Author: James DiEugenio

  • Dean T. Hartwell, Dead Men Talking: Consequences of Government Lies


    How did it happen? How did this country get into the sorry state it is? America today is a place where presidential elections are stolen in broad daylight – and the Supreme Court then sanctions the thievery. Where a debacle like 9/11 takes place, and yet not a single person gets fired. A country where an administration can launch a phony war with Iraq – needlessly losing thousands of young men and women and countless billions in dollars – yet the Speaker of the House says that giant fraud was not grounds for impeachment. A country in which the Dow Jones Industrial Average has increased over 1,000% since 1972 – yet both the middle class and working class are worse off now than they were then. A country where a con artist like Bernie Madoff could actually rise to be president of NASDAQ. A nation whose politicians allow casino-like gouging on Wall Street, and then when the bubble bursts, the tax-payers bail out the looters to the tune of a trillion dollars. And they have to, because if they don’t their IRA’s, pensions, and annuities could disappear. It’s a country where the moderate Republican Party of Eisenhower became the extremism of Gingrich and DeLay. The US is a place where a right-wing foreign billionaire like Rupert Murdoch can convince a large part of the public that somehow his interests coincide with theirs. It’s a nation whose populace is so cowed and misinformed that they could consider a shallow frat boy like George Bush Jr. for president – not once, but twice. And then, when he cheats his way into office both times, the MSM actually tries to cover up for him. After all, the only price paid was the financial bankruptcy of the USA. A country, which, as conservative banker Charles Morris has written, is “hopelessly in hock to some of the world’s most unsavory regimes.” And part of that transfer of wealth was made possible by companies like the Carlyle Group, led by former “representatives of the people” like George Bush Sr., James Baker, and John Major.

    In other words, the USA today is a second-rate nation which veers violently from national scandal to senseless war back to national scandal. And the purveyors of neither the wars nor the scandals are ever actually called to account for their sins. Consequently, the cycle continues downward. With no real light at the end of the tunnel. When you can pull off a crime like what just happened on Wall Street, and make average Americans foot the bill – well, that should tell you what the USA has become: a giant ATM machine for the wealthy. Except in the end, you find out they had access to your account. And the politicians in Washington don’t really give a damn.

    How did things go so awry? To the point where, to use some appropriate hyperbole, America reminds some of the last scene of fire and smoke in Nathanael West‘s memorable apocalyptic novel The Day of the Locust. Many people are aware of the condition of course. Which is why alternative forms of media have arisen. Because, to put it mildly, the MSM has not done a very good job keeping the wolf from the door. In fact, many citizens think they helped the animal up their sidewalk.

    For me, alternative media has not been up to the task, at least not yet. As I have noted on this site, the likes of blogs like Firedoglake and Daily Kos and Talking Points Memo have been rather disappointing. For me, before a nation can deal with its present, it has to be able to face its past. Its real past. In other words, the public has to be made to understand the depth and breadth of the historical crimes in order to explain how, for instance, an administration can simultaneously fire eight US attorneys and lie about it before Congress. And the following Democratic administration chooses not to try any of the perjurers or the perpetrators. This is pretty much saying that the law is what the occupiers of the Department of Justice say it is. And in the case of Don Siegelman, Cyril Wecht, and others, new Attorney General Eric Holder replies, “Well, too bad, but I guess it was.”

    For those of us who recall a better America, this will not do. Therefore we have tried to give history back to the people in an honest and investigative way. We did it when Lisa Pease and myself published Probe bi-monthly. We tried to do it in our book, The Assassinations. And John Kelin and I do it here on this site, e.g., Roger Feinman’s fine essay on Sonia Sotomayor.

    Dean T. Hartwell has now made his contribution.

    His short book, Dead Men Talking, is subtitled Consequences of Government Lies. It is a concise attempt at what some people call revisionist history. Except that it stretches across the decades from 1963 to 2001, nearly forty years. The Assassinations, was also an attempt at revisionist history. But it only covered five years: 1963-68. It took in the murders of President Kennedy, Malcolm X, Martin Luther King, and Senator Robert Kennedy. We did that because we thought that by centering on those four people, we could concentrate on both one time period, and also one method of covert operation: the assassination of political leaders by gunfire. Then, in the Afterword of that book, I tried to isolate these events by saying they constituted a landmark in American history. Hartwell decided to take two of these assassinations – the Kennedys – and combine them with the attacks on the USA of September 11, 2001.

    Hartwell begins the book by countering the mocking tone that the MSM uses to discount the idea of “conspiracy theories.” One method he uses is rather simple: If the official story is harder to swallow than an alternative theory, then the public has every right to question the official story. Especially when it makes no sense anyway. The idea that a mediocre – or worse – rifleman like Lee Harvey Oswald could actually better the performance of almost every marksman who ever tried to duplicate his alleged feat is hard to swallow. And when you add in the fact that the Warren Commission could never duplicate the condition of the magic bullet, i.e., CE 399, in any of their tests – and actually tried to cover that fact up – well that gives us reason to wonder. He also mentions the recurrent use of a patsy, or what he terms a scapegoat. The labeling of Oswald as an anti-social Marxist helped to compensate and distract from the weakness of the evidentiary case against him. The author also notes that the official investigations often fail to properly address relevant and controversial facts that are necessary to uphold their stories. In the JFK case for instance, an example would be the location of Oswald in the Texas School Book Depository at the time of the shooting.

    Hartwell also mentions other precedents for government officials lying to the public about acts of state. Two being the Gulf of Tonkin Incident, and the 18 1/2-minute gap in the famous Nixon-Haldeman tape three days after the Watergate break-in.

    I am not going to analyze in any depth his discussion of what happened on September 11, 2001. I have read only two books on that subject, plus a few essays on the web. If you can believe it, I have never even read anything by David Ray Griffin. And Griffin is the 9/11 equivalent of Mark Lane. Hartwell lists some of the most common anomalies that the critics of the official story have enumerated: the ignored warnings both domestically and from abroad; the failure of any interceptor jets to get close to either Washington or New York; the acrobatic tight turn taken by Flight 77 before it hit the Pentagon: the confluence of war games that morning which tended to confuse radars; the incredibly fast collapse of Building 7, which was not hit by any planes. (I must note in this regard, when Tucker Carlson had scientist Stephen Jones on his show, he showed this collapse. But he edited out the complete fall. All you saw was the beginning of the collapse, and the actual bouncing of the rubble.)

    I cannot make any real judgment about Hartwell’ s work on this case since, as I said, I am in no way an authority on it. And I don’ t feel ashamed in admitting that. One can only thoroughly investigate so many of these scandals. And I feel I have done that with the JFK, MLK, and RFK cases. But it seems to me that Hartwell has hit the highlights and used the work of some of the credible critics e.g. Griffin, Mike Ruppert, Michel Chossudovsky.

    Let me add one last thing about this case. I managed to watch some of the live hearings of the 9/11 Commission. It convinced me that the days of so-called Blue Ribbon Commissions should be officially ended. This was especially obvious during the questioning of Condoleezza Rice, which I thought was actually kind of embarrassing. I later learned that the Executive Director of the Commission, Philip Zelikow, had 1.) Worked on the transition team of George Bush Jr., 2.) Been appointed to his Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, and 3.) Co-written a book with Rice. In fact, after the attacks, Rice had him rewrite the initial report on what the American response should be to the new threat of terrorism. In light of all this, even Warren Commission sycophant Max Holland – who knows Zelikow personally – has declared that Zelikow should not have been the director of that Commission.

    II

    In his discussion of the assassination of President Kennedy, Hartwell first lists the main official findings about three shots and three shells. He then brings in the common questions about this. Namely that some people heard more than four shots, and that the presence of the shells do not prove they were fired that day. He then begins to critique the work of Gerald Posner and his accent on the presumed psychology of Lee Harvey Oswald. Hartwell notes that Posner’ s intent is somehow to denote a motive. He adds that this is “misplaced since motive makes no difference in a criminal conviction.” (p. 73)

    He then shifts the focus and adds that what occurred both directly before and after is quite important. (p. 74) In other words, where was Oswald at the time of the shooting? Hartwell, relying somewhat on the work of noted critic Howard Roffman argues that he probably was not on the sixth floor. He then goes after the Commission’ s star witness in this regard, Howard Brennan. (p. 76) For instance, Brennan once said that he actually saw the fatal shot hit JFK, and that he also saw the assassin stay at the window for three or more seconds after the fatal shot hit. (ibid) Both are dubious since they seem mutually exclusive.

    Hartwell then goes into Oswald’ s alleged movements after the shooting, concentrating on the testimony of policeman Marrion Baker. This is the motorcycle officer who stopped his vehicle and then climbed the stairs in the Texas School Book Depository. He allegedly encountered Oswald at the second floor lunchroom. Hartwell questions the efficacy of the timing of the reconstructions. (p. 77) Hartwell then uses the testimony of Dr. Robert Hunt before the House Select Committee on Assassinations. After studying the photos of the boxes in the so-called sniper’ s nest, he concluded that someone had moved the boxes about two minutes after the shooting. As Hartwell writes, that person could not have been Oswald. (p. 79)

    From here, Hartwell briefly discusses the provenance of the alleged rifle that was supposedly ordered by Oswald. He acutely states that no one at the post office recalled handing the rather large and bulky package to Oswald. (p. 80) And he also notes the problem of the post office box being signed for in Oswald’ s name only. Yet the rifle was ordered in the name of A. Hidell. If Oswald picked up the rifle, he would have had to show that he actually was the bearer of both identities. An event which probably would have gone up to the supervisor and which surely would have been remembered.

    Hartwell then goes on to the highly controversial palm print evidence. He notes that the palm print was taken off a part of he rifle that was only exposed when the rifle was taken apart. Which, as Ian Griggs has shown, was very hard to do. He also asks why did the Dallas Police not match this alleged palm print off the rifle to Oswald’ s on the 22nd. Especially since Oswald had given the police such a print that day. (p. 81) He also asks a pertinent question first posed by the illustrious Sylvia Meagher. How did the FBI later match the palm print taken from the rifle to a palm print taken from a card? Wouldn’ t the first be curved? (p. 82) I should add here, Hartwell mentions in passing the Barr McClellan/Walt Brown story about the matching of a previously unidentified print from the sixth floor to the late Mac Wallace. (p. 85) This was featured during the (quite disappointing) 40th anniversary installment of Nigel Turner’ s The Men Who Killed Kennedy. Since I have taken a lot of time criticizing Reclaiming History, I should note here that Vincent Bugliosi does a creditable job on this issue. He called McClellan’ s fingerprint expert Nathan Darby and told him there was a problem in his forensic methodology. The unidentified print from the sixth floor was a palm print. Yet, the prints Darby had from Wallace were his 1951 fingerprints. He asked Darby if he had developed some new technology to compare the two. Darby pleaded blind innocence. He said he was only given two fingerprints, one from a card and one a latent. He said, “I wasn’ t given any palm print. They were both fingerprints. Of course, you can’ t compare a palm print with a fingerprint.” (Bugliosi, p. 923) Let me add this about the matter: from the moment I first saw him, I never liked Barr McClellan. He was too glib, too fast-talking, too confident and oh so convenient. He arrived out of the woodwork to attract and confuse the masses on the fortieth anniversary.

    Hartwell goes on to raise some familiar questions about the murder of Officer Tippit, also – according to the Warren Commission – allegedly killed by Oswald. He recites the argument about the time factor working against Oswald. He was last seen by his landlady standing outside his rooming house at 1:04. Yet the most credible time placements of the Tippit murder are at around 1:09 or 1:10. The Warren Commission’ s “probative” witness, Helen Markham, said the shooting happened at 1:06, a fact that Commission supporters, like Dale Myers, manage to discount when they defend her. (Sylvia Meagher, Accessories After the Fact, p. 254) Witness T . F. Bowley looked at his watch when he saw Tippit’ s dead body on the street. It said 1:10. (Ibid) The late Larry Harris, a foremost expert on this case, told me that he thought the time of the murder was 1:09. This all makes it hard to believe Oswald could have been involved since the necessary distance traversed by him was about 9/10 of a mile. (Hartwell, pgs. 90-91) He would have had to be running or jogging the whole way. Which no one saw him do. (Meagher, p. 255) The author then goes into the confusing mélange of the ballistics evidence in the case. The bullets could not be matched to the gun, and the cartridges do not match the bullets: the shells were 2 Westerns and 2 Remingtons, while the bullets were 3 Westerns and 1 Remington. And he thankfully brings up the matter of the Oswald wallet found at the scene. (p. 92) Which creates an insurmountable problem for the Commission stalwarts. Because a.) Oswald would have never done this if he was the actual killer, and b.) The official story has Oswald’ s wallet being discovered on the way to the station – while he left another wallet on the dresser at the Paines that morning. Which equals Oswald as the Man with Three Wallets. (See Reclaiming Parkland, First edition, pp. 101-105). This is powerful evidence that Oswald was not at the scene and was framed.

    Using this as a cue, Hartwell then takes up an alternative view of the crime. He mentions the famous testimony of the witnesses who saw a man who resembled Oswald running down an embankment outside the Texas School Book Depository a few minutes after the murder. People like Roger Craig, Helen Forrest, Marvin Robinson, and Richard Carr all said essentially the same thing on this point. (p. 99) This Oswald double could have then been used in the Tippit murder, and then been the man who was seen early, at 1:00, by attendant Butch Burroughs at the Texas Theater. He was then escorted out of the back of the theater and was seen by witness Bernard Haire. (pgs 100-101)

    Hartwell ends this discussion by asking some sensible questions about the Commission’ s story. First, if Oswald was an ideologically motivated killer, why didn’ t he admit it like other assassins e.g. Booth, James Guiteau, and Leon Czolgosz. (p. 101) If he meant to disguise his act why did he have the rifle and handgun shipped to a post office box with his name on it? When he could have purchased the rifle over the counter with cash, no questions asked. If he was planning on killing Kennedy, why is there no credible evidence of him target practicing in advance? How could he have been so sure that no one in the building would see him unwrap the weapon and assemble it? If he had planned the assassination, why didn’ t he wear gloves? Why did he first drive in the taxi past his rooming house, and then rush inside it and leave so quickly? If he really shot both Kennedy and Tippit, why did he then not try and leave Dallas via bus? (pgs 103-104)

    Hartwell concludes that the failure of the Commission to adequately address any of these important issues shows that their purpose was not to solve the crimes but to disseminate a cover story to be in turn picked up by the major media and force fed to the public. (p. 105) He also notes, as Deputy Consul for the House Select Committee on Assassinations Bob Tanenbaum did: the amount of evidence slanting used by the Commission was enormous. In other words, the Commission never selected evidence favorable to Oswald. If the case were as easy as the Commission states, this practice would not have been necessary. (p. 114)

    III

    The final case discussed by Hartwell is the assassination of Sen. Robert Kennedy in June of 1968. The author begins by outlining what most citizens consider the open and shut case against the convicted gunman Sirhan B. Sirhan: He was standing in the kitchen pantry of the Ambassador Hotel with a gun amid 73 witnesses. Kennedy was struck down and later died. He then tells us Sirhan was convicted at trial after his lawyers stipulated to the evidence the prosecution presented against him. Hartwell notes this was done to aid in their plea of diminished capacity, which would have been difficult if they outlined a conspiracy. Sirhan was then sentenced to death but had his sentence altered to life in prison by decree of the Supreme Courts of both the United States and California.

    The author begins to chip away at the prosecution’ s case using the autopsy of Dr. Thomas Noguchi. Hartwell shows how the findings of Noguchi contrast significantly with what the best and closest eyewitnesses said happened. The four shots into RFK (one actually went through the top of his jacket) all came from behind and at very close range. Yet no witness said that Sirhan ever got behind Kennedy or that close to him. (p. 119) He also uses the quite credible testimony of hotel maitre d’ Karl Uecker who said he grabbed Sirhan’ s gun hand after the second shot. Therefore how could Sirhan have delivered the others with any degree of accuracy? (ibid)

    Hartwell outlines the pros and cons of the case against security guard Thane Eugene Cesar as the actual assassin. (p. 122) And he later adds that the Los Angeles police treated him way too gently. He then goes to the testimony of Sandra Serrano and Lt. Paul Sharaga. (pgs. 123-124) These two witnesses begin to outline the role of the two accomplices who probably entered the Ambassador that night with Sirhan. And they also begin to outline the role of the Girl in the Polka Dot Dress. This is the woman seen with Sirhan prior to he shooting and who is part of his last memory before the shooting. A memory of drinking coffee with her and then following her out of the room and into the pantry. Properly, Hartwell then sketches the ordeal Serrano was put through at the hands of Lt. Hank Hernandez to make her withdraw her testimony. Lawyer Hartwell notes, this kind of brutal treatment is usually reserved for suspects, not witnesses. He also adds, that sometimes witnesses do misrepresent. But there is usually a discernible motive. There is none with Serrano. (p. 126)

    Hartwell then describes how there were too many bullet holes in the pantry than were possibly emitted by Sirhan’ s eight shot revolver. (p. 128) He even quotes infamous LAPD criminalist DeWayne Wolfer on this point: “It’ s unbelievable how many holes there are in the kitchen ceiling.” (p. 128) He adds that it turned out the LAPD could never clearly link any of the bullets in RFK to Sirhan’ s weapon.

    The author then analyzes four points offered up by critics of the LAPD: 1.) There were more than eight bullets fired, 2.) There was another gunman besides Sirhan 3.) There was a non-shooting accomplice 4.) Sirhan was hypnoprogrammed to do what he did. (p. 130) After giving the pluses and minuses of these issues he decides that the official theory does not hold up, and neither do the arguments of its supporters like Dan Moldea. (pgs 130-140) Finally, he uses the now famous Stanislaw Pruszynksi tape, recorded the night of the murder, as tested by audio technician Phil Van Praag. This tape is powerful evidence for there being too many shots fired that night and for them being too close together. (Click here for more on this.)

    Hartwell produced this book on his own. There are the spelling mistakes, typos and spacing errors to prove it. And as I wrote in part 6 of my review of Reclaiming History, the issues involving the testimony of Wesley Frazier and Marrion Baker in the JFK case are even worse than what he deduces. But these things are easily forgiven since this is not a corporate effort, but a citizen’ s book. A citizen who is greatly bothered by what has happened to his nation. How voting, as proven by Florida in 2000 and Ohio in 2004, cannot be relied upon anymore. (p. 151) How trying to get elected officials to do something about serious government crimes does not work, since there is no upside in it for them. (p. 152) How the rather attractive alternative of moving elsewhere means leaving these troubling issues in America behind. And, as everyone knows, the MSM is no help. He proposes taking advantage of the new media to spread the word to others and the rest of the world. (ibid) It won’ t be easy, but it is necessary. If not we will maintain the system that allows these crimes and they will continue to pollute the body politic. Which, as we see now, is harmful to us all. The evidence for that, as I noted at the start, is all around us.

    When I finished the Afterword to The Assassinations I wrote that, as in Camus’ The Myth of Sisyphus, after the murder of RFK, those who believed in him and his cause felt like the stone was at the bottom of the hill. And they were alone. Today, we are not. History has caught up with some of the public. They don’ t like what America has become either. In that regard, we need more people like Dean Hartwell. Because if The Assassinations was a pebble thrown into the polluted stream, this book provides another stepping-stone beyond it. And hopefully, one day, a man the stature of Carroll Quigley will arrive to trace the decline from November 1963, to March of 2003, filing out the entire canvas with color and perspective. In order to make the public face the fact that, yes the forces that killed the vibrant progressive energy of the sixties won, but what did they bring us? The answer is: Less than zero. Or as James Joyce once wrote for his alter ego, Stephen Dedalus: “History is a nightmare from which I am trying to awaken.” Few who were alive in 1963 would argue the fact that the country we live in today does not resemble what we had then. Hartwell’ s effort is that of a true patriot offering an attempt to bridge that gap and explain how it all happened. For the benefit of us all.

  • The 13th Juror


    I

    The complete title of this book is The 13th Juror: The Official Transcript of the Martin Luther King Assassination Conspiracy Trial. And unless you were around at the time the trial took place, and/or subscribed to Probe, there is a prologue to this 1999 civil trial. It is necessary to summarize that prologue to fully understand how and why the trial took place.

    In December of 1993, a man named Loyd Jowers went on national television to confess a role in the 1968 conspiracy to murder Martin Luther King. At the time of King’s killing, Jowers was the owner of a small restaurant called Jim’s Grill, which was in very close proximity to the Lorraine Motel, the site where King was killed. To this day, no one knows exactly why Jowers appeared on television to make his public pronouncement. The best guess is that he felt that a team of investigators preparing a special for British television had begun to get close to what had actually happened.

    British documentary and docudrama producer Jack Saltman had done a previous one-hour special on the King case in 1978. He had also constructed a courtroom trial that had actually not taken place. This was a program on the Kurt Waldheim affair. Around the time of the Jowers appearance, Saltman was preparing another courtroom reconstruction. This was on the King case. It was called Guilt or Innocence: The Trial of James Earl Ray. It actually took place in a Tennessee courtroom. It was broadcast in April of 1993. Ray testified from a Nashville jail. Out of over 70 hours of testimony, a three-hour HBO special aired in America, England, and 34 other countries throughout the world. It was much closer to a real trial than the earlier Vincent Bugliosi/Gerry Spence fiasco. And the jury ended up siding with defense attorney William Pepper in acquitting James Earl Ray. But the real impact of the Saltman production was that, unlike the Bugliosi/Spence farrago, Saltman actually did some real research. New and important witnesses had surfaced. Consequently, the mock trial brought the King case to life after years of dormancy. Some people on the scene, like Wallace Milam, ventured to say that Jowers might have felt pressured by the attention that Saltman and Pepper had brought to the case. It was through new witnesses that Saltman had uncovered Jowers. Jowers may have felt that the local and state authorities were about to look into the case again. He was wrong about that, but by going on TV he was to provide an opportunity for Pepper to try to formally reopen the King case.

    He did try. And the amazing thing is the he almost got James Earl Ray a new criminal trial. As chronicled in Probe, Pepper was lucky enough to get Judge Joe Brown for his evidentiary hearing to test the alleged rifle the authorities say was used to kill King. The first round of rifle tests came back inconclusive. Brown then ordered a second round of tests. This time with the rifle barrel cleaned out so there would be no ambiguity about how the markings on the fatal bullet originated. At this point, and predictably, the city of Memphis, the state of Tennessee, the national and local media, and Washington DC began a relentless campaign to 1.) Remove Brown from the case, 2.) Stop any further criminal court proceedings, and 3.) Tar and feather Pepper in the press. Why do I say it was predictable? Because anyone familiar with what had previously happened to Jim Garrison and Richard Sprague in the JFK case, understood what was in the cards if Pepper and Brown got too close to the truth. These combined forces, and the death of Ray in early 1998, successfully stopped Pepper’s criminal proceedings.

    But with the help of the King family, especially Dexter King, Pepper decided to pursue the case in civil court. He represented the King family in a wrongful death case against Jowers. The proceedings began in mid-November of 1999. They ended at 3:10 PM on the afternoon of December 8th. The jury found for the plaintiffs, meaning that Jowers was found liable for his role in the conspiracy. They also found that “others, including governmental agencies, were parties to this conspiracy as alleged by the defendant(s)”. (The 13th Juror, p. 752) In other words, Pepper had proved his case. Of course, the standard in a civil case is not the same as in a criminal case. But the fact that the jury deliberated for 150 minutes shows that Pepper would have had a shot at winning in criminal court.

    But that is only half the story of what happened at the civil trial. The other half is how the media treated this epochal event dealing with a national tragedy. For the only representative of the press who was in court for each day of the proceedings was Jim Douglass, reporting for Probe. Let me repeat that fact: The only journalist in court every day for the civil case concerning who killed King was Probe‘s Jim Douglass. No one from the New York Times, Newsweek, or even The Nation was with Douglass. Which, of course, tells you all you need to know about why the MSM has gone into eclipse. And also why very few people are lamenting that decline. But it’s worse than that.

    There appears to have been a deliberate gag order from both the national and local media not to divulge any of the important testimony at the trial. For instance, not even the local media was allowed to stay in court with Douglass. Marc Perrusquia had been the Memphis Commercial Appeal’s reporter on the King case in the years leading up to the civil trial. But he stood outside the courtroom during the proceedings and asked questions of Douglass when he emerged each day. Court TV had announced they were going to tape the trial and carry it on a daily basis. For some reason, they pulled out at the last minute.

    According to Douglass, the story of Wendell Stacy epitomizes the orders sent down from the editors about covering the King civil case. Stacy was a well-respected local TV reporter who was interested in the case and really wanted to cover the trial. But his station, owned by Clear Channel, would not allow him to stay in court to do a complete and thorough job. According to Douglass, Stacy was there for perhaps half the proceedings. And his reports on TV were only summary in nature, not the kind of in-depth coverage he wanted to do. Later on, he became a consultant to French and German television productions about the King trial. He now began to get death threats over the phone. His house was ransacked more than once. One day, as he was going to work, his car blew up as he opened the door. Clear Channel eventually fired him. He sued and won in court, but Clear Channel refused to pay him. He had to file a separate action to recover. He was in the act of recovering when he died a couple of years ago. (Jim Douglass interview, 3/15/10)

    According to Douglass, there was another reporter in court for about five days. But she was not American. She was from Portugal. She was there for two reasons. First, when Ray fled the USA after the shooting, Lisbon was one of the places where he spent some time. But more importantly, Ray’s mysterious handler named Raul was originally from Portugal. Pepper’s detectives thought they had tracked down who Raul actually was. Their evidence also led to Lisbon. They determined he was in the arms trade there until 1961. (The 13th Juror, pgs. 255-56) Pepper’s detectives managed to secure a picture of this man. Pepper tried to get the man to appear in court. But he managed to get a Rockefeller Center law firm to fight the subpoena. So when Pepper heard that this woman had done some work on the Raul angle, he forced her to testify against her will. Her name was Barbara Reis and she had been on the King case for about two years. (ibid, p. 296) She had done two articles on the man suspected of being Raul. She also interviewed members of the family in the USA as this was where Raul was now living. The family members told her that it was all a case of mistaken identity. But they also told her that agents of the US government had visited them on three occasions and mentioned that “they are protecting us”. Reis felt that this was a way of telling her to “go away. You won’t get anything from me and, plus, we are protected.” (ibid, p. 297) Reis continued by saying that she discovered that not only was the government looking over the family, but that the government was also tapping their phone calls.

