Author: Lisa Pease

  • New Revelations from the Recently Released RFK files – Part 1

    New Revelations from the Recently Released RFK files – Part 1

    New Revelations from the Recently Released RFK files – Part 1

    By Lisa Pease, author of A Lie Too Big to Fail

    Having extensively researched CIA and FBI files on both the JFK and RFK assassinations for more than 30 years, I’m uniquely positioned to identify what’s new and important in the recently released RFK files. So far, I have found three big stories in the recently released records. I’ll start with the first story and continue in subsequent articles to illuminate the other two important stories I’ve found. There are also several smaller stories, which I will get to eventually.

    Just before the RFK files were released, a reporter from CBS News contacted several people who have written books about the RFK assassination to ask what they expected to find in the files. I told the reporter I was especially eager to see the CIA files, as I knew they had been involved in the LAPD’s investigation but had only seen portions of the LAPD’s communications, never the responses.[1]

    It’s a fact that the CIA was involved in the LAPD’s assassination investigation. But there could be innocent or sinister theories for why that would be. If the LAPD had invited the CIA into the case, that could indicate the CIA was not involved and was only summoned due to their ability to track down information about the numerous foreigners who became, however temporarily, part of the LAPD’s investigation. However, it could also have been possible that the LAPD invited the CIA into the investigation because they had planned it together. If, on the other hand, the CIA had invited themselves into the investigation, that would reveal a vested interest in the outcome of the investigation and would also appear to exonerate the LAPD in the planning of the assassination.

    So the first thing I wanted to know from the files was simply that: did the LAPD invite the CIA in? Or did the CIA invite themselves in?

    The first semi-answer came from an important CIA file released back in 2021, that I did not see until this year, after my book came out and after the updated paperback version had gone to print, that contained two documents.

    The first page of the 2021-released document was the CIA’s response to Dan Rather’s questions about whether Manny Pena and Enrique “Hank” Hernandez, the two LAPD officers in charge of the conspiracy side of the investigations of “Special Unit Senator,” the Los Angeles Police Department unit formed to investigate RFK’s assassination, had worked for the CIA. The CIA denied any connection, despite the fact that both of them had been credibly linked to the CIA.[2]

    I had seen the first document in the files years earlier and had to laugh upon seeing it again because the CIA has been known, frequently, to lie on the record when people got too close to their ties to the assassinations of the 1960s. In fact, several years back, I saw a comment in a forum where a poster said to his knowledge, the CIA had never lied to the Warren Commission. I was able to find a lie the CIA made to the Warren Commission in five minutes. Helms denied to the Warren Commission that the CIA had ever had any interest in Oswald, a lie that is now completely exposed with previous and current file releases.

    In the recently released RFK files, there is another “big lie” file about Oswald, also in response to the Dan Rather inquiries, in which the CIA goes to great lengths to say they knew nothing about Oswald before the assassination, something proven to be ridiculously false over the years, and something even Dan Rather raised questions about in his special.

    The second document in the 2021 file, however, dropped a bombshell, albeit with lawyerly language:

    Sirhan Sirhan’s security file reflects that he had never been of interest to the Agency prior to the assassination of Robert Kennedy. On 5 June 1968 when Sirhan was identified as the probable assassin, the Director of Central Intelligence met with the Deputy Chief of the CI Staff, the Assistant Deputy Director for Plans, and the Director of Security and directed that the CI staff would be the focal point for action in the Sirhan case. The CI staff was to collect all available information on Sirhan and provide appropriate portions of this material to the Office of Security for release to the Los Angeles Police Department. This material was to be released to the LAPD through the Office of Security’s Los Angeles Field Office.[3]

    (I found the use of “reflects that” telling, as if the file might have had more in it at one time but has been altered to “reflect” a certain version of events.)

    So James Angleton’s CIA Counterintelligence group was designated as the records collection point for the RFK assassination investigation, just as his team had run point for the JFK assassination, and could control what was released to the LAPD from the CIA’s end, by the CIA’s OS LAFO contact:

    Mr. William Curtin, the Special Agent in Charge of the Los Angeles Field Office, contacted Inspector Yarnell of the LAPD on 5 June 1968 and advised him that the Agency was prepared to cooperate with the LAPD in its investigation of Sirhan.

    From that one sentence, it appeared CIA initiated contact with the CIA first, but I wasn’t ready to declare a conclusion until I read Sirhan’s 815-page 201 file, released in 2025 by the Luna Committee. In there, we find this important bit of information from William Curtin himself:

    When the announcement of the Subject’s [Sirhan’s] identity and foreign background was made public on 5 June 1968, upon instructions from Headquarters, I contacted Inspector Harold YARNELL, in the absence of [LAPD] Chief Tom REDDIN.[4]

    Inspector Yarnell was a member of the LEIU – the Law Enforcement Intelligence Unit – a private network of intelligence officers at various police departments across the country. Yarnell had been the Secretary-Treasurer of the LEIU and became the Commander of the LAPD Intelligence Division, where he interfaced with, among others, Lt. Jack Revill of the Dallas Police Department (named chief of the Dallas Intelligence Unit).[5]

    But it’s what Curtin wrote next that proved the CIA had forced its way into the investigation and not been invited:

    Inspector Yarnell was informed of our desire to aid the Los Angeles Police Department in any way that we could in the conduct of their investigation of the Subject. He expressed his appreciation and stated that they would gladly accept any information we wished to pass along to them. However, he advised that their case against the Subject appeared to be airtight and that he did not at that time foresee that they would be calling on us for any assistance.[6]

    In other words, the LAPD’s response to the CIA’s offer of help had been essentially, thank you, but no thank you. That is quite notable. The LAPD didn’t yet know what they didn’t know. But the CIA knew there would be things the LAPD didn’t know, names that would need to be investigated.

    Twelve days later, Inspector Yarnell called William back and set up a meeting with Yarnell, Captain Brown (the Chief of Homicide at LAPD) and Curtin. At this point, Yarnell’s tune changed slightly. Although they felt they had a rock-solid case against Sirhan (which they didn’t—see my book for why the case for Sirhan’s guilt falls flat), Yarnell said they were pursuing a possible conspiracy angle and needed information about Sirhan and possible associates. The CIA’s one request in response is that all mention of their cooperation be kept from the press. And for the most part, it was.

    But I find even this confession of the alliance and circumstances possibly incomplete, because Sirhan had not yet been identified when Chief Reddin gave his 7:00 a.m. press conference on June 5. As I wrote in my book, after viewing the tape from that conference:

    Throughout the press conference, Reddin’s delivery was calm, articulate, and professional, until he came to one particular question. He had just explained that the LAPD was checking with other agencies for any information they might have on the suspect— “the immigration service, the CIA, the Bureau of Customs, Social Security, the Post Office department—”

    “Why the CIA, Chief?” a reporter asked.

    Suddenly, Reddin became visibly rattled and nearly choked as he tried to get the agency’s name out. “The C-A … the C-A … the C-I-A has types of information that might help us identify who the person might be. We’ll give them his picture.” Reddin regained his composure shortly after, but it was a bizarre break—and the only such break—in an otherwise seamless presentation.[7]

    Perhaps Reddin had learned of the CIA’s call to Captain Brown and was planning to share their unknown suspect’s picture with the CIA, but right about this time, Munir Sirhan, the brother of Sirhan who was at his early morning job and watching the TV in the breakroom saw a picture of his brother on TV and went with his brother Adel to the local Pasadena police to identify him. So maybe Curtin’s timeline is an official lie.

    There’s also the weird question the LAPD asked Sirhan about him being married. After the shooting, Sirhan was extensively questioned for a few hours before Reddin heard Sirhan had asked for a lawyer and shut down the questioning. The LAPD and the DA’s assistant who questioned him recognized Sirhan was in some sort of dissociative state. He couldn’t remember what kind of car he drove and couldn’t or wouldn’t give his name. Even his interrogators didn’t believe he was lying. Before his identity had been revealed, one LAPD officer asked Sirhan if he were married (to which Sirhan replied, quite oddly, that he didn’t know).

    It turns out the CIA knew of another man called “Sirhan Sirhan” in the United States who was married, and had been married in 1957 (Sirhan Sirhan had never married and would have only been 13 at the time!), and a reporter with ties to the CIA and Israel named John Kimche had written about him a week after the assassination took place. Kimche thought the Sirhan he was writing about was the Sirhan Sirhan in custody because his source had been right so many times before. The CIA tracked down the man, identified by a friend as “Sirhan Sirhan,” and reported back that he was really Sirhan Salim Sirhan Abu Khadir, a resident of Detroit.”[8] But who told the LAPD within hours after the shooting that the guy in custody might have been married? Might the CIA have planted this story with Kimche after the fact to explain earlier initial misinformation? Had someone from Israel called it in to try to paint Sirhan as someone with ties to Al Fatah (which Sirhan Bishara Sirhan did not have)? Maybe the LAPD just asked if he was married for no reason. But they also asked if his name was “Jesse,” and there was, in fact, a suspect named “Jesse” that apparently had been taken into custody separately from Sirhan and released. So the question may not have been random at all.

    There are still many mysteries in this case. But the CIA pushing their way into the LAPD’s investigation, while not surprising to those who have long assumed a CIA hand in the assassination of RFK, is genuinely new information, with genuinely sinister implications.

    (Part 2 coming soon)

     

    1. https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-gabbard-rfk-assassination-files-release/

    2. Lisa Pease, A Lie Too Big to Fail: The Real History of the Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy (Feral House: 2025 paperback edition), pp. 98-99.

    3. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/SIRHAN%20SIRHAN%20INVESTIGATI%5B16011338%5D.pdf, p. 4

    4. https://www.archives.gov/files/research/rfk/releases/2025/0612/07165005_sirhan_sirhan_201.pdf, p. 24

    5. https://afsc.org/sites/default/files/2023-03/1979_NARMIC_Police%20Threat%20to%20Political%20Liberty.pdf, page 52.

    6. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/SIRHAN%20SIRHAN%20201%5B16506077%5D.pdf, p. 74

    7. Lisa Pease, A Lie Too Big to Fail: The Real History of the Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy (Feral House: 2025 paperback edition), p. 58.

    8. Sirhan 201 file, p. 779.

  • Martin Luther King’s Son Says: James Earl Ray didn’t kill MLK!


    From the May-June, 1997 issue (Vol. 4 No. 4) of Probe


    (Click here if your browser is having trouble loading the above.)

  • Peter Janney, Mary’s Mosaic (Part 1)

    Peter Janney, Mary’s Mosaic (Part 1)


    Mary’s Mosaic: Entering Peter Janney’s World of Fantasy

    Peter Janney has written a book entitled Mary’s Mosaic: The CIA Conspiracy to Murder John F. Kennedy, Mary Pinchot Meyer, and their vision for World Peace. From the subtitle, researchers can be forgiven for thinking that Janney’s book is a serious contribution to our side, as many of us believe that the CIA killed John Kennedy in part because he was trying to end the Cold War and rein in covert operations. But Janney’s book is such a frustrating mix of fact, fiction, speculation and unverifiable data that I cannot recommend this book. Indeed, I’d rather it came with a warning label attached.

    Most people don’t read books the way I do. Most people assume the data presented is true unless proven false, and they give the author the benefit of the doubt. On any topic of controversy, especially the JFK assassination, which has become so imbued with disinformation that it’s hard to know whom to believe, I take the opposite approach. I pretty much dare the author to prove his case to me, and I check every fact I don’t already know from elsewhere against the author’s sources to determine whether or not I find his “facts,” and therefore his thesis, credible.

    When I first picked the book up in the store, I turned to the footnotes. You can tell a lot about an author by the sources he cites. From that moment, I knew this would be a troubling and not worthwhile book. As I flipped through the pages, I saw Janney, as if in a cheap magic act, attempt to resurrect long-discredited information as fact. Frankly, I wouldn’t have wasted the time reading it at all, had I not been asked to review it.

    I cannot, in a book review, take on the task of refuting every factual error and pointing out every unsubstantiated rumor-presented-as-fact in this book. Simply because there seemed to be at least a couple of these per page. Since the text runs to nearly 400 pages, it’s just too big a task. So I’ll focus on challenging some specifics regarding the three key points of Janney’s overall thesis: 1) That Mary Meyer was not killed by Ray Crump, the man arrested and tried, but not convicted of her murder, 2) That Meyer had an ongoing, serious sexual relationship with a President Kennedy that involved drug use, and 3) That Meyer’s investigation into the CIA’s role in the JFK assassination got her killed.

    Janney accepts these three conclusions as fact. After reading his presentation, and examining his case, I’m convinced that none of them are true.

    Let’s start with Mary Meyer’s murder. If Crump was truly framed for a crime he didn’t commit, the CIA theory is at least possible, if not exactly probable. But if Ray Crump actually committed the crime, then Janney’s thesis, and indeed, the thrust of his whole story, goes out the window. So let’s examine that issue, based on the evidence Janney presents.

    The Murder

    Janney opens his chapter on Mary’s murder with witness Henry Wiggins, Jr. While on the road above the tow path where Mary was killed, Wiggins heard “a whole lot of hollerin,” followed by a shot. He ran to the edge of the embankment, heard a second shot, looked down toward the canal and saw an African American man standing over Mary Meyer’s body. Wiggins described the “Negro male” as having a “medium build, 5 feet 8 inches to 5 feet 10 inches, 185 pounds.” Wiggins said the man was wearing a beige zippered jacket, dark trousers, dark shoes, and a dark plaid cap. What was Crump wearing that day? According to his neighbor, who remembered Crump passing that morning, Crump had been wearing, quoting Janney, “a yellow sweat shirt, a half-zipped beige jacket, dark trousers, and dark shoes.” Quoting the neighbor, via Janney, “he had on a kind of plaid cap with a bill over it.” That’s a pretty exact match.

    Crump would eventually get off because his very astute lawyer, Dovey Roundtree, harped on the height discrepancy. Her client was much shorter than 5’10”. His driver’s license, says Janney, said he was 5’3½ and 130 pounds. But Janney doesn’t tell us when Crump got his license. Lots of kids sprout another inch or two (or more) after getting their driver’s license. Your height isn’t verified when you renew your license. And, in fact, Janney tells us the police measured Crump upon his arrest and recorded his height as 5’5½”. Janney says “it’s not clear” whether Crump was measured with the 2″ heels he was wearing that day. But this is just silly. Why would the police have measured him with his shoes on? Even my doctor makes me take my shoes off to weigh me and to check my height. Why would the police would do less. So from Janney’s own evidence, Ray was 5’5½”, wearing 2″ heels, putting his overall height at 5’7½”. This is quite close enough to Wiggin’s lower end of 5’8″. Janney also quotes Crump’s emotionally invested lawyer Roundtree as saying Crump was shorter than her. But if she were wearing heels and crump was in prison flats, that could explain her perspective. (At one point Janney is naïve enough to say Roundtree would never have represented a guilty man. Clearly, the woman believed Crump was innocent. But that does not mean her faith in him was justified.)

    In addition, Janney shows, by a picture, that Crump was a fairly normal-sized man, not skinny, not heavy. A “medium build,” just like Wiggins described. And Crump weighed in at 145 pounds, which was fifteen pounds more than the weight on his driver’s license. By his own logic, does Janney want us to believe Crump had 15-pound shoes on? Or was it simply that time had clearly passed between the time the young man got his driver’s license and the time of his arrest? And if the young man had gained weight, couldn’t the young man have grown a couple of inches, too? (I knew someone who was short until he went to college, where he suddenly grew by several inches.) If Crump was only 5’3″, 145 pounds would have made Crump look downright stocky. That many pounds on a 5’5½” frame, however, would look simply healthy, matching what we see in the picture Janney provides of Crump on the day of his arrest.

    In addition, Crump lied to the officer who arrested him. And more than once. And it began immediately. Asked if he had worn a jacket and cap, he said no. But yet it turned out he had discarded them and they were later found. (Burleigh, A Very Private Woman, p. 234) Asked why he was dripping wet, he claimed he had been fishing and fallen in the water. But he had no fishing tackle on him. His fishing equipment was still in his garage at home. His pants were unzipped and when the officer asked why, Crump said it was because the officer had roughed him up. And so he unzipped his pants? This was nonsense. Crump sounded more like a pathological liar than an innocent man. The officer concluded he was a likely suspect and thought he had jumped in the river to attempt to swim away. Janney tells us that’s not possible because Crump couldn’t swim. But plenty of people would choose water over arrest if they thought that was their only chance of escape. Anyone can dog paddle. You don’t need to know how to swim to attempt to do so. Janney claims Crump had fallen asleep drunk after a tryst with a girlfriend, woke and stumbled into the river. But according to Burleigh, Crump developed this story after his fishing rod was found at home, which reduced that first excuse to pablum. (ibid, p. 244) And this belated discovery about his fishing equipment also made his excuse for a bloody hand—he cut it on a fishhook—rather flimsy. (Ibid, p. 265) In other words, Crump was lying about why he was there. And he was also lying about how he got in the very suspicious condition he was in at the time. That is, dowsed in water, with blood on him and his zipper down. With an attractive dead woman on the scene, these would all be indications of a sexual attack, resistance, and either escape, hiding, or an attempt to get rid of some blood or other evidence on his person. In fact, when his discarded jacket and tossed cap were found, indicating he had tried to change clothing to escape witness identification, Crump himself started weeping uncontrollably while saying, “Looks like you got a stacked deck.” (Ibid, p. 234)

    Janney trots out the suggestion that Crump’s arrest and prosecution were racially motivated. But how did his race dictate the condition he was in when apprehended? Is Janney trying to say that if a white man was found at the scene of the murder drenched in water, with blood on him, his zipper down, and lying his head off, he would not have been apprehended? Nonsense. Further on this point, Wiggins, the original witness, was himself a black man. And even further, three-quarters of the jury was black! Dovey Roundtree was black. If anyone ever got a fair shake, it was Crump.

    Janney tries to argue that this innocent naif turned to a life of crime after having been jailed for an offense he didn’t commit. I find this argument at odds with the facts. Janney read and quotes from Nina Burleigh’s book A Very Private Woman, a biography of Meyer in which Burleigh discusses the killing in depth. But Burleigh also pointed out that Crump had a criminal record before the Mary Meyer murder. (Burleigh, p. 243) Janney chooses not to share that information with his readers. Presumably because it would neutralize his argument about Crump, the put upon victim. When, in fact, it appears Crump was a sociopath before the murder of Mary Meyer. Because not only did he have a criminal record and been in prison, but he had a drinking problem. Plus, he had a head injury which caused him extreme headaches, and even blackouts. When intoxicated, he had been violent toward the women in his life. (ibid) Which fits the circumstances here. Crump had been drinking prior to the murder. And, in fact, not only was Crump arrested with plentiful probable cause, and with a criminal and anti-social background, but as the author acknowledges, Crump then went on to a life studded with serious crimes. These included arson, violent threats to two women, and apropos to our discussion here, rape and assault with a deadly weapon. (Or, as Roundtree later admitted, Crump did have some trouble with the law.) The man ended up being arrested 22 times! His first wife left him. He then remarried and doused his home with gasoline. He then set it afire. With his second wife inside. He also pointed a gun at her. Naturally, she left him also. But then, in 1978, he set fire to an apartment building where his new girlfriend was living. Previously, he had threatened to murder her also. Several months later, he took the 17 year old daughter of a friend on a shopping tour in Arlington. Afterwards, he took her to an apartment. There he raped her. Tried on a previous arson charge, he spent four years in jail. (Burleigh, p. 280) And this is but the half of it. So, far from Janney’s gibberish about an innocent man being stressed out, the actual adduced record strongly indicates the opposite: the justice system allowed a criminal to be set free. He therefore went on to terrorize several innocent people because of that. But Janney is so involved with his agenda that, near the beginning, he writes that we should all feel sorry for the ruined life of the wrongfully prosecuted Ray Crump. Wrongfully prosecuted? A man caught in those kinds of circumstances? But beyond that, Janney wants no one to feel anything at all for the numerous victims of this sociopath.

    And so, we get to the crux of the problem with Janney’s book. He discounts evidence that discredits his thesis, no matter how credible, and props up information that supports it, no matter how flawed and insubstantial. I find that troubling. If it only happened a couple of times, that’s understandable, and human. When it becomes a pattern, there are only two possible conclusions: either Janney really doesn’t understand the evidence, or he hopes we don’t.

    Time-challenged

    Before I leave Crump’s case, I want to point out one other episode, because I think it illustrates Janney’s shortcomings as an author and researcher.

    Janney spends a good many pages analyzing the time it took for officers to reach Crump. Why? Because he understands the other forensic problem he has with Crump’s arrest. Not only was it the very suspicious condition he was in, but there was no one else fitting the Wiggins’ description at the scene at the time. Therefore, the author wants us to believe there was a second black suspect in the woods that day. Janney says Detective John Warner arrested Ray Crump at 1:15 p.m. , and then tries to make a big deal of a misstatement by another officer in court, who said he saw a black man poke his head out of the woods at about 1:45 p.m. Yet everything else the officer says makes it likely he really meant 12:45 p.m., not 1:45 p.m. But Janney wants to make the later time stick.

