun? (pp. 60–66) Also, how could Oswald have sent a money order to Chicago on March 12th by 10:30am when his timecards from his place of employment say he was at work? And he did not have a lunch break until almost two hours later. (p. 67) He also brings up this point: if Oswald knew he was going to order a murder weapon delivered to a post office box, why utilize a box which he had signed for? Why not take out a box in the name of the alias he used to order the rifle, namely Hidell? (pp. 72–73)

    Johnny then goes through all the mechanical problems that the authorities had with the particular rifle found on the sixth floor of the Texas School Book Depository. They had to fit the weapon with two shims, since the sighting was off both in elevation and azimuth. Then there was a difficulty in opening the bolt, plus the trigger was a two stage operation: at first it was easy, then it required more an exertion of pressure to pull. (p. 76) Any of these, of course, would have pretty much eliminated that rifle as the murder weapon. What makes it worse is that the men who worked with the rifle once the Warren Commission got it were far more skilled with weapons than Oswald. These were FBI agents and master marksmen from the military. Johnny bases this evidence on the testimony of FBI expert Robert Frazier and weapons evaluation expert Ronald Simmons of the army. In addition, Frazier admitted that the actual scope mechanism was off. As they fired consecutive shots, the impact point got further and further away from the target. (p. 77; see also Michael Benson, Who’s Who in the JFK Assassination, p. 420; Mark Lane, Rush to Judgment, p. 127)

    From here, Cairns goes on to the question of assembling the rifle. As most of us know, even if we grant the Commission’s thesis that Oswald carried the rifle to work that day in a bag, that particular bag was too short to accommodate a fully assembled Mannlicher Carcano 6.5 mm rifle. There was no screwdriver found on the sixth floor of the depository. The FBI said that they could assemble the rifle with a coin in six minutes. The late British police inspector Ian Griggs said this was poppycock. He said, in a hopeless endeavor, he ended up with blood blisters and a cut on his right thumb before he gave up. In his opinion, one had to use a screwdriver and with that it would take about two minutes. A screwdriver was needed for the simple reason that there are 16 parts to the rifle and the Warren Commission tried to conceal this with their pictorial Commission Exhibit 1304. (Click here for how)

    All this leaves this important question: When and where did Oswald assemble the rifle?

    Cairns asks the logical questions about the ammunition: Why could the FBI find no evidence that Oswald purchased it? (p. 87) Also, using as his authority Henry Hurt, Cairns shows that Oswald’s Marine buddies thought he was a joke as a marksman. And Hurt talked to fifty servicemen who knew Oswald. (pp. 93–94) Further, using sniper Craig Roberts as his correspondent, the great Carlos Hathcock said that his SWAT team—replicating the true conditions in Dealey Plaza—could not duplicate what Oswald did, and they tried more than once. To this reviewer that, in and of itself, would eliminate Oswald as a suspect, because Hathcock was the greatest American sniper of the Vietnam War. (p. 96) And contrary to what some Commission zealots say, to this day, Roberts stands by what he wrote about Hathcock.

    In this same rigorous and systematic manner, Cairns then proceeds through the fingerprint evidence, the case that the alleged bag Oswald carried was fabricated after the assassination, the dubious police line ups Oswald was picked out of, the horrendous chain of custody for the shells found on the sixth floor—including the evidence that one of them could not have been fired that day—and probably the biggest liability in the entire Warren Report, namely the sorry, sorry case of Commission Exhibit 399, the infamous Magic Bullet. Cairns does a convincing and praiseworthy job on all of these topics and more, for example the PSE examination done on Oswald by author George O’Toole in his valuable book The Assassination Tapes.

    III

    Like Josiah Thompson in Last Second in Dallas, O’Brien writes that the pathologists did not know about Kennedy’s anterior neck wound the night of the autopsy. (p. 202) As the film JFK Revisited shows through nurse Audrey Bell, this is not accurate. But due to some nice detective work by Rob Couteau, we know this is false from Dr. Malcolm Perry himself. (Click here for details)

    O’Brien is on more solid ground when he writes that Dr. Jim Humes burned his notes (he could have added the first draft of his autopsy report also). And this perhaps allowed him to move up the posterior back wound, which at autopsy was determined to come in about six inches below the collar and not exited. Now, through some manufactured evidence, the Warren Report made it negotiable with what was depicted as an exit wound through the throat. (p. 203) But that was not all. As forensic pathologist Cyril Wecht notes in JFK Revisited, by the spring of 1964, attorney Arlen Specter had now enlivened that wound track to include five wounds in Governor John Connally also.