    As mentioned earlier, the Commercial Appeal stayed outside during the actual trial. Yet oddly, they wanted to be in court for the voir dire jury selection process. (ibid, Douglass interview.) In fact, they actually sent an attorney to court to argue their motion on the issue. (The 13th Juror, p. 2) They were not allowed to stay. So they then wanted the transcript to the voir dire hearings. This was also denied. (ibid) Douglass feels that this strange dichotomy, wanting full knowledge of the jury selection process, but not caring about he actual trial proceedings, indicates the paper wanted to try and apply some kind of pressure on the jurors.

    When it was all over, and the jury found for the plaintiffs, the Washington Post sent in Gerald Posner to smear the proceedings. (ibid, Douglass interview) Posner then went on a TV media tour to do the same. Predictably, no one asked him how he could critique the trial if he was never there. Or how he could have read the complete transcript that fast.

    II

    During the actual proceedings, Lewis Garrison represented Jowers. And contrary to what Posner later said, Garrison did cross-examine many of the witnesses Pepper presented. Garrison’s defense included a long deposition of Ray from prison. During which he was clearly looking to challenge elements of Ray’s story. And in his summation, Garrison clearly insinuated that although there was a plot, Ray was the triggerman.

    The problem for Garrison – which Posner tried to ignore – was that his client had confessed to a role in the conspiracy not once, but twice. In addition to the previously mentioned appearance on TV, Dexter King and Andrew Young interviewed Jowers on tape. It was a long, revealing, and interesting interview that was played for the jury. (pgs. 174-204) So Garrison’s defense was at a severe disadvantage from the start – but it then got worse when this tape was played.

    Jowers’ essential story is this: He had been given a hundred thousand dollars by a local mobster named Frank Liberto to play a role in King’s murder. James Earl Ray’s handler Raul, was maneuvering Ray throughout Canada and the southeastern quadrant of America, and he had dropped off a rifle to Jowers. (p. 186) On the day of the murder, Jowers retrieved the rifle from the bushy area across from and below the Lorraine Motel. The man who did the shooting was Earl Clark, a policeman who was a crack shot. (ibid) Jowers wrapped the weapon up and placed it in the storeroom. Raul came by and picked the rifle up the next day. Since Raul had been with Ray that day, he knew where he was staying. And it was directly adjacent to Jim’s Grill. Knowing that he had directed Ray to purchase a rifle previously, it was very likely Raul who dropped the incriminating bundle of evidence, with fingerprints – including the rifle he asked Ray to purchase – in front of Canipe’s amusement store. This is a part of the case that no one has ever been able to figure out to any logical degree. If Ray had shot King, why would he have dropped the package right near the scene of the crime, knowing it would incriminate him?

    Well, one of the bombshells of the trial went directly to this point. It was what the owner of Canipe’s had told Ray’s original lawyers, Arthur Hanes and son. Namely that this incriminating package had been dropped in front of his store ten minutes before the shooting! The guy who dropped it then hightailed it down Main Street. (p. 210) Hanes Jr. revealed that, on the strength of this testimony, the state offered Ray a plea bargain. Ray would be out on parole in ten years. His lawyers advised against it. They thought they could do better. (p. 208) As most people know, Ray then made a huge mistake. He replaced the Hanes team with the nationally known Percy Foreman. It was a move he regretted forever after. (ibid)

    This is crucial testimony. It not only shows how Ray was set up by Raul – who has all the earmarks of a CIA agent involved in the guns and drug trade, in which Ray was used as a courier – but how Ray then panicked and fled the country. As Ray testified in his deposition, Raul arranged to meet Ray at Jim’s Grill the day of the murder. When he met him there, he asked Ray if he brought his white Mustang, which Ray had done. Raul also asked Ray if he brought some other paraphernalia, like binoculars. He then made sure he had rented a room upstairs of Jim’s Grill at Bessie’s Boarding House. (p. 663) Before the shooting, Ray had gone to a gas station to fix a leaking tire on his Mustang. Significantly, Pepper produced a report that said two people saw a white Mustang leave the scene at around 5:25. (pgs. 725-26) He also produced a witness who saw a white Mustang in front of Jim’s Grill with Arkansas plates. Ray’s Mustang had Alabama plates. (pgs. 58-60) This backs up Ray’s story of being gone from the scene at the time of the shooting.

    Ray failed to repair his bad tire at his first stop. He was looking for another place to fix it when the first report came on the radio that King had been shot. A few minutes later, another report came across saying that the authorities were chasing a white man with a rifle in a white Mustang. Ray, a longtime petty thief, put two and two together: Raul had set him up. (pgs. 675-685) All the way down to the white Mustang. For it was the second Mustang that pulled out after the shooting with a white man in it. (pgs. 60, 678)

    Generally speaking, what I have described above is what Pepper outlined to the court as elements of the “local conspiracy”. But I should add, Pepper actually began the trial in that aspect in another regard. As everyone knows, the main reason that King had gone to Memphis in April was because he had been there previously in March. And it had not turned out very well. There was a sanitation workers strike going on, and he had been there for a previous demonstration. The demonstration had turned ugly, and rioting and looting had taken place. Many observers had attributed the violence to a local Black Nationalist group called the Invaders, modeled on the Black Panthers. Pepper had two former members of the Invaders take the stand early in the trial, Cobey Smith and Charles Cabbage. Some interesting information was elicited from these two men. First, in March, King had stayed at the Rivermont Hotel. But in the interval between King’s two trips, the FBI had ridiculed King for staying at this white middle class hotel. So his lodgings were changed to the Lorraine. And further, King’s actual room at the Lorraine was later changed by an unidentified person. It was this change that allowed King to be out on a balcony on the third floor, therefore exposed to a sniper from below. Whoever made the change claimed they were from King’s camp. (pgs. 85-86)

    Both Invaders’ witnesses testified that informants and agent provocateurs infiltrated their group. Smith said that someone sent King’s agency, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), a letter with bullets enclosed. Whoever sent it, said it was form them. He also said that the disruption of the first march was not by the Invaders, but by the police and by disruption agents sent in from the outside. In fact, Cabbage did not even want King back in Memphis at the time. (pgs. 22-30) But most interestingly, both men said that on the day of the murder, they had members of their group at the Lorraine, talking to members of the SCLC. The members were asked to leave right about 5:50 PM. Just a few moments before the murder.

    Which now brings us to Merrell McCullough. McCullough was one of the informants masquerading as an Invader. Secretly, he was a police informant who was also connected to the FBI. It turns out that, before the murder, Merrell was introduced to Jowers as a policeman. (p. 184) Right before the assassination, McCullough had been in Jim’s Grill meeting with four other men. (p. 188) One of whom was another member of the police force named Lt. Zachery. (p. 204) One of the extraordinary disclosures made at the trial concerned Sam Donaldson, the reporter who originally broadcast Jowers revelations in 1993. As we will see later, there was a backup hit team in town from military intelligence. We also know from a famous photograph that McCullough immediately ran up to the balcony after King was hit. In that picture, while others are pointing to where they think the shot came from, McCullough appears to be calmly checking King for vital signs while looking across the way. According to what Donaldson told Young, McCullough was on the balcony to check King’s pulse and make sure he was dead and signal the military sniper team that no second shot was needed. (p. 192)

    What made this moment possible? On each previous visit to Memphis, King has his own personal security detail. Which was made up of black detectives. Security expert Jerry Williams headed it up. On April 3rd, Williams was told not to form this regular unit. He was told that a group of white officers would protect King this time around. Williams testified that he would never had let King stay at the Lorraine overnight. They felt it was too dangerous. (p. 105) One reason was because of the thicket of bushes below, which provided good cover for a sniper. At least four witnesses saw a man or smoke in those bushes either during or right after the shooting. (pgs. 109, 110, 288) Including New York Times reporter Earl Caldwell. At 7 AM on the morning after the murder, those bushes, which provided such excellent cover, were ordered cut down. (p. 144)

    The late Professor Philip Melanson testified to another part of this security collapse. Melanson had interviewed a policeman named Sam Evans. Evans was in charge of what was called the police Tactical Units, these were automobile units designed to be used as riot control agents. There were four of them stationed at the firehouse near the Lorraine. The morning of the murder, they were told to disperse. In one of the more troubling pieces of testimony presented at the trial, Evans told Melanson that it was Memphis Reverend Billy Kyles who told him they were not needed. (p. 113)

    Kyles was a friend of King’s who had been a pastor at the Monumental Baptist Church since 1959. He was part of the local contingent who persuaded King’s advisors to help the sanitation workers. Kyles helped arrange the venue for King’s great “Been to the Mountaintop” speech on the evening of April 3rd. The next day, Kyles had arranged for King and his closest advisers to dine on a home-cooked meal at his home. Kyles’ story has been that he was in the room with King and Ralph Abernathy from 5 PM. The three preachers just talked for an hour. Abernathy then went into the bathroom to shave, and then Kyles left the room for his car, telling everyone to hurry up. (Time, 3/31/08)

    Kyles had a rough time of it at the trial. Willie B. Richmond was part of a police surveillance team on King, which was not his actual security detail. He was stationed across the street from the Lorraine at a firehouse. When King’s entourage arrived at the airport, Richmond recalled someone – he thought it was Kyles – telling his partner that King did not want any security protection this time. As Pepper commented, what made this so odd is that Kyles had no real position in King’s hierarchy at that time. (p. 357) Although Richmond’s partner, Ed Redditt, was called back to headquarters on a phony pretense, Richmond stayed behind and kept notes on what he observed at the Lorraine. Pepper produced the notes in court and went over them with Richmond.

    The notes recorded that at 5:50 PM several members of the Invaders opened the door of their room, gathered their belongings, walked downstairs, and placed them in the trunk of their car. His notes then read as follows: “Immediately after the Invaders left, the Reverend Kyles came out of room 312 and went to the room where Martin Luther King was living. He knocked on the door and Martin Luther King came to the door. They said a few words between each other and Reverend Martin Luther King went back into his room closing the door behind him, and the Reverend Kyles remained on the porch.” (p. 357)

    This contradicts the story that Kyles has told for decades. According to these contemporaneous surveillance notes, Kyles was not in King’s room for a continuous hour prior to the shooting. He was in a different room, emerged, went to King’s door and knocked for him at 5:50 PM. He did this right after the Invaders left. And after King answered, Kyles did not saunter downstairs to his car. He waited for him to return. (ibid)

    Pepper then had Richmond read the next entry in the notes: “At this time, Reverend Martin Luther King returned from his room to the gallery and walked up to the handrail. The Reverend Kyles was standing off to his right. This was approximately 6 PM. At this time I heard a loud sound as if it was a shot and saw Doctor Martin Luther King fall back on the handrail and put his hand up to his head.” (p. 358)

    According to these surveillance notes, Kyles was not in the room from 5 to 6 PM; and he did not go downstairs after he notified King they were leaving. He was on the balcony for the full ten minutes up to the time of the shooting.

    It got worse for Kyles. He did appear at the trial, but he had to be subpoenaed – even though he was sought by the defense. (p. 513) On the stand, Kyles slightly revised his “hour in the room” story. He said that King and he went out onto the balcony at around 5:45 and greeted some people. Someone said it was going to be cold that night. So King turned around, went to the motel door and told Ralph Abernathy to get him a coat. King then returned to the balcony and continued greeting some people. Kyles then said, “Let’s go.” Kyles turned and got about five steps when he heard the crack of a rifle. (p. 518)

    Although Kyles has revised this version, it still differs from Richmond’s surveillance notes. It eliminates Kyles emerging from 312, and going to the door and knocking for King at 5:50. And in this Kyles version, although he has not started down the stairs when the shot rang out, he has turned and walked a few steps. This differs from the Richmond notes, which depict him standing right next to King.

    Pepper did not cross-examine Kyles. His assistant, Julia Hill-Akins did. She told him that the Richmond surveillance notes did not have him approaching the King room – which was number 306 – until 5:50. But they did reveal that he had been in the adjacent room, number 307, at around 2:30 that afternoon. Kyles said he didn’t recall any of that. (p. 523) He also denied Richmond’s notes, which depicted him as leaving room 312 at 5:50 and then knocking on King’s door. (p. 526) Pepper’s assistant then asked Kyles if he had been one of the planners of the mass celebration in Memphis about King’s life the year before. Kyles said he was. So a video was played of him speaking in advance to promote it. Kyles described King’s last hour in his revised version, which he had testified to already. That is, with King coming outside at about 5:45 and talking to people in the courtyard. Kyles then said this: “He stood there, and I stood there. Only as I moved away so he could have a clear shot, the shot rang out.” This was quite a peculiar thing to say or admit. Its almost as if Kyles knew what was going to happen. When asked whom he was referring to when he said “he”, Kyles said it was James Earl Ray. He was not asked how he could have known that on April 4th.

    Andrew Young had asked the local DA to give Jowers immunity for his testimony. The DA refused to do so. Young said that the intent was to shut everything down. (p. 177) Which is what they did with the Judge Joe Brown proceedings. From just this description of one part of the trial, the local conspiracy part, the reader can see why Jowers was not granted immunity. Consider the credible evidence that Pepper has advanced so far through multiple witnesses. It shows the following:

    1. King’s security was compromised once he got to Memphis
    2. His room was changed to expose him to a sniper
    3. Ray was manipulated to be the fall guy by Raul
    4. The Invaders were made to look like King’s enemies
    5. Jowers was paid off to assist the real gunman
    6. Someone planted evidence in advance to incriminate Ray
    7. Knowingly or not, Kyles maneuvered King into perfect position

    This reveals a well-planned plot. If I were a DA, I wouldn’t want to open up that can of worms about my city either. And if I were the New York Times and the like, I wouldn’t want the public to know about it. Especially since I had been part of the cover up for decades.

    III

    The extension of the local conspiracy into a larger one can first be illustrated by a fact that investigative reporter Doug Valentine found out: McCullough’s intelligence reports were forwarded to the FBI. Secondly, as Dexter King found out in the course of his investigation, there was the instance of the fake broadcast of a second white Mustang headed the wrong way out of Memphis. The broadcast said the Mustang was headed north, while Ray was headed south. This phony bulletin broke into a police broadcast frequency. On tape, King commented to Jowers that something like that almost had to be done by a military type of broadcast overriding a local police band. (p. 200)

    There is another utterly fascinating tale of how powerful the forces behind the King cover-up were. A cab driver named Paul Butler was outside the Lorraine Motel the night of the murder. He was unloading someone when he heard a shot and saw King dead. Butler then called his dispatcher, who told him he would call for an ambulance. Butler also told the dispatcher he had seen someone running from the scene as he looked around. (p. 410) So a colleague, Louis Ward, told him to meet him at the airport. Two police officers were there, and Butler told him his story. He said that as he looked around, he saw someone running from the shrubbery area below, scale a wall, jump into a police car and hightail it out of the area. After he told his story to the cops, squad cars went to the dispatcher headquarters and told him to report to the police the next morning for a formal statement. (p. 412) He never got there. The next morning, at about 10:30, they found Butler’s dead body across a bridge in the state of Arkansas. (p. 413) The coroner said he had been thrown out of a car. (p. 201)

    What makes this tale even more fascinating is this: Ward looked through every local newspaper for days for an obituary about his friend. He never found one. (p. 414) Pepper’s investigators searched for documentation on the death in Arkansas and Tennessee. He sent an assistant to both Memphis and Little Rock looking for a death certificate. There was none to be found. (p. 418) When Pepper’s investigators tried to find Butler’s employment record, or traces of it at the cab company, nothing was there. (p. 201) Yet Butler had been a regular driver for Yellow Cab for several years. (p. 409) Years later, when Ward tried to tell his story to he DA, the DA hung up on him.(p. 414) When you can eliminate any trace of a death record from the papers and the records of two states, its not just a local conspiracy.

    Doug Valentine was one of the very few writers who penned a story on the King trial. It was for Robert Parry’s online journal, The Consortium. Valentine was also a witness at the proceedings. He had uncovered some interesting and relevant information about the King case while writing his book on the infamous Phoenix Program of systematic assassination in Vietnam. Some of the men who were involved in Phoenix were later transferred home and served in military intelligence groups in the USA. According to Valentine, they now “began to conduct surveillance and Phoenix type operations against anti-war demonstrators and people in the civil rights movement.” (p. 360) As in Vietnam, they were given lists of people, not just to follow, but also to act as agents provocateur against in their movements. Some of the more famous ones were Jerry Rubin and Abbie Hoffman. (p. 361) In this function, they cooperated with police so that when the disruptive acts occurred, their police allies and informants would be there to arrest the targeted people.

    Valentine said the domestic military intelligence activities covered the entire continental USA. But the 111th group governed the sector of the southeast. A man who Valentine interviewed said he had heard that the 111th had 24-hour surveillance on King and that their agents had been in Memphis on April 4, 1968. Further, that they had actually photographed King’s murder. (ibid) Another interesting revelation by Valentine was that a member of a different military intelligence group was also in Memphis the day previous to King’s murder. And they were involved in the removal of officer Ed Redditt from the firehouse across the street form the Lorraine Motel. As noted earlier, Redditt was Willie Richmond’s partner. We know this is true because of the corroborating testimony of police intelligence officer Eli Arkin. Arkin testified that in early April, three or four military intelligence agents moved into the Memphis Police Department. He observed them taking copious notes. On the day of the murder, Arkin was the man who was sent to remove Redditt personally from the firehouse. This was over a bogus threat phoned in from Washington about an assassination plot on a black police officer. When Arkin got Redditt home, the bulletin came on the radio about King being shot.

    One of the most fascinating witnesses of the entire proceeding was former CIA contract agent Jack Terrell. Terrell was involved in the whole illegal arms for drugs trade as part of the Contra resupply effort under the Reagan-Bush regime. When the Boland Amendment outlawed any supplies going to the Contras in Nicaragua, the CIA began to get around that law by sending down arms and coming back with drugs as illegal payment. According to Terrell, Vice-President George Bush was fully cognizant of the illicit trade. Part of Terrell’s function was as an extension of Phoenix, except it was called Pegasus. And this included a program of systematic assassination against the ruling and democratically elected Sandinista party command structure in Nicaragua. (p. 398) In fact, Terrell said that Bush was up to his neck in this operation. One of Bush’s assistants supervised his operations. After Terrell testified to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee about what he knew, there were two attempts on his life. (p. 399) When those failed, the smear campaign began. He was branded as an intelligence officer of Fidel Castro. He was also indicted on phony charges that were eventually thrown out of court.

    But earlier in life, Terrell had run a successful business in Mississippi. One of the people who worked for him was a man named J. D. Hill, who was a reserve member of the 20th Special Forces group. They did covert operations, except in civilian clothes. One of their operations was being trained as part of an assassination team. They were taken via aircraft to West Memphis, Arkansas. They were placed on standby and told they were going to do a job in Memphis. But right before they were to be flown in, the operation was cancelled. (p. 402) When he got back to Mississippi, Hill picked up the paper and was shocked. The headline was that King had been killed in Memphis. Pepper managed to get a roster of the 20th from that time period. Hill’s name was on it. But Terrell also recognized several other people who Hill had told him about.

    Terrell had developed a reputation in news media for being quite credible. One reason was that he never failed a polygraph. He was interviewed by ABC when they did a special on the King case. The interview lasted for three hours. (p. 405) Forrest Sawyer, ABC’s cover up man on the King case, conducted the interview. Not one minute of Terrell ended up on Sawyer’s Turning Point special in June of 1997.

    Pepper called Carthel Wedeen to the stand to certify the testimony of Arkin, Valentine, and Terrell. Wedeen had been with the local Fire Department for 31 years. He started as a private and ended up as a District Chief. (p. 364) In 1968, Wedeen was Captain of Fire Station No. 2, down the street a bit and across from the Lorraine Motel.

    On the day of King’s murder, Wedeen was running the station. He was approached by two army officers who identified themselves with military credentials. They wanted a lookout vantage for the Lorraine. So he suggested the roof of his fire station for that function. (p. 365) He actually went up with them at first. He said they were carrying heavy briefcases. When he asked them what they were going to do, they replied they were going to take some pictures. Where he placed them provided an unobstructed view of the motel. Incredibly, no researcher for the House Select Committee on Assassinations – or any other official body – ever talked to Wedeen. But from his testimony, the pictures Valentine was told about likely do exist.

    IV

    Who would have thought that anyone would have ever tracked down the mysterious but central figure of Raul? I never did. But it seems to have happened. And one of the first cracks in the wall was made possible by Jack Saltman. When the first United Kingdom broadcast of the mock trial of Ray occurred, a man named Sydney Carthew was watching. Carthew had been a seaman in the British Merchant Navy from 1956-73. One of the most frequent routes he sailed was the North Atlantic, from Liverpool to Montreal. (p. 270) The ship would stay in Montreal for one week when it docked. After the ship landed, there were two bars which the men usually frequented: the Seaman’s Mission, and the Neptune Bar. The latter, of course, was the name of the tavern where Ray said he first met Raul in 1967. Well, Carthew was also in Montreal in 1967. And he testified that one night at the Neptune, he also met a man who introduced himself as Raul. (p. 271) Raul asked him about jumping on board a ship to leave Canada for England. On another evening, he met Raul again. This time he was talking about shipping four boxes of guns out of the country via ship. When Carthew saw the tape of the mock trial, he saw Ray and the prosecutor jousting over whether or not Raul was a real person. Carthew jumped up and said, yep he sure was since he had also met him, and at the same place Ray met him. When Carthew finally met Pepper, the lawyer showed him six photographs and asked him to identify the man he met as Raul. As we shall see, Carthew’s identification was the same one that all the other witnesses identified, including Ray. (p. 275)

    John Billings was a private investigator who came into the MLK case through a fellow investigator named Ken Herman. Herman was hired to do research by Saltman. (p. 251) He recommended the hiring of Billings, and Billings did a lot of work on tracking down Raul. Until the time of the trial, Billings had little on the man except Ray’s meetings with him at the Neptune Bar and the fact he was Latin in appearance. After the airing of the mock trial, two people got in contact with Billings. They were a married couple, Glenda and Roy Grabow. (p. 252) As youths, Glenda’s family had moved to Houston. There, she and her brother Royce met a man who introduced her to someone she called Dago and to his uncle named Amaro. Dago dealt with many odd pieces of contraband, including pornographic films and also arms, which they would pick up at the docks. Glenda and her brother Royce – who later identified a photo of Raul – did some messenger work for the two. (p. 253) But the rumor inside the circle was that somehow Dago was involved in the King assassination. One day Glenda was looking through a little rotating toy viewfinder at pictures of King, RFK and JFK. Dago came in and took it from her and looked through it himself. He commented that he had had King killed once already. He then dragged her in a room and sexually molested her.

    The thing that impressed Billings about her story was the details she included. And every time she told it, the details stayed consistent. Billings said that this is one way he tested witnesses: Could they keep a detailed story straight? Because it is difficult to tell a complex lie the same way every time.

    When Billings told Saltman about this story he was initially skeptical. But he decided to send Billings to Houston to do a field investigation on the matter. Billings had some contacts in New York and Miami in the judicial system. They helped him open doors in Houston to people like retired judges, and later, theater owners. The more people he interviewed the more he became convinced the Grabows were telling the truth. Because most of them recalled Glenda. One even produced a photograph of her. (p. 254) The witness trail eventually allowed them to track down a pension plan held by the now deceased Amaro, through his previous work on the docks. Then, interestingly enough, through a tip from the Memphis police, they got a fact sheet on Raul. (This is fascinating because it reveals that the local police had done work on this part of Ray’s story, found out there was something to it, but went ahead and convicted Ray anyway. See p. 255)

    The trail on Raul began in Lisbon in 1961, where he was in the arms manufacture and sales business. (p. 256) He then came to America. And Billings attained a naturalization/immigration picture of the man. It was this photo that Billings used to show to witnesses amidst a spread of five other photos. Billings did this with Ray. (p. 257) And Ray picked out Raul’s photo as him. But surprisingly, Ray added that he had seen this picture before. Someone had been passing it around the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) in 1978, and he had seen it at that time. Further, Ray recalled a newspaper article which noted that he had made this photo ID back then. And Billings produced the article in court. This, of course, tells us that the HSCA inquiry had a photo of Raul. And that their probe into the King case was about as good as its JFK inquiry.