    Janney says officers Roderick Sylvis and Frank Bignotti arrived at a boat house about a mile east of the murder scene at about 12:30 p.m. Janney says they waited “about four or five minutes” after arriving at the scene. Then, he says they exited their patrol car and spent “about five minutes positioning themselves for their eastward trek toward the murder scene.” Does anyone believe that officers would rush to a murder scene and then sit in the car for four or five minutes before getting out? I don’t. It sounds more like Janney has used the same five minutes twice to make ten. Next, Janney says the two got out of the car, walked about 50 feet (4 yards), and stopped to talk to a couple on the path to ask what, if anything, they had seen. The officers said this took about five minutes. Even if Janney was right to add the first five minutes twice, adding another five minutes should bring Janney to 15 minutes, making the time 12:45 p.m. Janney then says, however, that 30 minutes had then provably elapsed. That the time by now was about 1:00 p.m. (I’m not kidding. See for yourself on pages 122-123 in his book.)

    But it gets worse. Janney says Officer Sylvis then walked a mile towards the murder scene. At which point he saw the head of a black man pop up from the woods to look at him. Janney allows that he could have walked a mile in 15 minutes. I agree. But that puts the time at 1:00 p.m., even with Janney double-counting those first five minutes. But Janney can’t even follow his own math here. Because he states that 45 more minutes had elapsed! Can anyone else add 5+5+5+15 and get 75? That’s number of minutes Janney wants us to believe this episode took in order to get him from 12:30 p.m. to 1:45 p.m.? I can’t compute that. Janney did.

    Sylvis said it took him about 15 minutes to return to his fellow officer along the path he had come. That makes sense. If it took 15 minutes to get out about a mile, it should take the same 15 minutes to return. That puts his total time on the ground there at about 45 minutes (5+5+5+15+15), which is also what Sylvis testified to in court. Janney, however, claims in an interview with Sylvis, Sylvis confirmed the “1:45 p.m.” timeframe. But without knowing what exactly Janney asked, and what exactly Sylvis answered, I simply don’t find this credible. Did Janney just read him his testimony and say is that what you meant? No doubt, he would have answered yes. But that would be a meaningless confirmation if presented to Sylvis out of context. Janney offers no other new information from Sylvis that would explain how 45 minutes became 75.

    Janney tries a similar technique with Detective John Warner. Warner said he got to the canal path at about 12:30 p.m., waited a few minutes, and then walked 45 minutes west, at which point he found the wet Ray Crump. Janney presents the trial testimony of Warner’s account of the exchange between Warner and Crump. Incredibly, Janney claims that the time it would have taken to have this conversation and then walk a tenth of a mile would be ten minutes. Finding this rather suspect, I tried it myself and timed it. It took about 45 seconds to say the questions and answers out loud, and I even elaborated on the answers. How long does it take to walk one-tenth of a mile? If you can walk one mile in 15 minutes, as Janney already conceded, then a tenth of a mile would take you all of 1.5 minutes. So that’s a bit less than 2.5 minutes, total. Which is not even close to the Janney induced 10. It’s hard to believe that a man with a BA from Princeton, a Ph.D. from Boston University and an MBA from Duke could have this much trouble with simple math. But the logic of arithmetic is not what defines Janney. What defines him is his desire to support his theory of who killed Mary Meyer and why. Any evidence that gets in the way is simply discarded or reshaped to fit his theory. As the reader can see from our discussion so far, that last statement is not at all harsh or unjustified.

    Co-authored by Damore

    That brings up the subject of Leo Damore. After reading the tome, the book should say “co-authored by Leo Damore,”. That is how prevalent his presence is in Janney’s work. Janney relies on him at every turn, even buying Damore’s deus ex machina solution to Meyer’s murder: a CIA hit man did it. Which hit man? William Mitchell, says Janney, based on Damore’s lawyer’s notes of a call with Damore. Mitchell had gone to the police after hearing of the murder to describe a man who had been following Mary. And Mitchell was a good witness to incriminate Crump. The man exactly fit Crump’s clothing and description. So now, what is Damore’s evidence that Mitchell was not really just a witness, but the actual killer? To Janney and Damore, Mitchell appeared to have used military and teaching titles as fronts for CIA work. And, according to them, he once lived in a nearby CIA safe house. William Mitchell may have been an intelligence agent, or he may not have been. But that doesn’t make him Mary’s killer. Oh, but Mitchell confessed, according to Damore–says Janney. That’s right. Get this, in reply to a letter to a safehouse! The idea the CIA would let such a letter through is absurd on its face. The idea they would then let a hit man reply to it is worse.But Janney actually believes a CIA hit man would confess to a journalist–who had every intention of making the comment public–that he had killed Mary Meyer. Any hit man worth his salt knows better than to confess to doing an elimination, especially if one ever wants to work again, much less live to talk about it. (No tape of this allegedly taped conversation has ever surfaced.) And in fact, it is third hand hearsay: from the hit man, to Damore, then relayed by phone from Damore to his lawyer before he died. Therefore, there is no possible way one can crosscheck this very hard to swallow information.

    Janney wants us to believe the following scenario: Meyer, an essentially powerless citizen who held no elected office, who was so private that it was noted in the title of her only biography, was targeted for assassination. Why? Janney says she didn’t believe the Warren Report. This is the extent of what Janney offers as a motive for murder. Although he takes many more pages to do it. (And, by the way, Nina Burleigh says she did believe the Warren Report.) According to Janney/Damore, in order to control the damage–lest the private woman start espousing conspiracy theories to her CIA neighbors–a large-scale assassination plot, comparable to the one that killed Kennedy, had to be launched. Unlike the Kennedy assassination, however, where Oswald was designated as a patsy well in advance, according to Janney, Crump was chosen as the designated patsy the very morning of the crime. Talk about a precision commando platoon. These guys make the Mossad look like Keystone Kops. Someone on the hit team radios Mitchell what Crump is wearing. (Presumably, Mitchell then runs to Sears, waits for the store to open, and found just exactly the right combination of clothes, right down to the plaid hunting cap.) Mitchell finds Meyer on the tow path and kills her shortly before 12:30 p.m.

    Not only does Janney have Mitchell killing Meyer in essentially plain sight, he then has Mitchell stopping and pausing deliberately to allow witness Wiggins to get a good view of him. (That was not a mistype. That is what Janney writes.) Now why did the Agency do this kind of up close kind of assassination, which reminds us of a Mafia hit, involving witnesses who could see both the victim and assailant? Why not just hire a long range sniper with a silencer and a sabot? This is what the author says: See, because they wanted a witness to identify Mitchell as a black man. Why? To frame Crump. Those of you who think normally may ask: But wasn’t Mitchell a white man? Yes he was. Well, did they use a hologram? Did they hypnotize Wiggins? Nope. But its close to that. Janney says that the CIA can alter skin pigmentation easily. But evidently, they didn’t employ African-American black operators to save themselves that problem. Sometimes, Janney can’t even keep up with his own convolutions, his incessant desire to fit a square peg into a round hole. Because after he talks about this Michael Jackson type skin altering, he then says there was a black man ready as a stand-in nearby. I kid you not. Read this side-splitter for yourself on pages 332-35.

    Where does all this blather come from? Its based on Damore’s rantings to his lawyer and the lawyer’s cryptic notes of that session, From this third hand, truly wild hearsay, Janney concludes that Damore learned that Mitchell killed Meyer for the CIA. But yet there is an important fact that Janney mentions near the start, but does not fully describe until near the end. In the last couple of years of his life, Damore had some serious psychological problems that may have stemmed from an undiagnosed brain tumor. Therefore, he was acting paranoid: he thought he was being tailed, he thought his phone was tapped. Damore ended up taking his own life. But Janney is agenda driven until the end, of both the book and Damore’s life. The author somehow thinks the CIA manipulated Damore into committing suicide. Even though Damore had told Janney he had thoughts of suicide and begged Janney to take him in. Extraordinary claims, like this one, demand extraordinary evidence. What Janney offers us here does not even come close to that standard.

    And Janney does not stop at Damore’s wild and possibly tumor-induced scenario regarding Mitchell as CIA hit man. He tries to make his own father a part of the plot. Wistar Janney, a CIA analyst, called two friends to alert them to the likelihood of Meyer’s death early in the afternoon: Ben Bradlee, whose wife was Mary’s sister, and Cord Meyer, her estranged husband. This is how Bradlee describes the incident in his book: “My friend Wistar Janney called to ask if I had been listening to the radio. It was just after lunch, and of course I had not. Next he asked me if I knew where Mary was, and of course I didn’t. Someone had been murdered on the towpath, he said, and from the radio description, it sounded like Mary. I raced home.” (A Good Life, p. 266) Let us step back for an instant and think rationally. If one does that, I don’t see anything sinister in the timing or the incident. The Janneys had been friends with the Meyers for well over ten years. The radio identification matched that of Mary and she lived in the area. It was a logical assumption. So would it not be natural to alert the closest relatives? But yet, in a startling stroke, author Janney leaps to the most sinister explanation possible: his father was privy to the hit and therefore culpable in the murder.

    At this point, I couldn’t help but think of Jim DiEugenio’s humorous recounting of Robert Slatzer’s efforts to promote a story about Marilyn Monroe. The man he approached told Slatzer he didn’t find his story credible. But, if he had been married to Marilyn, now that would be a story. A week later Slatzer returned to the man and said something like, “It slipped my mind. I was married to Marilyn, for 72 hours, in Mexico.” Yeah, sure you were. I couldn’t help but wonder if Janney’s “revelation” about his father’s involvement had a similar genesis, given how long Janney had been trying to sell a project based on a CIA murder of Mary Meyer.

    A mutual friend had put me in touch with Janney years ago, and we had a series of email arguments back and forth. At that time, Janney was peddling a screenplay based on this scenario, with the added twist that Kennedy and Meyer were killed because they knew the truth about UFOs. I told him at that time that I had not found Damore’s work credible. Janney defended him vigorously. Damore’s most famous book, Senatorial Privilege, which is essentially a hit piece on Ted Kennedy over the Chappaquiddick murder, was so poorly proven it was rejected by the publishing house that had initially given him a $150,000 advance to write it: Random House. (The publisher eventually went to court with Damore over the advance.) Predictably, when the publisher demanded their money back, Damore blamed the Kennedy family, claiming they had pressured Random House to cancel the book. As Jim DiEugenio noted, “The judge in the case decided that, contrary to rumor, there were no extenuating circumstances: that is, the Kennedy family exerted no pressure. He ruled the publisher had acted in good faith in rejecting the manuscript.” In addition, Damore had been accused of “checkbook journalism,” i.e., paying his sources. As the FBI found out so often in the 1960s, if people find there’s a value in their information, they will soon start inventing more to keep the cash coming. Did Damore not learn that lesson?

    So what happened to Senatorial Privilege after the court case? Well, Damore’s next book agent was the infamous rightwing espionage operative Lucianna Goldberg. A woman who made a career out of targeting Democrats, from George McGovern to Bill Clinton. And especially the Kennedys. Goldberg was a natural ally for Damore’s book, since it clearly cast Ted Kennedy in the worst possible light. Through Goldberg, Damore found a home at the self-proclaimed “leading conservative publisher in America,” Regnery books. (For those who enjoy conspiracy theorizing, consider that Regnery Press was formed in 1947, the same year the CIA was formed.) For someone who either has, or likes to cultivate the appearance of a liberal bent, it’s frankly bizarre how Janney is so credulous of Damore.

    In her New York Times review of Senatorial Privilege, former New York Times correspondent and journalism teacher Jo Thomas questioned a central point of Damore’s thesis. Damore credits particularly incriminating information to Kennedy cousin Joseph Gargan, the host of the party preceding the tragic event in which Kennedy’s car disappeared off a bridge into the water, drowning Mary Jo Kopechne. Thomas notes: “What undermines Mr. Damore’s account is that these accusations, while seeming to come from a first-hand source, are not direct quotes from Mr. Gargan, nor are they attributed directly to the 1983 interviews. (And this is, otherwise, a carefully attributed book, with 45 pages of footnotes.) One cannot tell if they are true, Mr. Gargan’s interpretation of the Senator’s behavior or, worse, the author’s own interpretation, based on what Mr. Gargan told him in 1983.” Further, as Thomas noted, Damore was unable to corroborate what Gargan told him, namely that he wanted Gargan to say that he was the driver of the car. For as Thomas noted, Kennedy admitted to being the driver from the start.

    In other words, Damore strongly relied on one witness he could not corroborate, and his technique in handling this information raised questions about the author’s critical distance and objectivity. And if you can’t believe him on one of his most important interviews, how much can you believe of the rest? As Jim DiEugenio has previously noted, “That book used a collection of highly dubious means to paint Kennedy in the worst light. For instance, Damore misquoted the law to try and imply that the judge at the inquest was covering up for Kennedy. He used Kennedy’s cousin Joe Gargan as a self-serving witness against him, even though Gargan had had a bitter falling out with the senator over an unrelated matter. He concocted a half-baked theory about an air pocket in the car to make it look like the victim survived for hours after the crash. This idea was discredited at length by author James Lange in Chappaquiddick: The Real Story (pgs. 82-89) In other words, Damore went out of his way to depict Kennedy’s behavior as not just being under the influence, or even manslaughter, but tantamount to murder. “ This is the guy Janney trusts?

    In his own notes at the end of the book, Janney rightfully points out factual errors in Damore’s research, without giving it proper weight. In the law there’s the saying, “false in part, false in whole,” meaning, if any part of something is not true, all of it should be called into question. Janney has legitimate reason to question the rest of Damore’s account due to this. That’s not to suggest nothing Damore said could be believed, but one should take far greater caution than Janney has.

    The most serious credibility issue regarding Damore is his allegation that Damore had interviewed Kenneth O’Donnell, a trusted intimate of John and Robert Kennedy. If O’Donnell truly said the things attributed to him, that would be good evidence for me. The problem is that Janney references no actual recordings. He says he saw “transcripts” of these conversations. It’s hard to believe the son of a CIA agent, who knows how the CIA operates, could fall for something like that. Damore, or frankly, anyone, could have made up those conversations and injected them into the record, waiting for some gullible soul like Janney to fall for them. The book is so credulous of these kinds of sources, and what they say that it really makes one question Janney’s judgment. In light of what is in them, I’m only saying that it would be easier for me to believe that the son of a CIA officer was actively involved in creating disinformation than to believe that the son of a CIA officer was such an unwitting dupe of it. Take for example this information from page 230 of the book. This is allegedly what O’Donnell saw in his good friend Jack Kennedy: “Kenny had always admired Jack as a cool champion, the man of political celebration. He saw it start to collapse because of Mary. Jack was losing interest in politics.” (italics added) This is a president who was planning his campaign for 1964 in 1963. A man who had gone through the ordeal of the Cuban Missile Crisis. A man who had planned on making an opening to China once he was re-elected. Yet we are supposed to believe that somehow, he was losing interest in politics? But that is not the capper. Allegedly O’Donnell then said that JFK was going to leave office, divorce his wife and set up house with Mary Meyer! Now, what is Janney’s source for all this rather bizarre and unprecedented information? Well, its based on an interview Janney did. But not with O’Donnell, or any member of his family. But with Damore. Therefore, the self-reinforcing technique is circular.

    Why did Janney need to be more circumspect about this matter? Because when the Mary Meyer story surfaced for the first time, in that bastion of credible reporting, The National Enquirer, the Washington Post queried Kenny O’Donnell directly regarding whether Meyer and the president were seriously involved. In the Post’s follow-up article, Don Oberdorfer reported, “Former White House secretary Kenneth P. O’Donnell said yesterday, “She knew Jackie as well as she knew Jack.” O’Donnell said allegations of a love affair were totally false.”

    “Calling her ‘a legitimate, lovely lady,’” Oberdorfer wrote, “O’Donnell said Mary Meyer made infrequent visits to the White House ‘through my office—never privately, either, not when Jackie was away or when Jackie was there.’” Why does this make the O’Donnell interview hard to swallow? Because the Enquirer story was printed in 1976. O’Donnell died in 1977. What on earth could have made O’Donnell do a pirouette in public in one year? Thereby turning himself into a lying hypocrite.

    The original story in the Enquirer was surfaced by James Truitt, a good friend of CIA super-spook James Angleton, the man many of us researchers believe, based on revelations from the CIA’s own files, was directly involved in setting Oswald up as the patsy and covering up the CIA’s role in the assassination after the fact. (See my long two-part article on James Angleton in The Assassinations for the wealth of evidence showing Angleton’s involvement in the Oswald story both before and after the assassination.) Angleton was a far-right-winger who ran his own set of journalist-operatives off the books, funded by his own secret source of money, according to Carl Bernstein’s landmark article “The CIA and the Media.”

    Why did the story surface at that time, saying what it did? Truitt used to work for the Washington Post. Why had Truitt never told that story when he had a much bigger media outlet at his fingertips? Jim DiEugenio is the only person who has ever taken the time to put the allegations of sexual affairs between John Kennedy and Mary Meyer, Judith Exner (Campbell) and Marilyn Monroe in their proper historical and political context. No rumor of any such activities had surfaced during his presidency. It wasn’t until the Republican Party was hurting politically from the fallout from Watergate, and the CIA was under renewed scrutiny for their possible role in the assassination of President Kennedy, that these stories started to surface. I encourage people to read DiEugenio’s landmark essay “The Posthumous Assassination of John F. Kennedy” in The Assassinations for the full details of the evolution of this picture of JFK as sexual madman.

    DiEugenio contrasts this evolving image of JFK ,based on less-than-credible sources with the image of those who previously and provably knew him well. Charlotte McDonnell was a longtime girlfriend of the president’s, but said there was no sex between them. Another Kennedy intimate, Angela Greene, said that he was never physically aggressive, just “Adorable and sweet.” Yet another woman who had invited Kennedy into her place was shocked when he jumped up from the champagne and low music to listen to a newscast on the radio. That is the Kennedy who ran the country. That is not the image Janney, however, wants to present.

    The Enquirer article introduced a new twist to all this. Not only was JFK a cheater, he was a doper, too. Kennedy never even smoked cigarettes. But we’re to believe he smoked marijuana with Mary Meyer at the White House? In the same Washington Post rebuttal to the Enquirer article, Kennedy aide Timothy J. Reardon, Jr. was quoted as saying that he had never heard of Meyer, and that “nothing like that ever happened at the White House, with her or anyone else.”

    The Washington Post article appeared in February of 1976. But Janney would have us believe that a year later, O’Donnell would reverse his stance to a reporter just because Damore helped O’Donnell locate an estranged relative. Janney admits he has never heard tapes of the calls Damore claims to have shared with O’Donnell. Janney has only seen transcripts..

    But further, why would Damore, if he had such an explosive scoop in 1977 (the last year of O’Donnell’s life), sit on it for so many years? Why would Damore be working on the Chappaquiddick story for local papers if he had a story about Ted Kennedy’s more famous brother?

    Of CIA officers, liars and forgers

    But Janney’s credulity doesn’t stop there. Janney uses both Robert Morrow and Gregory Douglass as sources to the Meyer-Kennedy angle. Janney says that because their accounts corroborate each other, they should be considered credible. What kind of illogic is that? If person A lies, and person B repeats the lie, that’s not confirmation. That’s reinforcement of the lie. How can the highly educated Janney truly not understand this?

    Robert Morrow, a former CIA officer, wrote three books about the assassinations of John and Robert Kennedy. The first was admittedly fiction. The second was, so Morrow claimed, the nonfiction version of what he had alluded to in his novel. The third was so far off base it was sued out of existence. Morrow accused a man of having assassinated Robert Kennedy who was provably elsewhere at the time. This caused a libel action to be filed. Morrow’s unwise publisher lost the case. The publisher had to burn the books. Yet this is a man Janney has no trouble believing.

    Another of Janney’s sources is—incredibly—Gregory Douglas, aka Walter Storch, aka Peter Stahl, aka Michael Hunt, aka Samuel Prescot Bush, aka Freiherr Von Mollendorf, aka Peter Norton Birch, aka Peter Norwood Burch. Yes, this is another man Janney finds credible. Douglas is a self-admitted forger who also claims a relationship with American intelligence services. He also wrote exposés of the forgery of others, showing a sophisticated knowledge of the market for forged documents. This is the man Janney believes regarding the papers of Robert Crowley, a former CIA officer whom Douglas claimed entrusted him with his most sensitive documents upon his death, even though the two never met face to face.

    Janney goes to great lengths to attempt to give Douglas credibility. Why? Simple: he needs the corroboration. However, another man who stood to benefit from Douglas’ work showed more appropriate cynicism regarding Douglas’ claims. Mike Weber, director for the Institute of Historical Review, an organization that supports holocaust denial, would have benefited had Douglas’ books on the Third Reich for a series called Gestapo Chief: The 1948 Interrogation of Heinrich Müller, had he been able to prove any of it true. He could not do so. And he essentially called it a forgery. Yet, this is the book that Janney uses to try and give Douglas/Stahl credibility! (See for yourself on p. 352.) But Weber, who has a Master’s degree in history, knew enough to question Douglas’ claims and not accept his word at face value. He actually checked Douglas out, and found him seriously wanting in the credibility department. Regarding some of Douglas’ earlier work, in which one of Douglas’ wilder claims is that Hitler didn’t die in Germany but escaped to Spain, Weber wrote:

    My view that the Gestapo Chief series is an elaborate hoax is based not only on an examination of the books themselves, but on lengthy telephone conversations with the author. From these talks, I can attest that “Gregory Douglas” is intelligent, loquacious, knowledgeable, and literate, but also amoral, evasive, and vindictive. Those who have spoken at any length with him are struck by his chronic cynicism — a trait that, interestingly enough, is reflected in the words he attributes to Müller throughout the Gestapo Chief series. …

    His son, with whom I have also spoken, sometimes fronts for his father as the author of the Gestapo Chief books. For more than a year the son has been living and working in Rockford, Illinois, under the name Gregory Douglas Alford. He is also a former staff writer for the Sun-Star newspaper of Merced, California, and the Journal-Standard of Freeport, Illinois. Apparently he has sometimes used the name Gregg Stahl.