    O’Brien notes that medical illustrator Harold Rydberg was the artist who illustrated Commission Exhibit 385. Rydberg was essentially snookered by Humes and Dr. Boswell into drawing a trajectory through Kennedy’s body that would fit this alteration. (p. 208) And here, the book brings in a telling piece of testimony. Secret Service agent Clint Hill did not just see the rear skull wound in Kennedy. He also testified to Commissioner Hale Boggs, “I saw an opening in the back about six inches below the neckline to the right hand side of the spinal column.” (p. 209) Hill’s testimony corresponded with the holes in Kennedy’s shirt and jacket. As Vince Palamara shows with pictures from the front of Kennedy’s suit jacket, the jacket was likely not bunched up, since the bullet exit inside the back of the jacket matches up with the bullet entrance on the outside. (Palamara, Honest Answers, p. 21) This evidence corresponds to what was the likely first conclusion by the pathologists: the back wound did not transit Kennedy’s body.

    O’Brien makes another controversial statement in Chapter 11. He says that if the Altgens photo is located at Zapruder film 225–230, then Kennedy could not have been hit by that time. He did an experiment which showed that the projectile would have had to have been fired through the branches of the oak tree. (O’Brien, p. 220) This may or may not be true. But it would seem to disagree with the pictures in the Warren Report which show the line of sight through the tree and how it is completely clear of the branches by frame 225. (WR, p. 103) This issue is also touched upon by Josiah Thompson in his first book on the Kennedy case, Six Seconds in Dallas. (p. 35) I wish O’Brien had made reference to these seemingly contradictory views and attempted to reconcile them.

    In Chapters 12–14, O’Brien returns to the subject of Kennedy’s autopsy. He again notes that Humes did not call Parkland during the night. (p. 234) And he also notes how the Sibert/O’Neill report differs from the official autopsy report. For instance, the FBI report does not have the back wound transiting the body. (p. 239)

    He next deals with the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) medical report which covered up the evidence for a baseball sized hole in the back of Kennedy’s head. He further notes that this evidence—largely from the witnesses at Bethesda, but matching many of the witnesses from Parkland—appears to have been concealed from the experts on the HSCA medical panel, for example Cyril Wecht and Michael Baden. Those two men both denied looking at such reports when confronted with this declassified evidence by Dr. Gary Aguilar. (p. 258) This evidence matches what the earliest witnesses, like Clint Hill, said he saw about the hole in the rear of Kennedy’s skull. (p. 263)

    IV

    O’Brien makes a telling observation about Harold Rydberg and Ida Dox. Dox was the professional illustrator for the HSCA. She was largely guided by Dr. Michael Baden in what she was drawing, which roughly parallels what Humes and Boswell did with Rydberg. (p. 271) Consequently, the Dox drawings fail to show the blow out to the back of the skull that over 40 witnesses saw in Dallas and at Bethesda. But not only that, Dox was told by Baden to exaggerate the cratering effect at the cowlick area of Kennedy’s skull in order to make it look more like a wound of entry. This partly allowed the HSCA to raise the fatal head wound form low to high in the rear skull. Baden actually left declassified notes about this which were discovered by Dr. Randy Robertson. (pp. 274–75). There will be much more about this illicit relationship between Dox and Baden in Tim Smith’s upcoming book about the HSCA.

    O’Brien closes out the book by pointing out some of the familiar problems with the Commission’s chief witness to Oswald being on the sixth floor, namely Howard Brennan. And he opposes that sighting with witnesses like Carolyn Arnold who said she saw Oswald on the first floor mere minutes before the assassination. (p. 281) Twenty-one police officers heard shots from in front of the limousine. Several saw smoke arising from the knoll area. He then notes how the FBI and the Commission cajoled witnesses they considered helpful to their case and argued with those they considered problematic to their verdict. Carolyn Walther and Ruby Henderson were two witnesses who said they saw two men on one of the upper floors of the Depository, and one of them was armed. (p. 285) Neither of these witnesses testified before the Commission. In fact, Walther said:

    The FBI tried to make me think that what I saw were boxes. They were going to set out to prove me a liar and I had no intention of arguing with them and being harassed. (p. 285)

    The book ends with the hope for how new technology can open up areas of the Kennedy case that have been closed before. O’Brien discusses the optical densitometry readings of Dr. David Mantik and their use in showing the problems with Kennedy’s x-rays. He also suggests full body CT scans. (p. 315) He concludes with the long awaited 3D imaging attempts of John Orr and Larry Schnapf, which I understand are finally getting close to fruition. (pp. 318–19)

    The last part of the book includes an appendix in which well respected writers on the case suggest ways that it could be reinvestigated, for example Robert Kennedy Jr., Pat Speer, and Cyril Wecht. Some methods brought forth are by using a special prosecutor or a large panel of forensic experts or an ARRB type panel except with investigative powers.

    I could point out other areas of disagreement—as with Geraldine Reid—but all in all, Doug and Johnny have written a creditable book that is worth reading.