    Billings eventually located Dago/Raul. He was living in New York. Billings and Herman called him posing as businessmen. They wanted to use him as a supplier, since he was in the liquor trade. They flew up to meet him with Glenda in tow, so that she could get a good look at him. But Billings said, once they got up north, someone had clearly tipped off Raul. He failed to meet with them as planned. So they set up surveillance on his house from morning until midnight. Not one person came in or went out. Then on a Sunday morning, when a local paper carried a story about their possible discovery of Raul, a moving truck pulled up to the house and spent three hours loading up. Billings later found out the housekeeper had read the article and decided to leave. (p. 260)

    The invaluable Jack Saltman also took the stand on this issue. Saltman had developed a genuine interest in the King case from the two shows he had put together. So after the second one aired, he spent some of his own time and money doing his own inquiry into the matter. (p. 303) Through contacts he had developed in law enforcement in Texas, he had found a lawyer who was involved in gun running cases in the sixties. And this man recalled that the name of Raul had come up in the investigations of several of those cases. He specifically recalled that Raul had been involved in the shipping of arms to the Somoza regime in Nicaragua. (p. 305) This corroborated what Gloria had told him about the activities of Raul and Amaro. Saltman also secured a photo of Amaro, and he discovered the two men shared the same last name. (p. 307)

    Saltman ended up inadvertently corroborating Ray’s testimony about seeing the photo of Raul in 1978 during the HSCA proceedings. One night, while in Memphis, he had a former lawyer for Ray at his hotel room. He had accidentally left several pictures on the table. One of them was the naturalization photo of Raul. The lawyer leaned over and picked it up. She stared at it and said she had seen the picture in 1978, during the time of the HSCA when she was representing Ray. One of the HSCA investigators had shown it to her. (p. 308)

    Saltman was now persuaded they had the right man. He tried to talk to Raul at his home. He said the front door was one in which you could not clearly see inside, you could only make out silhouettes. But those inside could see out. A lady started yelling at him in Portugese through the door. Then someone else started taking his picture through a window. He yelled through the glass that he wanted her to identify the enlarged picture he had of Raul. And he held it up. She said words to the effect that anyone could get naturalization photos, and if he got that, he could get further information too. Saltman thought this was a curious reply. Because it tended to reveal that she could see the photo and she recognized it from before. (p. 310)

    Glenda could not testify. She had been in a serious auto accident previously. (p. 423) But her longtime husband did testify. Roy identified the same photo the others had – Carthew, Ray, Royce, Ray’s lawyer – as Raul. She recalled the man his wife called Dago from their time in Houston. He also produced a photo of his daughter with Amaro. He then produced a photo of Amaro, his daughter, himself and Glenda. (p. 425) The photos were taken in Houston in the early seventies. They were taken at a restaurant that the Grabows and Amaro and Raul used to frequent.

    The Grabows moved out of Houston per the advice of lawyer Percy Foreman. The Grabows had visited Foreman about a case concerning Roy’s brother. Foreman told him that Raul had later called him and said he would kill the Grabows since they had consulted with him. Evidently, Raul had associated the visit to Foreman with the King case since Foreman had once represented Ray. (p. 427)

    Roy testified to two other interesting things. First, in 1995, Glenda had called up Raul in New York and spoken to him for six minutes. (p. 428) Second, the Tennessee authorities investigating the King case had interviewed Glenda also. When they showed the couple the transcript, they had to do many corrections since her words had been altered. (p. 429)

    It looks like Billings found Raul in 1993. But, disturbingly, it appears that Robert Blakey and the HSCA knew who he was 15 years earlier in 1978. Even more disturbingly, the Memphis police probably knew who he was back in 1968. But neither body would admit it. Since it would tend to bolster Ray’s story of being set up.

    V

    If one is new to the King case, the question you may ask is: In the face of all this, why did Ray cop a plea the first time around? There are really two reasons for that. The first one, as alluded to above, is that Ray made a bad mistake by switching lawyers. As many authors have written, Percy Foreman essentially sold Ray down the river. What made it worse is that Foreman appears to have cooperated in this sell-out with author William Bradford Huie. (The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, p. 465) It was a pincers movement to get Ray to plead so that Huie could write his book, He Slew the Dreamer, a straight “Ray did it” story. Foreman shared in the profits garnered by the rights, which he sold to Huie. It is estimated that Foreman eventually made about a hundred thousand dollars from this deal. (ibid) He then literally offered no defense for Ray.

    And make no mistake, Huie wanted to guarantee that Ray never got to tell his story in court and/or get a new trial. For in 1977, during the initial stages of the HSCA, a lawyer named Jack Kershaw represented Ray. On the stand, he told an interesting story about Huie. Huie had originally written a series of articles in Look which outlined a conspiracy featuring the then shadowy Raul. But in the last installment, Huie reversed field and made Ray the lone assassin. (The 13th Juror, p. 393) Huie contacted Kershaw and Kershaw agreed to meet with him at Thomas Nelson Publishing Company in Nashville. There, Huie offered Ray 25,000 dollars to say in public that he alone killed King and there was no conspiracy. When Kershaw told Huie that the money would do Ray no good since he was in prison, Huie said he would also get Ray a pardon. (ibid) Kershaw took the offer to Ray. He testified that his client “didn’t want any part of it.”

    Since Foreman offered no defense, Ray listened to a recital of the case against him and challenged nothing in it. But make no mistake, the official case against Ray was full of holes. Which is why the authorities offered the Hanes team a ten year deal. First there was the testimony of Charlie Stephens. He was the only person who said he saw Ray leaving the bathroom at Bessie’s Boarding House, the alleged site from where the shot was fired. By all accounts Stephens was dead drunk at the time. (ibid, p. 90) And Pepper got this from a credible eyewitness. James McGraw was the cab driver who was there to pick up Stephens from the boarding house that day. He was there shortly before 6:00 PM, right before the shooting. When he got there he found Stephens passed out on the bed. So he left him there. But the driver also said that he saw the bathroom door open at the time, with no one inside. In other words, no Ray.

    But the prosecution needed Charlie to put Ray in that communal bathroom at that time. Why? Because Stephens’ common law wife Grace, who was there at the time, would not identify Ray. She later ended up getting locked up in a mental institution for ten years. (See Mike Vinson’s article “Grace Stephens: A Sacrificial Lamb?” in Probe Vol. 6 No. 2)

    But besides having no credible witness to place him where Ray had to be, the other major problem with the case against Ray was in the ballistics evidence itself. For instance, Ray’s prints were found on the rifle which, as we saw, was deposited before the shooting in front of Canipe’s. Yet there was no clip in the rifle and Ray’s prints were not found on the shell casing, which housed the fatal bullet. (op cit, The Assassinations, p. 462) Further, if “Ray had shot King from the rooming house bathroom he would have had to be standing in a bathtub. When Paris-Match tried to simulate Ray’s position, they had to pose their model on the rim of the tub toward the back, and then contort him into a position to lift the rifle to the window. ” (ibid) Which would be almost comical to depict in court.

    Pepper produced two witnesses to show that the state had offered phony evidence in their railroading of Ray. At Ray’s hearing, the prosecutor had said that there were markings on the windowsill that matched Ray’s rifle. Yet when Ray’s appeals attorney, Jim Lesar, tried to get the FBI to vouch for this, they would not do so formally in writing. (p. 164) And Lesar’s expert witness said he did not think such a thing was possible. When Lesar finally got the FBI documents on this issue, they revealed there were no powder residues on the sill to do any kind of matching from. (ibid)

    But the most important witness on the ballistics evidence was Judge Joe Brown. Brown was in a unique position to do this since he was privy to all the evidence on the rifle from his evidentiary hearings on the case in 1997. But further, Brown was a lifetime hunter and outdoorsman who was very familiar with rifles. (p. 225) One of the reasons that Gerald Posner criticized the trial was that Brown was the ballistics expert for the defense. Let me offer this up: I have read many pages of so-called “expert” testimony on ballistics from the likes of LAPD official DeWayne Wolfer in the RFK case, and FBI agent Robert Frazier in the JFK case. Brown’s testimony, in its fine detail, acuteness, and knowledge of the history of rifle and bullet manufacture in America, was superior to them both.

    One of the most fascinating details Brown discovered was in the FBI documents he saw on the testing of the rifle and the ammunition. He said that the Bureau had discovered that metallurgically, the unfired cartridge cases and the fired case matched up. Also, the bullets in the bundle discarded in front of Canipe’s matched. But the bullet recovered from King’s body did not match the other bullets. (p. 227) And this suggested to him that the fatal bullet was not fired from the cartridge case in evidence.

    Another problem for Brown was the fact that the weapon in evidence, a Remington Game Master 30.06, was pump action rifle. So why would you hold it on a windowsill to aim it? (p. 237) But further, since the 30.06 was such a common caliber, the bullet could be fired from another weapon. (p. 228) And recall, there was never any match made between the fatal bullet and the Game Master. Further, he found out that someone had actually cut up the bullet into thirds after it was withdrawn form King. Brown could not understand how and why this had been done. (p. 231)

    Another very serious problem for the official story is that the Game Master is not manually sited in for accuracy. It has to be done by machine. The place where Ray bought that rifle for Raul did not have that machine. And Ray was nowhere near the marksman to come close to even trying to site the rifle in manually. (p. 234) This meant that, at the time of the shooting, the scope on the rifle was not aligned with the barrel. So when the rifle got to the FBI, it shot off to one side and low. (ibid) At the distance the bathroom was from King, Brown said that, without the rifle’s scope being properly calibrated, it would not have hit the target.

    One of the most effective parts of Pepper’s presentation came at the very end. The second half of his summation consisted of a minute-by-minute time line of the last hour of King’s life at the Lorraine Motel. A sort of countdown to assassination if you will. Pepper put all the elements he had shown occurred at trial – Jowers giving the rifle to Clark, the military intelligence team atop the firehouse, the dumping of the incriminating briefcase in front of Canipe’s, Ray’s Mustang pulling away from the scene, Paul Butler arriving at the motel in his cab etc etc. It was very compelling and it all smelled to high heaven of a complex, intricate plot that could only have been pulled off and planned at a high level. (pgs. 731-32)

    I have only two reservations about the book. I wish that there had been more introductory material about what had happened in Memphis prior to the civil trial. Which is what necessitated that trial. Second, a book like this should have an index.

    But this is a valuable book to have. Between its covers it proves by a preponderance of the evidence – and maybe more than that – how Ray was set up, and then how King was actually killed. It also shows why the media avoided the trial, and why Ray was not allowed to have his criminal case reopened. Because if that had happened, in all likelihood, Ray would have walked out of the courtroom a free man.

  • David Von Pein: Hosting Comedy Central Soon?


    Jon Stewart and Stephen Colbert better be looking in their rearview mirrors. They have a rival approaching. And he is even better than Colbert at impersonating the dimwitted, obnoxious, incredibly biased host that has made him famous. Why? Because he’s not acting. His name is David Von Pein and he is now proceeding at warp speed in his attempt to go beyond even Colbert’s famous caricature.

    If the reader will recall, the last time we addressed Von Pein he was trying to patch up his beloved Reclaiming History. He has to. For he had ballyhooed Vincent Bugliosi’s giant tome in almost embarrassing accolades. Even before it was published.

    To digress, it should be noted that Von Pein also does this with almost any TV show supporting the Commission. Then after the show is broadcast, he issues what is essentially a press release within hours of the air date. He notes that the show was excellently done and that it just wrecked some central tenet of the Commission critics. He has done this with almost every other Discovery Channel debacle to come down the turnpike. Then, when more credible, honest, and serious observers begin to poke holes in the production, he gradually gives ground. Until finally, he will maintain perhaps one tenet of the program as valid. He did this with the horrendous Inside the Target Car. When every point he had accepted about that atrocity was effectively speared, he finally backed off to defending just one of them. This was the simulated shot from the front with the head exploding; which he maintained as showing the head shot could not have come from the grassy knoll. To do this, he ignored a central point made by Milicent Cranor and myself: that what this actually indicated was the “replica skulls” used by host Gary Mack were anything but. Associate producer Mack essentially admitted this in his online discussion of the show when he said that the bullets they used did not fragment. Therefore the “replicas” did not provide the proper resistance, since in the Kennedy case the bullets did fragment. Von Pein can’t admit this since it vitiates both the experiment and his upholding of it. (Click here for our critiques of that phony sideshow )

    The above pattern was paralleled with Reclaiming History. Before the book was published, Von Pein said it would lay out and silence the people he despises most in this world i.e. those who find serious fault with the Warren Commission. When the volume was issued, with great alacrity, he issued his usual press release. He praised all aspects of the work. He could find no real fault in the volume’s nearly 2,700 pages. When certain critiques began to point out the clear and myriad problems with the book – which he somehow had overlooked – he began to give ground. Until finally, today, he has been placed almost completely on the defensive.

    For example, Von Pein responded to the first part of my Reclaiming History series by questioning my analysis of whether or not Oswald could have ordered the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle that is in evidence today. I spent several paragraphs in part one of my critique showing that in view of all the evidence, it is highly unlikely that he could do so.  I also posed a serious question about the transaction: the mail order company sent him the wrong rifle. Both the length and the classification were wrong. Although Oswald ordered the 36-inch model classified as a carbine, the Commission says he received the 40-inch model classified as a short rifle. Further, the House Select Committee on Assassinations discovered that Klein’s only placed scopes on the 36-inch model. Yet the 40-inch model in evidence has a scope on it. (Click here for that discussion.)

    Von Pein said he would admit all this, but he then provided a link to the mail order allegedly sent in by Oswald. Which is classic Colbert/Von Pein. Because this technique ignores all the evidence I produced in Part One to show how hard it is to believe that Oswald sent in that money order. To name just a couple of points: 1.) It does not appear the money order was ever deposited, and 2.) Why would Oswald buy the money order at the post office, yet walk over a mile out of his way to mail the envelope? All the while being unaccountably absent from work.

    To understand Von Pein, one has to go back to his online, forum appearance on the JFK Lancer site back in 2003. Even though moderator Debra Conway warned of submitting “trolling threads” there, Von Pein couldn’t help himself. In July of that year, he proclaimed Oswald guilty through what he termed a “mountain of evidence.” He then asked, how much of this overwhelming tidal wave of proof would it take to convince a person out of the notion of conspiracy? Quite a thunderous build up eh?

    But as with Chaplin’s cannon, the explosion fired the shell about two feet away. For Von Pein’s “mountain of evidence” consisted of the mildewed litany of discredited Warren Commission data. Which, of course, is not a mountain. It’s more like the San Andreas Fault. He began with the above noted specious notion that Oswald owned the rifle; and he ended with the equally specious notion that Oswald could have run down from the sixth floor to the second in time to be seen by Marrion Baker and Roy Truly right after the assassination. Some of the gems in between were that Oswald definitely killed Officer Tippit and that he also attempted to kill General Edwin Walker. My favorite point was this: “the Single Bullet Theory has still not been proven to be an impossibility.” I guess he thinks that if it’s not impossible, that means it happened. (As we shall see later, with CE 399, it is impossible.) Von Pein even wrote that at Z frame 224, both Kennedy and John Connally were reacting to the same bullet. Which Milicent Cranor, in her previously posted article “Lies for the Eyes”, showed to be a howler. In reality Kennedy is reacting and Connally is not. With a straight face, at the end of this “mountainous” listing, Von Pein wrote, “For aren’t hard facts and evidence always more believable than wild speculation and conjecture?” (Posted 7/17/03)

    As one respondent noted to Von Pein, with the work of Josiah Thompson, Sylvia Meagher, and Mark Lane, his list had been pretty much demolished by 1967. Yet he was reviving it as if it were new. Further, while listing it, he did not note any of the serious problems that those writers had pointed out. Von Pein was, of course, starting a classic “troll thread”. One that is deliberately meant to provoke others. “Trolling” was defined by Tim Campbell in his 2001 article on the subject as such: “An Internet troll is a person who delights in sowing discord on the Internet. He … tries to start arguments and upset people … To them, other Internet users are not quite human but are a kind of digital abstraction … Trolls are utterly impervious to criticism … .You cannot negotiate with them … you cannot reason with them … For some reason, trolls do not feel they are bound by the rules of courtesy or social responsibility.” Conway duly posted this article, seemingly to warn Von Pein.

    But this did not even slow Von Pein down. For, as Campbell noted, trolls are non-negotiable and impervious to criticism. In his Colbert vein, Von Pein tried to say he was making arguments that were founded in common sense and logic. (Post of 7/21/05) A few days later, the uncontrollable urge to lash out at the billions who would not accept the Single Bullet Fantasy again possessed Von Pein. He submitted a truly Colbertian post. It pictured a gift basket of books for a Commission critic. It consisted of book covers entitled – among others – Paranoia, Face Your Fear, and A Paranoid’s Ultimate Survival Guide. No joke. (Post of 7/26/05) This points out the other side of Von Pein, which is also echoed in Reclaiming History: When you cannot win your argument on the facts, you resort to smearing your opponent. And Von Pein did this not just with the general comment above, but also to individuals. As Todd Teachout noted, Von Pein made comments to members like “You are disgusting!” and “The goofy gas must be getting to you … You’re talking more like a moron with every post.” As Todd ultimately noted, the obvious intent was “to not engage in a discussion of issues here, but to attempt to stifle a discussion of the issues.” (Post of 7/22/05)

    Which was undoubtedly true. And finally, a few days later, Conway announced that she was banning Von Pein from her forum. After his belated expulsion, there followed a two-day celebration. On a small scale, it was somewhat comparable to V-E Day. But before leaving the subject of Von Pein at Lancer, it must be noted that it was there that he began to manifest his almost incontinent devotion to Reclaiming History. In fact, he began to bandy it about as a way to counteract evidentiary points in the case i.e. the avulsive hole that so many witnesses saw in the back of Kennedy’s skull. What made this odd is that he was doing it in 2005. Reclaiming History would not be published until two years hence. Quite an omniscient feat. One person questioned Von Pein’s reasoning from a different angle. He said that it was not logical for Von Pein to build up Bugliosi’s book because the author would be working with the same database everyone else was. Von Pein replied that although this may be true, Bugliosi was somehow that much smarter than everyone else and that should make the critics quiver in fear. For Reclaiming History would spell the end of their cause. Pretty hefty expectations for a book yet to be published.

    As I said, Conway eventually did the right thing and ejected him from the forum. But Von Pein had to have understood that he was breaking the posted rules of the site. For it clearly stated that members were not to use abusive language. Another rule was not to spam or harass or exploit the other members. (The gift basket of “paranoid” titles would qualify as such in my book.) But the rule that Von Pein violated with reckless abandon was the one about doing mass posts and therefore flooding the board. As Gene Stump pointed out, Von Pein did 263 posts in his first 12 days! (Post of 7/28/05) As Teachout indicated, the game for Von Pein was to dominate the forum with his antique discredited “facts”, so that instead of doing constructive work, everyone would be debating things as silly as the Magic Bullet. When that didn’t work, Von Pein’s smears and insults would be used in hopes of dividing and polarizing the place so that no actual discussion on the evidence was possible. Because anyone who believed the Commission in error could be reduced to being something less than human: a sick and paranoid conspiracy buff. (In large part, Bugliosi adapted the last technique in his book.)

    Once ejected from Lancer, Von Pein migrated over to John Simkin’s Spartacus forum. Pretty much the same thing occurred there. He was eventually ejected because of his abusive language plus his failure to post a photo of himself. Simkin required the latter to prevent trolls from entering the forum under assumed names. Which, of course, raises some interesting questions about Von Pein’s failure to do so.

    After this second ejection, Von Pein came to his senses. He realized he could not comport normally with the great mass of the public who didn’t buy the fantasy of the Single Bullet Theory. He now made his way to the place where he belonged all along: the John McAdams dominated Google group, alt.conspiracy.jfk. Why is this important? Because historically speaking, McAdams was the first person on the Internet to exhibit critical thinking skills so stilted, comprehension skills so unbalanced, cognitive skills so impaired, all combined with a basic dishonesty about these failings, to the degree that he almost seemed the victim of a neurological disease. Any strong indication of conspiracy in the JFK case, no matter how compelling, could not permeate his brain waves or synapses. McAdams hates being an outcast or labeled as a propagandist – even though he is. So he constructed a sort of hospice for people like himself who normal thinking people could not tolerate. Actually two of them. One is on his own site and one is a Google Group.

    The important thing for Von Pein is that since McAdams controls the halfway houses, almost anything goes as long as it supports the Warren Commission. Here, Von Pein could now use his previously noted wild man tactics with impunity. Another place that Von Pein frequents is the IMDB forum on Oliver Stone’s film JFK. There, to those not familiar with the facts of the case, he tried to discredit the film as a work of “fiction”. Or those who have not read the accompanying volume to the movie entitled JFK: The Book of the Film.

    But it is from alt.conspiracy.jfk that Von Pein has continued what will probably be his lifetime goal: To protect and to serve Reclaiming History. After all, Von Pein bought into the book two years before it was published. He proclaimed to all that Bugliosi would grind the likes of Sylvia Meagher, Gary Aguilar, and Philip Melanson into hamburger. To put it kindly, Reclaiming History did no such thing. In fact, as Von Pein was advised, one of the most surprising things about the book is how little new is in it. For the most part, Bugliosi just recycled all the old Krazy Kid Oswald arguments and put them between two covers. In so doing he largely relied upon that same hoary and discredited cast of characters: Michael Baden, John Lattimer, Larry Sturdivan, David Slawson. He even trotted out Gerald Ford. As I noted, though Von Pein was warned about this probability, he thought Bugliosi would pull a rabbit out of the hat. He didn’t. Because there is none to pull.

    Reclaiming History was remaindered in about a year. And it has been effectively attacked by a slew of writers: Rodger Remington, Gary Aguilar, Milicent Cranor, Michael Green, Mark Lane, Josiah Thompson and myself among them. So Von Pein is placed in the position of any troll. He has to defend what he said by protecting his hero from the justified and effective attacks on his work. In this regard, he has gotten so desperate that he communicates with Bugliosi’s secretary on a regular basis. She even asked him to host a cable TV program and take on “any and all conspiracy nuts.” Apparently, Rosemary Newton is unaware that Len Osanic personally invited Von Pein to debate me on his Black Op Radio program. I also asked him to do so. He failed to take up the challenge at either opportunity. Understandably, he would rather wage his crusade from inside the friendly confines of McAdams’ hospice (which I have elsewhere nicknamed The Pigpen) This is not very brave but – as we shall see – it is probably smart on his part. As Gil Jesus has noted, it’s from there that Von Pein can issue some of his most bizarre proclamations, like “What does ‘back and to the left’ prove? Anything?” Or this other dandy: “Let’s assume for the sake of argument that there were/are several different Mannlicher Carcano rifles with the exact same serial number on them of C2766 … my next logical question (based on the totality of evidence in this Kennedy murder case) is this one: So what?” (Jesus post at Spartacus forum 9/13/08, quoting Von Pein) Only from The Pigpen could such wild nonsense be allowed.

    And only there could the following go by without being harpooned. In August of 2009, Von Pein queried Rosemary Newton again. He wanted her to ask Bugliosi if CE 399 – the Magic Bullet – would have been admitted into evidence at trial. He also wanted to ask if the judge at the 1986 simulated posthumous Oswald trial in London had done so. In the Introduction to Reclaiming History, Bugliosi tries to insinuate that the televised trial that he (unwisely) chose to participate in was very close to an actual trial. And that it followed the standard rules of evidence. The author sidestepped the crucial fact that since the trial was in London and the core evidence is at the National Archives, things like the alleged rifle, the shells, the autopsy evidence, and CE 399, were not there to be presented in court This would not be the case at a real trial. But not only that, even though all three autopsy doctors were alive in 1986, none of them were at the trial. Could one imagine all this happening in a real, contested, high-profile trial? I can’t. In actuality, the London production did not even approach a real trial. And since all the above was lacking, the rules of evidence – by necessity – could not be followed. To point out just one failing: Any defense lawyer worth his salt would have demanded CE 399 be presented in court for the jury to view. We shall see why shortly.

    In spite of the above, on August 22nd of 2009, Bugliosi replied to Von Pein’s query about the admittance of the Magic Bullet into evidence. Significantly, the prosecutor led off by saying that the purpose of the “chain of possession requirement is to insure that the item being offered into evidence by the prosecution, or the defense, is what they claim it to be.” (Keep in mind, Bugliosi himself said this.) He then answered the first question with, yes CE 399 would be admitted. And his answer to the second question was that the judge at the London trial had admitted the bullet into evidence without seeing it! Yep, that’s what happened. A question that Von Pein/Colbert didn’t ask was: “Vince, what kind of evidentiary hearing could you have if the actual bullet wasn’t there? That would mean that the jury could not examine it. It’s the shock of seeing that bullet and then listening to both the damage it inflicted and its flight path that has convinced tens of millions of Americans that Oswald didn’t do it.”

    In his reply, Bugliosi also referred to pages 814-815 of Reclaiming History as proof that CE 399 was not fired elsewhere and then planted at Parkland. If you look up those pages you will see why Von Pein is Von Pein. For on those pages, Bugliosi is referring to the Neutron Activation Analysis test. The one which the scientific world, the FBI, and the court system has now deemed as discredited. A test which, because of the work of Bill Tobin, Cliff Spiegelman, Eric Randich and Pat Grant, will likely never be used in court again. The test which even Robert Blakey has called “junk science”. (For why, click here and here). In other words, only in the world of John McAdams, Von Pein, and Reclaiming History, are we to still use this “junk science” for bullet-lead forensic purposes. After this, Bugliosi begged off and thanked Von Pein profusely. As he should.

    In Von Pein’s previous reply to my brief noting of his treatment of the rifle issue, he protested my terming him a “cheerleader” for Reclaiming History. He said he was actually a cheerleader for the truth. But if that was the case then why didn’t Von Pein/Colbert ask Bugliosi any of the following about CE 399?