    So “Gregory Douglas” isn’t even just one person. It’s two. None of this apparently bothers Janney.

    Janney appears to be the only person in the research community to have taken Douglas/Storch/Stahl/Hunt/Bush/ Mollendorf/Birch/Burch’s book seriously. Most researchers believe Douglas forged the documents he claimed to have obtained from the now dead CIA officer Crowley.

    Several people have asked me lately if I found Crowley credible. How can I answer that, when it’s not clear that any of the documents Douglas/Storch provides are actually from Crowley? All we have is this proven liar’s assertion that they are.

    Janney sources emails ostensibly between Joe Trento, the actual legal recipient of Crowley’s files, and Douglas. Douglas lies to Trento in these mails, saying “Walter Storch” gave Douglas Trento’s name. Crazy stuff. And did Janney check the emails with Trento? Or did Douglas just invent the so-called exchanges? Jim DiEugenio talked to Trento and asked him why Crowley would give his files to two different writers. Trento told DiEugenio emphatically that Douglas was “a complete liar” who didn’t “have anything” of Crowley’s. Seriously, would anyone believe that a top CIA operative from the covert side of the agency would trust a man he had never even met in person with the CIA’s most important secrets? Well, Janney believes that.

    In addition, I know personally how Douglas operates. Douglas’ “news” site “TBR News” published an article ostensibly written by me that I never wrote. It was clearly designed to look like I had written it, when I had not, even to the point of including a rather awful picture of me with it. I wrote Douglas and said that article was not by me and asked that it be removed. It never was, as you can see from the link above. So how can I find Crowley credible, when all the data from him comes from Douglas? How can I find Janney credible when he believes a forger and fabricator?

    Janney says he never heard tapes Douglas claimed to have from Crowley, but read transcripts, and believed them credible. Shades of Damore. What is it with Janney and transcripts? “Seeing is believing?” Are you kidding me? Anyone can make anything up and type it. And Douglas has actually done so. He put together an agenda for a whole so-called “assassination meeting” helmed by Angleton. He said he got these papers from, of course, Crowley’s files. Which, according to Trento, he never had. Trento should know. Since he actually has those files. Again, I must ask: How could a man who was born into the world of lies, whose own CIA father was friends with one of the CIA’s manipulators of the media, Cord Meyer, fail to consider these possibilities? And CIA history aside, how can a man who went to Princeton, earned a doctorate from Boston University and an MBA from Duke be that gullible, period?

    And then there’s Timothy Leary. Janney’s use of Leary made me break into laughter. More than once. Janney sources the claim that Meyer and JFK smoked pot in the White House to Leary. But just a few sentences earlier, he had noted that Meyer never named names when talking to Leary. What was the source of that particular information? Leary himself! If Meyer never named JFK to Leary, why is he so certain the two smoked pot at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue?

    Jim DiEugenio noted that, in all the many, many books Leary wrote prior to Flashbacks, the one where he made the allegations re Meyer, Leary never whispered a hint that he was sitting on such information about Meyer and Kenendy. Janney attempts to bolster Leary on this point. Janney wrote that Leary had made an initial attempt to investigate Meyer’s murder in 1965. But Janney’s source for this data is—I kid you not—Leary himself! How can you bolster the shaken credibility of a suspected con man—someone whose biographer said he made up having an affair with Marilyn Monroe—to that very same person? To Janney, that is credible evidence. In the real world, its not evidence at all.

    Janney also uses Anne Truitt, wife of James Truitt, as if she is a credible source. Both Anne and James Truitt were close friends of Angleton. Angleton was a master of disinformation, and used friends and acolytes (such as Edward J. Epstein) to convey his thoughts to the world. So pardon me if I dismiss anything any friend of Angleton’s says with a grain of salt. She might have told the truth, but unless I could verify that independently, I’d be loathe to believe her at face value on any point relating to Mary Meyer. Janney, of course, must believe all these sources, no matter how incredible, or he’d have no book.

    Janney even tries, although tentatively, to use C. David Heymann to back up his allegations of the Meyer-Kennedy affair. And there is little doubt that, at one time, he had planned on using Heymann as a major source. But by the time his book was submitted for publication, I had written a long article showing how questionable Heymann’s work is,. Janney claims he confronted Heymann about these allegations, upon which Heymann got defensive. Even after acknowledging the challenges to Heymann’s credibility, Janney still cites Heymann’s information as at least partially confirmed. C’est incredible!

    Even beyond the lack of credible sourcing, the book has many other problems. Janney resurfaces long-discredited information as if it is fresh, new, and proven. Such as the allegation that Robert Kennedy was at Marilyn Monroe’s house the day she died. In fact, to show just how low Janney has sunk, he actually says RFK was there twice that day. Kennedy’s whereabouts in Northern California that day have long been established. Reading such bad history like this makes me feel like I’m playing Whackamole. No matter how many times you beat the disinformation down, it will simply pop up again. (See Jim DiEugenio’s aforementioned essay in The Assassinations for a breakdown of this fiction.) There are many other such “facts” that aren’t facts at all. That’s why I think the book should come with a warning label. Most people will believe what they see in a book, thinking that publishers are checking the facts as they go. They are not! No one does that. If they did, a large number of books would have to be moved from the “nonfiction” to “fiction” sections.

    Where’s the beef?

    Lastly, the style of the writing itself is off-putting. I like my fiction luscious, but my nonfiction dry. When nonfiction starts to read like fiction, in my experience, it usually is. As someone who is working on a book myself at the time of this writing, I know how tempting it is to try to put words in someone’s mouth. But I resist that temptation. If I say someone “thought” this or that, it’s because that person actually wrote or told someone their thoughts at that point in time. I don’t try to imagine thoughts for them. Janney, on the other hand, relishes putting thoughts in other people’s heads. Consider how Janney embellishes the Truitt assertion that Meyer and JFK were toking at the White House:

    She was curious as to how he might react. At first, he had become “hungry” for food—“soup and chocolate mousse”—before their amorous embrace that evening, where she might have held a more tender man. The connection may have frightened him initially, but her self-assured presence and trust likely conveyed that he was, however momentarily, safe—safe in her arms, safe in her love, even safe in his own realization that it might be possible for him to face the sordid, fragmented sexuality that kept him from his own redemption.”

    That’s not fact. That’s not history. That’s poor, fantasy-induced supposition, and shoddy scholarship. It recalls the type of thing the late Dave Heymann specialized in.

    In addition, Janney seeks to embellish moments that should not be embellished. Does anyone really want to read this, save those with a perverse love of gore? “She must have smelled the stench of burning flesh and gunpowder as something hard and hot seared into the left side of her skull just in front of her ear. A gush of wet warmth poured down her face, soaking the collar of her blue angora sweater, turning it red.”

    Janney tries to make an epic romance out of a story which–when read strictly on a factual basis, sans Janney’s spin–seems anything but. But here’s a typical passage that demonstrates his gaseous and overblown style: “What drove Jack back to Choate that weekend remains a mystery. But he returned, unaccompanied, a stag. Perhaps he thought the homecoming on familiar territory would be good for his self-confidence, which had lagged since being forced to take a medical leave from his studies at Princeton, still in the Class of 1939. Whatever the force that drew him backward (or perhaps forward) isn’t known, but something propelled him; for during the gala Winter Festivities Dance of 1936, he would encounter Mary Pinchot for the first time, etching into his being an unforgettable moment.” (That was only half the paragraph, by the way, which started in the same floral tone.) How many facts were in that paragraph that matter? One: the date that he first met Mary Meyer. All the rest is scenery. “Too many words!” I found myself screaming at several points while reading this book. Get to the facts and leave the speculating to some failed screenwriter. Oh, wait …

    I believe and sympathize with Anne Chamberlin’s comments to Janney after his persistent requests to interview her. Janney tells us repeatedly that Chamberlin “fled” Washington to move to Maine and thinks she isn’t talking to him out of fear of retribution. But what does Chamberlin herself say? “It saddens me that you continue to pursue the long-gone phantom prey. I have nothing to say about Mary Meyer, or anything connected with Mary Meyer.” Too bad Janney didn’t make that response to heart. It would have at least given him a trace of skepticism. Which is what he really needed.

    In fact, Janney’s own life story would have made a better book than this one. Growing up with the children of other spooks, the second generation who had to deal with the fallout of the world created by their parents—now that would have been a book worth reading. He wouldn’t have had to trust others. He could have simply repeated his own stories, and the stories of others like Toni Shimon, daughter of Jose Shimon, a top CIA operative. The best parts of Janney’s books are direct quotes from the children of spooks who learned only slowly what their fathers really did for a living, and the emotional challenges growing up with a father who couldn’t share what he did took on the families. That would have been a book worth reading. This one, simply, is not.


    In Part 2 of this series, Jim DiEugenio examines the faulty methodology of Peter Janney’s book.

  • David C. Heymann, Bobby and Jackie: A Love Story


    As a researcher into a controversial subject – the assassinations of the sixties – people often ask me this question: How do you know which sources to believe and which to disbelieve?

    My answer is this: When you read an author for the first time, check every single fact you don’t already know from elsewhere. If a nonfiction book isn’t even footnoted, it’s not worth your time other than as a source of leads you’ll have to check out on your own. Leads are not data. They are only possible data.

    Hearsay, what someone said when they were not under oath, when nothing was at risk for them personally, I also treat as a lead, not data. Personally, I don’t trust interviews much because people often misremember things, or enhance or embellish the truth, sometimes without realizing it. And some will simply lie for their own reasons, and none of us is so good that we can “just tell” who is lying or not. But by interviewing people you can sometimes get a lead on data for which there is some sort of a verifiable paper trail. And that can be valuable.

    If the book is footnoted, check out the footnotes. And I mean, really check it out – don’t just see if there is a footnote. Go to the library, go to the book referenced, go to that page number, and see if the note is correct. Was the correct reference on that page? Or did the author miss it? (Sometimes book pages change from one printing to the next so check a few pages on either side of the reference in case it’s nearby.)

    Most important, check to see if what is in the footnoted text is accurately represented. I’ve gone through people’s footnotes and found sometimes, to my dismay, that the author misread the original text or is deliberately misrepresenting it.

    What about things you can’t check out, like interviews with people? Then two additional considerations come into play: the credibility of the person being interviewed, and the reliability of the interviewer. Did either person have a reason to lie? Did either person work for an intelligence service, a career which requires one to lie well? Have they lied or misquoted people in the past?

    It is with these considerations in mind that I read C. David Heymann’s latest book, Bobby and Jackie: A Love Story. If I had to describe the book in a single word it would be this: puerile. But because this book has gotten so much media attention, I will say more than one word. And because the book depends nearly entirely on hearsay, I have to examine the overall credibility of the author, as well.

    When I started reading the book, I tried to look up certain items to find Heymann’s source. There were some footnotes, to be sure, but never for the items that interested me. Instead, he sourced the book generally, chapter by chapter, to a list of interviews conducted by Heymann and his researchers. Lacking access to those, the only way for me to evaluate the credibility of Heymann’s claims of a so-called love affair between Bobby and Jackie was to evaluate the credibility of Heymann himself.

    I’ve been researching Robert Kennedy for years. Early on, I picked up Heymann’s book RFK: A Candid Biography of Robert F. Kennedy. At the time, I knew nothing about Heymann. I was writing about Robert Kennedy’s ride to the Ambassador Hotel – a moment of no particular consequence. I just wanted to get the time correct and to quote something ironic that had been said on the drive.

    Here is what Heymann wrote for this episode:

    At six-fifteen, Kennedy and Dutton were driven by John Frankenheimer from Malibu to the Ambassador Hotel. … As Frankenheimer cruised along the Santa Monica Freeway, attempting to make the thirty-minute trip in half that time, Bobby said, “Hey, John, take it slow. I want to live long enough to enjoy my impending victory.”

    The footnote for the above said this:

    “At six-fifteen”: Schlesinger, RK, p. 980.

    If you go to page 980 in Arthur Schlesinger’s book Robert Kennedy and his Times, you find nothing but a page of footnotes with no reference to those events. But a page number mistake is easy to make – and it was easy enough to find the correct page. So I wasn’t going to be too hard on Heymann for such a simple error. I looked up “Frankenheimer” in Schlesinger’s book to get the correct page (p. 913), and found this text:

    About six-thirty Frankenheimer drove him to the Hotel Ambassador. He sped furiously along the Santa Monica Freeway. “Take it easy, John,” Kennedy said. “Life is too short.”

    Schlesinger sources this quote to Robert Blair Kaiser’s book R.F.K. Must Die!, page 15. Schlesinger’s quote of what Kennedy said exactly matches the original in Kaiser’s book, whereas Heymann’s strange misquote added a touch of arrogance (“my impending victory”). Heymann evidently improvised his version, and moved the time he explicitly footnoted up fifteen minutes for no apparent reason. Add that to the wrong page number, and for this inconsequential item, Heymann managed to make three mistakes. That’s way too high an error ratio for me. If he could make three errors on something so simple, what would he do with things more controversial or complex? At that point, I put away Heymann’s book, realizing it would be worthless to my research.

    Had I read further, I would have seen Heymann fabricating events from whole cloth. For example, on page 361 in his RFK book, Heymann wrote something wildly untrue:

    [I]n May 1997, Gerald Ford publicly admitted that in 1975, while president of the United States, he had suppressed certain FBI and CIA surveillance reports that indicated that JFK had been caught in a crossfire in Dallas, and that John Roselli and Carlos Marcello had orchestrated the assassination plot.

    Gerald Ford never said any such thing. What Gerald Ford did say in 1997 was in response to a document that surfaced showing it was his edits that changed the wound from Kennedy’s “back” to the “back of the neck,” a change of verbiage that managed to move the wound up five inches to support the single bullet theory. Never mind that the shirt (which was fitted and could not have bunched up five inches, as some have suggested) showed a bullet hole well down the back and definitely not in the “back of the neck.”

    Here is the passage from the 1997 AP report regarding Ford’s public comment:

    Thirty-three years ago, Gerald R. Ford took pen in hand and changed – ever so slightly – the Warren Commission’s key sentence on the place where a bullet entered John F. Kennedy’s body when he was killed in Dallas.

    The effect of Ford’s change was to strengthen the commission’s conclusion that a single bullet passed through Kennedy and severely wounded Texas Gov. John Connally – a crucial element in its finding that Lee Harvey Oswald was the sole gunman.

    A small change, said Ford on Wednesday when it came to light, one intended to clarify meaning, not alter history.

    “My changes had nothing to do with a conspiracy theory,” he said in a telephone interview from Beaver Creek, Colo. “My changes were only an attempt to be more precise.”

    So Heymann is freely mixing a real event (Gerald Ford’s public comment) with a fictional one (admitting to participating in a cover-up and naming Roselli and Marcello as the conspirators).

    How could Heymann be so wrong? Heymann wouldn’t deliberately lie, not in a nonfiction book, right?

    Wrong. Heymann not only would, he does, and provably so, right on the book’s dust jacket. Under Heymann’s picture, Heymann is described as a three-time Pulitzer Prize nominee. Finding that impossible to believe, I decided to check it out. As I suspected, Heymann was never nominated for any award by the Pulitzer Prize committee. The Pulitzer Prize committee goes to some trouble to ensure that nominees, called “finalists,” are listed on their Web site. Heymann is not there.

    Was it possible that Heymann pulled one over on his editor? I had to find out, so I contacted his current editor, Emily Bestler, at Atria Books, a subsidiary of Simon and Schuster. It never occurred to me that an employee of a Simon & Schuster property would knowingly perpetrate a fraud regarding one of their writers. How naive I was.

    When I queried Bestler about the fact that he was not listed as a Pulitzer Prize nominee on the Pulitzer Prize committee’s site, Bestler explained that his previous publishers had submitted his books for nomination.

    Now, I don’t know about you, but no one in Hollywood would dare call themselves an Academy Award nominee just because their agent submitted their reel to the Academy. They’d be laughed out of the business. The agent and actor would both lose all credibility.

    The same should be true in the publishing world. You can’t seriously claim to be a nominee just because your book, along with thousands of others, was sent to the Pulitzer committee. That’s patently ridiculous. Any author anywhere on the planet could then send in their book and claim the same. Is this the industry’s dirty little secret? Is this a widespread practice?

    I emailed the Pulitzer Prize Web site asking what the Pulitzer Prize committee does when someone claims to be a “nominee” when they’ve only been submitted for nomination. Claudia Weissberg, the Web Site Manager for the Pulitzer Prize committee, wrote back:

    Occasionally when we see misapplication of the term “nominated”, we send a straightforward message informing an author about the misstep and usually get compliance. Also, when people contact us to confirm such a claim, we try to set them straight. Unfortunately, our staff of four is too busy with other things to regularly police the situation.

    So the next time you see someone claiming to be a “Pulitzer Prize Nominee,” don’t believe it until you first confirm it for yourself. (Search www.pulitzer.org. If the author was truly a nominee or an award winner from the year, they will show up in the search, and the date and name of their nomination or prize will be listed. Gus Russo, author of Live By the Sword: The Secret War Against Castro and the Death of JFK, has also misused that term, claiming to be a nominee when he, too, was merely an entrant.) You would think some “truth in advertising” statute should apply here to protect consumers. Whatever else it is, it’s simply dishonest, on any level, and shame on Heymann and Bestler for participating knowingly in a deliberate deception. Shame on Atria Books. Shame on Simon and Schuster for misusing the prestige of the Putlizer Prize to sell some books.

    Why do I spend so much time on this false claim? Because if one is willing to lie about themselves to enhance the sales of their book, what else might they be willing to lie about?

    That question should be foremost in mind when reading Heymann’s book Bobby and Jackie because we, the readers, are not in a position to check the factual accuracy of his most sensational claims. First of all, the most outrageous claims are not footnoted specifically, but sourced generally to people who are now dead. We can’t go question them to see if Heymann quoted them accurately. So how can we check this out?

    We have to go back to Heymann’s past work, and hear from people he has quoted in the past, to assess his accuracy with people when they were living. As it turns out, credibility has long been an issue for Heymann.

    In his book Poor Little Rich Girl: The Life and Legend of Barbara Hutton, about the famous Woolworth heiress, Heymann inaccurately accused a doctor in Beverly Hills of overprescribing drugs for Ms. Hutton. The accused doctor was provably only 14 years old at the time and incapable of prescribing drugs for anyone, and sued Random House. Random House hesitated. They were not eager to destroy a book that had all the markings of a bestseller. After all, the film rights had already been optioned for $100,000.

    Heymann blamed the mistake on one of his researchers, and was upset when Random House held him, the author who had received the $70,000 advance for the book, accountable.

    Shortly after the doctor’s suit, Ned Rorem, an author and composer, pointed out that Heymann had lifted a passage from one of Rorem’s own books and attributed it to Hutton. That was enough, for Random House. The publisher recalled the book and destroyed all copies.

    Heymann was so depressed at this episode, which threatened to destroy the only career he’d ever loved, that he attempted suicide. He then changed his mind, sought emergency medical treatment, and headed to a Manhattan psychiatrist.

    How was it that Random House didn’t review the book for accuracy? The publicity director said Random House relied on Heymann’s assurances of accuracy. (Emily Bestler, his current editor, told me the same thing, that she never questioned him about his sources, never did any independent verification. “He’s the expert,” she said in all seriousness, the irony of which you will understand by the time you finish this review.)

    Heymann’s troubles with the Hutton book were still expanding. As reporter Curt Suplee described in his Washington Post article “The Big Book That Went Bad” (Feb. 8, 1984), “Meanwhile, the unthinkable got worse. Another author cried foul; some of Hutton’s longtime chums claimed they had never seen her keep notebooks; several people quoted in the book either denied that they had been interviewed or disowned the quotations. And in Los Angeles, some old Hutton hands openly doubted that Heymann – who says he conducted six weeks of intermittent interviews with the enfeebled heiress during 1978 – ever met her at all.”

    Heymann said he made no tapes of these alleged conversations, but that he could prove his presence there in a court of law if he had to. (In a separate interview, Heymann said the only person who could verify he conducted the interviews with Hutton was his wife.) No one put that claim to the test, although Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morganthau’s office did investigate Mr. Heymann for fraud. (No indictment was ever issued from Morgenthau’s investigation.)

    A handwriting expert determined that the so-called “diary” (a collection of notebooks and scribblings on random pieces of paper) was not from Hutton. Regarding the authenticity of the handwriting, Suplee noted, Heymann displayed “photocopies of letters Hutton wrote decades ago in an idiosyncratic, loopy script; and apparently more recent sheets of embossed letterhead stationery on which incoherent, broken sentences are printed in big block letters. How could both be written by the same hand? ‘They were written many years apart,’ Heymann says. ‘I didn’t question it.’” Sadly, neither did his editors. Fortunately for history, however, some reporters did.

    David Johnston, a reporter for the Los Angeles Times, said the Times contacted several of Heymann’s alleged sources in an attempt to verify Heymann’s work. Most of the sources were long dead, but a few were still alive.

    Of the nine people contacted, all nine seriously disputed Heymann’s accuracy.