  • How the MSM Blew the JFK Case, Part Two

    How the MSM Blew the JFK Case, Part Two


    Joseph McBride is an experienced and successful author who has written many, many books. Most of them have been about the cinema. He teaches film at San Francisco State University. He wrote and published a book on the murder of Patrolman J.D. Tippit in 2013, called Into the Nightmare. In this reviewer’s opinion, that book constitutes the best and most expansive inquiry into that much ignored case in the JFK assassination literature. He begins his new book, Political Truth, with a pungent anecdote. While he was writing Into the Nightmare, he had an email exchange with an old friend. She was dismayed at the subject of Joe’s book. She asked, “Are you interested in any contemporary political issues.” He replied with, “This is a contemporary political issue.” (McBride, Political Truth, p. 3)

    The book takes its title from a term used by Edward Epstein in describing what he deduced as the real aim of the Warren Commission. This was Epstein’s conclusion when he published his 1966 analysis entitled Inquest. (McBride, pp. 192–193). As Epstein writes:

    If the Commission had made it clear that very substantial evidence indicated the presence of a second assassin, it would have opened a Pandora’s box of doubts and suspicions. In establishing its version of the truth, the Warren Commission acted to reassure the nation and protect the national interest.

    As McBride notes, it’s fairly clear that—at least in 1966—Epstein knew “full well that the assassination was covered up.” But yet, the young writer was at work trying “to justify the reason for the cover-up.”

    McBride spends some time at the start showing that what Epstein understood in 1966 was at least suspected by some people in the MSM in 1963. For instance, reporter Richard Dudman asked how Kennedy could be shot in the front if Oswald was behind him? Tom Wicker also posed that question, but it did not seem to bother Tom as much as it did Dudman. (Ibid, p. 14) The author then goes on to show some of the machinations the Warren Commission performed in order to make their (unconvincing) conclusions stick, for example, Gerald Ford moving Kennedy’s back wound up to his neck. (Ibid, p. 16)

    As Jim DeBrosse noted, when the Warren Report first appeared, it was accepted by about 56% of the public. Surprisingly, this included that leftist icon of investigative journalism, I. F . Stone. Stone actually termed it “a first-rate job…” (McBride, p. 20) Even though The Nation had printed at least one story raising questions about the official verdict, when the Warren Report was published, they endorsed it.

    Why did this occur, since, in fact, there were several problems with the official story that were expressed as early as 1964? McBride uses a revealing quote by the late TV newsman David Brinkley that gets to the heart of the matter:

    It was our responsibility to calm the public—to explain to them the president had been shot, yes: perfectly horrible, yes: but the country lives. And there’s not going to be any crisis. And I think in doing that, we performed a real service in which we can take some pride…I was very proud of all of us. (Ibid, p. 22)

    Of course, one can then look at it the other way. As Senator Richard Schweiker later said in the seventies, a great cover up took place at the time and the American people were fed a pile of pablum, for reasons yet unknown. By the time Schweiker said that, things like the CIA/Mafia plots to kill Castro and the Dwight Eisenhower/Allen Dulles attempts to murder Patrice Lumumba in Congo had been exposed by the Church Committee, which Schweiker served on. And the 56% belief in the Warren Commission had been reversed to a disbelief factor of 81%. (McBride, p. 25) But yet, in 1975, Dan Rather and CBS were still airing broadcasts supporting the Warren Commission.

    Just how bad was the media on the JFK case? Jim Lehrer wrote a story about how well the Secret Service was doing its job that appeared before the assassination. That article was on the front page of the Dallas Times Herald on November 22nd. It assured the citizenry of the city that “Secret Service Sure all Secure.” (Ibid, p. 40) The reader should hold in mind that, for sheer absurdity, this should be juxtaposed not just to the complete failure that was to occur that day, but also what had already happened that month in Chicago and Tampa. (See Paul Bleau’s commentary in JFK Revisited: Through the Looking Glass.) In addition to Lehrer, the MSM reporters in Dallas that day included Wicker, Dan Rather, Bob Schieffer, Robert MacNeil, Jim Lehrer, Hugh Aynseworth, and Peter Jennings. Excepting perhaps MacNeil, none of them would ever waiver from the official story.

    II

    As both DeBrosse and McBride note, one of the things the Church Committee uncovered was Operation Mockingbird. But even though they knew about it, as did the Pike Committee in the House, both bodies underplayed the extent of the relationship between journalism and the government. It was not until the publication of Carl Bernstein’s watershed article in 1977 that this unseemly cooperative venture was fully exposed to the light of day. (McBride, p. 34) Bernstein noted that there were at least 400 media assets who could be relied upon to print what their tutors in the government wanted them to write. Bernstein added that three of the most cooperative centers in the media were the New York Times, CBS, and Time-Life. Needless to say, these three organizations were quite instrumental in pushing the Warren Report on the public. In fact, on November 24th, James Reston of the Times wrote:

    Policy under the new president…will probably remain very much as it was under Kennedy…and there is no urgent need for the new president to take new policy initiatives in the field of foreign affairs. (Ibid, p. 90)

    To say that Reston’s forecast was wrong is being much too kind to both him and to others who amplified LBJ’s theme of “Let us continue!” Unlike that mantra, Johnson was going to make more than one course correction in Kennedy’s foreign policy. DeBrosse focused on the Middle East. McBride is going to center on what Johnson was doing—on that very day —with Indochina. (For the specifics of what happened on 11/24, see John Newman, JFK and Vietnam, 2017 edition, pp. 458–62) As McBride terms it, on that day Kennedy’s withdrawal plan in Vietnam was reversed: “That crucial change in policy was one of the reasons the coup d’état occurred in the United States.” (McBride, p. 91)