    1. “Vince, in Six Seconds in Dallas – which you have read closely – the author makes a convincing case that CE 399 was not found on Kennedy’s stretcher or John Connally’s. Nor was it on the floor. It was on the stretcher of a little boy named Ronald Fuller. If so, how did it get there?” (See pgs. 163-64)”Vince, in that same book, the author interviewed O. P. Wright, the guy who turned over CE 399 to the Secret Service. He said that the bullet he discovered was not a copper coated, round nosed, military jacketed bullet like CE 399. But a lead colored, sharp-nosed, hunting round. How could that be? And by your own definition of the chain of custody test, i.e. insuring that the item is what it is claimed to be, in light of Wright’s testimony, how would CE 399 be admitted into evidence?” (ibid p. 175)”Josiah Thompson talked to Wright’s widow many years later. She was the head of nursing at Parkland. She said other nurses turned up other bullets that day. Did you talk to her? Why wasn’t this investigated by Arlen Specter and the Commission?” (See my review of Reclaiming History, part 1, Section 4.)”Why did the FBI lie in a memo about showing CE 399 to Wright? Gary Aguilar and Josiah Thompson found out that they did not do so. Does this have anything to do with Wright’s name not being in the Warren Report?” (ibid)”In your book, in the End Notes on p. 431, you write that Elmer Lee Todd’s initials are on CE 399. John Hunt checked on this at the National Archives. Todd’s initials are not on the bullet. So it appears the FBI lied again. Did you not check this fact?” (See my Reclaiming History review, part 7, Section 3.)”Todd wrote down the time he received the bullet as 8:50 PM. But Robert Frazier wrote down that he got the bullet at 7:30 PM. Yet the FBI says he got it from Todd. How could such a thing happen? Is that dichotomy in your book? I don’t recall it.” (Ibid)

      “Vince, were all these issues addressed at that London trial? I don’t recall them being brought up. In a real trial don’t you think they would have been?”

    2. “If you had been Oswald’s defense lawyer at trial, wouldn’t you have used this information to powerful effect to show that CE 399 was not the bullet found at Parkland, and the FBI knew it? Why would you not have? Its tremendously exculpatory stuff. I would have liked to have seen the DA’s face as you wrecked his case with it.”

    Von Pein asked the author none of these questions. So much for him being a cheerleader for the truth. You can’t do that unless you find the truth. To find the truth you have to ask the right questions and honestly follow the answers. (Which is probably why Von Pein has been known to disable comments on some of his You Tube channels.)

    Von Pein/Colbert would not pose the above questions for they would indicate that 1.) The London TV proceeding that Bugliosi participated in was nothing but a show trial, and 2.) Bugliosi ignored almost all these very important questions in his book. (And concerning question number five, it doesn’t appear that Bugliosi visited the National Archives to examine the key piece of evidence that he says was admitted, sight unseen, in London.) This kind of leaves Von Pein holding the bag. I mean he has been trying to sell Reclaiming History as the Holy Grail to the JFK case for about five years. To put it mildly, it hasn’t panned out as he claimed. He can’t admit that. Since because of his unwise advertising campaign, he now has egg all over his face. So he sends out an SOS to Bugliosi. And what does he get? More egg. Maybe he’ll get an omelet next time.

    Zealot that he is, he still shills for Reclaiming History. But only from his safe haven at the McAdams’ controlled comedy central forum. There he is largely protected from the spears and arrows of the real world. Jon and Stephen, with interviews like the one described above, Von Pein is in training. Don’t look now, but he’s gaining on you.


    See als Part 2.

     

  • Russ Baker, Family of Secrets


    This book has a rather deceptive title. In two ways.

    First, although it says it will be about the Bush family, strictly speaking, it really is not. There are only a few pages about Prescott Bush, father of George H. W. Bush, the man who really started off the whole regime. But further, there is next to nothing on important figures in George’s brood like Neil, Marvin, and especially, Jeb Bush. Which means that the book really examines the careers of two men only: George Bush Sr. and Jr.

    But it’s even more constricted than that. From a careful reading of the volume, the book spends over 40% of its text on just three events in the lives of those two men. In order they are: Senior’s alleged involvement in the JFK case and Watergate; and Junior’s much debated service in the Texas Air National Guard. That’s it. Check for yourself. Think for a moment of all the rather dark and deadly things those two men have been involved with. Its hard to believe that Baker makes short work of the following: the Iran/Contra affair, the elimination of the Sandinistas through lethal means, the October Surprise, Gulf War I, Oliver North’s drug running, the election heists of 2000 and 2004, the incredible intelligence failure that resulted in 9-11, the phony pretenses for Gulf War II, and the 2007 collapse of the American economy. That list is, of course, selective and reductive. But Baker gives all of these matters the once over. In fact, some are not dealt with at all. It is an odd choice.

    Baker would probably say that there have been reams written about the above topics. Which is true. Yet, there are two salient points to be made in that regard. First, one can always do more digging into matters like the above. For the simple reason that they are very large and complex subjects that have yet to be exhausted. One great comparison is what Jim Hougan did with Watergate. By the time he issued Secret Agenda in 1984, there had been scores of books written on the matter. Yet his book made you reconsider the whole affair from Step 1. Secondly, the Bush family role in the above events I listed is certain. It is not a matter of manufacture, conjecture or speculation. As we shall see, that is not the case with two of the three areas that Baker has chosen to concentrate his book on.

    I

    Let us start with what I perceive to be the strength of the book. This would be the discussion of George Bush Jr. and his rather weird and spotty service in the Texas Air National Guard. Baker had written about this subject previously and at length in publications like The Nation. So this is clearly something he had followed through time as the issue gradually mushroomed in importance. The climax of its public debate was the veritable explosion that erupted at CBS in 2004-05. As Baker describes it, Dan Rather and others were dragged over the coals when they used some questionable copied documents to explain the gaps in President Bush’s service in the Guard.

    The problem all began in 1968, after Bush Jr. graduated from Yale. Once out of college, George would lose his student deferment and almost certainly be eligible for a tour in Vietnam. The problem was this: although the Bush clan supported the war in public for political fodder, they secretly understood it was a terrible mistake that was not worth fighting in, much less dying over. So they had to finesse George W. Bush dodging his impending service in Indochina. The clan decided on an exit ticket: W. would join the National Guard.

    Specifically, George would join the 147th Fighter Wing of the Texas Air National Guard. The trouble was that, understandably, many young men in Texas wanted to join this group at the time. It was nicknamed the “Champagne Unit” because many of the offspring of wealth and power joined up to dodge combat in Vietnam (p. 139) In fact, special positions were created to accommodate the many demands for entry. (ibid)

    The Bush story has been that George talked to unit commander Lt. Col. Walter Staudt and Staudt told him positions were open. (p. 138) In reality, strings were pulled by state Speaker of the House, Ben Barnes, to get Bush Jr. into the unit. (p. 139) But, once in, W. got even more special treatment. Usually, to be commissioned a second lieutenant, one has to either attend officer training school, pull 18 prior months of service, or have 2 years of ROTC. Bush did none of these, but he still got the commission. (p. 140) Secondly, the unit paid to train Bush to be a pilot from square A. Which was another exception to procedure. The unit usually either borrowed trained pilots from the Air Force or further trained those who had had some experience. Bush had none. (p. 139)

    And then there were the strange interludes, let us call them vacations. After George Jr. took six weeks of basic training in San Antonio, he got a two-month leave to work on Ed Gurney’s Senate campaign in Florida. (p. 140) Gurney’s campaign was being run by a friend of Bush Sr. named Jimmy Allison. It was after this episode that Bush Jr. took his first training lessons, on both a Cessna and a simulator, in Valdosta, Georgia. That took about a year. (p. 141) He then returned to the Houston area and Ellington Field for the “more daunting task of learning to fly a real fighter jet.” (ibid)

    In the summer of 1970, having completed his jet pilot training, his full-time obligation now transformed to a part-time status, usually referred to as a “weekend warrior”. But after this, in early 1972, something began to go wrong with Bush’s flying career. For some reason that has never been fully explained, he was taken out of the cockpit and placed in a two-pilot training plane. (p. 148) From which he had already graduated. Sort of like going back to trainer wheels after one has learned to ride a bicycle. On these regressive two-seater flights, his friend Jim Bath sometimes accompanied him. It didn’t seem to work. Because back in the F-102, he needed three passes before he made a landing. In fact, he had become such a liability in the air that, according to the author, the last documented record of him flying alone is April 16, 1972. (ibid) He then left both the unit and the state. The problem is he had not fulfilled his time obligation yet. This now begins the second stage of murkiness to the Bush National Guard saga: in addition to not flying again, did he or did he not fulfill the rest of his service obligation?

    The latter question is partly covered up by another political campaign. George Jr. said he now was going to work on another Allison managed enterprise. This one was the senate run of Red Blount in Alabama. So George Jr. requested a transfer to the 187th Tactical Reconnaissance unit in Montgomery at Dannelly Field. The question then became: Did Bush Jr. then fulfill his service at Dannelly? Well, the former base commander said the following: “I’m dead certain he didn’t show up.” (p. 150) And in fact, as Baker writes, “no credible records or eyewitnesses ever emerged to back” his claim of fulfilling his weekend service requirement in Alabama. (ibid) In fact, former members of the Dannelly unit ran ads offering monetary rewards in a Guard periodical to anyone who had any evidence that George Jr., had fulfilled his service. No one replied to the ads. (ibid) But Baker did find a number of witnesses who testified to Bush being a rather boisterous drunk during the Blount campaign, and two who said he combined his alcohol intake with illicit drugs. (p. 151)

    And this angle perhaps links to why George had to get out of flying, and also the 147th. According to a witness who talked to Jerry Killian, Bush’s wing commander, Bush was getting the jitters about flying. Killian said he “was having trouble landing, and that possibly there was a drinking problem involved.” (ibid)

    After Blount’s loss in November of 1972, George Jr. packed his bags and returned to Texas. But he did not return to Ellington as he was supposed to do so. He first went to Washington DC and then to Florida for the holidays. He then returned to Dannelly in Alabama for a routine x-ray, except, oddly, it was done by a dentist. (p. 153) He also called a former female Blount worker and invited her to dinner. Over dinner, he told her he was there for guard training. As Baker notes, this sure sounds like George Jr. was laying in a future CYA trail to disguise the facts that a.) he had not served in Alabama and b.) he was not returning to Ellington.

    Junior now went back to Texas to try to allegedly fulfill his service requirement. Except his superiors did not want him back. (p. 154) In fact, there is no record of him serving back at Ellington after Alabama. Further, no paperwork for alternative service in Alabama was ever sent to Ellington. (p. 156) As Baker logically deduces, “Just about all the evidence suggests that George W. Bush went AWOL from National Guard duty in May 1972 and never returned, thus skipping out on two years of a six-year military obligation.” (ibid) Clearly, someone was pulling strings for Bush Jr. As Texas reporter Jim Moore wrote, if Guardsmen missed drills or were late they were hunted down and arrested. If they missed a second exercise you could be made eligible for the draft. (p. 157) Who was doing the pulling for W.? Well, at around this time, George Bush Sr. was becoming head of the Republican National Committee.

    From the beginning of Junior’s political career his handlers knew this National Guard episode was going to be a problem. When Moore first questioned W. about it during a debate for the Texas governorship in 1994, he was later accosted by campaign advisers Karen Hughes and Karl Rove. (pgs. 407-08) They wanted to make it clear that these questions were somehow out of bounds. But as Bush’s career advanced along to the point that he was now considering running for president, the issue would not go away. And it appears that when the presidency got on their radar screens, the Bush team fiddled with the files.

    According to Guard manager Bill Burkett, this began in 1997. After a call from a Bush staffer, he saw some Guardsman in a room with Bush’s file. It was being pilfered. One of the documents discarded was a ‘counseling statement’. This explained why George was being grounded and the changes in assignment, slot, and his wages. (p. 411) Burkett first made these claims at that time. He then wrote letters to state legislators. He then phoned Bush adviser Dan Bartlett. (ibid) Burkett was then sent to Panama in 1998. He got sick on his way back and had problems getting his medical benefits. People who tried to help him in the Guard were fired.

    As Baker summarizes it, whatever one thinks of Burkett, there are documents missing from Bush’s Guard file that should be there. For instance, on how Texas handled his transfer to Alabama, and also a panel report that should have been written up after Bush stopped flying. (p. 412) Further, “microfilm containing military pay records for hundreds of Guardsmen, including Bush, was irreversibly damaged”. (ibid) This also occurred in 1997, the year when Burkett’s reported pilfering incident allegedly happened.

    What is so utterly fascinating about this whole sorry tale is that no MSM source did any real reporting on it until late May of 2000. This was when W. had more or less vanquished the GOP field and was closing in on the presidential nomination. Only then did reporter Walter Robinson of the Boston Globe break a story , which included interviews with Bush’s former commanders who did not recall seeing him in Alabama or Texas in 1972 or ’73. (ibid)

    Mickey Herskowitz made this saga even more interesting. Herskowitz was a longtime Texas sportswriter who also co-wrote several biographies of celebrities e.g. John Connally and Mickey Mantle. The writer knew George Bush Sr. and he suggested that he co-write a book with his son in time for the 2000 presidential campaign. Karl Rove OK’d the project and W. said he would do it if he didn’t have to work too hard. He also wanted to know how much money was in it. (p. 420) But W. also worried if there was enough material there for a book since he thought he had not really accomplished all that much. Therefore he felt it might be a good idea to focus on his policy objectives. When Herksowitz asked what those would be, W. replied, “Ask Karl.” (ibid)

    The pair had about twenty meetings about the book. Herskowitz said that although Bush was reserved about his National Guard service, he did say some interesting things. The writer asked him what he did about his obligation once he went to Alabama and served on the Blount campaign. Bush replied, “Nothing. I was excused.” (p. 420) This may or may not be true. But it contradicted the cover story that was already out there, and also later cover stories to come. Bush also told the author that he never flew a plane again after he left the Texas Guard in 1972, either military or civilian.

    There was one other tantalizing thing that W. told Herskowitz. He said that his father “had all this political capital built up when he drove the Iraqis out of Kuwait, and he wasted it … If I have a chance to invade … if I had that much capital, I’m not going to waste it. I’m going to get everything passed that I want to get passed…” (p. 423)

    This is a very important statement of course. For the attacks of 9-11 gave W. the opportunity to invade Iraq. And to complete the job that he thought his father had not. Even if Saddam Hussein had nothing to do with 9-11! That is how predisposed W. was on this issue before the 2000 campaign even began. And the fact that he had dodged his military service in Vietnam, and then gone AWOL in the Air National Guard personally made it easy for him to commit tens of thousands of young men to an awful war, since he had never come close to fighting in one. Therefore, with the terrible war in Iraq as a backdrop, Bush Jr. and his Guard service should have loomed large in the debate over sending young men into a questionable war. That the national media never pursued this angle with any relish or consistency tells us all we need to know about the state of the MSM at that time. Especially since W. was now sending National Guard troops to serve in Iraq. (p. 440)

    In 2004, right before the re-election campaign, things did heat up. Burkett appeared on Hardball and made his accusation about seeing Bush aides clean up the Guard records. This story had some bounce, as it later appeared on the CBS News and in the New York Times. (p. 447) Then two things happened to suck any helium left out of the balloon.

    First John Kerry, and his campaign manager Bob Shrum, made one of the biggest miscalculations in the history of presidential races. Rather than attacking the first four years of W.’s presidency, they decided to center Kerry’s nominating convention, and a large part of his early campaign, on his service in Vietnam. Baker properly scores them for this. It was a misguided strategy, especially in light of the fact that there was so much in the Bush presidency to go after. But we all know what made it worse. Karl Rove created the whole phony Swift Boat Veterans for Truth mirage. And, unchallenged at first by the Kerry campaign and the press, this Rove manufacture was allowed to disseminate through rightwing outlets like Fox News.

    The second event that helped bury the issue was the Dan Rather-Mary Mapes-CBS News bloodbath. Most of us know this story by now. Burkett got hold of some documents about George’s service in the Texas Guard. One seemed to depict a transfer from Killian due to George’s inability to meet standard on his pilot training, and his failure to get a physical. (p. 456) This, and 3-4 other documents whetted Mapes’, Rather’s 60 Minutes producer, appetite. She wanted to use the documents for a 60 Minutes segment on the issue.

    There were two problems with this. First, Burkett got them from a source who did not want his name divulged. In fact, this mysterious source did not even turn them over to Burkett. A go-between named ‘Lucy Ramirez’ did so. Consequently, the provenance of the documents was under a cloud. Second, the documents themselves were copies. Further, Mapes had Burkett fax them to CBS in New York. (p. 457) This resulted in further distortion of the lettering on the papers.

    Everyone knows what happened next. Via what appeared to be some GOP operatives who just happened to view the show, the Bush allies on the Internet began to question whether the documents were real or fakes. This created a tempest in the midst of an election campaign i.e. the whole phony issue of whether or not the “liberal media” was out to get a sitting GOP president. CBS management did a bad job in meeting this challenge. They eventually gave in and authorized an “independent panel”. Which, of course, was not really independent. Their job was to essentially get rid of or demote everyone involved with the program. How bad was this panel? They never even investigated or ruled on whether the documents were actually genuine.

    If Bush Jr. had planned it all in advance, it could not have turned out better for him. Through the Swift Boat mirage, his military service backfired on Kerry. And because of the Web attack, Bill Burkett, and the whole Texas Guard issue was taken out like a machete had cut it away.

    Beyond any doubt, this is the high point of the book. Baker combines some original reporting with work by people like Moore and Mapes to put together a good, juicy, and factually solid summary of this whole sorry episode. What it all says about W., and even worse, the national media, seems to me to be of the utmost importance and interest. The former abdicated his responsibility to the Guard. And the latter abdicated its responsibility to the public.

    II

    If the rest of Family of Secrets was as sound as this section, the book would have been a good and valuable effort. In my view, such is not the case. In fact, it’s not even close. And the bad part is that the rest of the book really means upwards of 90% of it. Baker’s reporting on Bush Sr. does not reveal anywhere near the amount of factual data, reliable testimony, logical inference, and investigative reporting that he does on the Texas Guard story. And since, as I note above, these other areas take up much more space than this first story, the overall effort suffers mightily for that.

    A clear objective of the book is to counter and modify the work of Joseph McBride for the Nation. In two essays done in 1988, McBride unearthed documents and interviews that indicated that Bush Sr. was involved in providing cover for Cuban exiles for the CIA. McBride did not go any further than what the documents indicated. He came to the conclusion that Bush’s actual CIA status-whether he was an agent or asset– could not be really evaluated. But it looked like he was a businessman used as an asset. One of the main objectives of Baker’s book is to somehow show that Bush Sr. was much more than just a CIA asset at the time of the Bay of Pigs. In fact, Baker tries to insinuate that Bush Sr. was a CIA officer from the fifties onward. In fact, his chapter on Bush Sr. becoming CIA chief in the mid-seventies makes this objective clear. It is entitled “In From the Cold”.

    Generally speaking the argument is made through three steps: 1.) Bush’s alleged service as an agent in the fifties 2.) His alleged role in the JFK case, and 3.) His alleged role in the Watergate effort to bring down President Nixon.

    I cannot do any better than Seamus Coogan did in his brief discussion of the import of the 1988 McBride articles. (Click here to view his essay.) The relatively brief McBride articles are also reprinted on pages 371-78 of Mark Lane’s book Plausible Denial. McBride does not pass judgment on what Bush actually was up to in the Agency. But he did interview a trusted source who said Bush had probably helped with the Bay of Pigs. Which would make sense. For as Seamus noted, Bush’s oil company operated off of Cay Sal island, about 40 miles off the coast of Cuba.

    Now, inexplicably, Baker writes that the McBride articles elicited a collective yawn from the media at the time of publication. (p. 11) Not really so. As McBride notes in his second piece, his story “received wide coverage in the media.” The Bush team’s initial denials, and the CIA’s break with tradition to issue a formal reply were extraordinary. It was made worse when, in a dumb stroke, the Agency tried to say the document actually referred to a different George Bush. McBride tracked down this second George Bush, who did work for the CIA at the time. From the interview, it is very hard to believe the memo from J. Edgar Hoover, warning of a possible exile attempt to attack Cuba in the wake of JFK’s death, referred to him. (Lane, pgs. 376-78) All this mucking about created a buzz in the press. Especially considering the fact that, back then, there was no Internet to speak of at all. But I think Baker wants to characterize it as much less than it was in order to somehow portray himself as a pioneer in uncovering the long ignored clandestine career of Bush Sr. In other words, McBride’s work was the tip of the iceberg and it greatly understated who Bush Sr. was and what his ties to the Agency really were. It took Baker to reveal it. Let us evaluate his case for the long withheld clandestine career of George Bush Sr.

    He begins his excavation on page 12. He says that researcher Jerry Shinley has found a document that places Bush’s service with the CIA back into the early fifties. The problem is that the phrasing in this document is quite ambiguous. It says that through a Mr. Gale Allen the CIA had learned in 1975 that Bush had knowledge of a terminated project dealing with proprietary commercial projects in Europe. Bush learned of them through CIA officer Tom Devine. Now, the fact that Devine told his sometime oil business partner about a since deceased CIA project does not mean that Bush Sr. was in the CIA. In the memorandum’s terms, at least as Baker presents it, the wording suggests what I just wrote: Bush had acquired the knowledge through Devine. Another problem is that Bush’s commercial projects were not in Europe, but in America and the Caribbean. So I got the feeling that, unlike with the Air Guard story, the author was stretching his data thin.

    That impression was strengthened when I discovered that, Baker was relying largely on one source for the rest of his information about Bush and the CIA prior to the Bay of Pigs. That source was the same one that John Hankey used in an online discussion with me, namely Joseph Trento’s 2005 book entitled Prelude to Terror. Let me explain why this creates a problem.

    Trento is a longtime writer on intelligence matters. In fact, he figures importantly in Lane’s Plausible Denial. But it’s the way he figures in that book that should have given Baker and Hankey pause. Trento is not an intelligence writer in the way that say Jim Hougan is. Hougan is a digger, a man who does not accept the world of intelligence by its surface measures or by what its maestros tell him. And it’s that skepticism that makes him a trusted and valuable source.

    Trento is not a digger. And he trusts what most of his sources tell him. To the point that sometimes he just writes their declarations out in sentence form. A good example of this would be his previous 2001 book, The Secret History of the CIA. Which, to put it mildly, did not live up to its title. Since two of Trento’s most trusted sources were CIA operators like James Angleton and Robert Crowley, the book has a definite spin to it. For example, in spite of much contrary evidence, it says that it was not Henry Cabot Lodge who spawned the coup against Ngo Dinh Diem in Vietnam, but President Kennedy. (Trento, p. 252) Trento, listening unswervingly to Angleton, characterizes Lee and Marina Oswald as Russian agents, and the Kennedy assassination as a KGB plot. (pgs. 258ff) Trento mentions the fact that George DeMohrenschildt said he had been told by the CIA to contact Oswald. But Trento, quoting Angleton writes, “Angleton, however, maintained that DeMohrenschildt worked for the KGB and that he was the Oswalds’ control officer.” (ibid, p. 258) He also adds that DeMohrenschildt took his own life in 1983, when in fact he died mysteriously in 1977. (ibid) Angleton tells Trento that Oswald’s cavorting around with Cubans in New Orleans was a KGB charade to blame the assassination on Cuba and not Russia. (ibid, p. 260)

    I could go on and on in this vein but let me just add this: Trento tells us that another of his sources, William R. Corson, was dispatched to Dallas by President Johnson to begin his own investigation of the case. (Trento, p. 267) And that Corson ended up working for the Warren Commission. Corson told Trento that Cuban DGI agents convinced Jack Ruby to kill Oswald. (ibid) Need I say that this last is right out of a Gus Russo disinformation script. And for the same reason. Just as Russo is ‘oh so trusting’ of his CIA sources, so is Trento.

    But what makes this last bit even more interesting is that of his three major sources, Corson is probably the most trustworthy. Corson was a military intelligence officer who served in Vietnam and wrote a highly critical book on US involvement in that struggle. But part of the problem is that Corson died in 2000. The two Trento books under discussion were both published afterwards. So whatever corrective influence Corson could have had on these last two books was probably weakened.

    In spite of all the compromising elements I have listed, its from Trento’s Prelude to Terror that Baker gets the large part of the rest of his information about George Bush and his previously secret ties to the CIA. In light of all I have outlined above, here is a question that Baker should have asked himself: “If this information about George Bush is true and viable, then why didn’t Trento use it in his previous book? After all, it was titled The Secret History of the CIA. Wouldn’t George Bush be part of that?”

    What makes this even worse is that in the area of Prelude to Terror where the early CIA employment of Bush is discussed, virtually every endnote is to an interview with a CIA officer. (See Prelude to Terror, pgs. 362-64) In other words, it’s all anecdotal. But furthering my original point, these interviews were almost all done many years ago. So why didn’t Trento use them in the previous book? It doesn’t help matters that almost all these interview subjects are now dead, so they can’t be cross-checked. Why should they be? Consider this: “It was in the late 1950’s that the covert operations culture called upon George H. W. Bush’s talents. Bush was at first a tiny part of Operation Mongoose, the CIA’s code name for their anti-Castro operations.” (ibid, p. 16) Baker didn’t seem to notice that the CIA could not have first called on Bush in the late 50’s to be part of Mongoose because Mongoose did not begin until 1962.

    Finally, let me add one last word about why the use of this book seems suspect to me. The general message of Trento’s tome is that the use of private intelligence networks, set up by people like Ted Shackley, has led to our present problems in places like Afghanistan. (ibid, pgs. 316-17). The book blames some of this on George Bush Sr. because of his well-known ties to the Saudi Arabian monarchy. It is also highly critical of this network’s Saudi ties to Pakistan and the death of President Zia. In fact, it blames the Saudis inability to keep control of Pakistan’s atomic weapons quest as the reason why the quest became Islamicized, that is, anti-Israel in intent. Who is a major source for Trento’s view of Bush and the Saudis in all this: Angleton’s scribe Edward Epstein. (See p. 324) I should note that one of Angleton’s later responsibilities in the CIA was supervising the Israeli desk and interfacing with Mossad.

    Baker writes not a word of caution, qualification, or warning about any of the above. That’s how much he wants to make Bush Sr. a longtime CIA operator. And the drive does not stop there. Not by any means.