    Seven of the nine said they never spoke to Heymann or his researchers. Heymann told the Times he had taken their anecdotes from Hutton’s notes and that neither he nor his researchers had contacted those people. Heymann claimed to Suplee, however, that these people had spoken with his researchers, which contradicts his earlier statement that he had gotten the anecdotes from the disputed journal entries. The eighth person said that, while part of what was quoted was true, nearly a page-worth of quotes attributed to that person were false. The ninth said he had been contacted by an aide of Heymann’s, but refused to be interviewed. (Los Angeles Times, Dec. 24, 1983)

    Johnston also noted that one lengthy anecdote in the book involved a physician who didn’t exist. Heymann explained that he used fictitious names in the book “in five or six cases.” The book, however, contains no disclaimer indicating that any fictitious names were used. And in a later interview with the Washington Post, Heymann changed the number of fictitious names used to two. “That’s not such an unusual ploy, is it?” Heymann asked the reporter. But, of course, it is. Nonfiction is supposed to be truthful in all aspects, with no made-up names, or, if necessary, with pseudonyms clearly identified as such.

    When asked if he had alerted his editor at Random House to the fact that he had used false names, Heymann said, “Yeah – it would have been impossible otherwise.” According to Suplee in the Post, “a company spokesman denies that Heymann said anything about fictitious names or mentioned that he would be using researchers for the preponderance of the interviews.” “Clem was not forthcoming,” said Heymann’s agent Peter Matson, “about the way he was working.”

    Heymann even dared blame his editor for not insisting on the use of a pseudonym for the doctor who ended up suing. “It seems to me an experienced editor would have said, ‘why use this guy’s real name? Why not use a pseudonym?’” (Wash. Post, Feb. 8, 1984)

    Philip Van Rensselaer, a one-time escort of Hutton’s, told the Post he was thinking of suing Heymann for plagiarism, saying Heymann had copied dozens of sentences from his own biography of Hutton. Heymann had quoted a news article from Van Rensselaer’s book without verifying its accuracy. Van Rensselaer had actually embellished the news item, itself a violation of journalistic standards. Yet Heymann had quoted it verbatim as if it was an actual news item, showing how poor a researcher he is.

    It’s odd, in retrospect, that Random House was so incurious about Heymann’s accuracy, given that his two previous works by that time had already been challenged for accuracy. Had they actually bought Heymann’s claim that, after any nonfiction book is published, “eight out of ten people will deny what they said”? That may be the standard for a Heymann book (and with good reason, if they didn’t, in fact, say what was quoted), but he presents no evidence to support that claim on behalf of other nonfiction authors.

    Random House’s spokesperson told the Post that Random House had been unaware of the problems with Heymann’s earlier books. The Village Voice had given Heymann’s 1980 book American Aristocracy: The Lives and Times of James Russell, Amy and Robert Lowell a “Most Mistakes Medallion” for the huge number of inaccuracies in that volume.

    One of Heymann’s earliest books was on the poet Ezra Pound, who happened to be a close friend of none other than the CIA’s former counterintelligence chief James Angleton. Heymann claimed he had interviewed Pound just before his death, which would have been at least four years before Heymann’s book was published. Time magazine lauded Heymann’s book, calling it “The most harshly realistic portrait of the poet so far produced.” But in 1983, a noted Pound scholar, Professor Hugh Kenner of John Hopkins University, accused Heymann of claiming someone else’s interview with Pound as his own. Heymann dismissed the charge, claiming Kenner was retaliating against Heymann for a negative review Heymann had given to Kenner’s book. Both offered to take and pass a lie detector test supporting their view in this matter. (Wash. Post, Dec. 21, 1983)

    In the wake of the problems resulting from the serious examination of his Hutton book, Heymann moved to Israel where, according to Heymann, he joined the Mossad. The Hutton book was eventually republished by Lyle Stuart (after Heymann rewrote nearly a third of it) and was made into a television miniseries.

    Since Heymann was never really punished for his lax standards, if not outright dishonesty, is it any surprise the errors and misrepresentations continued in subsequent works?

    When Heymann’s book A Woman Named Jackie: An Intimate Biography of Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy Onassis, came out, Mike Wilson of the Miami Herald did an in-depth review, similar to what the Los Angeles Times and Washington Post reporters had done with the Hutton book. Wilson opens his review with this:

    C. David Heymann has called his book “A Woman Named Jackie” “a search for the real Jackie Kennedy.”

    Sometimes, it seems, the author didn’t search farther than his own bookshelf.

    Wilson goes on to quote a passage from Kitty Kelley’s earlier biography of Jackie, and compares it to Heymann’s. It’s not a direct copy, but it’s a very similar passage. He does this again with a passage from Ralph Martin’s book and compares it to Heymann’s passage, which is even more similar than the first example.

    Wilson also noted that Heymann lifted material from one of Jack Anderson’s columns. “No question about it. It’s obvious. That’s outrageous,” Wilson quotes Anderson as saying. (Heymann’s publicist Sandra Bodner tried to explain this away by suggesting the story was perhaps told to Heymann by Anderson’s source in exactly the same words.)

    Wilson notes some of the key allegations in the book, but adds, “much in the book is not new. And much, Heymann’s sources are saying, is not true.” For example, Larry O’Brien challenged several remarks in the book, telling the Miami Herald he had never said those things. And worse, Heymann has O’Brien essentially lying, saying something O’Brien couldn’t, wouldn’t have ever said because he’d already said the opposite in his own book! (Heymann claimed O’Brien said he refused to speak to Lyndon Johnson on the plane back from Dallas after Kennedy had been assassinated. But in O’Brien’s own book he noted he spoke to Johnson twice on the plane – once on the ground in Dallas and a second time in the air.)

    The first time I cracked Heymann’s book on Jackie open, I randomly turned to a page where a name caught my eye. Heymann quotes “James T. Angleton, director of covert operations for the CIA” talking about Mary Meyer. Surely he meant James J. Angleton, director of counterintelligence for the CIA. But it’s no wonder he got the name and title wrong. When I checked the footnotes, there was no source for the Angleton quote listed, and, according to the footnotes, Heymann sourced no interview with Angleton for that chapter. So whom was he quoting? What source gave him that Angleton quote about Meyer? How could his editor, Allan Wilson, have missed the fact that there was literally no source for that quote? That wouldn’t pass muster in a History 101 course. I had expected more from publisher Lyle Stuart, Heymann’s post-Random House sponsor.

    Heymann does get Angleton’s full middle name correct in his book The Georgetown Ladies’ Social Club: Power, Passion, and Politics in the Nation’s Capital. Unfortunately, according to Washington Post reporter Roxanne Roberts, the book had little to recommend it. Roberts opens with this line:

    There are lies, damn lies, and statistics … and autobiographies, biographies and books by C. David Heymann.

    As with so many before her, Roberts describes Heymann’s work as “unfettered by live subjects,” noting,

    This makes it harder to determine what is true and what is not, assuming one cares about those things. “When you write about people who are dead, you’re libel-proof,” author Kitty Kelley says. “They can’t sue and neither can their families. It just breaks your heart sometimes.”

    When Heymann wrote Liz: An Intimate Biography of Elizabeth Taylor, he told the press that “discussions will continue” with Liz Taylor about whether she would approve the biography as official. But Taylor’s representatives responded they had never been in touch with Heymann and that she would definitely “not be participating” in his project. (Wash. Post, Aug. 15, 1989)

    You would think Heymann would have learned some serious lessons about checking facts, not relying on researchers, verifying everything, and heeding the notion that extraordinary claims deserve extraordinary evidence. You would be so wrong.

    Heymann came under the scrutiny of New York Observer reporter Andrew Goldman when, in the wake of John Kennedy Jr.’s death, Heymann put out the story that John hadn’t wanted to fly to Martha’s Vineyard, but that his wife made him do it. (See Goldman’s article detailing challenges to Heymann’s credibility with several of his books here: http://www.observer.com/node/41806.)

    In the wake of John’s death, Heymann had told Cindy Adams, a New York gossip columnist, that Heymann had just spoken to John a few weeks before his death, and that John had complained about having to drop his wife’s sister off in Martha’s Vineyard the day his plane went down.

    Curiously, this is the same Cindy Adams I wrote about years ago, who wrote a biography of the Indonesian President Sukarno during the period in which the CIA was trying to overthrow him, and the same Cindy Adams who interviewed the Shah of Iran in his last days – the man the CIA had installed as the leader in Iran after overthrowing Iran’s democratically elected leader Mossadegh in 1953. Cindy wrote that Heymann was a frequent source of hers.

    Cindy’s story put Heymann in Rupert Murdoch’s New York Post, and got him interviews on Chris Matthews’ MSNBC show Hardball, among others.

    Heymann claimed to have had a ten-year relationship with John. But, as with the Hutton stories, people close to John found that impossible to believe. No one at John’s magazine George knew of any association. John’s appointment secretary had no appointments with Heymann listed.

    The only person Goldman could find to in any way corroborate an acquaintance between Heymann and John was Heymann’s girlfriend, who claimed only to have seen a man from behind as he departed whom Heymann told her had been John.

    Even Cindy Adams came to believe Heymann had lied to her, and issued a probable mea culpa to her readers, having been assured by the Kennedy clan that Heymann had never spoken to John (New York Post, July 29, 1999). Indeed, it is hard to believe on the face of it that John would have spoken one word to the guy who had trashed his parents in print.

    So who is Heymann? What drives him? His father was a German Jewish novelist, who fled the Nazis with his wife and came to New York in 1937. There, the family entered the hotel business, and Heymann sometimes worked behind the desk. Suplee quotes Heymann as saying, “When I looked at these people coming and going, I always made up imaginative stories of how fascinating their lives were.”

    After the Hutton episode, Heymann expressed a desire to write a novel based on his experiences with the book “to examine myself as if I were a biographical subject.”

    Did he really join the Mossad? If so, why does he openly acknowledge it? Isn’t that, like the CIA, the kind of organization you cannot admit to being a member of?

    And now we come, at last, to the book I started out to review: Heymann’s Bobby and Jackie: A Love Story. I submit that even the title is false, because Heymann doesn’t even attempt to paint a love story. He paints a lust story, and a lopsided one at that. And really, the title should have been: Heymann and the Kennedys: A Hate Story. That would have been a more honest description of the book.

    Heymann goes after nearly all the Kennedys, starting with the father, who he accused of being an “ardent admirer of the Third Reich,” a gross misrepresentation of Joe Kennedy’s views. Joe was an ardent pacifist, who feared that another world war would bring socialism not just to more of Europe, but to America as well. For his reluctance to go to war, or, as historian Will Swift puts it, for his willingness to explore every avenue for peace, he was branded an appeaser. And for that, people made the leap that an opponent of war was a friend of Hitler, when in fact that is an unjustified leap. Those of us who opposed George W. Bush’s war in Iraq did not do so out of any admiration for Saddam Hussein. It’s a ridiculous meme about Joe Kennedy that has persisted for reasons beyond the scope of this book review.

    Heymann goes after John Kennedy, portraying him in such sexual terms one wonders when the guy had a chance to govern. He even claims Kennedy’s youthful glow in the debates was due to his having had sex just prior to the debate, saying “The results of the exercise were obvious to anyone who watched the debates. Kennedy looked refreshed and composed on camera, whereas Nixon seemed nervous and out of sorts.” And pre-debate sex is his only possible explanation? Whatever else Kennedy was, he was ambitious as hell and believed in preparation. It’s just not credible that he would have allowed a moment of pleasure to interfere with the most important political moment of his career.

    Heymann sources this episode to “a longtime congressional and senatorial aide to JFK,” Langdon Marvin. Author David Pietrusza, in his book 1960 – LBJ Vs. JFK Vs. Nixon: The Epic Campaign That Forged Three Presidencies, challenged Marvin’s credibility on this episode, which first appeared in Heymann’s book on Jackie.

    Pietrusza notes that in the original account, Heymann’s version in the Jackie book claims the sex happened at the Palmer House in Chicago. Pietrusza notes that the Palmer House is nowhere near the studio in which the debate was filmed. He also noted that the route there would have taken Kennedy “perilously close” to Nixon’s “Pick-Congress” headquarters. As Pietrusza puts it, “There are risks, there are John Kennedy risks, and there are risks not even a Jack Kennedy would take.”

    Pietrusza also questions Marvin’s assertion, conveyed by Heymann, that just prior to the debates, Jack Kennedy had sex with a stripper in New Orleans while her fiancé, Governor Earl Long, held a party in the next room. The problem with that is that the debate was filmed September 26, Long had left office in May, and had died September 5. So either Marvin or Heymann’s account of what Marvin said is simply not credible.

    Pietrusza notes that Marvin did have a motive to attack the Kennedys. Marvin was an aviation consultant. But for whatever reason, Bobby Kennedy wrote the following to reassure airline industry representatives who expressed concern about Marvin having a role overseeing their industry. Pietrusza quotes the following letter from Bobby Kennedy:

    I assure you that Langdon Marvin will not be a part of the administration. He will not have a job of any kind and will play no role, directly or indirectly, in the policies of the administration.

    Your sentiments regarding Mr. Marvin are exactly in accord with mine, and I assure you that, when I say that Langdon Marvin will have nothing to do with the government for the next four years, I mean what I say.

    As Pietrusza summarized, “Langdon Marvin’s story is a good story. Repeating it uncritically is not very good history.”

    Heymann paints Jackie as, forgive the words, a royal bitch. There is no nuance. There are no other colors. He has her throwing fits at publishers, threatening to sue, demanding payments from the Kennedys for her wardrobe and expenses after John’s death, and, of course in the centerpiece to the book, sleeping with Bobby. Of course, Heymann has no direct source for that. He has all kinds of innuendo, but not one credible account from anyone who can verify their quote to show that the two were in love or had any sexual contact of any kind.

    One of his racier episodes, where he claims a witness spied Bobby with his hand on Jackie’s naked breast at the Kennedy estate in Palm Beach, has already been disputed by Andrew Goldman in his review of Bobby and Jackie in the Daily Beast (July 24, 2009). The witness in question is Mary Harrington, who, according to Goldman, died a year before Heymann ever quoted her. Heymann has Harrington supposedly watching the two on the grass from Harrington’s third-floor window next door to the Kennedy estate.

    The problem with this, Goldman notes, is that, according to Ned Monell, the listing agent for the Kennedy residence when it was sold in 1995, the entire property was walled. The only place, therefore, from which Harrington could have been staying would have been a beach shack which was 10 feet lower than the Kennedy house. And given that heavy vegetation surrounded the house, she couldn’t have seen anything on the lawn at all.

    Many of Heymann’s sources for the affair between Bobby and Jackie are people saying they heard it through the grapevine, so to speak. Here’s a typical factless piece of innuendo:

    Film producer Susan Pollock had a friend who occupied a suite opposite Jackie’s at the Carlyle. On several occasions, the friend saw Bobby and Jackie return to the suite late at night, then leave together in the morning. “You can look at people and tell if they’ve been intimate,” said Pollock. “My friend could tell. In any case, their affair was an open secret. Everyone knew it.”

    What standards of proof does this meet? That is sheer speculation. And of course, there’s a very innocent explanation for overnights. Bobby had taken over the responsibilities of father for his brother’s two children. He read to them at bedtime. He took them to school in the morning. It makes sense he’d spend the night. Anything else is unproven speculation.

    Only a few claim to have any direct knowledge. And while Heymann starts off quoting someone as saying that, while Bobby wasn’t faithful to Ethel, he treated his paramours as “second or third wives,” Heymann then has Bobby and John having sex with their respective females in the same room, being open with friends about it, and coming on to people like Joan Braden, the former wife of the longtime CIA media operative Tom Braden. And this from the same Bobby Kennedy Heymann quotes, via another source, as having said “nothing you saw or heard leaves this office. Is that understood?”

    I had previously read another equally disgusting book, Nemesis, by Peter Evans. That, too, was a book designed to make Jackie look like a bed-hopping whore, selling her body to Onassis in exchange for protection for her children. Not surprisingly, in Bobby and Jackie, Heymann borrows liberally from Evans work. What did surprise me is that Evans found fault with Heymann. He implied Heymann concocted, in his Jackie book, a quote Heymann attributed to Christina Onassis. It seems even Evans has standards which Heymann cannot meet.

    One episode seems inspired more by news that surfaced while Heymann was working on his book rather than by his interviewee, who died in 1998, ten years earlier. In 2008, a story surfaced in the New York Post (April 14, 2008, not April 15, as Heymann has in his footnote) about an alleged FBI tape showing Marilyn Monroe in a “perverted” sex act with a man whose face is never seen. Evidently, Hoover tried to prove, unsuccessfully, that the man was John or Robert Kennedy.

    Heymann claims that Clark Clifford told him about this tape. Clifford ala Heymann even has Jackie asking Clifford if he’s seen a ‘certain film’ of a sex act between Bobby and Marilyn, looping her into this ridiculous scenario as if to give credibility to that having been Bobby. First, Jackie would have been too discreet to ever ask such a question if she had seen such a film. Second, Clifford died in 1998. I find it hard to believe Heymann would have sat on that salacious tidbit for ten years. He would have put it in one of his earlier books.

    Missing from the book is any hint of the loyalty the Kennedy operatives had to the family. He quotes Kenneth O’Donnell, who would have practically taken a bullet for the Kennedys, saying things that, even if true, he would never share. Heymann quotes from him liberally, which is extremely odd, since O’Donnell died in 1978, many years before Heymann wrote about any of the Kennedys. Did he interview him and then sit on that material for years and years? If O’Donnell had talked of an affair in 1978 just before he died, why did it take Heymann nearly 30 years to write that up? And how did he remember something O’Donnell said in 1978 for his 2009 book that he had presumably forgotten for his 1989 book about Jackie? In his 2009 book, Heymann quotes O’Donnell as saying he thought Bobby loved Jackie, but that he understood the “limitations of their romance.” If O’Donnell had really said that, why didn’t Heymann mention that in his book on Jackie, where he briefly quotes several people as having “suspected” there was an affair between them? If he has O’Donnell confirming it, why didn’t he surface that earlier?

    Pierre Salinger, who is dead, is liberally quoted talking openly about an affair. That makes no sense. Salinger was so trusted he was the President John Kennedy’s press secretary. Only the most closed-mouth, trusted associates are considered for such a sensitive role in any administration. John Greenya, in his review of Bobby and Jackie for The Washington Times (August 11, 2009), challenges this point too. Greenya knew Pierre Salinger very well, as they spent over a year together working on Salinger’s book P.S. A Memoir. Said Greenya:

    In the hundreds of hours we spent in conversation, over the phone and in person, he never sounded the way he sounds in this book. And for him to tell Kennedy stories out of school, which he allegedly did to Mr. Heymann, strikes me as completely out of character.

    And I simply cannot believe he would use a crude, locker room term in talking about Mr. Kennedy, the man he devotedly served as press secretary.

    And that’s another point I want to make. I’ve been studying screenwriting for some time now. Good writers know that people don’t all speak the same. Every person has a different vocabulary, with different idioms that give them away. But in Heymann’s book, everyone sounds the same. They all talk like crass older men with a chip on their shoulder. They all talk in grammatically perfect, short, clipped sentences. Most interviewees aren’t writers, and don’t talk like that. They wander. They get off topic. You have to bring them back. This would be indicated by an ellipses in the quote. But when Heymann interviews people, they seem to speak in ready-for-publication phrases.

    Also missing from the book is any sense of the historical context. Bobby was running for the Senate, and later the presidency. J. Edgar Hoover had already tried and failed to link Bobby to Marilyn Monroe. If it was an “open secret” that Bobby and Jackie were having an affair, there’s not a chance in hell that Hoover wouldn’t have found out about it and run to one of his media assets, like James Phelan, with the story of the century. He would have had files on their affair, and maybe even photos.

    Photos. That’s another funny thing. In many research books, people include not just photos of people, but of documents. Howard Hughes books contain photos of his handwriting. JFK books include photos of CIA and FBI files. But Heymann books contain photos of no documents whatsoever. Even ones he mentions in his text. For example, at one point, Heymann mentions a letter from Bobby Kennedy to Katherine Graham. The letter sounded plausible to me, like something Bobby might actually have written. How hard would it have been to put a photo of that in the book? I asked his editor, Emily Bestler, why, given the past charges against Heymann’s credibility she hadn’t asked for that item to be shown. Bestler said the author was responsible for all the content, and that she didn’t recall that particular item from the book, but that if she’d seen it, she would probably have asked for it to have been included. I then asked her: So what was her role as editor, if not to help shape the content? Was she really more of a proofreader? I could tell that offended her by her abrupt change of voice. She said she edited the book for flow. Well, it flows fine. It’s an easy read. There were no typos that I noted. Clearly, she did her job well. But to me, that’s what a copy editor does, not a book editor. A book editor should challenge one for sourcing and demand to see backup for anything not verifiable elsewhere. That’s what people expect when they see a big name publisher. They expect credibility.

    My takeaways from this experience?

    1. I would never believe anything Heymann writes unless I could confirm it elsewhere.
    2. “Pulitzer Prize nominee” is a deliberately misused term.
    3. Editors at major publishers do not fact-check nonfiction books. They simply trust the author. You should not. Believe nothing in a nonfiction book that you can’t independently verify yourself. Check all footnotes. A pattern of honesty or deception will quickly present itself. Judge all else in the book accordingly.

    I feel compelled to note that about 80% of the data in this article was compiled over a two-day period, using only the Internet (with access to past issues of newspapers via a couple of online databases) and copies of a few of Heymann’s previous books. It’s just beyond belief that someone would sign on to be this guy’s editor and not do at least that much due diligence to find out if he’s credible. Especially when he claims to be a Pulitzer Prize nominee – and is provably not.