    The media missed this story with a completeness that, in retrospect, is almost astonishing. On November 24th, The New York Times reported that LBJ was going to maintain Kennedy’s policy of withdrawing advisors and “the new administration meant no change in policy.” Tom Wicker wrote, “President Johnson moved swiftly today to reassure the nation and the world that he had taken charge of a government whose policies would continue essentially unchanged.” (Ibid, pp. 99–100) As McBride notes, this claim of continuity was part of what later became a “credibility gap” for LBJ on the war. And this would grow into an ever widening chasm. Kennedy only had advisors in Indochina and he was withdrawing them at the time of his assassination. About three months after the Warren Commission volumes were released, LBJ sent the first combat troops into Vietnam. By the end of that year, there were 170,000 of them in theater. Under Kennedy, there were none.

    But it’s worse than that. President Johnson knew he was going to reverse Kennedy and dramatically escalate the war, at the very least, by March of 1964. This was when he signed NSAM 288, which laid the foundation for doing just that. (Fredrik Logevall, Choosing War, p. 129) McBride writes that the lack of knowledge about this reversal is owed in part to the fact it was done in secret. (McBride, p. 93) This is not entirely true. In April, LBJ invited publisher Kate Graham and the executives of the Washington Post to the White House for dinner. There, he asked for their support in his planned expansion of the war. (Carol Felsenthal, Power, Privilege, and the Post, p. 234) Recall, this is months before the Tonkin Gulf resolution had been passed. In other words, Graham and the upper management of the Washington Post knew that Johnson was lying during the 1964 campaign when he painted Barry Goldwater as a hawk and himself as a dove on the war. (Logevall, p. 242) They went along with the deception and continued their support even in the face of the continuing disastrous results. This information poses an appropriate question: How good a friend, really, was Post executive editor Ben Bradlee to John Kennedy? For in the Gravel Edition of the Pentagon Papers, there is a chapter heading entitled “Phased Withdrawal 1962–64.” (See Volume 2, Chapter 3)

    McBride traces the exposure of the disruption in policy to the early work by Peter Dale Scott, which accompanied the Gravel edition of the Pentagon Papers in 1971. Scott then wrote an essay for Ramparts in 1973 that was reprinted, with appendixes, in the anthology Government by Gunplay in 1976. (pp. 152–87) But I would like to note an earlier work that is not nearly as well known in the critical community, perhaps because it is by a conservative author who writes for the Washington Times and Texas Monthly. In 1969, Joseph Goulden wrote the following:

    By early June 1964, Washington faced political collapse in Saigon, international pressures for a negotiated end to the war, and physical imbalance on the battlefield. From the testimony of his subordinates, it is clear that the President did not wish to escalate the United States role in the war until after the November election, although contingency plans put before him early in 1964 said that massive intervention eventually would be necessary to stem the Viet Cong. (Truth is the First Casualty, p. 20)

    Those two sentences sum up what later authors like John Newman have often stated: Johnson was designing his escalation plan around his election. LBJ also had designated a secret inter-agency group inside the White House to plan for a massive intervention in Vietnam. (Goulden, pp. 87–91) State Department official William Sullivan, who disagreed with Kennedy’s withdrawal plan, was one of the most important officials in this planning group. (Newman, p. 412) Scott elucidated and added the Kennedy withdrawal plan and its reversal, something that perhaps Goulden could not politically address. But Goulden did have the LBJ escalation plan part down. All the while, the new president was saying in public he was continuing Kennedy’s policies and he would not send American boys to fight a war Asian boys should be fighting. (McBride, p. 89; Logevall, p. 377)

    McBride notes that Sen. Richard Russell was advising Johnson not to intervene. (McBride, pp. 105–07) But Johnson owned a lot of stock in Halliburton and McBride writes that this was a debt he had to pay to the powerful group that had placed him in power. (Ibid, p. 107) But there is another angle to note, LBJ was ideologically of a different stripe than Kennedy and this goes back to the 1954 siege of Dien Bien Phu. As John Prados notes in his book on the subject, Johnson was in favor of Operation Vulture at first—the air armada including atomic weapons—to save the doomed French siege there. His biographers have rewritten history to make it seem he was not (Operation Vulture, Chapter 6, eBook edition) Kennedy made it clear he was against it, wondering what the point of using atomic weapons were in a guerilla war. (Richard Mahoney, JFK: Ordeal in Africa, p. 16) In 1961, Vice President Johnson extended an offer of American combat troops to President Ngo Dinh Diem, even though he knew Kennedy was against such a policy. (Newman, p. 77) Through his trusted military aide Howard Burris, Vice President Johnson was getting accurate measures of how poorly the war was going in Vietnam. (Newman, pp. 223–52) It was these reports that Johnson would use to confront Defense Secretary Robert McNamara with and convince him to change policies. When this aim became clear, in February of 1964, McBride accurately states that McNamara should have resigned. (McBride, p. 105) As historian David Welch has stated, that Johnson could equate the loss of South Vietnam with the loss of China as a geo-political event, which he later did, shows he was a dyed in the wool Cold Warrior. (Virtual JFK, p. 211) President Kennedy did not see it that way. South Vietnam was not worth America going to war over.