    III

    As most commentators on the life of George Bush Sr. acknowledge, by the early sixties, he was trying to transition out of his previous petroleum business life style. He wanted to get into national politics-a goal at which he later succeeded in a big way. So in 1963 he was living in Houston and became chairman of the Harris County Republican Party. As such he was supporting Barry Goldwater for president. He also decided to run for the senate against liberal Democratic incumbent Ralph Yarborough. An important point to enumerate here, as Webster Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin do in George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography, is this: Bush was in on the beginning of the revival of the GOP in the south. And, unlike Dwight Eisenhower’s GOP version, it was a particularly virulent strain of the GOP. One that would eventually and naturally evolve into the Newt Gingrich slash and burn version, whose intent would be to essentially raze the New Deal.

    According to Tarpley, Bush had run hard for the county office in 1962, with his wife in tow. They went from meeting to meeting telling listeners that there had to be a viable two party system in Texas. It was from this county position that Bush decided to scaffold his run against Yarborough. He announced his candidacy on September 10, 1963. He would have to win a primary first before he took on the populist Yarborough.

    Just about all the above is missing from Baker’s treatment of Bush’s first senatorial run. To Baker, all this rather interesting drama takes a back seat to what he perceives as the real and hidden importance in that run: George Bush’s role as a covert CIA operative in the killing of John F. Kennedy. In fact, Baker devotes more pages to this subject than any other. (About 90 of them.) He begins his Chapter 4 on a rather unusual note, one that will establish his creeping solipsistic view. He actually implies that Bush became chair of the Harris country party not for the above stated political ends. Oh no. He did it so he could travel all over Texas. Why? Because “Bush’s political work, like his oil work, may have been a cover for intelligence activities.” (Baker, p. 49 By the way, the supposition about his oil work being a cover is largely from Trento.)

    A few pages later, on page 52, Baker introduces what will clearly be the main entrée for his theory of Bush the covert operator in the Kennedy hit. This is the Parrott memorandum. It is to Baker what the above-mentioned Hoover memorandum about Cuban exiles was to John Hankey in his film JFK 2. That is, Baker is going to drag every single piece of nuanced meaning he possibly can out of it. If the Parrott memo were a cow, Baker would have worked every last drop of not just milk–but blood, water, and tissue from it. To the point that someone would have had to kill the cow to put it out of its misery.

    To provide the background: on 11/22/63, George H. W. Bush called the FBI. He said that he had heard in recent weeks that a member of the Young Republicans named James Parrott had been talking about killing Kennedy when he arrived in Houston. The FBI characterized Parrot as rightwing, a quasi-Birchite, a student at University of Houston, and active in politics in the area. Further, that a check of Secret Service indices revealed that they had a report that Parrott had threatened to kill Kennedy in 1961. The FBI interviewed Parrott’s mother and then Parrott himself. They found out that Parrott had been discharged from the Air Force for mental reasons in 1959. Parrott said that he had been in the company of another Republican activist at the time of the shootings. Bush at first denied making the call, and then he said he did not recall making it. (See Tarpley, Chapter 8b.)

    In light of the above basic facts, let us watch what Baker does with this. First of all, if you were a covert CIA operator in on the Kennedy plot, would you announce in advance that you would be in Dallas to give a speech on the evening of 11/21? Further, would you put that announcement in the newspapers? Well, that is what Bush did in the Dallas Morning News on 11/20.

    At the actual time of the assassination, Bush was in Tyler, Texas. The author says he made the FBI call about Parrott to establish an alibi. This makes no sense. Why? Because Bush already had an alibi. As Kitty Kelley established, the vice-president of the Kiwanis Club-a man named Aubrey Irby-was with Bush at the time of Kennedy’s murder. Along with about a hundred other people. For Bush was about to give a luncheon speech at the Blackstone Hotel. He had just started when Irby told him what had happened. Bush called off the speech. (Baker, p. 54) Question for the author: With about 101 witnesses, why would you need a phone call to establish your alibi?

    The author then writes that Bush told the FBI he would be in Dallas later on the 22nd, and that he would be staying at the Sheraton that night. Baker finds it suspicious that he did not stay the night as he said he was going to. Or as Baker writes in his full Inspector Javert-or John Hankey-mode: “Why state that he expected to spend the night at the Dallas Sheraton if he was not planning to stay?” (p. 59) Well Russ, maybe he was planning to. But because he later realized that Dallas would not be a real good place to campaign in that night, he changed his mind. I mean don’t you think the populace was mentally preoccupied?

    What Baker does with the figure of Parrott is just as odd. As Tarpley wrote, the man had been discharged from the Air Force for psychiatric reasons. He was from the rabid right in Texas, which is pretty rabid. And the Secret Service had a source that said he had made a threat against Kennedy after the Bay of Pigs. Baker soft pedals all this to the max. He tries to make Parrott into a sweet misunderstood lad who Bush somehow magically picked out to provide him an alibi he didn’t need. I could find no mention in Baker of the previous Secret Service file threat by Parrott which Tarpley mentions. And because that is not here, an important part of the story get jumbled.

    In Bush’s report to the Bureau, he mentioned a man named Keary Reynolds as someone who may have told him about Parrott. From Parrott and his mother, Baker says that Reynolds actually came to Parrott’s house to ask him to paint some signs for the GOP campaign. So this now becomes Reynolds giving Parrott an alibi. (Which, like Bush, he did not need. Because, as I wrote above, he had been with another Republican activist.)

    Baker then interviews Reynolds. Reynolds does not recall making the paint job offer or visiting the Parrot house. (pgs. 61-63) He says he vaguely recalled the name because a young man had come around HQ previously and someone told him that he had threatened JFK. He also recalled escorting Parrott to the Secret Service office on 11/22 because of that. So what Reynolds does is back up the Secret Service having a threat file on Parrott. He also seems to back up Bush hearing about this reactionary around HQ. Finally, he seems to undermine the whole “visit to Parrott’s house to offer a job” thesis. Reynolds says he was never at the Parrott home. Parrott and his mom may have fibbed about that to conceal the fact that the Secret Service called him in that day because of his past history. And also perhaps because of the Bush phone call.

    But Baker is still not done. Barbara Bush is apparently part of the plot, or at least the cover up. Barbara Bush wrote a note about her activities on 11/22/63. Addressed just generally to members of her family, it talks about her being at a beauty parlor when she heard the news on the radio of Kennedy being shot. (Baker, pgs. 53-54) Again, Baker gives the letter the Javert-Hankey going over. First, he asks where was George? Russ, Kitty Kelley already established where George was. Did you expect him to be at the hairdresser’s with his wife during a primary campaign? Back then, guys used combs and Brylcreem. Baker then asks why the letter had not surfaced earlier. Maybe because this was Barbara’s first book of personal memoirs? As far as I can see, that was the case. Barbara Bush did write one book previously called Millie’s Book, but that was really a children’s book about the White House, wryly written from the point of view of her dog. Baker/Hankey then asks for the original, which he says he cannot get since Bush and his wife would not talk to him for the book. I wonder why.

    What I think Baker is getting at-and he’s always getting at something or other– is this: Somehow Barbara faked this letter years later to establish another alibi. But again, for who? Her husband already had one. (I really hope Baker does not mean for herself.) Further, back in 1994 when her book was published, who harbored any suspicions about Bush Sr. and the JFK case? Hankey and Baker were years off.

    The rest of this overlong JFK section is, for me, even worse than the above. It basically amounts to what I scored Lamar Waldron and Thom Hartmann for in their two bad books: guilt by name association. A friend of the Bushes was letting them use their plane during the campaign. I think Baker means us to believe that this was not a friendly gesture between friends: Mr. Zeppa was really an accessory to the plot as he squired Bush around. Don’t ask me how or why. Jack Crichton was a pal of Bush’s in the Texas GOP. But Crichton, in turn, was a friend of Deputy Police Chief Lumpkin who was driving the pilot car in Kennedy’s motorcade. What that means is never made clear. But Baker also brings up the fact that Crichton provided a translator for Marina Oswald who wrongly worded her Russian phrases. What Baker leaves out is that Marina had a few translators, and they were all questionable.

    In spite of the speciousness of the above, Baker caps it off with Jack Ruby’s famous speech in an empty courtroom about people in “very high positions” putting him in the place he was in after his conviction for murder. (p. 118) I actually think Baker wants to imply that Ruby was referring to Bush.

    If he was doing that, all I can say is, Baker has as much unearned chutzpah as John Hankey. And in regards to the JFK case, he also has about as much balance and judgment as his soul brother does. Let us note just how misguided the guy is. For the sake of argument, let us grant him one of his premises in regards to the Parrott episode: That it was a charade meant to divert attention. (And with all I pointed out above, that is a very generous grant of credit.) Here’s my question: What would be the point of a diversion if both Bush and Parrott had credible alibis? Which they did. This is what the author says: “Poppy Bush was willing to divert the investigative resources of the FBI on one of the busiest days in its history.” (p. 65) When I read that I had a Hankeyian moment: I didn’t know whether to laugh or cry. Can Mr. Investigative Journalist Russ Baker really be this ignorant about the FBI and the Kennedy murder? As Tony Summers discovered long ago, J. Edgar Hoover was “working” on the Kennedy case from the racetrack the next day. (Summers, Official and Confidential, p. 315) As everyone except perhaps Baker knows, Hoover had closed the case against Oswald within about 2-4 hours. (Vanity Fair, 12/94, p. 90) He did so for many reasons, including the strong possibility that Oswald was an FBI informant. So the fix was in almost immediately. And it never let up. The idea that somehow Hoover was actually going to investigate 1.) Who Oswald really was, and 2.) What the true circumstances of the murder were is a preposterous tenet. But that is somehow what Baker is proposing: the Parrott episode somehow upset Hoover’s apple cart.

    Concerning J. Edgar Hoover and the JFK case, Baker is only slightly less silly than John Hankey.

    IV

    As was established in The Unauthorized Biography of George Bush, from their days in the oil business in Texas, Bush Sr. knew George “the Baron” DeMohrenschildt. This was probably because the Baron partnered an oil investment firm with Eddie Hooker. (Baker, p. 75) Hooker had been Bush’s roommate at Phillips Academy in Andover, Massachusetts. (ibid, p. 72) And they had stayed friends through the years.

    After giving a brief but serviceable overview of the Baron and his brother Dimitri, plus the development of the White Russian community in Dallas, the author begins to describe why the Baron was in Haiti at the time of Kennedy’s assassination. According to Baker, it was only the Baron’s distance from Dallas at the time of the murder that allowed his actions to escape the purview of the Warren Commission. (p. 113) Again, this shows how shallow Baker is on his view of the Kennedy case. Can he really be serious? Who the heck did not escape the purview of the Warren Commission? You can make a pretty good list of all those they had myopia about. In addition to DeMohrenschildt, there was Ruth and Michael Paine, David Ferrie, Clay Shaw, Guy Banister, Kerry Thornley, Sergio Arcacha Smith, Sylvia Duran, and even Sylvia Odio (who the Commission never took seriously). And that’s just those dealing with Oswald’s direct associations. The Commission was a set-up from the start. And it was meant to be so. Whether DeMohrenschildt was in Haiti or not.

    He then compounds the above with this thundering truism: “The bottom line is that the Warren Commission did not assign a seasoned criminal investigator to figure out DeMohrenshildt’s relationship with Oswald and his larger circle of connections.” (p. 127) Oh really Russ? Maybe Baker doesn’t know that the Commission had no private ‘seasoned criminal investigators’ on their staff. They relied on the FBI, CIA and Secret Service. Who, as most informed observers realize, were covering things up. Baker didn’t know this? Maybe that’s why they publish him in the New York Times.

    The author found out the real reason that DeMohrenschildt was able to escape scrutiny. It wasn’t actually because of the above. It was the blinding obfuscation of the sisal plant. Hold on a moment. Let me explain this Bakeresque idiom. See, once DeMohrenschildt handed off Oswald to the Paines, he left Texas for Haiti. Before departing he and his partner had a couple of meetings with government agents i.e. the CIA and Army intelligence. He and his business partner Clemard Charles were then paid almost $300,000 by the Haitian government for geologic testing and a prospective sisal plantation. There has always been a question about whether or not this money was really a disguised reward for his mission with Oswald.

    As far as I can see, Baker ignores the money angle. He then says that the sisal proposal was a cover to disguise what DeMohrenschildt was really doing. (pgs. 104-105) I am assuming Baker means what he already did with Oswald. But here’s my question: Who was the sisal motif supposed to fool? Critics of the Commission have always been suspicious of the Baron and his Haiti payoff. The money may have been for his Oswald duties, or it may have been for a role in a later coup against the Duvaliers in Haiti. Which attempt did take place, and Charles was jailed for his perceived role in it. But the point is, what did Baker think was going to be discussed and put on paper before the two left? Did he really think the CIA or Army intelligence was going to write that the Baron was now coming off his clandestine assignment with the future patsy in the upcoming JFK murder? Or that the interviewers were going to outline the upcoming overthrow attempt? These kinds of thing do not get written about in memoranda.

    About 140 pages later, the DeMohrenschildt story gets picked up again. This time it’s in the midst of the hurricane created by the Church Committee, the Pike Committee, and the formation of the House Select Committee on Assassinations to reopen the JFK case. In September of 1976, the Baron wrote a short letter to the new CIA Director, George Bush. (p. 268) In it the Baron described the painful situation he now found himself in: he said his phone was bugged, he was being followed, and the FBI would not help him. He thanked his old acquaintance and asked him if he could do something to help.

    If anything, the Baron was underestimating his drastic situation. He did not describe two other elements. First, the psychological treatments he was getting, actually electroshock. This may have been from the loss of his daughter three years hence; or, as Jim Marrs has written, a mysterious doctor may have inflicted it on him. (Baker, p. 271) Secondly, the weird figure of Willem Oltmans was pursuing him, trying to get him to “confess” to his role in the Kennedy murder.

    Oltmans was a Dutch journalist who knew DeMohrenschildt from a few years back– 1968 to be exact. (HSCA testimony of Oltmans, p. 10) Just precisely what he was up to, or why he pursued George insistently over the years, these have never really been explained. But its interesting that after George suddenly died on 3/29/77-allegedly a suicide-Oltmans began to spread the news that the Baron had confessed to him before he supposedly took his life. It was a bizarre plot that involved Russian KGB agents with Texas oilmen. But, according to Oltmans, the Baron himself was also involved and Oswald had acted on his instructions in this plot. (ibid, p. 28). Oltmans began his campaign to tell the world of this right after his former friend died. He testified before the HSCA in closed session on April 1, 1977. When one reads this deposition you will note that the longer Oltmans talks, the less Deputy Counsel Bob Tanenbaum believes him.

    At around this time, reporter Jerry Policoff of New Times met with Oltmans in New York. Policoff had secured notes DeMohrenschildt had made while working on a manuscript left with his lawyer. The notes expressed his considerable fear of Oltmans and the reason he had fled from him in Amsterdam. He felt the journalist was trying to drug him in order to get him to say things he did not want to say. He also thought Oltmans was bisexual and was making a homosexual pass at him. Oltmans had heard that Jerry had secured the notes and got in touch with him to meet. Oltmans reacted to the notes by saying they were forgeries. Policoff said he was confident they were genuine. Oltmans then made some thinly disguised threats on his health. Policoff left. Oltmans’ behavior left Policoff with the strong suspicion he was some kind of intelligence asset. (Communication with Policoff, 6/24/10)

    Yet Oltmans was only one side of a pincers movement. Once George ran away from Amsterdam to escape him, Edward Epstein awaited him in the USA. And he promised the Baron thousands of dollars to just sit and talk with him about Oswald. In fact, Epstein was the last person to see him before DeMohrenschildt died. On the morning of his death, he had been subpoenaed by the HSCA. Epstein wanted to talk to George since he had been working on a biography of Oswald for Reader’s Digest. Epstein’s unofficial adviser was James Angleton. The book that derived from this effort, Legend, insinuates that the Baron was a KGB control agent for Oswald. The reader should note here the rough parallel with what Oltmans eventually was selling.

    Bush made two replies to the 9/76 missive by the Baron. One was to his staff, which had forwarded the letter to him. These are rough bullet notes saying the following: that he did know DeMohrenschildt, that the Baron got involved with dealings in Haiti, that his name was prominent in the Oswald affair, that the Baron knew Oswald prior to the JFK murder, at one time DeMohrenschildt had money, Bush had not heard from him in years, and he was not sure what his role was in the JFK matter. (p. 267)

    On the whole this is accurate. But Baker takes issue with the last two points. Concerning the first, he says that Bush was in contact with the oil geologist in 1971, and that DeMohrenschildt had written Bush a note when he became GOP County Chair in 1973. Bush may or may not have gotten that note. If he did not, he had not heard from him in about six years. Concerning the last, if Bush was not in on the JFK plot, then in 1976, that was a quite defensible stance.

    Bush wrote the Baron a brief letter back saying he sympathized with his situation. But although there was media attention to his case, he could not find any official interest right then. He then said he wished he could do more, and then signed off. Considering the fact that Epstein and Oltmans were likely working off the books for Angleton, his observation about “official interest” was probably correct. Thus ended the Bush/Baron relationship. Almost like he knows he has very little here, Baker tags on some meandering scuttlebutt about a man named Jim Savage who delivered the Baron’s car to him in Palm Beach on his return from Amsterdam. Its another of his Scrabble type name association games: Kerr-McGee, the FBI, Sun Oil, even the Pew family. (pgs. 275-277)

    The above two sections are pretty much the sum total of Baker’s work on Bush Sr. and the JFK murder. If anyone can find anything of significance here, something that somehow changes how we look at the case, please let me know. In all honesty, I can’t.

    V

    As threadbare as Baker’s work is on the JFK case, his two chapters on Bush Sr. and Watergate are probably worse (pgs. 175-252). In fact, having read much on the contemporary political scandals that have rocked the American scene, I would rank Baker’s work on Watergate with some of the most pretentiously empty political reporting I can recall. It’s so bad that it made me think he had a desperate rationale behind it all. (Which I will discuss later.)

    Baker begins his section on Watergate with a discussion of a scandal that is not even normally associated with Watergate. In fact, it may not even be a scandal. In early 1970, Richard Nixon authorized H. R. Haldeman to funnel funds from White House contributors to some 1970 congressional campaigns. The idea was to reward Nixon loyalists with campaign cash and ignore those who were not perceived as such.

    There are two important things to remember about the so-called Townhouse Operation. First, the machinations behind it occurred before any of the planning of the crimes associated with Watergate began. This would be the missions done by the infamous Plumbers units who did burglaries and surveillance operations. The planning of Townhouse predates the summer 1970 hiring of Howard Hunt by Charles Colson by about six months. (Jim Hougan, Secret Agenda, pgs. 32-33) Hunt did not start recruiting members of his Plumbers Unit until April of 1971. (Hougan, p. 29) Their first operations did not formulate until two months later with the NY Times exposure of the secret Pentagon Papers. (ibid) It was then that things like the burglary of Dan Ellsberg’s psychiatrist’s office and the forgery of documents linking President Kennedy with the death of Ngo Dinh Diem began. (ibid, p. 33) In fact, in the rather lengthy three articles of impeachment against Nixon prepared by the House of Representatives, you will not find any specific mention of the Townhouse Operation. (Click here)

    Further, none of the money funneled into Townhouse was used to finance the Plumbers illegal capers. Third, in a technical sense, it is hard to argue that Townhouse was illegal. For the simple reason that laws regulating campaign funds, and their eventual usage, were not enacted until after the Watergate scandal. In other words, although it was a ‘slush fund’, it was not a violation of law. For these reasons I was curious as to why the author began with Townhouse, an event which you seldom see even mentioned in chronicles of Watergate-either conventional or revisionist.

    And make no mistake, Baker has drunk deep the revisionist history of Watergate. So in an effort to set up a Nixon vs. CIA backdrop, he mentions Nixon’s desire to attain secret CIA files that Richard Helms was reluctant to turn over. (p. 181) He says that Nixon wanted CIA files on the days near the end of the Kennedy administration. Hmm, maybe dealing with the Kennedy assassination? Problem: the paragraph where he mentions this is not footnoted. But the next paragraph is. In that paragraph Baker has John Ehrlichman telling Bob Haldeman that the CIA is holding something back and the way they are acting, it must be dynamite. The problem with this quote is that when I looked it up in the source Baker named, The Haldeman Diaries, I couldn’t find it where he said it was. I then searched that book for all references to CIA Director Richard Helms, who Baker said Nixon demanded the documents from. Still no luck.

    Now, most informed observers know that there are two sources for this ‘secret file” tale. Haldeman wrote about a meeting with Richard Helms in which he was instructed by Nixon to mention the whole “Bay of Pigs thing”. Helms came unglued when he did. So Haldeman came to believe that the phrase was a code term for the JFK murder. (See pgs. 38-39, of Haldeman’s The Ends of Power. But oddly, in those pages, Haldeman writes that although he actually wanted to do a private inquiry into the JFK case, Nixon turned it down.)

    Another source for this is Ehrlichman’s roman a clef novel, The Company. In that work, Ehrlichman is referring specifically to the secret Bay of Pigs Inspector General report. But what Baker writes here is simply confusing. He refers to “[relevant files] … regarding the turbulent and little-understood days leading up to the end of the Kennedy administration”. These secret CIA documents do not exist anywhere that I know of in file form. So what Baker is referring to, and why he uses it, are things never really made clear. And the author reveals his own confusion when he later contradicts himself by saying the files Nixon was seeking were about the Bay of Pigs. Which, of course, was at the beginning of the Kennedy presidency. (Baker, p. 200)

    The reader should note: with Townhouse, which is not really part of Watergate, and these nebulous “secret CIA files”, Baker is off to a rather unpromising start. He never recovers.

    As I said, Baker has read much of the Watergate revisionist library. He will now cherry pick from it in a way worthy of the likes of Lamar Waldron in order to fulfill his own agenda. Incredibly, the author writes the following: “My independent research takes … the facts in a completely new direction. It leads to an even more disturbing conclusion as to what was really going on, and why.” (Baker, p. 204) As we will see, Baker did next to no new research on Watergate. And his new direction is a fabricated one that I can guarantee no one will follow in the future since it is based upon quicksand.

    It was under Nixon that George Bush actually became a player on the national stage. In fact, one can argue that it was Nixon who salvaged Bush’s political career. Bush had tried to break into that national theater in two runs for the senate from Texas. He first lost to Ralph Yarborough and then to Lloyd Bentsen. Afterwards, Nixon gave Bush a job first as United Nations Ambassador and then as chair of the Republican National Committee. Nixon made it clear that although he perceived Bush to be part of the Eastern Establishment-of which he was not-he liked and trusted him. And no serious commentator whether of a conventional or a revisionist stripe-e.g. Stanley Kutler or Jim Hougan-has ever proffered that George Bush had anything to do with what happened to Nixon during Watergate. Like most Republicans, he supported him through the crisis as long as he could. His advice basically consisted of advising Nixon to tell his whole part of the story as truthfully as possible. One can read any number of Watergate books and this is what will come through.

    Baker can’t settle for that. Why? Because if Watergate was a CIA operation, it doesn’t fit his agenda of defining George Bush as this super duper Agency Black Operator from way before the Bay of Pigs. So as with the Kennedy assassination, he has to create a function for him in this labyrinthine plot. At first he dredges up Townhouse. And at first he does not tell the reader that Bush himself was a prime recipient of those funds-that is how much Nixon liked him. He then links this at the end with a call Bush made as RNC chair to Lowell Weicker. (p. 233) Weicker was a Republican member of the Senate Watergate Committee, which investigated those crimes in televised hearings. Bush, now chair of the RNC, asks Weicker if he should destroy the Townhouse records. Baker, in super conspiratorial high gear, casts this as being a ploy to get Weicker mad, knowing that Weicker was also a recipient of some of the funds, though in a much smaller way.

    To me this is ridiculous. First, Weicker needed no egging on to be outraged against the crimes of Watergate. From the beginning of his career, which goes back further than Baker outlines, Weicker has always been 1.) An independent minded politician who defies easy categorization, and 2.) Against corruption in government. For a Republican, he is so independent minded that Ted Kennedy actually presented him with a Profiles in Courage award. The idea that a character like him needed egging on, or else his actions would have been different , is completely unjustified in light of his record. Both before Watergate and after.

    Second, far from Baker’s spin, the purpose of the call seems to be for Bush to keep himself out of Townhouse, since he was the largest beneficiary of the funding. This may be why Baker soft-pedals this fact until near the end of the discussion. In fact, in his discussion of this phone call, he never reveals that Bush ranked first in Townhouse funding. (pgs. 232-33)

    To me, this angle yields about zero. But Baker has a fallback.

    As I said, the author has drunk deep in the literature of Watergate revisionism. So he is familiar with the books, Secret Agenda and Silent Coup. But you will see very little of the revolutionary discoveries about the Watergate break-in from the former in this book. This is at first seemingly odd. Why? Because it was those actions that 1.) Made the scandal front-page news 2.) Sprung a trap on Nixon which he did not at first understand and from which he could not escape 3.) Is the clearest indication that the break-in was deliberately sabotaged by CIA operatives masquerading as Nixon campaign workers.

    The above is undeniably true. But the problem for a guy with an agenda the size of Baker’s is this: there is no evidence that Bush had anything of any substance to do with any of it, in any aspect.

    So what does the ever-inventive author do? He goes over to the inferior revisionist book on the subject, Silent Coup. He borrows their aggrandizement of the role of John Dean in the scandal. Why? Please sit down before I write this. Its because in March of 1973, in a phone call with Nixon, Bush-at the urging of others– suggested sending Dean to testify before the Watergate Committee. (p. 213) That’s about it.