    Believe it or not, I’m not mad at Heymann. While I dislike intensely what he’s written, I can imagine the situation from his point of view. In his mind, he’s a crafty guy who figured out a way to make a great living, while breaking, to my knowledge, no enforceable laws to do so. That he broke all laws of decency and historical faithfulness, if you put yourself in his shoes, is beside the point. In his mind, he may well be P. T. Barnum, reveling over the number of suckers born a minute. Or worse, he may actually think he did a good job with the historical record! Hey, if no editor ever holds you accountable, how do you know you are failing?

    Whatever the reality inside his mind, in the actual world, Heymann’s work should never have been published without a proper factual, not just textual, review. For that, the blame really must be shouldered by the enablers: the editors who functioned more as proofreaders than as shepherds of content; book reviewers who were too lazy to check to see whether what he wrote was true (with a few notable exceptions); and fellow authors who recycle his writing and spread it around in their own books like a virus, infecting the historical record for future generations.

    What can you do? You know I never like to leave you without a course of action. Why don’t you write to his current publisher, Atria Books, and ask them to make available his audio recordings of the interviews he claims to have made for this book? That would be a real service to the historical record, assuming the voices are authentic and unaltered, and that the tapes even exist.

    In his notes at the end of Bobby and Jackie, Heymann wrote, “Much of the interview material, including tapes and transcripts, has been placed in the author’s personal archive, located in the Department of Special Collections, State University of New York at Stony Brook, Stony Brook, New York, where it is available for viewing and/or listening.” That’s funny, because when the Miami Herald went after Heymann for his book on Jackie, Heymann’s publicist at the time, Sandra Bodner, said that, unless someone sued Heymann, he would not play his tapes for anyone. So who told the truth? Heymann, or his publicist? Can you hear the tapes, or would you have to sue for the privilege?

    Ask Atria Books and find out. You can reach his editor, Emily Bestler, c/o:

    Atria Books

    1230 Avenue of the Americas

    New York, NY 10020

    “I always wanted to write fiction,” Heymann told a Washington Post reporter in 1989. You have the power to determine if his wish came true.

  • Robert Joling, J.D. & Philip Van Praag, An Open and Shut Case


    An Open and Shut Case is an indispensable volume for those with a serious interest in the Robert Kennedy assassination. While some of the information – and especially some of its core conclusions – are based on evidence that has been called into serious question, about which I will have more to say below, there is more than enough interesting and solid work here for this book to warrant a place on your shelves.

    The book’s title comes from a quote from the Police Chief Edward Davis, who said the RFK assassination case was clearly “an open and shut case,” based on the eyewitness and physical evidence in the case. That’s true, of course, but not for the official story. As An Open and Shut Case clearly shows, the eyewitness and physical evidence are absolutely consistent with two facts: at least two guns were fired in the pantry, and Sirhan’s gun did not fire any of the shots that hit Senator Robert Kennedy.

    The book is the product of a collaboration between Robert Joling, J.D., who has studied this case for years, and Philip Van Praag (the last name rhymes with “Craig,” not “bog”), who is much newer to the case and focused primarily on a newly surfaced recording from the pantry. Joling is a past president of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences (AAFS) and was a licensed attorney for 57 years, 40 of which he devoted to criminal and civil trial work, including some homicides. Van Praag has spent 45 years working in the audio field, with 35 of those years devoted to magnetic media.

    The book’s authors met through the work of a third person, Brad Johnson, a producer at CNN International. Brad has been looking into this case for years, and has attempted to collect every possible video and audio recording of the assassination of Robert Kennedy. When he stumbled upon evidence of a recording made in the pantry at the time of the shooting, he tracked down a copy and searched for a qualified sound engineer to examine it. Johnson found Phil Van Praag, and Van Praag’s findings about this recording are detailed in the first chapter of the book.

    Just after midnight on June 5, 1968, Robert Kennedy finished his acceptance speech, having just won the California primary in the race for the Democratic Party’s nomination for the presidency. Kennedy exited the Embassy Ballroom of the Ambassador Hotel in Los Angeles and crossed east through the pantry area, an almost hall-like room, on his way to speak to the press in the Colonial room. Sirhan Bishara Sirhan (pronounced “Sear hahn”) stepped forward and fired a gun. Kennedy was taken to the hospital, where he died a day later. Five other people were also wounded by bullets, but none fatally so.

    The most famous of those wounded in the pantry, Paul Schrade, RFK’s union chair and an officer with the United Auto Workers union, contributed the Foreword to the book. Schrade opens with a quick summary of the case, and of his own initial rejection of the “conspiracy theories” about a second gun, which sprouted up within days of the assassination.

    Schrade had his eyes opened to the conspiracy aspect of the case by Congressman Allard Lowenstein (D-NY), who visited him at his home in 1974. Lowenstein took Schrade to visit Lillian Castellano and Floyd Nelson, two early and excellent researchers in the case. They showed Schrade solid evidence that more than eight bullets were fired in the pantry. Schrade joined their efforts, and, with the help of others, including the LA County Board of Supervisors and CBS, obtained an order for a court-appointed panel to re-examine the evidence. I’ll call this panel the Wenke Panel, for convenience, after the Judge who ordered it. A large part of the book focuses on the work of the Wenke Panel, and the final conclusions of the authors depend on the Wenke Panel’s findings, a problem to which we’ll return later.

    There are many anecdotes and interesting items learned firsthand by the authors which make this book truly “new,” and not just a retelling of the evidence of others. For example, Joling details how a personal acquaintance who worked for the CIA called him at one point, when Joling, as president of AAFS, had set up a special committee to review the firearms evidence in the Robert Kennedy case. His CIA associate said the Agency did not like what he was doing, and ordered him to stop. Joling became upset with his contact’s “‘hoity-toity’ attitude and demanding demeanor” and forcefully but politely told him he was not interested in the CIA’s “‘Sunday School’ games” and asked the person never to contact him again. Another time, Joling found a bug on his home office phone. Joling recounted other incidents of obvious harassment from people whose connections he could only suspect. He noted these only occurred at the height of his direct involvement with the case, and ended after the Wenke Panel concluded its work. Both Phil Melanson and Jonn Christian had accounts of being threatened, which are included here as well. The obvious question is, if there was no conspiracy, who was so intent on keeping these people from pursuing their work in the case?

    The most important new piece of evidence discussed in the book is the Pruszynski recording. While most people are familiar with the famous audio piece in which a reporter describes the aftermath of the shooting (“Get the gunä get the gunä take his thumb and break it if you have to!”), this new tape was lost to history until Brad Johnson, a producer for CNN International, rediscovered it by noticing a listing of it in the California State Archives record finding aid. And, unlike the other recordings, this one had captured the period of the shooting. Stanislaw Pruszynski, a print journalist, had inadvertently left his hand-held recorder and microphone on as Kennedy exited the stage and entered the pantry. Brad searched for a sound engineer willing to use his expertise to analyze the tape. He found Van Praag.

    The first chapter in the book deals with Van Praag’s work with this recording. The tape, according to Van Praag, shows at least thirteen distinct sounds, and possibly more, that match the sound pattern of gunshots. As the realization sets in that Kennedy has been shot, screams may have covered additional shot sounds. Since Sirhan’s gun could only hold eight bullets, this is prima facie evidence of two or more shooters.

    In addition, Van Praag noted that there were two pairs of sounds where the shots were too close together to have been fired from the same gun. Van Praag’s assertion that the two shots were fired too close together was tested on a 2007 Discovery Times cable TV special. A noted firearms expert could not pull the trigger on the Sirhan gun fast enough to make either of the double shots.

    In addition, Van Praag found that five of the shots, including one in each pair of the “double-shot” sounds, bore a distinctly different sound signature from the other shots. Van Praag sought a second gun that would leave the bullets marked in the same way as the Sirhan gun. The only gun known (to the authors) to have the same rifling characteristics as the Iver Johnson 55 Cadet in evidence for the crime was an H&R 922. Curiously, this is the exact model the guard Thane Eugene “Gene” Cesar owned. Cesar later claimed he had sold it before the assassination, when he had actually sold it after.

    Cesar is a likely candidate for being a second shooter because the medical evidence shows RFK was shot four times, all from within a distance of one to four inches. The fatal shot, a shot behind Kennedy’s right ear, was made from a distance of not more than one and a half inches. The only person near enough to have made those shots, per the testimony of Cesar and others, was Cesar. Cesar held Kennedy’s right elbow in his left hand and was pulling him gently through the pantry. Kennedy stopped and talked to a few people, and was just turning front again to continue on his path when he was hit.

    Van Praag tested the same kind of gun that Cesar was using and found some remarkable correlations to the shot sound patterns on the Pruszynski tape. Van Praag dismisses the notion that these sounds could have been balloons or firecrackers, as those have a sharp attack but die off quickly, unlike bullet shots, which register a more symmetrical signature. In addition, Van Praag recorded some test shots from the same distances that Pruszynski was at various points during the recording, a crucial point other tests have not duplicated. Pruszynski was about 40 feet away as the shooting began, and then entered the pantry in the middle of the shooting.

    Van Praag is quick to point out problems with the tape. It was “enhanced” by the FBI to improve sound clarity. The tape is also out of sequence in a couple of places, suggesting the tape was likely edited. But the tape also contains some sound segments that authenticate it as having been made at the Ambassador Hotel that night, as they can be matched up to other audio from that night, and the sequence containing the shot sounds appears to be unedited and in its original order.

    The chapter on the sound evidence may be hard to follow for those not versed in sound technology. Maybe I was just tired when I read it, but I found Van Praag’s in-person presentation at the June 2008 COPA conference in Los Angeles much clearer. Having seen the presentation, the text makes more sense to me now than it did on my first reading of it.

    One chapter seems to have no purpose other than to attempt to discredit Sgt. Paul Sharaga of the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD). Sharaga claimed that, within a few minutes of the shooting, as he was setting up a command post at the southern end of the Ambassador Hotel, an older Jewish couple told him they had seen a girl in a polka dot dress run by with another man and that the girl was saying “We shot Kennedy.” Sharaga has often been used to buttress Sandy Serrano’s account of the same thing – a girl and a guy running down the back staircase in a state of glee, with the girl saying, “We shot him, we shot him.” When Sandy asked, “Who did you shoot?” the girl responded, “Senator Kennedy” and kept running.

    The book makes clear that the authors believe Sandy Serrano was telling the truth as she knew it, and includes in an appendix the transcript of her awful interrogation at the hands of Lt. Hank Hernandez, who had worked for Agency for International Development, a well-known CIA front in Latin America. But the authors question Sharaga’s veracity, as the tapes of the radio communication do not show any communication from Sharaga regarding a girl in a polka dot dress. Still, as the authors note, it’s possible Sharaga had a second avenue of communication available.

    The authors also fail to note that the LAPD did, in fact, put out an APB for a girl in a white dress with black polka dots, which wasn’t cancelled until days later. Since the LAPD clearly didn’t believe (or didn’t want to believe) Sandy Serrano or Vincent DiPierro, two witnesses with provocative accounts (DiPierro claimed a girl in a white dress with dark polka dots was chatting with and possibly even holding Sirhan until just before the shooting began), it seems likely that the APB went out because of other accounts, possibly Sharaga’s.

    In addition, Sharaga noted that when he said his suspect description was different from that of the suspect in custody and urged the dispatcher to continue to repeat his different description (of a tall, thin blonde man), Inspector Powers came on the radio and shut Sharaga down, saying that Rafer Johnson and Jesse Unruh had said there was only one shooter and not to “get anything started on a big conspiracy.” The authors ignore that Sharaga had that part right, and cut off the transcript before that exchange.

    The authors make a direct insinuation that Sharaga’s account is not reliable because, they say, when Powers implied that the “we shot him” statement might have been something like “he was shot,” Sharaga didn’t interject anything to correct him. Why should he? Sharaga didn’t hear the exchange, and it would be considered disrespectful for a lower level officer to argue with the Inspector over the airwaves. They suggest that Sharaga’s silence lowers his credibility. I disagree. They also point to the missing mention of a girl in a polka dot dress in the early traffic. But why did the police put out the APB for a girl in a polka dot dress? Whose account did they believe?

    I asked Van Praag if there was any possibility the police tapes had been altered. He declared that impossible, given that there were several tracks recording at the same time, and that no editing had been done.

    So perhaps Sharaga was indeed communicating through a second channel, something the authors themselves suggest, but discount, because no evidence for that has surfaced. But absence of evidence is not necessarily evidence of absence, and while Sharaga’s initial report regarding a girl in a polka dot dress never surfaced, that doesn’t mean it didn’t happen. I’ve spoken to Sharaga and found him to be an honest, unembellishing witness. Given how the LAPD burned, lost, and otherwise destroyed evidence of conspiracy in this case, I think there’s an explanation we simply haven’t found yet that will reconcile Sharaga’s account with the extant evidence.

    And since the authors never really looked into the girl in the polka dot dress (this is evident by the fact that they say she was wearing a black dress with white polka dots, when over 20 witnesses reported a suspicious girl in a white dress with dark or black polka dots), the authors missed the fact that Serrano’s account also appears to have been corroborated by at least two additional witnesses not counting Sharaga. And when I talked to Sharaga, he told me he never even heard of Sandy Serrano until years later. I continue to find his account credible, and wonder where the rest of the story will ultimately lead.

    The best and weakest part of the book is, unfortunately, the same part – the ballistics discussion. The book spends a great deal of time and gives full credibility to the findings of the Wenke Panel.

    The panel did discover a couple of layers of deception, and for that they are to be commended. They were given a photomicrograph and told that it showed a comparison of the Kennedy neck bullet to a test bullet. The panel found instead it was a comparison of the Kennedy neck bullet to that of another victim, William Weisel. In other words, one of the pieces of evidence used to convict Sirhan was thrown into serious question by this finding.

    The panel also found that Sirhan’s gun could not be matched to any of the bullets recovered in the pantry, but since two of the victim bullets at least matched each other, there was no evidence of a second gun.

    Lowell Bradford, a forensic expert chosen by CBS to be a part of this panel, also noticed something unusual. The test bullets came from an envelope marked with the wrong gun number. The Sirhan gun was number H53725. The test bullets came out of an envelope in which the gun number was listed as H18602. (The LAPD responded that was a clerical error, and that the bullets had, indeed, been fired from gun H53725.)

    So the panel concluded that the LAPD had been playing fast and loose with the evidence. But had the panel looked at the evidence as closely as Lynn Mangan, Sirhan’s former neighbor and longtime researcher, did, they would have found something much more important, which would negate all their conclusions: not one of the bullets had the original markings etched into them at the time of recovery.

    When bullets are retrieved from victims in a crime, the police scratch initials and other markings so they can later prove those bullets were the ones they claimed them to be. This ensures the bullets cannot get accidentally or deliberately switched.

    But markings are only useful if people actually check for them later. If no one checks, the wrong bullet can be introduced into evidence. And that is exactly what appears to have happened with the three bullets the panel matched to each other – the Kennedy neck bullet, the bullet from William Weisel, and the bullet retrieved from Ira Goldstein.

    The purported Kennedy bullet should have had “TN31” marked on its base, placed there by Thomas Noguchi, who confirmed his markings in court, explaining that he always used his initials and the last two digits of the autopsy case number for such markings. But the “Kennedy” bullet the Wenke Panel examined had “DWTN” on its base, calling into serious question whether any conclusions based on this bullet have any relevance, since this bullet can not be linked to any bullet recovered from the pantry victims. The markings on the Weisel and Goldstein bullet the Wenke Panel examined also do not match the markings recorded into the official record when the bullets were first recorded.

    In other words, no conclusions from the 1975 panel are relevant, because the bullets the panel examined do not appear to have been the ones fired in the pantry! I’ll even suggest the substitution was deliberate, since the bullet marked DWTN was clearly supposed to indicate it had been signed by Thomas Noguchi, but Noguchi stated under oath he always uses his initials and the autopsy case number. So someone seems to have deliberately mismarked this bullet, hoping no one would notice. And had it not been for Lynn Mangan, they might have gotten away with it.

    In addition, according to a letter Larry Teeter (Sirhan’s attorney at the time) sent the California State Archives that was provided to me by Lynn Mangan (as part of the “Robert F. Kennedy/Sirhan Evidence Report” she put together with Adel Sirhan, Sirhan Sirhan’s brother), on August 3, 1994, Mangan, Teeter, and Adel took Lowell Bradford to the California State Archives to reexamine the bullets. Bradford noted that it was impossible to read the markings on the base of the bullets, as grease had obscured the markings on the ends of the bullets. Bradford stated the grease could further damage the bullets, prompting Teeter’s letter to the Archives asking that the grease be removed. Bradford was adamant, says Teeter, that the grease was not on the bullets when he viewed them in 1975. “There goes your evidence, down the drain,” Bradford said, per Teeter.

    Unfortunately, the authors do not appear to have been aware of this problem when they wrote their book. And that’s a big problem for the authors, as their thesis re the shooting in the pantry is woven inextricably to their mistaken supposition that Cesar had to have shot not only Kennedy, but Weisel and Goldstein too, since the three bullets the panel examined matched each other. The authors suggest that Cesar was firing almost by reflex, without even realizing he was firing. While I feel that argument strains credulity on the face of it, it’s also completely unnecessary if Cesar did not, in fact, shoot Weisel or Goldstein. And there is no evidence that he did, once you discount the seemingly irrelevant conclusions of the Wenke Panel.

    Without the Wenke Panel’s limitations, you have a much more plausible scenario: Cesar fired the shots that hit Kennedy and probably at least one that entered the ceiling tiles, as all of the four shots that hit Kennedy were from a distance of one to four inches (the neck bullet having entered from a distance not greater than one and a half inches) and in a back-to-front direction. In addition, all the shots were at an upward angle, and in two cases, very steep upward angles, so whoever made those shots may well have missed and hit the ceiling instead. If that was the case, it would match Van Praag’s analysis showing five shots that didn’t match a separate eight shots.

    Another part of the ballistics discussion focuses on the cannelure issue. Cannelures are ring-like groove markings on bullets. Different bullet types from different manufacturers have different numbers of cannelures. If bullets with different cannelures were found in the pantry, that would be good evidence of a second gun, because a shooter typically fills a gun from a single box of bullets, so the bullets found in the pantry should have all had the same cannelures if they all came from the same person.

    In 1974, a panel at the American Academy of Forensic Sciences discussed Ted Charach’s film “The Second Gun” and Pasadena criminalist Bill Harper’s photographs of the bullets. Harper’s photos showed a different number of cannelures between the Kennedy bullet and the Weisel bullet, indicating two different guns were likely used.

    Lowell Bradford, the expert CBS picked to join the Wenke Panel, concluded after examining the bullets presented to the Wenke Panel that the bullets did have the same number of cannelures, and that this was detectable in color photos and by direct examination, but not detectable from the black and white photos Harper had used. But what we don’t know is, which bullets did Harper originally photograph? If Harper was given the actual bullets to photograph, and we know that Bradford was given substitutions, it’s possible both were correct, but were looking at different bullets. In other words, I think Harper’s conclusions should stand unless disproven by an examination of the actual bullets from the pantry, not the ones Bradford examined as part of the Wenke Panel.

    As I noted, the ballistics discussion is both the best and worst part of the book. The worst parts are those that rely on the Wenke Panel’s findings, which, for reasons stated above, appear irrelevant. But it’s also the best section because authors present a great deal of information showing Dwayne Wolfer’s mishandling of the evidence in careful detail.

    The authors also did a fine job on the witness section. They present a table showing the closest witnesses, and their estimates of where Sirhan’s gun was relative to Kennedy, and the LAPD’s conclusions that each of those witnesses were wrong, because if even one of them was right, that meant Sirhan didn’t kill Kennedy, and that was clearly an untenable position for the LAPD to take.

    The book is also filled with interesting personal accounts, primarily from Bob Joling, as he had followed this case with great diligence for many years, and knew many researchers. For example, Joling describes how he worked with Lowell Bradford and Dr. Mike Hecker, who had analyzed the famous “Nixon tapes” to examine three other audio tapes made in the pantry. Hecker concluded the tapes showed conclusively there were ten shots fired. Joling thought this was solid evidence, and had Hecker sign an affidavit to that effect. But then they found out that these tapes were not made simultaneously, and all of them started immediately after the shots were fired. Hecker then rescinded his identification of the sounds as gun shots.

    Ironically, Joling’s experience of having once been burned didn’t make him twice shy when it came working with Van Praag. And that’s my only fear. While Van Praag’s work seems logical, I’m no sound expert, and I do not feel I am personally in any position to judge the veracity of his analysis. It sure fits into the story as we know it so far. It would make sense if it were true.

    The book is certainly easy to read, and clearly presented. So long as you understand that some of the material is incorrect (such as the girl wearing a black dress with white polka dots) and outdated (anything gleaned from the Wenke Panel bullet comparisons), there is still much to recommend here.

    One final caveat: the book makes reference to a DVD and lists items which can be found on the DVD. But the book being sold currently does not come with a DVD, because the rights to some of the video clips they wanted to use were too expensive to make distributing the DVD feasible. So just know that if you get the book, you will not, as of this review, get the DVD with it.