    This breakage in policy is not just a matter of academic and historical interest. As this reviewer has noted elsewhere, the result eventually took the lives of about six million people—including the Cambodia genocide—in Indochina. The escalations and expansions of Johnson and Nixon also caused a virtual civil war at home. The entire lie was not fully exposed until John Newman wrote JFK and Vietnam in 1992. (Click here for a review) The inability, the near pathological refusal, to accept what has now become a grim historical fact is a massive failure of the journalistic profession and McBride is right in addressing it as such.

    III

    McBride next addresses the distinct possibility that people in the press suspected the Warren Commission might have been wrong. For instance, in 1967 Rather expressed his doubts about who Oswald really was and also about the Magic Bullet, but those doubts were not enough for him to alter his conclusions. (McBride, p. 134) In 1966, Life magazine ran an article entitled “A Matter of Reasonable Doubt,” which focused on the testimony of Governor John Connally and his disagreement that the same bullet which hit Kennedy, hit him. Warren Commissioner John McCloy told Epstein that the function of the Commission was to “show the world that America was not a banana republic, where a government can be changed by a conspiracy.” (Ibid, p. 137)

    In fact, there were some witnesses that the Commission seems to have purposely avoided deposing, like Kennedy’s personal physician George Burkley. McBride, due to his background in the Tippit case, also notes just how skimpy the Commission’s inquiry was into that murder. Yet Captain Fritz told Jim Leavelle of the Dallas police to concentrate on the Tippit case, because their JFK case was even weaker. (Ibid, p. 145)

    One reason this curtailment may have happened is that Allen Dulles brought Dr. Alfred Goldberg on board. (Ibid, p. 155) He was chief historian at the Defense Department. He said that the rest of the staff lacked perspective on the national security dimension. This is likely why the Warren Report has almost no historical perspective in it, for example, how Kennedy had reformed Eisenhower’s policies and how Dulles hid the CIA/Mafia plots to kill Castro for which he had no presidential approval. (CIA Inspector General Report, pp. 132–33) In fact, Warren Report attorney Wesley Liebeler called the Commission, “Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs.” Marina Oswald was Snow White and he singled out Warren specifically as Dopey. (McBride, p. 156)

    As the author points out, the MSM aggressively pushed the Warren Report on the public. (Ibid, pp. 172–73) After Oswald was killed by Jack Ruby, Turner Catledge of the Times said they would not refer to Oswald as the assassin. But they did. (Ibid, p. 167) Jim Hagerty, vice president at ABC at the time, voiced the same concern that Brinkley did: “There was the danger that some people might think this was a subversive conspiracy and part of a plot to…take over the federal government.” (Ibid, p. 168) Ignoring the possibility that, if such was the goal, the MSM was helping the plotters.

    The author notes a huge turning point in the media at this time. The JFK murder marked a switch from newspapers to TV as the leading way for the public to collect news. (Ibid, p. 170) Perhaps the key point in this transfer was the live murder of Oswald by Ruby on November 24th, which electrified the country. But even after that, there were some holdouts like Richard Dudman of the St Louis Post Dispatch, New York gossip columnist Dorothy Kilgallen, and Murry Kempton in The New Republic. Kempton wrote that the Kennedy case badly needed an unimpeachable eyewitness, something which the Commission sorely lacked. (Ibid, p. 180) But as far as the methodical and systematic examination of the Commission’s 26 volumes, that function was left to the critical community that arose during 1964. There were questions raised by high profile attorneys like Percy Foreman as to whether Oswald could have gotten a fair trial due to the lopsided media coverage of the case. (Ibid, p. 186) The one publication at that time that actually allowed a platform for wide criticism of the Commission was M. S. Arnoni’s The Minority of One. But as time went on, the critics became objects of derision, even for I. F. Stone, who referred to Joachim Joesten’s books with, “People who believe such things belong in the booby hatch.” (Ibid, p. 201) Thus characterized, it now became easier to avoid the evidence the critics advanced. Polarization set in, as well as a loss of faith in government.

    McBride says that this polarization and loss of faith eventually ended up being summarized by the infamous GOP advisor quote to journalist Ron Suskind, “We’re an empire now, and when we act, we create our own reality.”