    The reader should understand something: in March of 1973 Nixon was being attacked in the media because of his stonewalling of the Watergate Committee. (Stanley Kutler, The Wars of Watergate, p. 268) In fact, he was being specifically pilloried over this issue that Bush is talking to him about. That is, his invoking blanket executive privilege over public testimony by members of his staff. Nixon even said that the doctrine of executive privilege was not subject to question by the other branches of government. (ibid) What made it worse was that Dean was supposed to be writing a report on Watergate for the White House at the time. So he should have been an important witness. (ibid) Further, because Dean had cooperated with acting Director of the FBI Patrick Gray on Watergate, the threat was that if Dean did not testify, Gray would not be approved. (ibid, p. 269) So this made the issue Bush was addressing important booth in Congress and in the media. How bad did it get? It got so heated that three conservative GOP senators, Jim Buckley, John Tower, and Norris Cotton all implored the president to get Dean before congress. (ibid, p. 270) Weicker even wanted Haldeman to testify at this rather earl date. (ibid)

    So Bush was doing what several other Republican leaders were. By not informing you of that, by not specifically mentioning the circumstances and acts of many others, Baker tries to make what Bush did into some covert conspiratorial act. Which it is not. And that’s bad journalism. In fact, this whole section on Watergate is really a confession of bankruptcy on Baker’s part. Failing to find anything to implicate Bush in either the conventional or revisionist versions of Watergate, he concocted something that, for all intents and purposes, doesn’t exist. And then, after he produces nothing, he has the Hankeyan chutzpah to state that Bush was actually behind it all. (p. 232) Which is nothing but pretentious and bombastic balderdash.

    I almost don’t want to go on. But I should mention that what Baker does with the JFK and Watergate episodes is symptomatic of the rest of the book. He wants to somehow implicate the Bushes in crimes for which there is next to no evidence, while not reporting on the ones for which there is plenty of evidence. Therefore, somehow the Bushes are also involved in BCCI, the stealing of the Marcos Gold, and even the Phoenix Program. And there is about as much evidence in those instances as what Baker produces in the JFK and Watergate cases. My question then is: Why stop there? Why not involve them in the King and RFK cases Russ? (I hope I didn’t give him any ideas.)

    The overall poor quality of this book worries me. We are at a crossroads in America between the fall of the Old Media and the rise of the New. (See here for a view of that.) We know what we got from the Old Media, which is still hanging on. But if the New Media means a choice between the likes of The Huffington Post and The Daily Beast on the one hand, and the unfounded conspiracy mongering of the likes of Alex Jones and Family of Secrets on the other, then are we really any better off than we were before?

    I’m not sure.

  • Rodger Remington, Biting the Elephant


    Rodger Remington is a retired history professor. He taught for over thirty years at Aquinas College in Grand Rapids, Michigan. Which, ironically, happens to be the home of former Warren Commissioner Gerald Ford. I say ironically because Remington is a relentless and acute critic of the Commission and their work.

    After Rodger retired from teaching, he began to copy large segments of the Warren Commission volumes at a library. He brought them home and studied them minutely. Shocked and surprised by what he studied, he then started to write a series of books on the Commission’s findings. They are titled, in order: The People v. the Warren Report, The Warren Report, and Fallings Chips. All three were published between 2002 and 2005. He published his latest work, Biting the Elephant, in 2009. This last largely consists of his attempted correspondence with three Commission supporters: Gerald Posner, Ken Rahn, and Vincent Bugliosi. In each case, the author tried to convince the Commission supporters to co-write a book with him that would consist of a point-counterpoint of specific issues in the JFK case. In each instance, the official supporter ultimately declined. In an amusing Roger and Me kind of narrative, the author closely chronicles his prolific but futile attempt to engage the “Warrenati” in his literary enterprise.

    Biting the Elephant also deals with a minute examination of some of the key witnesses the Commission used to place the shots from the upper floors of the Texas School Book Depository. These four are Howard Brennan, Amos Euins, Arnold Rowland, and James Worrell. His examination of the testimony of these four men is searching, nuanced, and thorough. This is important, of course, since the Commission and its supporters rely extensively on these four men – especially Brennan – to pin the murder of President Kennedy on Lee Harvey Oswald. Remington shows just how problematic their testimony is in that regard.

    I

    Remington begins his first chapter with the unwise words of Gerald Ford in Life magazine of 10/2/64. With a mixture of laughter and tears, the reader will recall that Ford described Howard Brennan like this: “The most important witness to appear before the Warren Commission in the 10 months we sat was a neat, Bible-reading steam fitter from Dallas. His name was H. L. Brennan, and he had seen Lee Harvey Oswald thrust a rifle from a sixth floor window of the Texas School Book Depository and shoot the President of the United States.” (Remington, p. 22)

    Immediately afterwards, the author shows just how biased Ford must have been to write this. For Brennan told assistant counsel David Belin, “Well, as it appeared to me he was standing up and resting against the left window sill, with gun shouldered to his right shoulder, holding the gun with his left hand and taking positive aim and fired his last shot.” (ibid)

    In his discussion of Vincent Bugliosi’s Reclaiming History, Remington points out that this is very hard to believe since it would necessitate a bullet going through a glass window. (Remington, p. 352; see also Mark Lane, Rush to Judgment, p. 83) Further, the author shows that, during his visit to Dallas for reconstruction purposes, Belin almost certainly falsified the positioning of Brennan in CE 477. Belin placed him on the wrong ledge of a retaining wall and facing the wrong street. As Rodger points out, the Zapruder frames featured on the cover of Reclaiming History show that Belin was wrong in this. Yet Bugliosi fails to point this out. (ibid, Remington)

    The author points out something else worth noting about this curious witness that Ford was so enamored with. Brennan admitted that he didn’t see the first shot. He actually thought it was a firecracker. But he also admitted that he did not see the rifle explode for the second and third shots either. (WC Vol. III, p. 154) The author deduces that if we are to take this seriously, then Brennan must have been jerking his head back and forth between Kennedy being killed and the shooter in the TSBD – and with miraculous speed and anticipation. In reality, Brennan is not to be taken seriously. As Rodger writes, given these qualifications, “…there is absolutely no factual basis for identifying Howard Brennan as an eyewitness to the shooting…” (pgs. 35-36) Amen.

    But I should add, there may be a reason that Brennan said what he did, in the way he did. As attorney Bob Tanenbaum has stated, if one goes with the Commission’s version of the so-called sniper’s nest, Brennan’s testimony is weird. He is supposed to be the source of the original description of the assassin’s height and weight. But as Tanenbaum notes: If Oswald was kneeling down behind that stack of boxes, how could Brennan have determined his clothing color, height and weight? (WC Vol. III p. 144) This may be why Brennan depicted him standing. But, if that was so, then why did he build the “sniper’s nest”? (It is true that Brennan also said he saw the man before the shooting, but then he said he was sitting on the sill. He later seemed to contradict himself by saying he did not see the window until after the first shot. WC Vol. III, pgs. 144, 154)

    Remington leaves out another dubious point about this strange witness. After the assassination, Brennan went home and said he watched television. During which he viewed Oswald’s face twice. (WC Vol. III, p. 148) Although the Warren Report is confusing on this issue, it seems to say that he then viewed a line-up the evening of the murder and failed to pick out Oswald. (Warren Report, p. 145) David Belin realized this was a problem for boss Gerald Ford’s star witness. So when Brennan testified before the Commission, an excuse was forthcoming. He failed to make the identification that night because he was afraid a communist plot would endanger his family. (ibid,) It was that fear which held him back from making the positive ID at police headquarters the night of the 22nd.

    In his book, No Case to Answer, Ian Griggs has made a detailed and valuable analysis of the Oswald line-ups (pgs. 81-91). In this regard, it is important to note some of the comments made by Brennan on the issue of the line-ups to the Commission. When asked by Belin if he recalled how many people were in the line-up, Brennan answered that he was not sure, possibly “seven more or less one.” (WC Vol. III, p. 147) Which would mean anywhere from 6-8. According to Griggs, there were never more than four men in any line-up. And in fact, there could not have been either 7 or 8. Why? Because the placement allotment allowed for only six people. (Griggs, p. 91) Belin then asked the “star witness” about the ethnic makeup of the line-up, “were they all white, or were there some Negroes in there, or what?” Brennan replied with, “I do not remember.” (ibid) Which is a startling answer. Why? This is 1963, at the height of King’s civil rights movement. The March on Washington occurred several months previous. The Klan was blowing up buildings and buses. Yet Brennan does not recall if there were any black men in the only line-up he ever saw in the most important murder ever in Dallas?

    In this regard, Mark Lane and Harold Weisberg made two brief but telling comments about Brennan’s alleged presence at an Oswald line-up. Harold Weisberg wrote in Whitewash, “It is true that Brennan ‘viewed’ the line-up, although he appears to be the one person of whose presence the police have no written record.” (p. 90) Mark Lane echoed this in Rush to Judgment: “The Dallas police submitted to the Commission a document which they said incorporated the name of every person who attended any of the four line-ups at which Oswald was shown to witnesses. Brennan’s name, however, does not appear therein.” (Lane, p. 91) Odd that the Commission’s star witness should be notable by his absence.

    Griggs thought all the above more than just odd. So the former British detective followed up on it. Griggs found out that although he could find particular times assigned to the four line-ups the police listed, there was no time that the Commission assigned to the one Brennan was allegedly at. (Griggs, p. 90) Griggs found a book – Judy Bonner’s Investigation of a Homicide – in which the author said that Brennan was at the same line-up as Barbara and Virginia Davis, who were witnesses to the Tippit murder. This line up took place on the 22nd at 7:55 PM. (Griggs, p. 88) Yet, when Griggs checked this out with Barbara Davis, she said she did not recall Brennan being there. (ibid, p. 92) Griggs also discovered that no other line-up witness mentioned seeing Brennan. (Griggs, p. 94)

    The detective also found the police notes used to make up the official reports on the four line-ups. Brennan’s name is not listed there either. (ibid, p. 93) Neither is his name in any of the affidavits or testimony of the police officers who supervised the line-ups. (ibid)

    I’ve saved the best for last. John McCloy asked Capt. Will Fritz if he was at the line-up attended by Brennan. Fritz said the following: “I don’t think I was present but I will tell you what, I helped Mr. Sorrels find the time that that man – we didn’t show that he was shown at all on our records, but Mr. Sorrels called me and said he did show him and wanted me to give him the time of the showup. I asked him to find out from his officers who were with Mr. Brennan the names of the people that we had there, and he gave me those two Davis sisters, and he said, when the told me that, of course, I could tell what showup it was and then I gave him the time.” (ibid, p. 94, italics added) This is the man directly supervising the police investigation. Yet he doesn’t know that 1.) Barbara Davis didn’t see Brennan, and 2.) He doesn’t care if Brennan is not listed by his own men as being at that line-up. If someone can find a piece of Commission testimony more openly indicating the cops cooperating with Washington in aid of a cover-up, I would like to see it.

    Like Mary Bledsoe, Wesley Frazier, and others, the weight of the evidence indicates that Brennan was one of the Commission’s manufactured witnesses. If Oswald had participated in a real trial – which the Warren Commission did not even resemble – a skilled and knowledgeable defense attorney would have dismantled Brennan piece by piece. Which is probably why Oswald was killed.

    One of the most interesting parts of Biting the Elephant is that Remington actually proffers a method as to how this happened. He writes of a little noted debate within the Commission over “preparation” of witnesses. This occurred in January of 1964. According to Remington the lawyers who were in favor of witness preparation were Arlen Specter, Joe Ball, and David Belin. They were opposed by assistant General Counsel Norman Redlich. Ultimately, Chief Counsel J. Lee Rankin stepped in and decided the dispute in favor of the three assistant counsels. (Remington, p. 53) The understanding arrived at was that “preparations would be summarized in memoranda to be submitted to Redlich. Apparently, somewhere along the way, the requirement for memoranda gave way to the demands of limited time and they were not always provided.” (ibid) I can attest that Remington is right on this. I have seen some of the memoranda at the Dallas Public Library. Before a witness testified the Commission had notes arranged like bullet points as to what the witness would say on specific evidentiary points. It would seem that this is why witnesses were pre-interviewed – sometimes repeatedly – by the FBI, the Secret Service, and sometimes both. One can argue that this preparation occurs at trials today all the time. But at an actual trial, the witness is also cross-examined by the opposing lawyer. No rigorous cross-examination on Oswald’s behalf ever happened during the Commission hearings.

    II

    The three other witnesses that Remington minutely examines are Amos Euins, Arnold Rowland, and James Worrell.

    Euins was a fifteen-year-old high school student in 1963. (p. 36) There are three serious problems his testimony contains for those who use him as a prosecution witness against Oswald. First, when one follows the course of his testimony from the day of the assassination, it is confusing as to whether or not he believes the man he saw in the Texas School Book Depository was white or black. (ibid, p. 39, p. 118) Second, Euins heard four shots. (p. 115) Third, the man he saw in the window had a bald spot in the back of his head – something hard to pin on Oswald. (pgs. 116, 118)

    On the first point, Remington digs deeper into the record and finds out why Arlen Specter treated Euins rather gently. It turns out that on the day of the assassination, Euins told news director James Underwood that the man he saw in the TSBD with a rifle was black. Underwood pressed him on this point by asking him if he was certain. Euins replied that he was. (p. 126) Later on that day, he told the Dallas County Sheriff’s office that them man he saw was a white man. (ibid) Still later, when he was informally questioned by Secret Service agent Forrest Sorrels, he said he was not sure if he was white or black. When he was asked if he could identify the man he saw if he viewed him again, Euins said, “No I couldn’t.” (ibid, p. 127)

    Euins was apparently “prepared” in advance for his Commission appearance. In addition to being handled rather gingerly by Specter, he had a rationale for his jumping back and forth. He now said that the sheriffs’ office had not transcribed what he said accurately. He said he did not tell them the man was white. Only that he had a white spot on his head. (p. 118) He now told Specter that he could not really tell if the man was black or white. (ibid) The problem with this is that, right after the assassination, he told Sgt. Harkness that the man was black. (p. 125) This, of course, would pose serious problems for the Commission since it would eliminate Oswald as the man Euins saw.

    But Remington goes further with Euins. He questions how Euins could have seen a “white spot” on top of the gunman’s head from his vantage point on the ground? (p. 127) The author thinks that Euins picked up this detail from another witness, perhaps James Worrell. For Remington, the capper in all this is an FBI report filed about a week after the shooting. The boy’s stepfather told the agent that the boy had told him what he saw but that “he was not sure whether Euins had seen the shooting or whether he had just imagined it.” (pgs. 126-27)

    Although a bit older than Euins, Arnold Rowland was also a high school student. But as Remington points out, Specter did not treat him nearly as gently as he did Euins. Why? Because Rowland’s testimony posed serious problems for the Commission, in more ways than one. First, he said he saw a person with a rifle in a window other than the designated Sniper’s Nest window. Second, he said he saw a person other than Oswald in the Sniper’s Nest window prior to the assassination.

    Star witness Brennan said he saw a man with a rifle in the southeast corner of the TSBD. Since this was the window on the sixth floor which also contained the peculiar box arrangement and in which the expended three shells were found, the Commission insisted that the assassin fired from there. But Rowland said that he saw a man with a rifle in the opposite window, the southwest one. Further, he said he saw a black man in the southeast corner window, the one the Commission and Brennan said Oswald was firing from. (pgs. 54-55) Consequently, the Commission decided to start an FBI inquiry into Rowland’s background in order to discredit him. To poke holes in his credibility, they first said that although Rowland pointed out the man in the opposite window to his wife, she said she did not see him. The actual reason for this was that she was near-sighted and did not have her glasses on (p. 63) Another way the Commission went after him was to say that he did not tell the police about the African-American man in the “Oswald” window. Yet, as Remington points out, Rowland did tell the FBI about him the next day. The FBI told him this detail was not important. (p. 74) In all, the FBI visited him seven times and he signed four different hand-written notes. (ibid) This included visiting him at work and at his mother-in-law’s house. (pgs. 75, 79) Specter even questioned Rowland about his grades and his IQ, obviously in hope of tripping him up.

    The point Remington is making in all this is the one made many years ago by Sylvia Meagher: the Commission had a clear double standard in their investigation. If a witness told them something helpful with their preconceived verdict, he was treated gently. If what he said was not helpful to them, he was treated roughly. And if that witness did not get the message from the constant visits of the FBI and Secret Service, then Arlen Specter gave him a prolonged third degree grilling. As he did with Rowland.

    James Worrell was more of a mixed bag for the Commission. Like Euins, Worrell said he heard four shots. (pgs. 101, 115) Like Euins, he said he heard them from the upper floors of the TSBD, either the fifth or sixth. (p. 111)

    But here begins the serious official problems with Worrell as a Commission witness. As Remington points out, in the Doubleday version of the Warren Report, there is a photo of Worrell in Washington walking to the Commission HQ to be questioned. He is with three other eyewitnesses: Robert Jackson, Euins, and Rowland. In the picture, Worrell is holding a pair of glasses in a position that suggests he took them off at the photographer’s request. (p. 112) What makes this incident even more fascinating is a fact the author notes next. During the hearings that day, when Worrell’s companions were questioned, each one was asked about the quality of their eyesight. Jackson replied his vision was a perfect 20/20. Rowland said his was better than 20/20. Euins said “I can see real good at a distance, but I can’t see at real close range.” (p. 112. This, of course, would be fine for the Commission’s purposes.) As the author notes, Worrell was not asked about the quality of his eyesight.

    The final problem with Worrell was contained in his affidavit executed on November 23rd. There he said that during the shooting, he “got scared and ran from the location. I ran from Elm Street to Pacific Street on Houston.” There, he stopped to catch his breath and looked back at the building: “I saw a w/m, 5’8″ to 5′ 10″, dark hair, average weight for height, dark shirt or jacket open down front, no hat, didn’t have anything in hands come out of the building and run in the opposite direction from me.” (p. 111) In other words, it appears that Worrell saw someone running out of the back of the Depository right after the shooting. Which would seem to suggest a conspiracy. As does his testimony about hearing four shots.

    So what is the net sum of these four witnesses? The answer is: very little, if anything. Only an inveterate Commission zealot could still believe in Howard Brennan today. As I said, he is a manufactured witness. Euins said he could not identify the man he saw if he saw him again, and did not even know if he was white or black. And his own stepfather doubted his word. Rowland’s testimony actually exonerates Oswald. Worrell’s testimony indicates a marksman in the fifth or sixth floor firing four shots. And then suggests either he, or an accomplice, escaped out the back of the building. Needless to say, at a real trial, in a true adversary proceeding, the defense would look forward to cross-examining these four witnesses.

    III

    The second part of the book is about the author’s interactions with three Magic Bullet fantasists: Gerald Posner, Ken Rahn, and Vincent Bugliosi. Remington outlines his attempts to get any of the three to co-write a book with him debating the merits of the evidence in the JFK case. In the case of Posner, the Case Closed author never wrote him back. He and Rahn had a rather interesting correspondence before the former college professor decided to back out.

    The most interesting communications Remington had with the Magic Bullet crowd was with Bugliosi. Remington notes that in his bloated tome Reclaiming History, the former prosecutor complains that Warren Commission assistant counsel Arlen Specter never answered a letter he wrote to him. Remington then asks us to consider the following in light of that complaint. In February of 2008, after digesting Bugliosi’s giant volume, he penned a letter to the Single Bullet backer. He asked him to cooperate in his book venture. He also listed six pertinent questions they could debate. A couple of these were: 1.) Why was Dr. George Burkley never examined as a witness by the Warren Commission? And 2.) Why were the media records of the 11/22/63 Parkland Hospital press conference never entered into evidence by the Commission? Bugliosi never responded in writing. But he did call Remington on February 20th. (pgs. 304-05) He said he had no time to answer in writing. And during his twenty minutes on the phone, the former prosecutor never directly answered any of his queries. He tried to discount them with a classic lawyer’s brush off: He said they “didn’t go anywhere”.

    After this rather dismissive call, Remington wrote the attorney again on March 3rd. He got no reply. He then wrote him five more times in April and May. There was no reply to any of these. (ibid, p. 309) So, on the evidence of this record, the Single Bullet Fantasy crowd has severe reservations about confronting its critics on a level field.

    In relation to this, I must bring up a point that Remington uncovered about the ersatz London trial that Bugliosi unwisely chose to participate in. Unwise in two senses. First, because it did not in any way resemble a real trial. And secondly, because in spite of that fact, the author took it seriously. And that misjudgment started him down the path to Reclaiming History. Jerry Rose commented after seeing the program that the roster of witnesses was heavily loaded in favor of the prosecution. (The Third Decade, Vol. 3 No. 1 pgs. 16-24) The producers found room for people like Tom Tilson and Paul O’Connor, yet they could not find room for crucial people like Sylvia Odio and James Humes. Further, as Rose notes, the prosecution presented 14 witnesses, twice as many as the defense’s seven. But in spite of all that, Remington reveals that the jury’s first verdict was 7-5 for acquittal. And he got this right from the source, producer Mark Redhead. (p. 303)

    Having been in the jury room for more than one trial, I understand that when you have that kind of vote, it is very hard to overcome each and every juror and get a unanimous verdict. Which was reportedly done here. Clearly, someone in the jury room had to have been riding herd, or there may have been outside interference. (It is clear from all the above, plus what Bugliosi revealed in his book, that the show was slanted for the prosecution.) Remington reveals that the man riding herd may have been the foreman. Because when he interviewed him, he disagreed with the producer Redhead. He said the first vote was 10-2 in favor of conviction. (ibid)

    In fact, the highlight of this second part of the book is the careful but major surgery the author performs on Reclaiming History. Rodger’s approach is different from mine in my multi-part series on the same subject. Remington goes little further than the established record of the Warren Commission. He incorporates little or nothing that was discovered in later years. But even on that ground, he scores some heavy blows against Reclaiming History. One case in point is Bugliosi’s taking to task Mark Lane’s depiction of the famous Katzenbach memorandum. This was the document issued by the acting Attorney General on 11/25 which essentially said that Oswald was the sole killer and the official story must enunciate that clearly. This was before any official Washington inquiry was in process.

    Bugliosi scores Lane for not quoting the first part of the document. The prosecutor then says that this part of the memo states that: “It is important that all of the facts surrounding President Kennedy’s assassination be made public.” The implication being that the memo is not as one sided against Oswald as Lane makes it out to be. Remington notes that the italics are Bugliosi’s, not Katzenbach’s. (Remington p. 324) Bugliosi does not specifically note this, and therefore uses it to hammer home his point against Lane. But even worse, although it is true that the above words are the first in the memo, they are not the only words in the sentence. The full sentence reads as follows: “It is important that all of the facts surrounding President Kennedy’s assassination be made public in a way which will satisfy people in the United States and abroad that all the facts have been told and that a statement to this effect be made now.” The very next sentence is: “The public must be satisfied that Oswald was the assassin: that he did not have confederates who are still at large: and that the evidence was such hat he would have been convicted at trial.” The rest of the five paragraphs in the memo are in the same vein as statement two. (See page 326) Remington thus shows that Bugliosi has quoted selectively in order to make a manufactured point against the man he calls the “dean of distortion”. (p. 324) In any full reading of the memo, it can be fairly said that it was Bugliosi, not Lane, who was doing the distorting. And the tendency to selectively quote, as I have stated and shown elsewhere, is a very serious problem with Reclaiming History.

    Remington also brings out another absolutely puzzling point about Bugliosi’s rather weird attitude toward central evidence in the JFK case. Ever since Cyril Wecht revealed it, the fact that President Kennedy’s brain is missing from the National Archives has posed a real mystery as to this case. And on two levels. First, there is no real explanation as to how and why it is absent. Several authors have made educated guesses as to how this disappearance occurred. But no one has come close to proving their case. The other point that makes this so tantalizing is that, as Wecht has noted, the missing brain is absolutely central to solving the mystery as to what precisely happened to President Kennedy. In a real autopsy, the brain would have been properly sectioned and the path of any bullets through it could have been discerned. In other words, a skilled and experienced pathologist – like say Wecht or Milton Halpern of New York – could have done much to show us how many bullets hit Kennedy’s skull and from which direction(s). Because the brain is absent and because the autopsy was so deficient in this regard, this fundamental point is in hot dispute.

    But it’s even worse than that. As authors like David Mantik and Doug Horne have pointed out, it is hard to believe that the brain depicted by artist Ida Dox in the House Select Committee volumes is actually Kennedy’s brain. Why? Because her renditions depict a brain that is almost fully intact. Yet, many witnesses at the Bethesda autopsy testified to seeing a brain that was blasted away, and therefore did not in any way present an intact brain. Further, on the evening of the 22nd, the brain withdrawn from Kennedy’s skull was not weighed. Which is startling, since it is standard autopsy procedure to weigh the major organs after they are withdrawn. Yet, days later, when a weight was assigned to Kennedy’s brain, it weighed in at 1500 grams. This is also startling. Because the top end weight is about 1400 grams. Autopsy fantasists like Michael Baden try to explain this discrepancy by saying the fixing mixture the brain was soaked in could have added the weight. What he does not allow for is the fact that what was being soaked, by most accounts, was a partial brain. (For a good short treatment of this subject see David Mantik’s essay in Murder in Dealey Plaza, pgs. 261-64).

    Now in any serious, intelligent, and honest discussion of this matter, all these points would have to be enumerated to the reader. And, considering the nature of the evidence, one would have to seriously lament the absence of the brain and the serious failings of the pathologists in this regard. Finally, putting the best face on it, one would conclude that the evidentiary record is hard to decipher.

    How does Bugliosi handle this crucial matter? Like this: “One of the very biggest mysteries concerning missing evidence in the Kennedy assassination, one that continues to fascinate, and one that may never be solved, but fortunately, one that doesn’t’ need to be – since it has mostly academic value – is what happened to President Kennedy’s brain?” (p. 335, Bugliosi’s italics.)