  • Gunrunner Ruby and the CIA


    From the July-August, 1995 issue (Vol. 2 No. 5) of Probe


    It’s not as if they didn’t know. Assistant counsels to the Warren Commission Burt Griffin and Leon Hubert wrote, in a memo to the Warren Commission members dated March 20, 1964, that “the most promising links between Jack Ruby and the assassination of President Kennedy are established through underworld figures and anti-Castro Cubans, and extreme right-wing Americans.” 1 Two months later, Griffin and Hubert wrote another memo to the Commission, significantly titled “Adequacy of the Ruby Investigation” in which they warned, “We believe that a reasonable possibility exists that Ruby has maintained a close interest in Cuban affairs to the extent necessary to participate in gun sales or smuggling.”

    They’re going to find out about Cuba. They’re going to find out about the guns, find out about New Orleans, find out about everything.”

    Ruby had talked about it himself while in jail, reportedly telling a friend, “They’re going to find out about Cuba. They’re going to find out about the guns, find out about New Orleans, find out about everything.” 2 Tales of Ruby running guns to Cuba abounded in the FBI reports taken in the first weeks after the assassination, yet neither the Warren Commission nor the House Select Committee pursued those leads very far. Griffin and Hubert expressed concern over this, saying that “neither Oswald’s Cuban interests in Dallas nor Ruby’s Cuban activities have been adequately explored.” 3

    If They Dared

    Hubert and Griffin expressed in their memo of May 14 to Rankin that “we believe that the possibility exists, based on evidence already available, that Ruby was involved in illegal dealings with Cuban elements who might have had contact with Oswald. The existence of such dealings can only be surmised since the present investigation has not focused on that area.” 4 They expressed concern that “Ruby had time to engage in susbtantial activities in addition to the management of his Clubs” and that “Ruby has always been a person who looked for money-making ‘sidelines’.” They even suggested that since the Fort Worth manufacturer of the famous “Twist Board” Ruby was demonstrating the night after the assassination had no known sales, and was manufactured by an oil field equipment company, that “[t]he possibility remains that the ‘twist board’ was a front for some other illegal enterprise.” But what Griffin and Hubert kept coming back to is that there was “much evidence” that Ruby “was interested in Cuban matters, citing his relationship to Louis McWillie; his attempted sale of jeeps to Castro, his reported attendance of meetings “in connection with the sale of arms to Cubans and the smuggling out of refugees”; and Ruby’s quick correction of Wade’s remark that Oswald was a member of the Free Cuba Committee, a group populated with such notables as Clare Booth Luce, Admiral Arleigh Burke, and Hal Hendrix. “Bits of evidence link Ruby to others who may have been interested in Cuban affairs.”

    What was their recommendation, based on such tantalizing evidence? “We suggest that these matters cannot be left ‘hanging in the air.’ They must either be explored further or a firm decision must be made not to do so supported by stated reasons for the decision.” History has given us the commission’s decision on this, but a clue to the motivation shows up in this same memo, in regards to Seth Kantor, who claimed to have seen Ruby at Parkland hospital around the time of Kennedy’s death. “We must decide who is telling the truth, for there would be considerable significance if it would be concluded that Ruby is lying.” [emphasis added] The concern was not what the truth was, but what the truth might mean if it was uncomfortably discovered.

    Ruby was lying, and the implications are enormous.

    Cuban Excursions

    Ruby had told the Warren Commission he had only been to Cuba once, on vacation, for a week to ten days. Not true. According to Cuban travel records, Jack Ruby entered Cuba from New Orleans on August 8, 1959; left Cuba September 11, 1959; re-entered Cuba from Miami on September 12, 1959; and returned from Cuba to New Orleans on September 13, 1959. 5 But bank records 6, Dallas police records 7, and FBI records 8 showed Ruby in Dallas August 10, 21, 31, and September 4, days which fall right in the middle of his supposedly continuous stay in Cuba. Somehow, Ruby was getting in and out of Cuba without the Cuban authorities detecting and recording such. Why was Ruby making multiple excursions to Cuba during this time? What were the nature of these visits and why did he choose to hide them?

    The reticence of investigative bodies to investigate these matters make sense when one realizes that Jack Ruby was not going to Cuba on pleasure trips. The Warren Report tells of an incident in early 1959 where Ruby made “preliminary inquiries, as a middleman, concerning the possible sale to Cuba of some surplus jeeps located in Shreveport, La., and asked about the possible release of prisoners from a Cuban prison.” 9 Ruby’s sister indicated the jeeps might have been military surplus from W.W.II. 10 Both the story of the jeeps and the story of the prisoners tie Ruby to some interesting Cuban activities.

    A Whole Lot of Jeeps

    Texas gunrunner Robert McKeown said Ruby “had a whole lot of jeeps he wanted to get to Castro.” Ruby wanted McKeown to write a personal letter of introduction to Castro for Ruby so he could talk to Castro about releasing some unnamed friends detained in Havana. 11

    At that time, Santo Trafficante was being held at the Trescornia detention center in Cuba. Was Ruby instrumental in winning Trafficante’s release at that time? John Wilson Hudson (a.k.a. John Wilson), an English journalist supposedly detained with Trafficante in the camp, indicated that Ruby came to see Trafficante in Trescornia. 12 After Ruby shot Oswald, according to CIA cables, Wilson contacted the American Embassy and reported that “an American gangster called Santo…was visited by an American gangster type named Ruby.” 13 If Ruby was trying to sell jeeps to Castro, as McKeown said, was this an arms-for-hostages type deal? Get Castro the jeeps and get Trafficante out of jail? Recent events remind us this certainly wouldn’t have been the only such effort in history. Trafficante was released from the detention center in August, 1959, 14 possibly just after Ruby’s appearance there.

    Questioning Trafficante

    Trafficante is a person often portrayed as one of Ruby’s mob contacts. But Trafficante was one of the “gangsters” who participated in the CIA’s Castro assassination attempts, according to the CIA Inspector General’s report. Key to understanding the seriousness of defining Trafficante’s relationship with Ruby are the questions originally put to him before Blakey took over the HSCA, by then-chief counsel Richard Sprague. 15 To all of the following, Trafficante’s response was, “I respectfully refuse to answer that question pursuant to my constitutional rights under the 1st, 4th, 5th, and 14th amendments.” This is the legal outlet allowed when a truthful answer will be self-incriminating, and Trafficante used it throughout.

    The first question out of Sprague’s mouth is probably indicative of why he was eventually ousted – he had a habit of getting right to the point:

    “Mr. Trafficante, have you at any time been an employee, a contract employee, or in any manner been in the service of the Central Intelligence Agency, or any other agency of the Federal Government of the United States?”

    The rest of the questions followed in a similar vein:

    “Mr. Trafficante, did you know John Rosselli?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, did you know Sam Giancana?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, do you know Robert Maheu?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, prior to November 22, 1963, did you have information that President Kennedy was going to be assassinated?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, prior to November 22, 1963, did you advise other people of the assassination of President Kennedy?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, prior to November 22, 1963, did you know Jack Ruby?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, have you ever met with representatives of the Central Intelligence Agency to discuss the assassination of various world leaders, including Fidel Castro?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, is any agency of the U.S. Government giving you any immunity with regard to any plans to assassinate any world leaders?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, did you ever discuss with any individual plans to assassinate President Kennedy prior to his assassination?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, while you were in prison in Cuba, were you visited by Jack Ruby?”

    When the questions were opened to the others present, more questions followed in the same vein. Note: no one was asking questions about Trafficante’s mob involvement. They were interested in his ties to the government:

    “Mr. Trafficante, as a result of your appearance here today, have you been threatened by anyone, any group or agency? Has your life been threatened in any way?”
    “Mr. Trafficante, have you been contacted by any agency in the executive branch, say the CIA or FBI, in connection with your possible testimony before or after you received formal subpena to appear before this committee?”

    Trafficante’s involvement with the CIA and Ruby bear further scrutiny. The Review Board should be asked to release all CIA and FBI files on Santo Trafficante.

    The story of Jack Ruby getting Trafficante out of a Cuban jail was not the only such allegation. There is another allegation from a different source that Ruby was involved in some guns for hostages deal.

    Nancy Perrin Rich told the Warren Commission a fascinating story about a group running Enfield rifles to Castro in order to run refugees out of Cuba to Florida. The guns were to be run through Mexico. Ruby was evidently the bagman for this group, since his appearance on at least one occasion made the cries about lack of money disappear when he walked in. 16

    Nancy Perrin Rich’s story is perhaps the most widely retold of Ruby’s gunrunning episodes. But there are a number of other odd stories that bear dissemination, some with more substantiation than others. There are the new Elrod revelations that put Ruby in the middle of yet another gunrunning scenario. 17 And there is a story from Islamorada, Florida that leads to interesting places.

    Jack and James

    Mrs. Mary Thompson met a man named “Jack” accompanied by a women, not his wife, named “Isabel” at the home of Mary Lou and James Woodard in Islamorada, Florida. 18 At the time, Mary Thompson was accompanied by her daughter Dolores and Dolores’s husband. Jack was said to be from Chicago originally. Mrs. Thompson placed the date of this encounter around the end of May of 1958. Interestingly enough, she said Jack’s first real name was Leon but went by Jack. Jack Ruby’s middle name was Leon.

    Mary Lou Woodard said Jack had a trunk full of guns he was going to supply to Cubans. Mary Thompson stated she’d been told there were supplies of guns hidden in the marshes that were being collected by the Indians in the area to be sold to the Cubans, as this was around the time of the Cuban revolution. Mary Thompson’s daughter Dolores also saw and described this same Jack, as did Mrs. W. R. Simons.

    Dolores recalled that her husband’s friend James Woodard, while drunk one night, declared he would run guns to Cuba with Jack. Woodard had two or three guns of his own but said Jack had a lot more. When shown a photo of Jack Ruby she said it resembled the man she remembered, although she didn’t remember his last name as being “Ruby.”

    A check of the Knoxville FBI files showed that James Woodard was considered “armed and dangerous”, packed a weapon, and had a violent temper when drinking. Interviewed by the FBI in September of 1963, Woodard “in somewhat rambling and incoherent manner” talked of his participation in an invasion of Cuba prior to the Castro regime, that he had again participated in the Bay of Pigs and had furnished ammunition and dynamite to both Castro and the Cuban exile forces. On October 8, 1963, Woodard was questioned again, this time concerning dynamite found at his residence in South Dade County, Florida, as the dynamite had been stolen from a construction company. He claimed the dynamite was being used by Cuban exile forces fighting the Castro regime.

    After the assassination, James Woodard’s sister said James had been in Texas a lot, and that she had asked James if he ever knew Ruby. He said no, but then promptly disappeared and hadn’t been seen since November 25, 1963. If he truly had been running guns with Ruby to the CIA-sponsored Cuban exile forces, one can surely imagine a hefty motive for his sudden disappearance after Ruby appeared on the public scene by shooting Oswald. Woodard is another person whose records the Review Board should look into to shed light on Ruby’s contacts with Cubans and gunrunning.

    Perhaps Ruby was concerned enough to hide his activities not so much because he was running guns, but because of who he was running them for, and with.

    By far the most interesting account of Ruby’s gunrunning is found in an FBI report taken a week after the assassination. Informant “T-2” (Blaney Mack Johnson) revealed that in the early 1950s a man he knew then as “Rubenstein” arranged illegal flights of weapons to the Castro organization in Cuba. He added that Rubenstein “left Miami and purchased a substantial share in a Havana gaming house in which one ColLIS PRIO (phonetic) was principal owner.” 19 One recognizes the name Carlos Prio Soccaras, especially when T-2 linked “ColLIS” to Batista. In the early 50s Prio was a supporter of the Batista regime under which he had grown exceedingly wealthy, but in the mid to late 50s Prio worked hand in hand with Castro, aided by the CIA, to overthrow the increasingly difficult Batista.

    In a letter to Lee Rankin of the Warren Commission, Hoover had this to say of the ongoing (since 1952) investigation of Dr. Carlos Prio Socarras, a.k.a. Carlos Prio: “The neutrality and registration act investigation related primarily to the activities of Carlos Prio Socarras, who, with a number of others including McKeown, was involved in a conspiracy to ship arms, munitions, and other war materials to Fidel Castro to assist him in his efforts to overthrow the Batista regime in this investigation.” 20 In the attachment, the FBI had McKeown knowing Castro and Carlos Prio Socarras personally. As referenced earlier, McKeown was the one who revealed Ruby’s possible jeep deal and Ruby’s attempt to get friends released from Cuban detention. McKeown also said that Ruby came to him offering a large sum of money in return for a personal letter of introduction to Castro. 21

    Mysterious Mr. Browder

    But T-2’s account revealed possibly a contact of Ruby’s even more interesting than Prio. T-2 stated that the man he recognized as Ruby but knew formerly as Rubenstein was smuggling arms to Cuba with one Donald Edward Browder. T-2 went on to name three people who he said could corroborate his story: Joe Marrs of Marrs Aircraft whom Ruby contracted to make flights to Cuba; former Chief of Police in Hialeah, Florida Leslie Lewis, who would know of Ruby’s gunrunning and smuggling operations; and Clifton T. Bowes, Jr., formerly captain of National Airlines, Miami, for further corroboration.

    Joe Marrs worked for Eastern Airlines. He claimed he never flew for hire or transported goods. He knew Browder, but claimed he avoided Browder as he saw him as a shady promoter who was all talk about air transport plans but no money (an amusing revelation from a man who just a few words earlier had said he didn’t fly for hire.) 22

    Les Lewis, the former Chief of Police, denied knowing Jack Ruby and claimed to have “no knowledge whatsoever of persons flying weapons to Cuba.” A Hialeah Police Chief having no knowledge of persons flying weapons to Cuba in the fifties is a bit hard to believe. And of course, Lewis completely denied ever knowing a Donald Edward Browder. 23

    Clifton T. Bowes was sure he never knew a Jack Rubenstein and said he first heard of Ruby watching him on television. He did not know a Donald Edward Browder but did claim to know Blaney Mack Johnson, saying he understood Johnson was ill and had been hospitalized, was “highly imaginative” 24, the usual FBI line for an unwelcome witness.

    When the FBI collected these denials, they returned to Johnson. Johnson stuck tightly by his story and insisted all the information he had provided had been true and accurate. He also said he understood why Lewis, Marrs and Bowes would have lied to conceal their knowledge of and/or involvement in Ruby’s activities. And of course, Johnson replied he had never been hospitalized.

    Enter Eddie Browder. Eddie Browder testified before the House Select Committee on Assassinations in the 70s. 25 He was a former Lockheed test pilot who was serving a 25-year prison sentence for “security violations.” He told the committee he worked for the CIA. One time he had leased a B-25 bomber under the name of a non-existent company and flown it to Haiti a year after the Kennedy assassination. He cashed a check signed by George DeMohrenschildt’s Haitian business associate Clemard Charles, in the amount of $24,000. What’s interesting is that the HSCA used Browder’s testimony in the DeMohrenschildt section, not the Jack Ruby section. Is there a tie there linking DeMohrenschildt to Jack Ruby? Only three small “innocuous” reports of the more than 1000 pages the FBI has on Browder were released to the Warren Commission. 26 It’s time the remaining documents on Browder, including the full text of his executive session testimony before the HSCA, were released. Any Browder who used the Don Eduardo alias 27, worked with DeMohrenschildt, and ran guns with Ruby to Cuba is worthy of further study.

    (Continued in the following issue of Probe.)

    Notes

    1. George Michael Evica, And We Are All Mortal (University of Hartford, 1978), p. 161.
    2. Peter Dale Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK (University of California Press, Ltd, 1993), p. 179.
    3. Memorandum to J. Lee Rankin from Leon D. Hubert and Burt W. Griffin, May 14, 1964, p. 3.
    4. Memorandum to J. Lee Rankin from Leon D. Hubert and Burt W. Griffin, May 14, 1964, p. 4.
    5. HSCA, Vol. 5, pp. 197-198.
    6. HSCA, Vol. 5, p. 204. On page 205 Stokes said that Ruby was admitted to his box on August 20th, but the copy of the FBI report on the bank records on the previous page show both a typewritten date of August 21 and a handwritten note with the same date.
    7. Anthony Summers, Conspiracy (Paragon House paperback edition, 1989), p. 439.
    8. HSCA, Vol. 5, p. 221.
    9. Report of the Warren Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy (McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1964), p. 345.
    10. WC Vol. 26, p. 661, CE 3069.
    11. Summers, p. 437.
    12. Summers, p. 441.
    13. Summers, p. 440; HSCA Vol. 5, p. 365.
    14. HSCA, Vol. 5, p. 325.
    15. HSCA, Hearings March 16, 1977, pp.37-41.
    16. WC Vol. 14, pp. 349-350.
    17. For a lengthy treatment of Elrod, see the article by Ray and Mary La Fontaine, The Washington Post, 8/7/94, “The Fourth Tramp”.
    18. WC Vol. 26, p. 642-649.
    19. WC Vol. 26, p. 634, CE 3063.
    20. WC Vol. 26, p. 650, CE 3066.
    21. Summers, p. 437.
    22. WC Vol. 26, p. 639.
    23. WC Vol. 26, p. 639.
    24. WC Vol. 26, p. 640.
    25. Jim Marrs, Crossfire (Carrol & Graf, 1989), p. 284.
    26. Marrs, p. 392.
    27. Don Eduardo was a well known alias of E. Howard Hunt. But James McCord also used the name Don Eduardo. Jim Hougan, Secret Agenda (Random House, 1984), p. 80. Blaney Mack Johnson said Don Edward Browder was sometimes called “Don Eduardo.” WC Vol. 26, p. 642.
  • The Official Story: Oswald Joins the Marines

    The Official Story: Oswald Joins the Marines


    oswald joins marines

     

    Oswald: “I’m a Marxist-Leninist. I don’t enjoy discipline. I want to join Castro’s revolution. Oh, and did I mention I’m learning Russian?

    Recruiter: “Son, you’re just what this country needs. Welcome to the United States Marine Corps!

  • James Jesus Angleton and the Kennedy Assassination, Part 2


    From the September-October 2000 issue (Vol. 7 No. 6) of Probe


    Bobby knows so little about us. One night he began to talk of muffled suspicions and stifled half-certainties, and said to me, “I had my doubts about a few fellows in your agency, but I don’t anymore. I can trust John McCone and I asked him if they had killed my brother, and I asked him in a way that he couldn’t lie to me, and he said he had looked into it and they hadn’t. 

    I told that story to Hugh. You know how rarely he laughs aloud. He actually struck his thigh. “Yes,” he said, “McCone was just the man to ask.” 

    “What,” I asked him, “would you have answered?” 

    “I would have told Bobby that if the job was done properly, I would not be able to give a correct answer.” 

    – From Norman Mailer’s novel Harlot’s Ghost. (The character of Hugh Montague (Harlot) is based on James Angleton)


    The most consistently prominent players in the assassination saga continue to be James Jesus Angleton and his counterintelligence staff. They held a file on Oswald predating the assassination by at least three years. After the assassination, Angleton and his closest associate, Ray Rocca, served as the gateway between the Warren Commission and the CIA. If anyone was in a position to move Oswald around prior to the assassination and control the cover-up afterwards, it was Angleton.

    The key associates of Angleton who show up frequently in the Oswald/JFK assassination story are Raymond G. “The Rock” Rocca, Ann Egerter, Scotty Miler, and Birch O’Neal. Rocca had been with Angleton since his OSS days in Italy, and would control the Warren Commission’s relationship with the CIA. The latter three were members of the tiny CI/SIG unit. Egerter opened Oswald’s 201 file under the name “Lee Henry Oswald.” Scotty Miler controlled the watch list during the period when Oswald was placed on and taken off that list. Birch O’Neal controlled CI/SIG during the period of the building of Oswald’s strange 201 file.

    In Part I, we examined the likelihood that Oswald was directly involved with Angleton’s counterintelligence unit in the CIA. When queried about this, Anne Goodpasture, who played a role in the Mexico City aspects of Oswald’s story, did not deny a relationship between the two:

    Q: Have you had any reason to believe that…CI staff had any role in respect to Oswald prior to the assassination?

    A: I don’t know.1

    She was not asked if she had any knowledge, but if she had any “reason to believe.” If she truly had no reason to believe this, her only possible response would have been “no.” Her response indicates clearly that she does have some doubt about the matter, that she may indeed have had reason to believe this.

    Another group that shows up in a few places in the assassination story is Army intelligence. It is worth noting that, during the interim between the ending of the OSS and the formation of the CIA, Angleton served as a major in the Army and helped organize Army Intelligence’s efforts to track down German agents who were using false identity cards.2 Angleton was not one to lose a contact. Once made, he would continue to use contacts for life.

    Other CIA people who show up often in this story include David Atlee Phillips of the Western Hemisphere division, who worked with Bill Harvey and later Des Fitzgerald on Cuban operations; Win Scott and his “right-hand man” Anne Goodpasture from the Mexico City station; John Whitten (“Scelso”) of the Western Hemisphere, Division 3; Charlotte Bustos of the Mexico City desk at Headquarters; and Richard Helms and his deputy Thomas Karamessines, who play large roles in the pre- and post-assassination paper trail. We should also note that the entire Western Hemisphere was run by J. C. King, a man closely linked to Nelson Rockefeller. King himself had been involved in the CIA’s assassination plots involving Castro and Trujillo.3

    Interweaving Mexican Threads

    There are strange connections that link these various players. Shortly before the assassination, Oswald’s CI/SIG-held 201 file was transferred to the Mexico City Headquarters desk, responsible to John Whitten and supported by desk officer Charlotte Bustos. (Bustos is identified as Elsie Scaleti in the Lopez Report.4)

    Bustos, Ann Egerter of Angleton’s CI/SIG unit (the woman who opened the 201 file on “Lee Henry [sic] Oswald”), and Stephan Roll, Angleton’s CI liaison to the SR (Soviet Russia) division, drafted the two now infamous communications that cause much suspicion of the CIA’s involvement in the Kennedy assassination.5 Although the two communications were drafted at the same time, the cable to CIA in Mexico City describes Oswald as 5’10”, 165 pounds, with light brown hair; whereas the teletype to the State Department, Navy and the FBI describes Oswald as being approximately 35 years old, 6′ tall, with an athletic build and a receding hairline. Why would Angleton’s people be collaborating with the Mexico City desk officer to mislead other agencies within the government unless they were in some measure trying to hide or protect Oswald’s identity?