    IV

    The reader should note that what McBride is writing about here is contrary to what MSM historians like Steve Gillon have maintained. (Click here for details) It was the refusal of the MSM to respond to the true facts of the JFK case that eventually led to a state that McBride describes in these terms:

    Facts, data, and science have become so dubious or malleable in many minds that merely subjective personal belief has been enshrined as the standard for public behavior, and the concept of trust in the ideas of others had been discredited. In the process, the very question of whether “reality” exists had been blurred and rejected by many people, while being replaced by irrationally based feelings. (McBride, p. 215)

    Or as Norman Mailer said to Tom Wicker, “I get the feeling you think a lot of things would be lost if you crossed the line to conspiracy.” (Ibid, p. 292) Mailer was correct, Wicker would have lost his credibility and reputation. This ignoring of facts and data allows men like Donald Trump to label any story he does not like as “fake news,” going as far as to stage an attack on the Capitol when he did not like the results of the 2020 election. And the proliferation of cable has allowed what McBride calls a “silo effect,” by which he means certain networks cater to certain political persuasions. Or quoting novelist Don DeLillo from a 1983 article: “The sense of coherent reality most of us shared” has “become unraveled since that afternoon in Dallas.” The result being that, today, “the simplest facts elude authentication.” (Ibid, p. 221) The author traces this back to Commission lawyer Norman Redlich, as quoted by Epstein: “To say that they [Kennedy and Connally] were hit by separate bullets is synonymous with saying that there were two assassins.” It is that insistence on denying what happened in Dealey Plaza that ultimately led the major networks to sponsor things like Dale Myers and his fruity computer simulation, which they then used to pronounce Arlen Specter’s Rube Goldberg contraption as the “Single Bullet Fact.” It is Myers’ contraption which is Fake News. (Click here for details)

    As the author notes, both Wicker and Rather got promotions after Dallas. Rather became CBS White House reporter. Wicker became the Washington bureau chief for the Times. (Ibid, pp. 291, 301) At a period when the Commission was coming under attack by many critics, Rather co-hosted the four-night 1967 CBS special. Clearly, the purpose behind this program was to bolster the faltering Warren Commission. Commissioner John McCloy had an inordinate amount of influence on this production, an influence which CBS President Richard Salant tried to keep secret. (Ibid, pp. 304–05)

    Rather did the same in 1975 during the hearings of the Church Committee. (Click here for that special) For example, on that special, he used the inveterate Commission zealot Dr. John Lattimer as his medical specialist.

    This almost reflexive reaction was in full bloom when Oliver Stone’s 1991 film, JFK debuted. Jack Valenti of the Motion Picture Association of America compared the film to the Nazi propaganda classic Triumph of the Will. The assaults came from all angles. In fact, the New York Times published 30 articles during the first month the film was shown. (Ibid, p. 334) This act of denial was then repeated at the 50th anniversary, where Dealey Plaza was roped off at all exits, 200 policemen were there to keep order, many on horseback, and one had to submit one’s name through Homeland Security to gain entry. The official speaker was David McCullough, who had never written anything of substance on John Kennedy. This sickening exercise harked back to David Brinkley’s pronouncement on national TV that Kennedy was killed by a “punk with a mail order rifle.” (Ibid, p. 351)

    It is this almost schizoid, pseudo certainty by the MSM that has provided many Americans with a window into what the reality of their government really is. Any true analysis of the Warren Report would render it a useless farce, especially today with the releases of the Assassination Records Review Board. As the late Vince Salandria noted:

    The assassination revealed, as a giant sun would, shining into the depths of the US power structure, the deep and dark corruption of our entire society. (Ibid, p. 342)

    As Joe McBride proves, that corruption was never more malodorous than inside the media, as is proven by Rather’s confession to attorney Bob Tanenbaum one day in Dallas in 1992. CBS was filming another special on the case, in reply to Stone’s hit movie. Rather had brought Commission lawyer Belin and HSCSA Deputy Chief Counsel Tanenbaum to Dealey Plaza. After listening to both speak, Rather was clearly more impressed with the latter, who said that, according to his long prosecutorial experience, Belin and the Commission were simply wrong. After the camera stopped, Rather dropped his microphone and said, “You know, we really blew it on the JFK case.”

    As both these books prove, “Yes, you did Dan.”

  • How the MSM Blew the JFK Case, Part One

    How the MSM Blew the JFK Case, Part One


    The way the mainstream media (MSM) reacted to the assassination of President Kennedy is one of the largest issues in the field of JFK assassination studies. One of the earliest books on the subject was Mark Lane’s A Citizen’s Dissent published in 1968. The late journalist Jerry Policoff was one of the leading writers on the topic. (Click here for an example of his early work) In 1992, scholar Barbie Zelizer wrote a valuable but rather unfocused book on the issue titled Covering the Body. That same year, Robert Hennelly and Policoff co-authored a long article for the The Village Voice addressing the troublesome topic. (Click here for details) In 2019, Mal Hyman wrote Burying the Lead, a creditable effort in the field, containing much new material. (Click here for our review)

    There are two other volumes of recent vintage about this immense subject that should be noted. One was published in 2018 by Dr. Jim DeBrosse, a lifelong journalist from Ohio. His book is called See No Evil. The more recent tome, published this year, is entitled Political Truth: The Media and the Assassination of President Kennedy by Joseph McBride. McBride is the author of over twenty books, mainly on films, but he followed the JFK case for decades and, in 2013, wrote Into the Nightmare, which broke new ground in the murder of policeman J. D. Tippit. Since See No Evil came first, we will deal with the DeBrosse tome before McBride’s.