    Is Bugliosi saying what I think he is saying here? That the opportunity to actually dissect bullet tracks through the brain, to photograph those tracks, to preserve tissue slides containing both tissue and lead etc. – that this was all an academic matter? Is he really saying that it had no forensic value in a murder case at all? Even though the murder was accomplished by gunfire and the fatal wound was in the head? How does one explain such a stance? Except that if this is what he is saying, no wonder he would not answer Rodger’s questions in writing.

    In the midst of his discussion of these two important matters – the Katzenbach memo, and the missing brain – Rodger digresses into an enlightening discussion of different modes of finding truth in a complex matter. (Which, if you can believe it, Bugliosi believes the Kennedy case is not. He says the case is simple. If you can reduce the importance of the missing brain to an academic matter, then one can say the case is simple.) Quoting modern philosopher Richard Rorty, the author delineates two ways of pursuing the truth. If we believe that such a thing is attainable, one must grant that the truth is something that must be found. Yet, what men do with this truth is then made by the words one assigns to it. As we have seen in these two instances with Reclaiming History, Bugliosi does a lot more in making the truth than in finding it.

    IV

    For me the high point of the section on Bugliosi, perhaps the peak of the entire book, was the author’s analysis and takedown of Bugliosi’s 53 evidentiary points with which he convicts Oswald. In my series on Reclaiming History, I ignored these since I thought many of them to be – as we will see – rather silly. But academic historian that he is, Remington actually had the discipline and patience to analyze them all.

    One of the things he immediately comes up with is rather startling. Bugliosi’s first nine evidentiary points rely upon the testimony of either Wesley Frazier, Marina Oswald, or Charles Givens. For instance, for his first point, Bugliosi says that prior to 11/21, Oswald had hitched a ride with Wesley Frazier to see his wife only on Fridays. Yet, on the 21st, he did it on Thursday. The prosecutor’s inevitable conclusion is that Oswald went to the Paines on Thursday to pick up the Mannlicher-Carcano rifle. As Rodger points out, the car-sharing idea did not originate with Oswald, but with Frazier inviting Oswald to join him. If that invitation had not been extended, the car rides may not have happened. (p. 341) And the total number of rides previous to the 21st was only four. Not a great sample to establish a defining pattern with. Third, Oswald had missed the previous weekend visit and then quarreled with his wife over the phone on Monday night. Therefore he may have been trying a surprise visit to patch things up with his wife. (ibid).

    Now, if you read Part 6 (especially sections 2 and 3) of my Reclaiming History review, you will see that Wesley Frazier and his brown paper package story has become highly questionable today. And its questionable just about every step of the way. And because of other information about how the Dallas Police searched his house, detained him, and then gave him a midnight polygraph that had him on the brink of hysteria, Frazier has now been exposed as a compromised witness. Which explains why he is guarded today by the likes of Hugh Aynseworth and his colleague in cover up Dave Perry. None of the myriad points I enumerated in that review matters a whit to Bugliosi. He uses Frazier’s coerced testimony and the dubious brown package story for six of his first nine points of indictment. When, in reality, any intelligent , objective observer would tell the prosecutor that if he presented Frazier, Marina, and Givens as his first three witnesses at a real trial, with a defense lawyer like Carol Hewett waiting for them, there would be three extremely long faces exiting the witness chair after she got done with them. Four if you counted Bugliosi’s.

    At point number ten, Bugliosi says that Oswald was play acting when he asked Junior Jarman on 11/22 why there was a crowd gathering below them. Here, the prosecutor is indulging himself in mind reading powers in order to transform something exculpatory into something culpable. Then it gets worse. For point number eleven is none other than Howard Brennan! Point thirteen is this: that Oswald was purchasing a Coke on the second floor when Officer Baker encountered him shows he descended from the sixth floor because he usually drank Dr. Pepper there! (Bugliosi, p.958. I looked this one up in Reclaiming History, since I had a hard time believing the prosecutor took it seriously. He actually does.)

    But further, Bugliosi here says that Oswald placed himself on the sixth floor at the time of the shooting. I didn’t recall anyone saying this before, although perhaps they did. So, like Rodger, I looked up Bugliosi’s source note. I then understood why no one else had used it. The prosecutor was using a summary of one of Oswald’s interrogations while in custody. So for Bugliosi to say that Oswald himself said this is s real stretch. For the simple reason that there is no stenographic record or tape in evidence for these sessions. What we have is Dallas Police, FBI or Secret Service agents’ renditions. But in this case, it’s worse. Harry Holmes was a postal inspector who doubled as an FBI informant. Which is why he was the only non-law enforcement officer there with Oswald. Holmes is the guy who did a lot of cover for the Commission as to how Oswald could have picked up his rifle without the proper papers being signed in order to receive a firearm under an alias. (See John Armstrong, Harvey and Lee, p. 452) Armstrong actually thinks it was Holmes who helped put together the phony money order for the rifle, a money order that is severely out of numerical order for the date it was allegedly purchased. (ibid, pgs. 463-64)

    Holmes’ Oswald interrogation summary was not submitted until December 17th, almost a month after the murder. Then, under oath, he said he heard Oswald say things that others did not hear him say. For when he was examined by the Commission, Holmes said Oswald had admitted he had gone to Mexico before returning to Dallas. (ibid, p. 480) Even David Belin was taken aback by this. He asked Holmes if this was something he picked up from reading the papers, or did Oswald say it himself. Holmes said Oswald stated it. The obvious question, which was not asked by Belin, then becomes: Why is that rather salient fact not in your report, especially since it was finalized on December 17th? And why did no one else hear Oswald say it when you said he did? Holmes also lied about Oswald discussing his postal money order that day. For neither Will Fritz nor two Secret Service agents in his presence on 11/24 recalled Oswald saying anything about a postal money order. (ibid) Yet, Holmes is the man that Bugliosi relies upon for Oswald’s allegedly self-incriminating statements. Without telling us that Holmes appears to have made up other self-incriminating statements.

    But it’s even worse than that. For one when turns to Holmes’ summary as printed in the Warren Report, it does not say Oswald was on the sixth floor. It specifically says he did not indicate the floor he was on at the time of the shooting. (WR, p. 636) And then comes the clincher. When one reads this section of the Holmes report, it becomes clear that the FBI informant is embroidering his story to jibe with the evolving tale of the infamous Charles Givens. For the whole thing about “You go on down and send the elevator back up…” is there in Holmes’ summary. This whole Givens flip-flopping charade was exposed by Sylvia Meagher back in 1971 in the Texas Observer. (8/13/71) On the day of the assassination, the TSBD worker said he had seen Oswald around 11:50 in the so-called domino room on the first floor. Ten days later, on December 2nd, he changed his story for the Secret Service. He now said he saw Oswald upstairs with a clipboard on the sixth floor at around 11:45. As Givens left, Oswald told him to send an elevator back up for him. After that, he never saw Oswald again. Both stories cannot be true. But clearly, Holmes heard about the second story through his FBI grapevine. And he is now trying to create posthumous corroboration by Oswald, which again, no one else heard. Yet Bugliosi uses this obvious concoction as evidence against Oswald.

    Remington summarizes the entire list as follows: of the 53, seven of them are of the “we know” variety. (Remington , p. 438) That is, things that Bugliosi assumes to be a fact, which actually are not e.g. like Oswald owning the rifle in evidence. Another 27 instances consist of the “he said she said” variety (including expert testimony that would have been challenged in court.) With the above general and specific sampling of the 53 points, so much for Bugliosi’s claim of Oswald’s guilt beyond all doubt. (Reclaiming History, p. 953)

    V

    Remington’s critiques of Rahn and Posner are not quite up to his discussion of Bugliosi, but they are still worthwhile. Posner’s pile of junk Case Closed, has been so riddled full of holes that it’s almost not worth the effort to attack anymore: it’s like making the rubble bounce. But still, Rodger makes some interesting and telling points. He notes that, in his defense of the single bullet theory, Posner spent much more time explaining away the timing problem i.e. getting off the three shots in the space of a few seconds, than he did on the ballistics and trajectory problems involved. In fact he spent more time on the former than the latter two combined. (Remington, p. 135) Rodger is also good with the alchemy Posner pulls off with the Willis sisters. If one will recall, Posner built part of his ridiculous theory about an early shot – one before the limousine disappeared behind the sign – around Rosemary Willis turning at the sound of a first shot. A shot that missed. Posner sourced this to an interview Rosemary Willis did in 1979 with one Marcia Smith-Durk. Yet no particular venue is given for this interview. (ibid p. 163) Another source given is from a newspaper that had gone out of business by the time Case Closed was published. But that interview was also from 1979. (ibid) Why nothing in 1963 or 1964? What Posner does not tell you is that Phil Willis had two daughters who were with him in Dealey Plaza that day. And it was Linda Kay Willis who testified in 1964 before the Commission. When she did so testify, she told Wesley Liebeler that it was the second shot that missed. Which effectively kills Posner’s theory, since Oswald could not have hit Kennedy before he went behind the sign since the branches of an oak tree interfered with his sight. Which is probably why Posner didn’t mention the 1964 Willis testimony.

    Finally, Remington points out a rather artful use of ellipsis by Posner. In his discussion of Howard Brennan, Posner consulted the posthumously published memoir by the Commission’s star witness. This was done with a co-author and was entitled Eyewitness to History. In describing a man Brennan saw by looking up at the sixth floor of the TSBD, Posner quotes the following: “His face was almost expressionless…He seemed preoccupied.” Ellipsis can be used and defended if there are only a few words left out of a quote, or even a couple of sentences. But Remington notes that, in this instance, Posner eliminated five paragraphs! But further, what he eliminated mildly suggests a conspiracy. For in what is left out, Brennan is describing a sealed off area of Dealey Plaza toward a side entrance of the TSBD. This side entrance is described as being off Houston Street, toward the rear of the building. The police had sealed the area off with saw horses and forced all cars to move out. Yet Brennan observed a car in that vicinity with a white male driver behind the wheel. As he looked, he wondered why that car was allowed to stay there. What made Brennan even more curious was that the front wheel of the car was pulled sharply away from the curb and the driver had his door partly open. Brennan wondered if this was so the car could make a quick U turn while departing. Brennan closes the five paragraphs cut by Posner with this: “As I was watching the man in the car, I saw a policeman who was on foot walk over towards the car and began talking to the man in a friendly, laughing manner. So far as I could see, there was no attempt to get the man to move his car, and after chatting for a minute or so, the policeman walked back to his post.” (ibid p. 173)

    Brennan closed out this segment by saying that he never saw any accounting of this “mystery car” anyplace. And thanks to Posner’s editing, the reader of Case Closed would not know about it either. Thanks to Rodger, we do.

    The discussion of Rahn is wryly funny. Rahn had by far the longest correspondence with Rodger about co-writing the book on the Warren Commission. They actually exchanged a number of written communications. But ultimately, Rahn backed out. (Remington, p. 211) Rahn, of course, is the man who has always advocated Oswald’s guilt through the now discredited Neutron Activation Analysis test. Rodger wants him to answer one simple question: “How can it be determined that the famous CE 399 was fired that day?” (ibid, p. 201) In all their communications, Rahn never directly answered this question. He tried to build a negative argument that it would have been difficult to plant another bullet. But he never directly answered Rodger’s question. So Rodger asked the question a different way: “How can NAA establish that the bullet in the Single Bullet Theory was actually fired at the time of the assassination?” (ibid, p. 209) This question was never directly answered either.

    From here, the author details the rather weird attempt by Rahn and his partner Larry Sturdivan to get an article about NAA published in an academic journal. They could not get one published in an American journal. Probably because the controversy over the issue was now heating up with the work of men like Pat Grant and Cliff Spiegelman. So they got their work published in a journal based in Budapest, Hungary. And they did it in 2004, the year before the FBI announced they were discontinuing the NAA test. (ibid p. 252)

    The main part of Remington’s discussion of Rahn, deals with his attempt to get a counter-article published in the same journal. Which he ultimately failed to do. He was only allowed to write a brief letter to the editor. And Rahn was allowed to answer it. Then, in 2006, Eric Randich and Pat Grant got their milestone essay published in the Journal of Forensic Sciences. This was followed in 2007 by the work of Cliff Spiegelman and Bill Tobin, for which Spiegelman won an award. (See here.) So in retrospect, the desperate attempt by Rahn and Sturdivan to get their paper published in Budapest, seems like a Hail Mary pass with time expired in the game. And as Rodger points out, the issue in which Sturdivan and Rahn were published in was a tribute to Vincent Guinn! The man who first used (actually misused) the test to convict Oswald for the House Select Committee on Assassinations.

    As to the quality of the scholarship within, Rodger gives us a taste of it through some quotes attributed to Sturdivan. These are some of his points:

    1. NAA eliminates all conspiracy theories that involved additional shooters.
    2. NAA proved the rifle was not planted
    3. NAA proved that the precise locations of JFK’s head wounds and back wounds were not needed to solve the case
    4. It supported the Single Bullet Theory
    5. It knit together the physical evidence into an airtight case against Oswald, thereby putting the matter to rest.

    Quite a series of claims in light of the fact that the alleged science of NAA was soon be negated by the two teams of researchers named above. To the point that the FBI and courts will not use it again. It is further rendered ridiculous by the work of John Hunt, Gary Aguilar, and Josiah Thompson, which proves that CE 399 was not fired that day, and the bullet found at Parkland Hospital was later switched. (See my review of Reclaiming History, part 7, Section 3) All this shows just how out of touch with the facts Rahn and Sturdivan really are.

    Rodger Remington’s work is not for everyone. He is a classic type of researcher in that he stays within the boundaries of the Warren Commission materials. There is no discussion of Kennedy and Vietnam, of Oswald and the CIA, of Ruby and the Mafia etc. There is no development of the revelations of the ARRB. But if you can allow for that, it’s a rewarding book. As for me, there is no amount of dirt that can cover the withering corpse of the Warren Commission. So any further burial is always welcome.

  • The Lost JFK Tapes


    Of the three new documentaries broadcast over the last JFK anniversary, National Geographic Channel’s The Lost JFK Tapes was clearly the best. It had to be. It was not on Discovery Channel. As readers of this site know, that channel has become the media ghetto for those who still adhere to the discredited Warren Commission. Which was turned into mythology over four decades ago. But through a kind of institutional agreement with another body that lies about the JFK case, The Sixth Floor Museum in Dallas, Discovery is involved in producing propaganda tracts like Inside the Target Car,The Ruby Connection, and Did the Mob Kill JFK? These have all been thoroughly exposed as deliberate deceptions elsewhere on this site. Along with Discovery Channel’s phony contraptions that try to support the lies of the Commission, that channel also chooses to withhold from the public the voluminous declassified files made available by the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB). These were the tens of thousands of documents declassified in the wake of Oliver Stone’s film JFK. These documents further reveal that the Warren Commission was nothing but an elaborate cover-up, often in the Commissioners’ own words. But you won’t even hear about the ARRB on the Discovery Channel.

    You won’t hear about the ARRB on The Lost JFK Tapes either. But at least you won’t have to suffer through the god-awful Dale Myers type manipulation of fact that produces an unsupportable conclusion. What this show does is present the record of that tragic weekend of November 22-24th of 1963. It treats that film and audio record with respect and lets it speak in its own words. Whether it complies with the 1964 Commission official story or not. And because that weekend was so tumultuous, so solemn, so epoch changing, the program has a quiet power to it – a power that comes from commemorative reverie. The people who made it respected the event. And they were out to preserve and honor it for what it was. For certain segments described later, its not the type of film you will see on Discovery Channel, or even featured at the Sixth Floor. The latter is too busy promoting atrocities like Oswald’s Ghost (See here for the reasons why).

    The film bills itself as being made up largely of unseen footage from that weekend. Yes, a lot of it was. But some of it I had seen before. I should also note that some of the new tapes are audio. And as we shall see later, the fact may be that they were not lost, they were suppressed. But nonetheless, it was all adroitly, and at times poetically, put together.

    It begins with a beautiful overhead shot from the clouds as Air Force One descends into Fort Worth. Along with this aerial shot we hear some Errol Morris style documentary background music on the sound track: both pulsating and vibrant. After their arrival, we see the breakfast at the Hotel Texas in Fort Worth with President Kennedy making his famous jokes about the attractiveness of his wife, “No one wonders what Lyndon and I are going to wear.” We then cut to the arrival in Dallas, and we see a problem the Secret Service had with Kennedy. After the Fort Worth breakfast and upon the arrival in Dallas, the president went ahead and walked into the awaiting crowds to shake hands. As the commentator adds, this made it difficult for the Secret Service to enforce a stricture of theirs: anyone shaking hands with the president had to have both hands exposed in advance.

    We then cut to an aerial shot of the motorcade route through Dallas. But not before we see the famous black and white footage of the visibly upset Secret Service agent Henry Rybka being asked by Emory Roberts to leave the escort detail at Love Field.

    The actual assassination sequence is also skillfully done. The editors intercut black and white stills with color motion picture footage to convey the impact. Some of the motion picture footage is of those dozens of bystanders running toward the grassy knoll and the sound of the shots. The program then shows regular programming being interrupted on local station WFAA-TV while program director Joe Watson announces the shooting of President Kennedy and Governor Connally. We then cut to Parkland Hospital with doctors arriving and people crying outside. Senator Ralph Yarborough stated that he found a Secret Service agent outside of Parkland hospital pounding the car in despair. He himself said that what had happened is “Too gruesome to describe.”

    We then watch as the Newman couple – Bill and Gayle – are called to local television to tell the public what had happened. This clip reveals why they are not mentioned in the Warren Report and although interviewed by the FBI, were not called to testify before the Warren Commission. (Jim Marrs, Crossfire, p. 70) The Newmans were standing on the north side of Elm Street, just west of the Stemmons Freeway sign. Bill Newman told the TV audience that, as Kennedy was hit, he heard shots come from behind him. This, of course, would have been up on the grassy knoll, behind the picket fence.

    The program then cuts to the Texas School Book Depository a few minutes after the assassination. They say attention was attracted there by the testimony of photographers Malcolm Couch and Robert Jackson who said they saw a rifle barrel being withdrawn from a window on the fifth or sixth floor. Very quickly about two dozen police cars are parked near the intersection of Elm and Houston, with police standing outside the building with shotguns. There is a roof to basement search while employees like Danny Arce and Bonnie Ray Williams are escorted away as witnesses. I should also note in this regard, the show depicts at least two other people being arrested by the police: one for the murder of Officer Tippit, and one for the assassination.

    At about this point, Dallas Police inspector J. Herbert Sawyer speaks in front of a TV camera. He says that the assassin’s rifle shells were found on the fifth floor. (In Michael Benson’s book, Who’s Who in the JFK Assassination, he incorrectly quotes Sawyer as saying the shells were found on the third floor. p. 409) Right after this Watson is interviewing WFAA cameraman Ron Reiland. Reiland tells the audience that the weapon discovered at the Depository was an Argentine Mauser. Two more startlers follow: a broadcaster says the shots came form the fifth floor (matching the location of the shells), and the police say they had given the president’s trip the maximum security arrangements possible. Which, in retrospect, and with the testimony of Deputy Sheriff Roger Craig, is a little humorous.

    The next stage of the film is the reporting of the death of Tippit in Oak Cliff. It is interesting to note here that the immediate reaction of the police to this report is this: Whoever shot Tippit, had to have been Kennedy’s assassin. So I wish the program had shown Reiland’s film of a wallet containing Oswald’s ID being passed among the law enforcement officers at the Tippit scene. Meanwhile, the narrator could have announced that the police were taking his wallet from Oswald on the way to City Hall.

    After this the police report says that an armed man had entered the Texas Theater. It is not explained how they knew the an was armed. Oswald is then apprehended and policeman Paul Bentley addresses the reporters about his arrest. Oswald is then driven to City Hall and arrives at about 1:55 PM. The charge at this time is only the murder of Officer Tippit. One of the things that I thought was memorable about this sequence is the number of times that Oswald denied his guilt in either of the shootings. He complains about being given a hearing “without legal representation.” When asked if he shot Kennedy, he says, “I did not shoot anybody.” His answers are always cool, clipped, with nearly no hesitation.

    Oswald’s demeanor is contrasted in the film with what can only be called the utter bedlam of police HQ. This is rendered almost palpable in this film. That the police let all these bystanders into HQ at this time is simply unfathomable. There seemed to have been no control on this until Sunday morning. To have their most famous and important prisoner in inexplicable. Because, as the film also makes clear, that very afternoon the legend that Oswald had built up began to be circulated through the press with a speed that was startling. The whole thing about moving to Russia, his membership in the FPCC, his being fined for an altercation with anti-Castro Cubans in New Orleans, all this gets circulated into the local media. Both incriminating him and creating bias in the minds of the public.

    The film now shows Kennedy’s body being removed from Parkland Hospital and transported to the airport. We watch the casket being uploaded onto Air Force One while Judge Sarah T. Hughes swears in LBJ. As we watch the plane lift off into the sky, a newsman appropriately intones that this is “One of the blackest days in the history of the United States.”

    After the plane arrives in Washington and Johnson speaks from Andrews Air Force Base, the film returns to the Dallas Police HQ. The police have called and maintained a Justice of the Peace there late at night since they are going to charge Oswald with Kennedy’s assassination. And at this point, the film begins to take up the litany of certainty about Oswald’s guilt that DA Henry Wade, Capt. Will Fritz, and Police Chief Jesse Curry began to drum into the media. And through them to the public. For example, Curry says that the police can place Oswald on that floor at the time of the murder, that they can put him in the window, and that he ordered a “similar rifle”. Well, the first two are simply false, and the third is a queer choice of words. Did Curry still think the actual weapon was a Mauser? Henry Wade proclaims that no one else was involved in the shootings but Oswald. Which rules out the possibility of accomplices within ten hours of Oswald’s arrest. Meanwhile, we see Oswald still denying the alleged “air tight” case against him and still requesting legal representation.

    The film then moves to Saturday and Mayor Earle Cabell declaring it a day of mourning in Dallas and that all churches and synagogues stay open. We then listen as the news comes down that Governor Connally will recover. We learn that Connally asked his wife Nellie about the president. She told him he was dead and he replied, “That’s what I was afraid of.”

    On this day, the famous backyard photographs are now in evidence and the FBI says that it has the documentation about Oswald’s ordering of the rifle. Curry again declares Oswald as “the man who killed the president.” He then describes him as very arrogant during questioning. A reporter then asks Wade how many time he has requested the death penalty. He replies 24 times. He s then asked how many times he achieved it. He replies 23. Oswald is being prepared by the DA for the gallows. Right after this, a reporters prophetically asks Curry if he is worried about Oswald’s safety considering the high level of feeling against him in Dallas. Curry replies that no he is not. The proper precautions will be taken and he didn’t think anyone in Dallas would try and do away with Oswald.

    The film then moves to Sunday at City Hall. The reporters comment on the precautions taken by the police: cars are being checkedbefore entering the basement, no on can get in without press or police ID. We then watch as Oswald is escorted out the elevator, through the office, down the corridor, and shot by Jack Ruby. Incredibly, one newsman named Bob Huffaker says that he thought Ruby was a Secret Service man. What a Secret Service man would be doing in the parking lot at that time is a mystery. And right after this, we see the cover up about Ruby beginning in the ranks of the DPD. For, as most informed observers know, half the police in the parking lot knew who Ruby was. But all the police say is that the assailant was a resident of Dallas, and known to some of the police but his name will not be revealed at this time.

    Now that Oswald is dead, the local media, like Bob Walker, immediately proclaim him “the assassin.” Then, in defiance of what we just saw, Walker declares that the police had provided more caution and protection for Oswald than any other prisoner in their history. Then, just as absurd, the police finally pronounce Jack Ruby as the “suspect” in Oswald’s murder. To top it off, policeman Jim Leavelle says he recognized Ruby, “If in fact he did it.” This is the cop who stood right next to Oswald as Ruby shoved a gun into his stomach.

    After this, one of the most startling pieces of reportage in the entire program is revealed. The report comes on that one of the only clear things said among the police is that none of them “believes [Ruby] killed Oswaldäout of patriotic fervorä.it is for one reason and that is to seal his lips.” This, of course, directly contradicts the future verdict of the Warren Commission. And it reveals that there was a vow of silence taken within the DPD shortly after. Its that kind of revelation that have led Tina Brown’s investigative reporter Gerald Posner to try and counter this film. (See here.)

    The program winds down by showing us the internments and funerals of Tippit, Oswald and Kennedy. Then we watch as on the 27th, Johnson addressed a joint session of Congress and made his famous statement, “All I have I would give gladly not to be standing here today.”

    In the last several years, this is the only documentary on the subject that I have seen that is both objective and worth watching. The producers, Tom Jennings and Ron Frank, deserve our thanks and encouragement. They have treated a serious subject with respect and skill. One of the achievements of the film is that I have left many fine human-interest touches out of this description. There is a memorable moment when the news of Kennedy’s death comes into the Trade Mart where he was to speak. A black waiter begins to quietly weep and then wipe away his tears. After, a man quietly takes down the seal of the president on the podium where Kennedy was to address the crowd.

    Let me close with another fine moment from the film. The afternoon of the murder, a reporter was roving in Dealey Plaza trying to get the general feeling of the populace to what had happened. A young man states, “Why would anyone shoot President Kennedy. He’s done so much for us.” A woman then says that it’s one of the most terrible things to ever happen. A young woman comments that “This is doom for our city.” Finally, a middle-aged man with the gift of seeing into the future states: “A great man is gone. We are all going to suffer for this. And we all should.”

  • Did The Mob Kill JFK?