    Immediately following the assassination, Bustos allegedly found a photo of Oswald from the CIA’s Mexico City surveillance operations. Phil Agee, Joseph Burkholder Smith, Daniel Watson, and Joseph Piccolo, all CIA employees at some point, recalled hearing aboutóand in the latter two cases, actually viewingósuch a photo. According to Agee, Bustos found the photo within an hour or two of the President’s assassination. John Whitten said of Bustos that she had a “fantastic memory” and yet, like E. Howard Hunt, Bustos cannot recall what she was doing the day of the assassination.6 But Anne Goodpasture is the person who supplied the photo the CIA showed to the FBI as a possible picture of “Oswald”. (Curiously, Goodpasture said in an unsworn ARRB interview that headquarters refused to send a photo of Oswald to Mexico City, and she was never sure why.7 Of course we know from Oswald’s CIA file that indeed news clippings from his defection with his photo were present, so the CIA did have a photo of Oswald to share, and could also have easily obtained more had they asked the Navy or FBI.)

    If Bustos had found a photo, another question is raised. Was Bustos’ picture a true picture of Oswald? Or was it a picture of just another person who was not Oswald? If Bustos’ picture was of Oswald, for the CIA to have supplied Goodpasture’s “Mystery Man” photo in place of the real photo suggests a deliberate effort to deceive. In that case, Bustos’ picture would have to have been “disappeared” by the agency, lest the evidence of their deception come to light. And if Bustos’ picture was not Oswald but another man who looked like him, that also suggests a deliberate effort to deceive, as the picture was shown to at least two others within the CIA as evidence that Oswald had been in Mexico City, a point which has never been fully proven. To date, the CIA has taken the only safe road available, claiming (despite multiple accounts to the contrary) that no such picture was ever found.

    Anne Goodpasture told Jeremy Gunn of the ARRB that she had worked at one point during her CIA career for James Angleton as a counterintelligence officer, and that it was the CI group that sent her to Mexico City in 1957.8 Asked to explain the difference between CE (counterespionage) and CI (counterintelligence), Goodpasture replied, “Counterespionage was the activity and Counterintelligence was the product.”9

    From Mexico, Goodpasture had worked on the case of Rudolph Abel,10 a Soviet agent working in New York City and curiously, living one apartment below famed author, FPCC activist and latter-day CIA apologist Norman Mailer.11 Angleton said of Goodpasture, “I personally have had very little dealings with her but my men had had a lot of dealings with her. She was always in on very sensitive cases.”12 Goodpasture was also involved with Staff D, which was seriously involved with several coup attempts and assassination plots. To the ARRB, Goodpasture downplayed her involvement in Staff D, claiming that she was simply involved in duplicating and distributing materials.13 However, according to Angleton, Goodpasture was “very close” to Bill Harvey.14

    Goodpasture maintained that in 1963 her sole duty was to the Mexico City station and Win Scott.15 Goodpasture tells us that Win Scott was “very, very conservative. He was from Alabama and I think he was a supporter of George Wallace.”16

    Goodpasture was later to receive a career achievement award on the recommendation of David Atlee Phillips, who cited her for having discovered Oswald at the Cuban embassy. Goodpasture was responsible for delivering the “deep snow”17 photo of the Mexico “Mystery Man”. Significantly for our purposes, Goodpasture was also the liaison and in most cases, the sole point of contact, outside of Win Scott, David Phillips, and Scott’s deputy, Alan White, to the other agencies of the U.S. government regarding the Mexico City station’s CIA operations.18 And like too many others in this small cadre of CIA employees, Goodpasture has trouble remembering the moment of Kennedy’s assassination:

    I think I heard about it from a phone call from our outside person on the phone tap operation, and I believe it was around lunchtime when there weren’t too many people there and as they all filtered back in, there was office gossip, but I have tried to remember. I’ve heard so many people say I can remember, I was standing at the telephone or I was in the drugstore, or I was in church and I really don’t remember who all were there at the time. Dave Phillips said that someone from the military attaché’s office came up and told him about it and I don’t remember that….I don’t even remember him being in the station at that time.19

    According to Eddie Lopez, Goodpasture, in addition to her duties for Scott, ran all of David Phillips’ operations. When asked about Phillips’ politics, Goodpasture tells a story that remains redacted, a fact especially disturbing when one considers the whole purpose of the ARRB was to release previously classified materials, not to add to the secrets. But from the nature of the testimony around the redacted portion, we can gather that she is giving us some indication that Phillips was not the liberal he painted himself to be. The redaction ends with Goodpasture saying,

    …but there again, I hate for things like this to be published because there are 2,000 – over 2,000 books already been [sic] written. The thing that they are looking for is something of this type that they can put in the other book to come that will be just short of slander, and I feel that I shouldn’t really comment on the personalities for that reason. I don’t want my former co-workers or in Phillips’ case, his family, to think that I’m trying to project him as a personality that was a show-off or something other than the very sincere wonderful man that they feel that he is….20

    Phillips is the CIA man who most closely ties Angleton in the frequency of his appearance in the assassination story. Phillips appears to have been seen in the presence of Oswald by Antonio Veciana.21 And a “Mr. Phillips” who was running CIA operations against Cuba at a time when that was David Phillips’ job was seen by Gordon Novel in the presence of Guy Banister and Sergio Arcacha Smith, who were themselves in turn seen with Oswald. Oswald even rented an office in Banister’s building that had previously been rented by Sergio Arcacha Smith.22 When the HSCA investigators tracked down the many false “Castro did it” leads, they kept tracing back to assets run by Phillips.23 Dan Hardway, who had much documentation to support that allegation, told Gaeton Fonzi,

    I’m firmly convinced now that he ran the red herring, disinformation aspects of the plot. The thing that got him so nervous was when I started mentioning all the anti-Castro Cubans who were in reports filed with the FBI for the Warren Commission and every one of them had a tie I could trace back to him. That’s what got him very upset. He knew the whole thing could unravel.24

    Angleton was close friends with Win Scott and ran operations with him. Scott, in turn, was so close to Phillips that he recommended Phillips be his deputy in the Mexico City station while waiting for the next Deputy, Alan White, to arrive.25 Phillips, in turn, connects to JM/WAVE.26 JM/WAVE is another key component in the assassination story, because JM/WAVE trained assassins and participated in some of the plots against Castro. The line between Des FitzGerald’s Special Affairs Staff (the replacement for Harvey’s Task Force W) and the actions of JM/Wave is blurred. The weekend of the Kennedy assassination, John McCone’s executive assistant Walt Elder saw Fitzgerald, and FitzGerald told Elder he had met with Rolando Cubela. He did not tell him that he had given him a poison pen to be used against Castro, nor that he had pretended to be an emissary of Bobby Kennedy’s (Helms had told him not to worry, that he would approve that lie). No mention of assassination was made. But Elder had the distinct impression that FitzGerald was particularly upset that weekend. Evan Thomas, in his book The Very Best Men, painted the following scene:

    Elder was struck by FitzGerald’s clear discomfort. “Des was normally imperturbable, but he was very disturbed about his involvement.” The normally smooth operator was “shaking his head and wringing his hands. It was very uncharacteristic. That’s why I remember it so clearly,” Elder said in 1993. He thought FitzGerald was “distraught and overreacting.”

    Des Fitzgerald’s wife told author Evan Thomas that the first and last time she ever saw her husband break down in tears was when Oswald was shot by Jack Ruby. Her husband had been upset from the moment of the assassination, and sat silently, watching the news along with millions of others around the globe. When Jack Ruby performed his deed, Fitzgerald began to cry, and said, somewhat cryptically, “Now we’ll never know.”27 Thomas evidently thinks this has something to do with Cubela. But does it? Cubela later turned out to be a double agent. But when was that known? Was the CIA trying to provoke Castro, knowing Cubela was his agent and planning a plot with him? Was the CIA engaging in a true assassination plot, or a deception they could later refer to in Castro-did-it scenarios?

    Angleton’s Back Channel?

    If one was planning an assassination within CIA, wouldn’t it make sense to take some precautions as to what was communicated, and through what channels? We saw in Part I of this article how Bill Harvey stressed, “never use the word ‘assassination’” and that nothing should be put on paper. But some communications need to transpire nonetheless to pull an operation of that scale off. According to Anne Goodpasture, Angleton had a back channel to Mexico City, and possibly other stations as well:

    Q: Could you describe the different kinds of channels of communication that Mexico City had with CIA headquarters, and by that I mean cables, dispatches and that sort of thing, if you needóif Mexico City station needed to communicate with headquarters, what would be the different methods that could be done?

    A: Well, there would be cables, there would be dispatches, there would be intelligence reports, there would be attachments, I can’t think of anything else.

    Q: For cable communications, was there more than one channel of cables used by CIA to go to headquarters?

    A: I can’t really answer that but I think there was what they call back channel [sic], but I don’t know the details of it. There again Mr. [Alan] White [, Scott’s deputy in the Mexico City station] would be the more knowledgeable on that than I am or someone from communications.

    Q: Have you heard, for example, that CI may have had a back channel, not just in Mexico City but in other stations as well?

    A: Well, there’s gossip that I think I have seen or have heard or I don’t think I dreamed it, that they discussed things through the back channel, but I’m not sure what that was. You might checkóMr. Helms would be the person who would know.28

    So Angleton appeared to have a private channel he could use with Scott and presumably other areas around the world to communicate traffic too sensitive to be seen even by other sworn CIA operatives. And Helms knew about these.

    The rest of this article can be found in The Assassinations, edited by Jim DiEugenio and Lisa Pease.

    Notes

    1. Anne Goodpasture ARRB Deposition, December 15, 1995, p. 90.

    2. Tom Mangold, Cold Warrior (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1991), p. 41.

    3. Gerard Colby and Charlotte Dennett, Thy Will Be Done (New York: HarperCollins, 1995), pp. 325, 348, 354, 738-740.

    4. Compare the Mexico City Report by Eddie Lopez and Dan Hardway (hereafter called the Lopez Report), p. 109, with the quote from the deposition of “Scelso”, now known to be John Whitten (hereafter known as the Whitten deposition), p. 31. In both she is described as “sort of the Major Domo of the Branch.”

    5. Bustos’ involvement is related in the Lopez Report, and Roll’s involvement is revealed in John Newman, Oswald and the CIA (New York: Carroll & Graf, 1995). Egerter’s involvement is noted in both.

    6. See “Who’s Running the Country” by Lisa Pease in the Vol. 4 No. 2 (Jan-February, 1997) issue of Probe for sourcing. The allegation and investigation of Bustos’ photo is investigated in the Lopez Report.

    7. Anne Goodpasture ARRB Interview (unsworn, not her deposition), April 23, 1998, p. 9.

    8. Goodpasture ARRB Deposition, pp. 9, 10.

    9. Goodpasture ARRB deposition, p. 12.

    10. Goodpasture ARRB deposition, p. 37.

    11. Mark Riebling, Wedge (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1994), p. 145-146.

    12. James Angleton HSCA deposition, October 5, 1978, p. 157.

    13. Goodpasture ARRB deposition, pp. 13, 15.

    14. Angleton HSCA deposition, p. 157.

    15. Goodpasture ARRB deposition, p. 22.

    16. Goodpasture ARRB deposition, p. 57.

    17. “Deep snow” was the term given to this photo by David Phillip’s friend, the FBI Legal AttachÈ in Mexico City, Clark Anderson. See the FBI memo from SA W. R. Heitman to SAIC, Dallas, dated 11/22/63 (released in 1994).

    18. Goodpasture ARRB Deposition, pp. 19-20.

    19. Goodpasture ARRB Deposition, p. 28.

    20. Goodpasture ARRB deposition, p. 59.

    21. See Gaeton Fonzi, The Last Investigation (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1993) (much of the book is devoted to this topic), and Anthony Summers, Not In Your Lifetime (New York: Marlowe & Company, 1998), pp. 370-371.

    22. Gordon Novel’s Playboy deposition.

    23. Fonzi, pp. 292-293.

    24. Fonzi, p. 293.

    25. Goodpasture ARRB deposition, p. 54.

    26. Goodpasture ARRB deposition, p. 54. Goodpasture confirmed that Phillips had liaison between Mexico City and JMWAVE.

    27. Evan Thomas, The Very Best Men (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995), p. 308.

    28. Goodpasture ARRB deposition, pp. 39-40.

  • James Jesus Angleton and the Kennedy Assassination, Part 1


    From the July-August 2000 issue (Vol. 7 No. 5) of Probe


    “[I]f intelligence-gathering agencies are as necessary as I believe them to be, then they must repay our blind trust and acknowledge that there may always be moments in all secret organizations when tyranny manages to slip its leash. “This was one of those occasions.”1


    August 12, 1990, was a very big day for Susan Hendrickson. While looking at a cliff in South Dakota, she saw something no one else had noticed before. Where others had seen only a sheer wall of rock, she thought she saw something more special. In the wall of a cliff, she found the outline of a skeleton that proved to be of enormous importance. The skeleton this amateur paleontologist discovered now bears her name, Sue, in Chicago’s Field Museum, and is the largest and most complete skeleton of a Tyrannosaurus rex ever found. From an outline, Sue helped reconstruct the past.

    After a succession of ever more interesting file releases from the National Archives regarding the Kennedy assassination, it’s time we started recognizing the outline of one of the biggest skeletons in our national closet, the outline of the Kennedy assassination conspiracy. Each new release fits into one cohesive picture. And no single figure is more prominent in this outline than the man who headed the CIA’s counterintelligence unit for 25 years, James Jesus Angleton. It was in his realm that a secret, restricted file on a man named Lee Oswald was opened, long before the assassination. History professor and former intelligence analyst John Newman has deemed this curious item “the smoking file” because the lies related to it are so serious as to suggest the CIA had much to do with Oswald’s activities just prior to the assassination of President Kennedy, something the CIA has consistently denied. What was the nature of that involvement and how far did it reach? One cannot answer that without examining the near omnipresence of Angleton in all matters surrounding the assassination. Over this two-part series, we will explore how Angleton and his associates are present at every twist and turn in this case, both before the assassination and after.

    Background

    James Jesus Angleton was the son of James Hugh Angleton, an NCR executive who had once participated in General Pershing’s pursuit in Mexico of Pancho Villa, and Carmen Moreno, a Mexican woman. He grew up in Boise, Idaho and later Dayton, Ohio, where NCR was headquartered. At the age of fourteen, his family moved to Milan, Italy (where NCR manufactured cash registers). Angleton spent summers at British prep schools and Malvern College. He participated in international Boy Scout Jamboree events in Scotland, Hungary and Holland. Angleton biographer Tom Mangold indicates that when the Nazis took over the Boy Scouts in Germany, Angleton made friends with some anti-Nazi leaders and carried their letters back to the founder of the international Boy Scout movement in England. Both father and son would serve the OSS. Angleton’s father was described by Max Corvo, a top OSS officer in Italy, as “ultra-conservative, a sympathizer with Fascist officials. He certainly was not unfriendly with the Fascists.”2

    When he reached college age, Angleton attended Yale, where Angleton first showed a pension for staying up all night. Insomnia was to plague him most of his life. Although many who knew him described him as “brilliant,” Angleton’s record at Yale was undistinguished; during his junior and senior years he received two F’s and four D’s, and ended up withdrawing from another class relating to his major, English. But Angleton managed to impress teachers with his mysteriousness, his apparent maturity, and his self-assurance.

    Angleton took a serious interest in poetry and, with Reed Whittemore, co-edited the poetry magazine Furiouso, which included poems by e e cummings and Ezra Pound, among other notables. Because of his interest in this area, he was to be called by some the “Poet-Spy.”

    After graduating in the lowest 25% of his class, Angleton enrolled at Harvard Law School. According to Mangold, “Angleton’s move to Harvard was not the consequence of any strong ambition to study law. Rather, like many young men at the time, he was putting his future on hold.” During his Harvard period, Angleton met and married his wife, Cicely D’Autremont. The marriage took place a few weeks after Angleton had been drafted into the Army. Shortly thereafter, through the combined efforts of his OSS father, and his former Yale English professor Norman Pearson, then heading up the OSS Counterintelligence effort in London, Angleton was transferred to London to study Italian matters for X-2, the OSS counterintelligence component.

    It was during this period that Angleton met Kim Philby, the man who would become every counterintelligence officer’s nightmare. Philby rose to a position of great influence in the British intelligence service, until he was finally exposed as a Soviet agent and fled behind the Iron Curtain. Angleton was devastated by this, despite having been warned by Bill Harvey at an early time that Philby looked like a mole.

    In October of 1944, Angleton was transferred to Rome as commanding officer of Special Counterintelligence Unit Z, a joint American-British detachment. Less than half a year later, Angleton was made the Chief of X-2 in Italy. He was the youngest X-2 chief across OSS. His staff included Raymond G. Rocca, who would loyally serve by his side until Angleton’s ouster from the CIA in 1974.

    While he was clearly an accomplished counterintelligence expert by this time, there was another aspect which deserves mention. In his book The Real Spy World, longtime CIA officer Miles Copeland describes, through a slightly fictionalized veil in which he calls Angleton by the false nickname “Mother,” a different story. For background, SI, referenced within, was, according to Copeland, an OSS division which X-2 officers held in contempt. According to Copeland:

    In 1946, an X-2 officer known within the organization as “Mother” took a lot of information on Palestine from The New York Times; spooked it up a bit with fabricated details, places, and claims of supersecret sources; and sent it to the head of SI, Stephen Penrose, for appraisal. After studying it carefully, Penrose and his assistants decided that the material was “genuine,” that its source must be very deep inside secret Zionist and Arab terrorist groups, and that arrangements should be made for developing the sources into a regular espionage network. Mother then negotiated with Penrose for a budget, meanwhile leading the SI officers through a maze of fake names, fake background reports, and the like, and finally established that SI would be willing to pay as much as $100,000 a year out of what was left of OSS funds. Mother then confessed that the whole thing was a hoax and that the information could have been acquired for 25 cents through the purchase of five issues of The New York Times.3

    In other words, Angleton’s activities, however successful, were not limited to acts of loyalty to his fellow intelligence compatriots, but could occasionally be directed to more personal, vindictive measures. Copeland paints this as a jolly escapade. But in his footnotes, he admits that Penrose, against whom this operation was conducted, suffered a near-breakdown as a result, and was transferred to less stressful jobs. “[Penrose] and various other top people in SI (with a few conspicuous exceptions, such as Richard Helms, who defected to X-2 and went on to become the CIA’s director) were generally thought to be ëtoo Christ-like for the spy business,’ as Mother put it.”4 Copeland, by the way, was one of twenty-five OSS officers Angleton wanted to remember in his 1949 will. Others included Allen Dulles, “the operator, the patriot;” Richard Helms; and Ray Rocca.5

    After the war, Angleton did not wish to return to his new wife, nor his son, born in his absence, and chose instead to remain in action in Europe. X-2 was folded into the Strategic Services Unit (SSU), ostensibly a War Department unit and a temporary holding place for the then defunct OSS.

    Two years after the war, Angleton would return stateside to his wife and son to work for the amalgam of temporary intelligence agencies that would eventually become the CIA. There, he would achieve notoriety for his late hours, and for being, as his secretary Gloria Loomis related, “a terrible taskmaster.”6

    The SSU and other remaining intelligence units evolved over time into two separate pieces ñ the Office of Special Operations (OSO), and the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC). Richard Helms served with Angleton and Rocca in the OSO. Stewart Alsop, in his book The Center, the “Prudent Professionals,” labeled the OSO people the “Prudent Professionals.” Alsop called the OPC crowd the “Bold Easterners.” The OPC included Frank Wisner, Richard Bissell, Edward Lansdale, Desmond Fitzgerald and Tracy Barnes.

    In Italy, 1947, Angleton participated in an OSO operation given to a group called SPG, or Special Procedures Group, in which propaganda and other means were used to keep the Italians from voting any Communists into office.7 Other means included the Mafia. “Wild Bill” Donovan, founder of the OSS, helped release “Lucky” Luciano and other Mafia criminals from jail in New York so they could return to Italy and provide not only contacts, but if necessary, the strong-arm tactics needed to win the war against incipient Communism in Italy. Angleton’s later reported contacts with the Mob may well stem back to this period.

    One of the groups most interested in defeating the communists in Italy was, not surprisingly, the Vatican. Angleton both gave and received intelligence to and from the Vatican. Among Angleton’s most famous agents in Italy was Mons Giovanni Montini. Montini would become famous in 1963 when he became Pope Paul VI.8 Angleton has been named as a source for funds which were used to defeat the Communists. In return, evidently, Angleton obtained access to the Ratlines the Vatican was using to move people out of Europe to safety abroad. Angleton and others from the State Department used the Ratlines to ferry Nazis to South America.9

    The OPC crowd held enormous sway in the early days of the CIA, but that changed in the wake of the spectacular failure at the Bay of Pigs. Curiously, Richard Helms and Angleton both saw their careers rise by standing on the sidelines and keeping free of all dealings related to the Bay of Pigs.