    When Jim DeBrosse was eleven years old, he watched Jack Ruby murder Lee Oswald live on network television. This shocking event prompted his father to say that Oswald’s murder was a sign of someone silencing him in order to cover up the Kennedy assassination. The author never forgot that warning about the case.

    Jim assumed a professional life as a newspaper reporter. He ended up spending over thirty years in the field. In 1991, he watched Oliver Stone’s film JFK. The film struck him as being both courageous and thought provoking. (DeBrosse, p. 1, all references to e book version of the book.) In retrospect, he noted something odd: in nearly 30 years, virtually no other working American reporter had yet done what Stone did. That is expose all the problems with the Warren Commission Report. The only exceptions would be Jim Marrs and Earl Golz. (Jerry Policoff did not make his living as a journalist, but as an advertising salesman.) But yet, Stone would cause at least two journalists, David Talbot and Jeff Morley, to make full scale inquiries into the JFK case. And even in the face of all the new evidence declassified by the Assassination Records Review Board, which Stone’s film helped create, the MSM has still not adjusted its paradigm on the case. (DeBrosse, p. 49) For example, Doug Horne’s milestone essay on two Kennedy brain examinations got only a couple of stories in the media. (Ibid, p. 39)

    About two decades after Stone debuted his film, DeBrosse retired from the Dayton Daily News in order to attain a doctoral degree in journalism. Taking the advice of a friend, he eventually decided to write his thesis on this topic: how the media reacted, and continues to react, to the JFK case. The result ended up being the book under discussion, See No Evil.

    In this critic’s view, there are three main parts to the work. The first is termed by the author a content analysis of things like book reviews, news stories, and broadcasts dealing with the JFK assassination. The second deals with the rather extreme measures that establishment journalists—of both left, middle and right—have gone to shove the JFK case off the table. The third subject the author deals with is Kennedy’s Middle East policy and how it was irrevocably altered by Lyndon Johnson—and others who came after him.

    I have never seen the first subject, content analysis, done with the rigor and precision as DeBrosse does it. The author sectioned off the years 1988–2013 and then searched Lexis/Nexis in order to find rubrics like book reviews of the JFK case. One of the things he discovered was that pro-Warren Commission books are five times more likely to be reviewed than anti-Commission books. (DeBrosse, pp. 50–51) And of those reviews, about 65% of the former were positive, while over 90% of the latter were negative. That does not sound like a random pattern, does it? To give one example of why it doesn’t: Jeff Morley was an MSM journalist for over 20 years, writing for publications like The New Republic, The Nation, and The Washington Post. Yet the author could not find an MSM review of his Our Man in Mexico, the only biography about Winston Scott, the CIA station chief in Mexico City in 1963. (Ibid, p. 52)

    Under every rubric the author searched for, published news stories, TV broadcasts, TV stories on JFK theories etc., this statistic held strongly. For example, the ratio in news stories was 3–1 in favor of pro Commission stories. (Ibid, p. 53) In TV news broadcasts, it was 2–1. DeBrosse also notes that the major networks were worse than the cable channels.

    Addressing the two-week period in 2017, when President Donald Trump tweeted about releasing the last of the classified JFK documents, the author notes who the main televised interview subjects were. Philip Shenon made 23 appearances, Larry Sabato did 17, and Gerald Posner did 16. There was simply no balance, as Jeff Morley did 4 and John Newman did 1. (Ibid, p. 66)

    With this kind of media bias, why does most of the public still think Kennedy was killed in a conspiracy? One of the most common techniques used to explain that divergence is the mantra that the reason the public does not buy the Warren Report is because Americans cannot accept the notion that someone as inconsequential as Oswald could end the life of someone as glamourous and powerful as President Kennedy. DeBrosse found this idea cited over 20 times in his studied time frame. (Ibid, p. 69)

    The other main concept used to dismiss the critics was proffered by the late Peter Jennings in his 2003 ABC special: “In all these years there hasn’t been a single piece of credible evidence to prove a conspiracy.” (Ibid) Bob Schieffer of CBS did the same, when he declared unilaterally that the evidence is overwhelming that Oswald acted alone. Schieffer was one of the first to introduce Philip Shenon to a large broadcast audience. (Ibid, pp. 64–65). How extreme is this bias? Larry Sabato’s book, The Kennedy Half Century—which upholds the orthodoxy on the case—was attacked by The Washington Post for simply acknowledging the fact that many people do believe there was a conspiracy and explaining some of the reasons for that belief. (Ibid, p. 59) That is how strict the gatekeeping is on the subject. Perhaps the best quote in the book on this innate bias is from the late Tom Wicker of The New York Times. He once said that he declined to accept evidence of a second gunman, but he admitted he had not studied the exhibits and testimony in the Commission volumes. Why had he not done so? “It would have taken too long and I had a deadline.” (Ibid, p. 75) Dan Rather actually changed his location in Dallas in order to double endorse the Warren Report. First, he said he heard no shots even though he was 30 yards from the grassy Knoll. On the 50th anniversary, he now said he actually ran up the Grassy Knoll and did not see anyone there. How he could forget doing something like the first time around is sort of inexplicable. (Ibid, p. 55)