    Angleton made an interesting comment about the Bay of Pigs episode. He told the HSCA that before the Bay of Pigs, he had asked Bissell, “Do you have an escape hatch?” He asked Bissell most plainly, “In case the thing falls flat on its face is there someone who goes to Castro and says, ëyou have won the battle. What is your price?’” Angleton explained to the HSCA that he was trying to say, “have you planned for the failure as much as planned for the success?” The implication was that this was Angleton’s own modus operandi in such matters.10 We would do well to remember that statement in the context of the Kennedy assassination and cover-up.

    During the period between the end of the war and the formation of the CIA, William “Wild Bill” Donovan, the establishment lawyer who created the OSS, lobbied long and hard for a single intelligence agency to pick up where the OSS had left off, running secret operations and gathering human intelligence or “humint” in new and creative ways. In the end, although Donovan would not be a part of it, the Central Intelligence Agency or CIA was ultimately formed through the National Security Act of 1947.

    Before the CIA was created, many in Congress feared that the creation of a new intelligence agency would lead to a police state similar to the one they had just defeated in Germany, and refused to back Donovan’s efforts. But the loudest protest came from J. Edgar Hoover, who feared a direct encroachment upon the FBI’s turf. One could argue that the OSS people won because they made the better case. But there is another possibility here.

    Angleton, Hoover and Blackmail

    In Tony Summers’ book about J. Edgar Hoover, Official and Confidential, Summers showed that Meyer Lansky, a top Mob figure, had blackmail power over Hoover through possession of photos that showed Hoover and his lifelong friend and close associate Clyde Tolson together sexually. In the paperback edition of the same book, Summers introduced another figure who evidently had possession of such photos: James Angleton. If Angleton had such photos, imagine how he could have used them to force the FBI’s hand during the investigation of the Kennedy assassination.

    Summers names two sources for this allegation: former OSS officer John Weitz, and the curious Gordon Novel. Weitz claimed he had been showed the picture by the host of a dinner party in the fifties. “It was not a good picture and was clearly taken from some distance away, but it showed two men apparently engaged in homosexual activity. The host said the men were Hoover and Tolson ….” Summers added in the 1994 version, “Since first publication of this book, Weitz has revealed that his host was James Angleton.”11

    Novel’s account is even more interesting. Novel said that Angleton had shown him some photos of Hoover and Tolson in 1967, when Novel was involved in New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison’s case against Clay Shaw. “I asked him if they were fakes, ” Novel recounted, “but he said they were real, that they’d been taken with a special lens. They looked authentic to me ….” Novel’s explanation of why Angleton showed him the pictures is even more interesting:

    I was pursuing a lawsuit against Garrison, which Hoover wanted me to drop but which my contacts in the Johnson administration and at CIA wanted me to pursue. I’d been told I would incur Hoover’s wrath if I went ahead, but Angleton was demonstrating that Hoover was not invulnerable, that the Agency had enough power to make him come to heel. I had the impression that this was not the first time the sex pictures had been used. Angleton told me to go see Hoover and tell him I’d seen the sex photographs. Later, I went to the Mayflower Hotel and spoke to Hoover. He was with Tolson, sitting in the Rib Room. When I mentioned that I had seen the sex photographs, and that Angleton had sent me, Tolson nearly choked on his food.”12

    Now, Novel has been known to fell a few tall tales in his day. But he has on other occasions been forthcoming with interesting and sometimes self-incriminating material (such as his own participation in the Houma raid and the association between David Phillips and Guy Banister).13 Given Weitz’s corroboration, and given Angleton’s enormous power over many in high places, Novel’s account rings true. Novel added that Angleton claimed the photos had been taken around 1946.14 During the 1945-1947 timeframe, Hoover was battling hard to prevent the creation of any other intelligence organization separate from the FBI. And during this period, Angleton was involved with the Mafia in the Italian campaign. It’s certainly possible under such circumstances that Lansky or one of his associates may have shared the photos with Angleton. And the reverse case can also be considered.

    Miles Copeland adds additional credibility to this scenario in his account of this period. “Penetration begins at home,” Copeland has Angleton/”Mother” saying, “and if we can’t find out what’s going on in the offices where our future is being planned, we don’t deserve to be in business.”15 Copeland presented this scenario:

    There are several stories in the CIA’s secret annals to explain how the dispute was settled, but although they “make better history,” as Allen Dulles used to say, they are only half-truths and much less consistent with the ways of government than the true ones. Old-timers at the Agency swear that the anti-espionage people would almost certainly have won out had it not been for the fact that an Army colonel who had been assigned to the new management group charged with the job of organizing the new Agency suborned secretaries in the FBI, the State Department, and the Defense Department and organized them into an espionage network which proved not only the superiority of espionage over other forms of acquiring “humint” (i.e. intelligence on what specific human beings think and do in privacy), but the necessity for its being systemized and tightly controlled. The colonel was fired, as were the secretaries, but by that time General John Magruder, then head of the group that was organizing the CIA, had in his hands a strong argument for creating a professional espionage service and putting it under a single organization. Also, thanks to the secretaries and their Army spymaster, he had enough material to silence enemies of the new Agency – including even J. Edgar Hoover, since Magruder was among the very few top bureaucrats in Washington on whom Mr. Hoover didn’t have material for retaliation.16

    Is he saying what he appears to be saying? Copeland added, cryptically, “The success of the old SSU cadre (former OSS and future CIA officers) in perpetuating itself has been due in part to an extraordinary capacity for Byzantine intrigue ….” And in a footnote to this phrase, Copeland explains, still somewhat cryptically, “This intrigue was mainly to keep ëThe Hill’ off its back.” Copeland seems to be insinuating that more people than Hoover were blackmailed to ensure the creation and perpetuation of the CIA.

    David Wise also lends credence to such a scenario with this episode. Thomas Braden, a CIA media operative was confronted by Dulles over a remark Braden had about one of Dulles’ professional relationships. Wise recounted what followed:

    “You’d better watch out,” [Allen] Dulles warned him. “Jimmy’s got his eye on you.” Braden said he drew the obvious conclusion: James Angleton had bugged his bedroom and was picking up pillow talk between himself and his wife, Joan. But Braden said he was only mildly surprised at the incident, because Angleton was known to have bugs all over town.17

    Braden described how Angleton would enter Dulles’s office “first thing in the morning” to report the take from the overnight taps:

    “He used to delight Allen with stories of what happened at people’s dinner parties … Jim used to come into Allen’s office and Allen would say, ëHow’s the fishing? And Jim would say, ëWell, I got a few nibbles last night.’ It was all done in the guise of fishing talk.”18

    More to the point, Braden was upset because “some senator or representative might say something that might be of use to the Agency. I didn’t think that was right. I think Jim was amoral.”19 It would not be beyond belief that Angleton routinely used information gathered through clearly illegal taps to blackmail people into supporting his efforts. No wonder some of his Agency associates feared him.

    Indeed, just about everyone in the Agency who knew Angleton came to fear him and to avoid crossing his path. This extended from subordinates to some of the highest officials to serve the agency, including Allen Dulles and Richard Helms. Angleton was called “no-knock” because he had unprecedented access to senior agency officials. Said Braden,

    “He always came alone and had this aura of secrecy about him, something that made him stand out – even among other secretive CIA officers. In those days, there was a general CIA camaraderie, but Jim made himself exempt from this. He was a loner who worked alone.”20

    Angleton knew that knowledge was power, so not only would he go to extraordinary lengths to obtain such, he would also lord his knowledge over others, especially incoming CIA directors. Said one Angleton contemporary,

    “He would put each new director through the embarrassment of having to beg him to indoctrinate them in important CIA matters. Jim was enormously clever, he relished his bureaucratic power and was expert at using it. He was utterly contemptuous of the chain of command. He had a keen sense of what the traffic would bear in relation to his own interests. It worked like this: when a new director came in, Jim would stay in his own office out of sight. If a top staff meeting were requested, he simply wouldn’t attend and would offer endless delays. He was a master at waiting to see the new director alone – on his own terms and with his own agenda.”21

    Angleton’s most powerful patrons were Allen Dulles and Richard Helms. As biographer Tom Mangold described it,

    He was extended such trust by his supervisors that there was often a significant failure of executive control over his activities. The result was that his subsequent actions were performed without bureaucratic interference. The simple fact is that if Angleton wanted something done, it was done. He had the experience, the patronage, and the clout.22

    It wasn’t until William Colby, a longtime nemesis of Angleton’s, became the Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) that Angleton’s power was dimmed, and eventually extinguished. But it was a long time coming.

    Angleton and the CIA

    Before examining Angleton’s relationship with Oswald, it would be useful to understand Angleton’s relationship with the CIA. Angleton ran the Counterintelligence unit. The primary role of Counterintelligence is to protect agents from a foreign intelligence organization from uncovering CIA assets and operations. Another important role is the ability to disseminate disinformation to foreign intelligence services in an effort to create for them a false picture of reality, causing them to act in ways that may be ultimately against their own interests. In other words, Counterintelligence was a unit that conducted operations, not just research. For that reason, the CI staff resided inside the Directorate of Plans (DDP) and not on the analytical side of the agency.

    In addition to owning counterintelligence, Angleton also had control over the FBI’s relationship with the Agency (he owned the liaison relationship between FBI and CIA), and sole control of the Israeli desk, which included liaison with their intelligence service, the Mossad.

    In the early days of the agency, units were given single-letter identifiers of (at least) A-D instead of names. Staff A later became Foreign Intelligence; Staff B became Operations; Staff C became Counterintelligence ; and Staff D, which dealt with NSA intercept material, among other more notorious activities, apparently was never called anything other than Staff D.23

    From the agency’s inception until 1954, Staff C was run by William Harvey, a former FBI man who was to one day be introduced to President Kennedy as “America’s James Bond.” During this same period, Staff A was run by Angleton.

    After the publication of the Doolittle Report in 195424, Staff C, which then became simply Counterintelligence, was handed to Angleton. Harvey was given the coveted Berlin station, a vortex point for operations against the USSR.

    CI/SIG and Oswald

    Angleton’s complete counterintelligence empire employed over 200 people. Inside this large group was a small handful of Angleton’s most trusted and closed-mouthed associates, called the Special Investigations Group (SIG). According to Ann Egerter, in 1959, when Oswald defected to the Soviet Union, only “about four or five” people were part of SIG, which was headed by Birch D. O’Neal. SIG members included Ann Egerter, Newton “Scotty” Miler, and very few others. Miler was, as of 1955, “either the Deputy or one of the principle officers with O’Neal,” according to Angleton.25 O’Neal, Egerter and Miler all play interesting roles in this case.

    SIG is all-important in the case of the Kennedy assassination because, for whatever reason, SIG held a 201 file on Lee Oswald prior to the assassination. Both the Church Committee and HSCA investigators fixated quickly on this point, because it made no sense under the CIA’s scenario of their relationship (or, as they professed, non-relationship) with Oswald. What did SIG really do, and why would Oswald’s file have been there? Why wasn’t it opened when this ex-Marine (who had knowledge of the CIA’s top secret U-2 program) defected in 1959, telling embassy personnel he might have something of special interest to share with the Soviets? Why didn’t that set off alarm bells all over the place? Why was a 201 file on Oswald not opened for another year after that event? And why, when he returned to the States, did the CIA not debrief him? Or did they? These questions and more were adequately raised, to the HSCA’s credit, but not adequately answered by CIA.

    Let’s start with the first issue. What did SIG do? Angleton described the primary task of SIG to the Church committee in this fashion:

    The primary task was the penetration of the Agency and the government and historical penetration cases are recruitment of U.S. officials in positions, code clerks. It had a very tight filing system of its own, and it was the only component in counterintelligence that had access to the security files and the personnel maintained by the Office of Security.26

    The Office of Security’s primary role was to protect the CIA from harm. This involves monitoring the CIA’s own employees and assets to ensure that no one leaks data about the CIA, or betrays the CIA in any way. Because of the nature of what was done there, Office of Security files were the most closely guarded in the Agency. It is significant, therefore, that Angleton’s CI/SIG group had access to these files. It is also significant that the Office of Security also had a file on Oswald, and was running an operation against the FPCC at the time Oswald was attaching himself visibly to that organization.

    To the HSCA, Angleton gave a slightly enlarged definition:

    …it had many duties that had to do with other categories of sensitive cases involving Americans and other things which were not being handled by anybody else or just falling between the stools and so on.27

    Asked whether SIG’s charter would elucidate its operational mandate, Angleton replied,

    It would probably be in fairly camoflauged terms, yes. It was not a unit, however, whose duties were in other words, explained to people. I mean, in training school and do on it was very much fuzzed over if anyone was laying out the CI staff.28

    According to Angleton’s close associate Raymond G. Rocca, SIG

    …was set up to handle especially sensitive cases in the area of security or personnel and in particular, cases involving security of personnel who were also of operational interest, as operators.

    In other words, it was an interface with the Office of Security.29

    When asked what would cause CI/SIG to open a 201 file on someone, Rocca gave this answer:

    I would imagine that they would have had that occasion whenever a question arose that concerned people that came within the purview of the mission that I have described, namely, the penetration of our operations or the advancement of our particular interests with respect to the security of those operations …. I mean, there were many sensitive areas that involved aspects, that involved sources and access to materials that were of higher classification than what you have shown me.30

    When the conversation is brought around to Oswald in particular, Rocca’s answer is even more interesting:

    Rocca: Let me go back and open a little parenthesis about this. What I regard now, in the light of what you said, is probably a too narrow view of what SIG was interested in.

    They were also concerned with Americans as a security threat in a community-wide sense, and they dealt with FBI cases, with the Office of Security cases, and with other cases on the same level, as they dealt with our own, basically …. It would be with respect to where and what had happened to DDP materials with respect to a defection in any of these places.

    Goldsmith: Again, though, Oswald had nothing to do with the DDP at this time, at least apparently.

    Rocca: I’m not saying that. You said it. [Emphasis added.]31

    Rocca’s answer hangs out there, teasing us with ambiguity. Did Oswald have something to do with the Directorate of Plans, the DDP?

    The rest of this article can be found in The Assassinations, edited by Jim DiEugenio and Lisa Pease.

    Notes

    1. Tom Mangold, Cold Warrior / James Jesus Angleton: The CIA’s Master Spy Hunter (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1991), p. 10.

    2. Biographical data from Thomas Mangold, Cold Warrior, Chapter 2. This particular quote appears on page 33.

    3. Miles Copeland, The Real Spy War (London: First Sphere Books edition, 1978), pp. 41-42.

    4. Copeland, p. 42.

    5. Mangold, p. 45.

    6. Mangold, p. 44.

    7. Thomas Powers, The Man Who Kept the Secrtes: Richard Helms and the CIA (New York, Pocket Books ed., 1979), p. 35.

    8. Mark Aarons and John Loftus, Unholy Trinity (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1991), p. 89. There are several long passages about Angleton’s relationship with Montini, the ratlines, and the Vatican throughout the book. Montini became Pope after the 1963 death of the very liberal Pope John XXIII, about whom the movie The Shoes of the Fisherman was made.

    9. Aarons and Loftus, p. 237.

    10. Angleton, 10/5/78 HSCA deposition, p. 92.

    11. Anthony Summers, Official and Confidential (New York: Pocket Books ed., 1994), p. 280

    12. Summers, pp. 280-281

    13. Lisa Pease, “Novel & Company: Phillips, Banister, Arcacha and Ferrie,” Probe Vol. 4 No. 6 Sept-Oct 1997, p. 32.

    14. Summers, p. 281

    15. Copeland, p. 44.

    16. Copeland, p. 41.

    17. David Wise, Molehunt (New York: Avon Books ed., 1992), p. 31

    18. Wise, p. 32.

    19. Wise, p. 32.

    20. Mangold, p. 51

    21. Mangold, p. 52

    22. Mangold, p. 52

    23. Wise, p. 121.

    24. The Doolittle report contained this famous instruction: “If the United States is to survive, long-standing American concepts of ëfiar play’ must be reconsidered,” and “We must develop effective espionage and counterespionage services and must learn to subvert, sabotage and destroy our enemies by more clever, more sophisticated and more effective methods than those used against us.” Quoted in David Martin, Wilderness of Mirrors (New York: Harper and Row, 1980), p. 62.

    25. Angleton 9/17/75 Church Committee Deposition (hereafter Angleton 9/17/75 Deposition), p. 16.

    26. Angleton 9/17/75 Deposition, p. 17.

    27. Angleton HSCA Deposition, p. 146.

    28. Angleton HSCA Deposition, p. 146.

    29. HSCA Deposition of Raymond G. Rocca (hereafter Rocca HSCA Deposition), p. 206

    30. Rocca HSCA Deposition, p. 207.

    31. Rocca HSCA Deposition, p. 218

    32. HSCA Deposition of Ann Elizabeth Goldsborough Egerter (hereafter Egerter HSCA Deposition), p. 8.

    33. Egerter HSCA Deposition, p. 9.

    34. Egerter HSCA Deposition, pp. 9-10.

    35. Egerter HSCA Deposition, p. 10.

    36. Egerter HSCA Deposition, p. 25.

    37. Egerter HSCA Deposition, pp. 22-24.

    38. Egerter HSCA Deposition, pp. 43-44.

    39. Angleton 2/6/75 Church Committee Deposition (hereafter Angleton 2/6/75 Deposition), p. 21. Schweiker says, “We had a CIA employee who testified to us that he saw a contact report on Oswald over at Langley.”

    40. Angleton 2/6/75 Deposition, pp. 20-26

    41. The Eldon Henson story is documented in John Newman’s Oswald and the CIA (New York: Carroll & Graf, 1995). But a near identical episode is also described by David Atlee Phillips in his memoir, The Nightwatch (New York: Ballantine Books, 1977). Compare Phillips’ account, pp. 162-164 (paperback version), with Newman’s account, pp. 362-362. Then look at the document of this episode, published on page 507 of Newman’s book. Note that “[redacted] witnessed meeting from nearby table.” In his account, Phillips describes watching the trap his agent was setting for Hensen from a nearby table in a restaurant. According to the document, Hensen was speaking with Maria Luisa Calderon, a woman who appeared to perhaps have some foreknowledge of the assassination. (See Rocca HSCA Deposition, pp. 163-164.) Curiouser and curiouser.

    42. Newman, p. 32.

    43. Rocca HSCA deposition, p. 230.

    44. Angleton 9/17/75 Deposition, p. 30.

    45. Angleton 9/17/75 Deposition, p. 33.

    46. Reproductions of these cards can be seen in Newman, p. 479.

    47. Rocca HSCA deposition, pp. 226-227.

    48. Newman, pp. 221-222.

    49. Angleton 9/17/75 Deposition, p. 38 and p. 62. The project chief was John Mertz, and evidently Birch O’Neal was involved as well, (pp. 62, 64) but in Angleton’s words, “Mr. Miler … had the day to day work” and described Miler as the principal person to talk to about it. p. 120.

    50. Martin, p. 140.

    51. Egerter HSCA Deposition, p. 15

    52. Egerter HSCA Deposition, p. 30.

    53. Egerter HSCA Deposition, pp. 31-38.

    54. Rocca HSCA Deposition, p. 210.

    55. Rocca HSCA Depostion, p. 212.

    56. Philip Agee, Inside the Company: CIA Diary (New York: Bantam Books, 1989 ed.), p. 49.

    57. Letter from Sullivan to Belmont, dated May 13, 1964.

    58. Angleton 2/6/75 Deposition, pp. 34-38

    59. Joseph B. Smith, Portrait of a Cold Warrior (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1976), p. 397.

    60. Smith, p. 397.

    61. Harvey’s notes were uncovered by the Church Committee. Quotes here come from Martin, pp. 121-123.

    62. Wise, p. 121.

    63. Wise, p. 176.

    64. Powers, p. 107.

    65. Agee, p. 358.

    66. Bill Davy, Let Justice Be Done (Reston: Jordan Publishing, 1999), pp. 88-89 and Davy, “File Update”, Probe, Jan-Feb 2000, pp. 4-5.

    67. Davy, Let Justice Be Done, p. 88.

    68. For an example, read about the Loginov episode in Cold Warrior, Chapter 1.

    69. Wise, p. 69.

    70. HSCA Deposition of Scelso (John Whitten), p. 71.

    71. “Hunt says C.I.A. Had Assassin Unit,” New York Times 12/26/75, page 9, column 1.

    72. Mark Lane, Plausible Denial (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1991), p. 164.

    73. Martin, p. 34.

    74. Martin, p. 144.

    75. Angleton Deposition to the Church Committee, 6/19/75 (hereafter Angleton 6/19/76 Deposition), p. 87.

    76. Peter Wright, Spycatcher (New York: Dell, 1987), pp. 201-205.

    77. Angleton 6/19/75 Deposition, p. 84.

    78. Scelso/Whitten Deposition, p. 168-169.

    79. Rocca HSCA Deposition, pp. 8-9.

    80. Rocca HSCA Deposition, p. 9.

    81. RIF 104-10086-10003, date not readable, cable apparently from JMWAVE to the Mexico City Station.

    82. Cable 57610, from DIRECTOR to Mexico [ ] JMWAVE, dated 12 Nov 65. See p. 29 this issue.

    83. Agee, p. 319.

    84. Cable 58683, from DIRECTOR to MEXI, dated 16 Nov 65. See p. 29 this issue.