    DeBrosse also notes that the books backing the Commission usually have much more established publishers than those attacking it. But even when a medium sized house like Bloomsbury Press published Russ Baker’s Family of Secrets, they found the large market interviews they had lined up disappeared once hosts learned that the book was not just about the Bush family, but about George H. W. Bush’s possible role in the JFK assassination. (Ibid, pp. 58–59)

    The author uses an astute observation from the late Jerry Policoff in order to sum up why the cards in the JFK deck are rigged:

    When you talk about the Kennedy assassination, you’re talking about America’s basic institutions. And the fact is, the U.S. corporate media sees its role as protecting American institutions, and that’s what this case is all about. (Ibid, p. 76)

    The last part of the book deals with a subject that this reviewer has been exploring for several years, that is, Kennedy’s foreign policy in places outside of Vietnam and Cuba. In this instance, DeBrosse brings up the Middle East. It is notable in this regard that the author relates a communication made to him by Noam Chomsky.

    There is a significant question about the JFK assassination: was it a high level plot with policy implications? That’s quite important, and very much worth investigating. I’ve written about it extensively, reviewing all of the relevant documentation. The conclusion is clear, unusually clear for a historical event: No. (Ibid, p. 15)

    The year of this communication was 2014. Note the implication: Chomsky read all of the 2 million declassified pages of documents declassified by the ARRB. Besides that obvious shortcoming, he ignored the books by other scholars on this very subject. For example, the work by Robert Rakove in Kennedy, Johnson and the Nonaligned World (2013), by Philip Muehlenbeck in Betting on the Africans (2014), Bradley Simpson in Economists with Guns (2010), not to mention the previous work of Richard Mahoney in JFK: Ordeal in Africa (1989). They all strongly disagreed with him and they proved that such policy changes did occur.

    Concerning the Middle East, what happened there under Kennedy, versus what occurred both before and after, is easily discernible to real historians like Rakove and Muehlenbeck and they address it at length. I have used their work to write about this important topic. (Click here for details) Plain and simple: Kennedy was trying to forge a relationship with Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt. Nasser was the single most important Arab leader, a man who believed in pan-Arabism and also that the oil in the Middle East belonged to all the Arabs. Nasser had been cut off by John Foster Dulles after the Suez Crisis. In fact, Foster Dulles tried to court Saudi Arabia in order to counter Nasser, who he feared as becoming too powerful, as did the Israelis.

    But Kennedy saw Nasser as a bridge to modernize and Westernize the Arab countries and pull them away from Islamic fundamentalism and the Muslim Brotherhood. (Click here to understand this point) The Israelis feared the possibility that Nasser could actually forge a Middle East confederation which would literally surround their country. Saudi Arabia feared that Nasser could overthrow their monarchy and nationalize their oil wells.

    There were two other complicating factors: the Israeli covert project to build an atomic reactor at Dimona and Kennedy’s insistence on bringing back the United Nations plan to give Palestinians the right of return and repatriation after the Nakba. The Israelis lied to Kennedy about Dimona, saying it was designed for peaceful purposes. It was not. And when Kennedy discovered this, he became the first and only president to threaten to pull funding for Israel unless he got biannual inspections of the reactor. (DeBrosse, p. 141) This standoff likely led to the resignation of Prime Minister David Ben Gurion in late June of 1963.

    The two issues were unresolved at the time of JFK’s death, but as DeBrosse notes, Kennedy’s policy was clearly reversed by Lyndon Johnson, who obviously favored Israel and did not at all care for Nasser. Thus, the balance in the area that Kennedy had sought was lost. To give one example, from 1949–64, America gave Israel 27.4 million in military aid. From 1964–68 that number quintupled to 134.9 million and it changed to include offensive weaponry. (Ibid, p. 146) I don’t go as far as the author does in his appraisal of this issue. For example, I give little credence to the work of Michael Collins Piper, but DeBrosse at least brings up the important topic of Kennedy’s Middle East policy, which has been all but ignored in the critical community. It should be brought up since Kennedy’s policy there had nothing to do with anti-Semitism. It had everything to do with nuclear non-proliferation, the search for rights for the Palestinians, and the attempt to mitigate the movement toward Islamic fundamentalism. In this author’s view—and the view of many others—what has happened in the Middle East since has been pretty much a debacle.

    In sum, this is an interesting and, in some ways, a unique book. It’s a coruscating look at an unsightly problem, namely the refusal of the MSM to address the assassination of President Kennedy in any honest way. And to acknowledge what occurred as a result of his murder.