    Did the Mob Kill JFK? was broadcast right before another Discovery Channel program entitled JFK: The Ruby Connection in November and December of 2009. At the end of this review, I will specify why I find that to be retrospectively interesting and what it says about Discovery Channel. But first, let me answer the question posed in the show’s title: Nope, not by themselves. In fact, I can think of no credible, respected JFK researcher on the scene today who thinks that the Cosa Nostra pulled off Kennedy’s murder alone. Yet this program seems to foster that idea in a truly offbeat, even bizarre kind of manner. How does it do so?

    By using three main talking heads who have serious credibility problems that the producers never tell us about. They are Robert Blakey, Lamar Waldron and Gerald Posner. With the choice of these three men, the Discovery Channel lets us know that, as far as they are concerned, they have no interest in dealing with any of the compelling new discoveries unearthed by the Assassination Records and Review Board (ARRB). This was the body constructed by congress to declassify thousands of documents on the JFK case that were classified until 2029. But alas, the program cannot inform us of that salient fact. Because if it did, Blakey would have to explain why he did it.

    I

    See, Blakey was the Chief Counsel of what Gaeton Fonzi memorably termed The Last Investigation. This was the congressional inquiry into the deaths of both President Kennedy and Martin Luther King by the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA). To say that he helmed that committee in an unsatisfactory and controversial manner is somewhat of an understatement. And to go into all of the shortcomings of the HSCA would take an essay about ten times longer than this one, and it still would not do it justice. (For a summary of the HSCA’s failings, see The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, pgs. 51-89) But I should note just one aspect in this regard. When the Warren Commission published its final report, it issued 26 volumes of evidence with it. When Blakey published his report, he issued only 12. Further, the HSCA saw many more declassified government files than the Warren Commission did, from agencies like the FBI, the CIA, the Secret Service and the State Department. They also conducted many more independent interviews with important witnesses and in crucial areas. For instance, the medical interviews the HSCA did went much further than the shameful dog and pony show orchestrated by Arlen Specter for the Warren Commission. For instance the interviews done by the HSCA staff prove that there was a large avulsed wound in the rear of Kennedy’s skull, which indicates that there was an exit wound there. And therefore an entrance from the front. To point out another area, the HSCA investigation of Oswald’s background was much more extensive than the Commission’s. They actually reviewed many CIA and FBI files about the pinko Marine who defected to Russia at the height of the Cold War, and then decided to return with a Russian wife. They also interviewed and investigated many more witnesses in New Orleans than the Commission did. And they went much further in uncovering Oswald’s activities there. For example, they built upon the fascinating evidence first accumulated by Jim Garrison about the sighting of Oswald with David Ferrie and Clay Shaw in the Clinton-Jackson area.

    Yet after seeing many, many more documents and conducting many more searching interviews than the Commission, Blakey then classified a larger volume of material than the Warren Commission had previously. And most of it, like the two instances described above, clearly pointed away from the Mob-did-it theory that Blakey came to advocate. By ignoring the files that Blakey agreed to classify – and that reveal a true conspiracy and cover-up in the JFK case – the show can avoid asking Blakey two questions: 1.) Why did you do it?, and 2.) What was hidden?

    Let’s go to the next cultivator of cover-up. What can one say about Posner? Except the obvious. His discredited book, Case Closed, was designed to detract from the creation of the ARRB and to counteract the gale impact of Oliver Stone’s 1991 film JFK. And we have this from the horse’s mouth so to speak. (Although, with Posner, I would use a different pack animal’s name.) After Jim Marrs debated Posner on the Kevin McCarthy show in Dallas, he asked him how he came to do the book. Posner told him that the project was brought to him by longtime CIA crony Bob Loomis, the backer of such compromised “investigative” reporters as James Phelan and Seymour Hersh. (DiEugenio and Pease, p. 369) Posner’s book was and is an embarrassment today. One reason being that it relies so much on both the evidence in and the claims of the Warren Report. It also tried to uphold the unsustainable Single Bullet Theory, which today – with the discoveries of Gary Aguilar, Josiah Thompson and John Hunt – is simply not possible to do. (ibid, p. 284) Finally, as more than one commentator has pointed out-including Aguilar-there is a serious question about whether or not Posner actually talked to the people he said he interviewed. Because at least three of them say they don’t recall the conversations.

    Here is a writer who made the oh so definite statement, on page 428 of the hardcover version of his book, that there was no evidence that David Ferrie knew Lee Oswald. This was right before a Civil Air Patrol picture surfaced depicting both Oswald and Ferrie at an outdoor CAP barbecue. This was also right before the ARRB declassified several statements that CAP members made to the HSCA that they knew Ferrie had met Oswald in their troop. Posner is the same writer who tried to explain the lack of copper on the James Tague bullet curb strike in Dealey Plaza like this: See, the bullet went through the branches of an oak tree and the branches sheared off the copper jacket as the bullet passed through. To anyone who has seen said bullets, this is nothing but balderdash. Posner’s phony book was nothing but a PR counter by Bob Loomis. Final proof: the book went on sale the same week the ARRB declassified its first batch of JFK assassination files.

    Which brings us to the third member of this circle, Lamar Waldron. Here is a guy who wrote two books trying to sell the idea that Kennedy was preparing for an invasion of Cuba in the first week of December 1963. That the Mafia found out about it, and that they then arranged for his death since they knew that the security about this plan would guarantee a cover up of what they did. Except that in all the years since, there has never been any evidence that this was a cause of the JFK cover up. Today, we have literally thousands upon thousands of pages of FBI, CIA, State Department, Warren Commission, and HSCA declassified files. None of them indicate this is the case. So Waldron now sells another talking point: See, there are files the ARRB did not get, and it must be in there someplace.

    The problem with that is what Bill Davy revealed on this web site. Waldron misrepresents the very title of those plans. The title is not, as he says, “Plan for a Coup in Cuba.” The full and proper title is “State-Defense Contingency Plan for a Coup in Cuba.” With that proper title in mind, a natural question arises: What would be the national security need to tell the Warren Commission about a contingency plan? None that I can imagine. Which is why in the now declassified executive session hearings of the Commission, you will not read one reference to them. Neither it is mentioned in any communication between J. Edgar Hoover and the Commission that I have seen.

    Waldron and his co-author Thom Hartmann had further difficulty deciding on how to sell the so-called “coup leader” on the island of Cuba. This is the guy who was supposed to kill Castro, blame it on the Russians and then convince the Cuban public that a band of former Batista followers from the CIA would continue Castro’s revolution. In their first go round, called Ultimate Sacrifice, they strongly hinted the leader was Che Guevara. When people like David Talbot pointed out how ridiculous this was, the coup leader was changed to Commander Juan Almeida. Yet, one of the since declassified CIA files reveals a serious problem with their replacement choice for coup leader. According to a National Security Agency intercept, Almeida was not on the island at the time of the alleged coup. He was on his way to Africa. Can one get any more preposterous than this? Think of it all: Castro was going to be murdered, the blame had to be placed on the Soviets, there was going to be a flotilla of Cuban exiles boating to Cuba. And the necessity of holding this explosive situation together was with a guy who wasn’t there. When someone pointed this out to Waldron, he was momentarily shaken. But only momentarily. His self-admitted CIA associated co-author Hartmann must have bucked him up with: “Well, we already wrote two books, we can’t admit we were wrong now.” They continued on this path even when former military officer and guardian of the plans Ed Sherry revealed the following: JFK was so uncomfortable with the contingency plans that he cancelled them.

    In the face of all this these two still insist on the efficacy of this downtrodden idea. Today they must remind us of the likes of David Belin and Wesley Liebeler upholding the Warren Commission after it was thoroughly discredited.

    As I wrote in my reviews of both the Hartmann/Waldron farces, once the coup idea is done away with – which it is today – the two books are nothing but pretenses for still another discredited idea: the concept that the Cosa Nostra alone killed President Kennedy. There has never been any volume that argued this theory convincingly: not by Dan Moldea, David Scheim, John Davis, Blakey, and certainly not Frank Ragano. What these two poseurs did was to throw them all of them into a Waring blender together. Twice. As I showed in my two reviews (click here and here), it still did not work.

    If the idea behind the show was to give us a three headed hydra even worse than Gary Mack, then they may have done it.

    But the ideas of the three men do not coincide. Posner is an Oswald as demented Marxist man. To my knowledge, Robert Blakey has never said one word about the Waldron/Hartmann construct. As Bill Davy noted, in Waldron’s latest revision – which may change at any moment – he now says the Kennedy assassin was E. Howard Hunt’s friend Bernard Barker. Neither Blakey nor Posner would agree with that. So how did this show work around that serious problem? Let’s see.

    II

    It begins on the wrong foot almost instantly. After introducing the Warren Commission, and saying most people don’t believe the Commission today, we cut to Robert Blakey. He says that the Commission conducted what he calls “a shooter investigation.” In other words: Who pulled the trigger?

    There is one thing Blakey is not, and that is stupid. But I feel about him as I do Allen Dulles: I respect his brains as much I don’t the uses to which he puts them. As we shall see, with this statement Blakey tells us two things: 1.) He is doing a limited hangout on the Warren Commission, and 2.) He does this limited hangout because he wants to stick with Oswald as the killer, but impose his own agenda over his alleged act.

    The problem with saying the Commission did a “shooter investigation” is that they never looked at anyone else as the shooter. So what kind of investigation was it? One that had Oswald in its sights almost from the beginning. And no matter how much the evidence of Oswald as the assassin did not add up, that is how much the Commission went into denial about it. If the FBI came up with no fingerprints on the rifle, that was no problem. If, after the murder, two women were allegedly on the same stairs with Oswald, but did not see him or hear him, that was no problem. If the Commission could not get anyone to match Oswald’s shooting exhibition of two head and shoulder hits in six seconds, that wasn’t a problem. If the paraffin, spectrographic, and neutron activation analysis all showed Oswald did not fire a rifle that day, that was not a problem. If no credible witness could put Oswald in the proper window in the building, that was no problem. If Oswald never purchased the bullets for the rifle, that was not a problem. If the bullet originally discovered at Parkland Hospital that went through Kennedy and Gov. Connally does not match the bullet in evidence, that is no problem.

    The above is what Blakey calls a “shooter investigation”. He can get away with this malarkey because the show protects him by not telling the viewer any of the above facts. Which tells us a lot about its honesty.

    Right after this, the show shifts to Cuba in the late fifties. It tells us that if there was a conspiracy in the JFK case, it probably came from the conflict there. After depicting the overthrow of Fulgencio Batista by Fidel Castro, it tells us that Castro decided to clamp down on the Cosa Nostra interests there, which he did. (I should add, this is one of the few accurate, non-debatable statements on this show.)

    This accent on Cuba as the sole provenance of President Kennedy’s assassination is the cue to bring in Waldron. He begins almost immediately with a misrepresentation as to why the Bay of Pigs invasion failed. He chalks it up to the fact that word of the invasion had leaked too much. This is true but it is not the main reason the invasion failed. In fact, Lyman Kirkpatrick’s CIA Inspector General report downplays that as the reason for the failure. (See Bay of Pigs: Declassified, edited by Peter Kornbluh) If one reads that report closely, one comes to the conclusion that even if the word had not leaked out, even if the invasion had proper air support, even if the landing had been made at a more suitable beach, even if the supply boats had not been damaged, the invasion would have failed. Why?

    1. There was little or no chance of mass uprisings in Cuba (ibid, p. 55)
    2. The logistical advance planning was so poor (ibid, pgs. 83-95) and
    3. The Cuban forces simply overmatched the size and firepower of the invasion force by a huge margin. (ibid, p. 41)

    Kirkpatrick’s report implicitly says that the invasion could not have succeeded without overt and direct support from the Pentagon. (ibid, pgs. 13-15, p. 146) David Talbot made what was implicit in the report explicit in his book Brothers. He wrote that in 2005 the CIA declassified a memo that showed that they had lied to Kennedy about the operation. As early as November of 1960, the CIA had admitted internally that the objective of holding the beachhead could not be achieved without joint CIA/Pentagon action. (Talbot, pgs. 47-48) Or as Kornbluh told Talbot, “The CIA knew that it couldn’t accomplish this type of overt para-military mission without Pentagon participation-and committed that to paper – and then went ahead and tried it anyway.” Yet Kennedy was not told about this admission. To put it plainly, the Agency was trying to hoodwink the young president and banked on him caving in to pressure when he saw the invasion collapsing. Did Waldron miss that terribly important point? Probably not. Because elsewhere he admits he read Talbot’s book. But since it does not fit his agenda, and in fact detracts from it, he doesn’t tell the viewer about it.

    Waldron then tells the viewer that the CIA had been working with the Mafia to kill Castro since the summer of 1960. (Actually there is evidence that the plans were in effect as early as 1959, see the 5/23/67 Inspector General Report, p. 9) Posner then chimes in by saying that the CIA does these kinds of things occasionally. That is, signing up with unsavory characters to do ugly jobs. He then adds that this is not surprising. Well Jerry, yes it is. Especially in light of the fact that these plots secretly continued even after the CIA knew that Attorney General Robert Kennedy had declared all out war on the Mafia.

    Waldron then adds that RFK’s campaign targeted three particular mobsters: Sam Giancana, Santos Trafficante, and John Roselli. The first two seem accurate enough. But if you look at the chapters dealing with this issue in Arthur Schlesinger’s two-volume biography of RFK, Roselli is not mentioned as an RFK target. (Robert Kennedy and His Times, Chapters 8 and 13) In fact, the only instances where Schlesinger mentions Roselli is as a go-between for the CIA-Mafia Castro assassination plots. This gets distorted in Waldron World presumably to play up a motive for Roselli’s alleged later retaliation with Trafficante and Carlos Marcello against the Kennedys.

    With the Bay of Pigs and the CIA-Mafia plots to kill Castro now noted, the show brings in the Cuban Missile Crisis. Now everyone knows that this was a great foreign policy highlight of the Kennedy administration. But in Waldron World it really wasn’t. Why? Because Waldron pulls out the old chestnut about Castro not allowing on site inspections to be sure the missiles were removed. This has been a canard tossed around by the rightwing since 1962 in order to tarnish Kennedy’s triumph. And even encourage an invasion of Cuba. In fact, this never really bothered the Kennedys very much since they realized that aerial reconnaissance would do the job adequately. (Schlesinger, p. 551) What bothered the Kennedys was Castro’s insistence on keeping the IL-28 bombers, capable of delivering nuclear weapons. They insisted to their Russian contact, Georgi Bolshakov, that the bombers be removed. And Khrushchev convinced Castro to do so. (ibid, p. 550) And as James Douglass’s fine book JFK and the Unspeakable thoroughly documents, it was this diplomatic resolution to the crisis that allowed for a quest for dÈtente between not just Kennedy and Khrushchev, but also one between Kennedy and Castro.

    In both of their books, Waldron and Hartmann deliberately distorted this clear and important development at the ending of the Missile Crisis. Why? Because their invasion creation could not live beside it. For why would President Kennedy want to launch an unprovoked attack on Cuba and therefore wreck his quest for dÈtente, which he so eloquently elucidated in his famous American University speech? So with Waldron and Hartmann, Kennedy’s back channel to Castro gets discounted. And here it gets substituted for the whole diversion about Castro not allowing on site inspection. Why does reality get upstaged for fiction in Waldron World? Because then you can bring on stage the infamous C-Day Plan. Or the plan for the coup in Cuba. Which, as I said, Waldron and Hartmann misrepresent by leaving out the words “contingency plan”.

    And this is what this show now does. It brings on the late Enrique Williams. Williams allegedly told Waldron and Hartmann about C-Day before he died. Yet, somehow, in all the hours Williams talked to Bill Turner for his fine volume The Fish is Red (later retitled Deadly Secrets), he never mentioned C-Day once. And as one can tell from reading my review of Legacy of Secrecy, what Waldron and Hartmann posthumously did to Williams’ credibility is a real shame. Turner considered him spot on until those two got to him.

    III

    At this point, Waldron tells us that the Mafia found out about C-Day because it was leaked to them by the likes of Bernard Barker and David Morales. Which is one of the great paradoxes of Waldron World. As one can see from my review of Ultimate Sacrifice, Barker and Ferrie and Jack Ruby somehow knew about C-Day. But people like National Security Adviser McGeorge Bundy, Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, and Secretary of State Dean Rusk did not. To preserve its credibility, the show doesn’t ask Waldron how that could possibly be.

    Bypassing that impossibility, the show says that the Mafia’s aim was now to assassinate Kennedy and then use the C-Day Plan to camouflage that murder attempt. Except, as I noted previously, there is no evidence in the millions of declassified pages for this having happened. Waldron then tells us that Dallas was not the first attempt to kill President Kennedy. There were previous Mob attempts to murder him in Chicago and in Tampa. Waldron then says, with a straight face, that the Mafia’s models for assassination in these places were all the same. It’s just the personages that were different.

    The reason I find this risible is that the show then brings on former Secret Service agent Abraham Bolden for a few short minutes. Bolden is the agent who tried to tip off the Warren Commission about the plot to kill JFK in Chicago. His is by far the most valuable segment on the program. When I talked to Bolden at the Lancer Conference in Dallas recently, I asked him how many times author Edwin Black interviewed him for his excellent 11/75 Chicago Independent essay on the subject. He said Black talked to him three times and gave him a polygraph examination. Now, as I showed in my review of Ultimate Sacrifice, Waldron and Hartmann did everything they could to keep the reader from reading Black’s very important essay. To prevent the reader from finding it, they footnoted Black’s essay to a book which had no relation to the subject, and was not even written by Edwin Black! As I mentioned in my review, the perceptible reason for this is that the Waldron World plot has little relation to what Black wrote about. Black did not describe a Mafia plot. What he described clearly outlined a military intelligence type of operation. This did not fit their agenda so the Waldron/Hartmann deliberately disguised their source. (To read the essay Waldron didn’t want you to find, click here.)

    Waldron next discusses the so-called Tampa murder attempt. The implication being that this somehow resembles Chicago (the plot he tried to disguise) and Dallas. I say “so-called” because, as Bill Davy points out, there is a debate about whether any such attempt actually occurred. Waldron’s main source here is one of his posthumous sources, a police chief he said he talked to. As Davy notes, Ken Sanz, a special agent for the state who is both alive and working as a consultant on a book about Trafficante, has never come across any evidence for such an attempt. This is problematic for the Dynamic Duo. In their first tome, Ultimate Sacrifice, they actually tried to use the hoary Joseph Milteer episode as their pretense for a Tampa plot. This is difficult because other authors who have analyzed the Milteer evidence – Henry Hurt, Tony Summers, Michael Benson – have concluded that it is difficult to specify any city for a location Milteer is discussing. But if you had to underline one, it would be Miami, not Tampa. The other problem is that Milteer was a southern racist, not a Mafiosi. In Ultimate Sacrifice, the Waldron/Hartmann Dynamic Duo used their usual nonsensical Six Degrees of Separation method. Roughly speaking, they pulled names out of a hat to connect Milteer with the Mob. Yet this program lets Waldron get away with this “Tampa plot”, and proclaim its resemblance to Chicago and Dallas.

    Posner chimes in again at this point. He tries to say that there is only a superficial similarity between Chicago and Dallas. That you cannot specifically link Oswald to Chicago. Which, as is standard for this show, makes no sense, since that is not the point. The real point is this: the patsy chosen for Chicago, was a man named Thomas Vallee. As Edwin Black makes clear, Valle had several similarities to Oswald. (See Black, pgs. 5,6, 31) In addition, he worked in a tall building which was right along the motorcade route that Kennedy was supposed to traverse on his Chicago trip. As for a direct linkage, actually there is one, which Black revealed. Yet, the Dynamic Duo, with Black’s article in front of them, tried to hide it. The original FBI informant who tipped off the Secret Service about the assassination plot in Chicago had the codename of “Lee”. (Black, p 5) Posner couldn’t bring himself to say that. And neither could anyone on this show. Which tells you a lot about its objectivity, honesty, and quality of research.

    But the program then gets worse. It actually lets Waldron drone on about President Kennedy’s speech in Miami on November 18th. Waldron repeats what he and Hartman wrote in Ultimate Sacrifice: that a small part of the speech was a message to Almeida about the C-Day plot being ongoing. Which is absolute silliness on the surface. This guy is going to be running a coup attempt in 12 days in Cuba, and you have to encourage him to stay involved by talking to him in a speech from Miami? Maybe JFK was trying to tell him not to go to Africa?

    But it’s even worse than that. In Ultimate Sacrifice, the Dynamic Duo admitted that supposedly only Arthur Schlesinger and Dick Goodwin worked on the speech. So what they did was they used Seymour Hersh’s pile of rubbish, The Dark Side of Camelot, to say that CIA officer Desmond Fitzgerald had a minor hand in inserting a paragraph into the speech. But they gave no page number in Hersh’s book as a reference for this. As in their subterfuge with Edwin Black, this was another trick by the Dynamic Duo. Because when you find the material in Hersh you will see that he is not even talking about the same speech. (p. 440) He is referring to a talk Kennedy did in Palm Beach ten days earlier. Further, Hersh sold his particular version of the CIA insertion as a message not to Almeida, but to CIA agent Rolando Cubela as part of an assassination attempt on Castro. Somehow, the producers of this show never asked Waldron to explain this huge discrepancy before he talked about it on the air.

    IV

    At this juncture, the program turns slightly away from Waldron and Hartmann. The major talking head in the last segment is Blakey. It’s easy to understand why. This last part will deal with the actual assassination. In their particular disinfo strain, Waldron and Hartmann postulate someone other than Oswald as the assassin. In his disinfo strain, Blakey doesn’t. So what this show concludes with is the scenario that Blakey has been selling since the late seventies, right after he closed down his spectacularly disappointing congressional inquiry. Blakey says Oswald was the assassin, but he did it as an agent of the Cosa Nostra. Specifically for Trafficante and Marcello. But this show even curtails that. Because the HSCA ultimately concluded that in addition to the Texas School Book Depository, there was a shot from the picket fence, which missed. Blakey does not discuss that here. (Dr. Cyril Wecht is brought on to talk about his interpretation of the Zapruder film and how it indicates two assassins, but this is not followed up on. He is left hanging out there almost like he’s from a different show.)

    Blakey begins this segment by saying if the Cosa Nostra was going to try and kill President Kennedy they would do it with someone who would not be easily or directly related to them. They had the motive to kill JFK since he and his brother were helming a war on organized crime. The show then notes that both Roselli and Sam Giancana were murdered in 1975 and 1976. Incredibly, Waldron now chimes in and says that a famous Marcello adage was ” Three can keep a secret if two of them are dead.” Which is ridiculous even for Waldron and this show. The implication that Marcello would or could have Giancana and Roselli knocked off is silly. A decision like that could be made only at the highest level of organized crime-if that is how it happened at all. As I noted in my review of Ultimate Sacrifice, Marcello was never considered in that stratosphere. He has been aggrandized into that stature by those writers, like John Davis, who have tried to make him into the main driving force behind the JFK murder.

    Now the show brings in Jack Van Laningham. This is the FBI informant who talked to Marcello toward the end of his life when he was in prison. Laningham was in jail on an armed robbery charge. He was told his sentence could be lessened if he turned informant. According to Laningham, Marcello told him that he had JFK killed. And that Ruby and Oswald worked for him in that caper.

    After watching some forty minutes of this witless farrago, I was not really surprised that they stooped to this. For those who read my review of Legacy of Secrecy, you will understand why this is all so specious. As I explained there, although the Dynamic Duo trumpeted the Laningham surveillance as a great discovery they had uncovered, it was anything but. In 2007, Vince Bugliosi discussed it in Reclaiming History. Before that, researcher Peter Vea had sent me the documents in the late nineties. Peter and I had put together the materials with the obituary notices about Marcello and concluded that the mobster was suffering from Alzheimer’s disease at the time he talked to Laningham. Somehow, the producers of this show couldn’t figure that out. So when Laningham asks why Marcello was not arrested for what he said to him, my reply is: And do what, send him to a mental asylum? There is no real treatment for Alzheimer’s anyway.

    It’s appropriate though that the show intercuts Laningham with Blakey near the end. Because Blakey’s theory could only be endorsed by a guy with Alzheimer’s. Blakey says that Oswald was recruited by Cubans who were operating under a false flag: They approached him posing as Marxists, but they were really working for the Cosa Nostra. (Wisely, Blakey does not tell us who those Cubans were.) So the show’s implication is that the Mafia picked Oswald to kill Kennedy for them. No one asks Blakey the obvious question: Why would the Mob pick a presidential assassin who was such a lousy shot? Would you pick a guy who not only was a lousy shot but who would use a cheap manual bolt-action rifle to do the job? Another question: Who were the Cubans who controlled Oswald in Dallas? And if they were controlling him for the Mafia, wouldn’t they steer him toward at least using a professional rifle?

    Blakey then says that Oswald realized he had been duped when famous leftist lawyer John Abt did not get back to him while he was in jail. But the reason Abt did not get back to Oswald was because he wasn’t in his office, he was out of the city on a weekend getaway.

    At the end Waldron says that Trafficante toasted JFK’s death that weekend. This is from Frank Ragano’s rather late rendition – by about thirty years – of what happened. As I explained in my Ultimate Sacrifice review, Ragano has about as much credibility on this subject as Posner or Blakey. Waldron also says that RFK came to believe that Marcello had killed JFK and that the AG was part of the cover up. This is more obfuscation by the Dynamic Duo. As Talbot’s book shows, Bobby Kennedy never came to a definite conclusion about who killed his brother. And if Waldron and Hartmann can show me how RFK participated in the Warren Commission cover up, I wish he would show me. He and Hartmann had almost 2,000 pages to do so in their two books. They didn’t. (Hartmann makes an appearance on the show, probably because the producers could not get anyone else to vouch for Waldron’s goofy theory. He comes off with all the slickness and credibility of a snake oil salesman.)

    As I said at the start, this show aired right before Gary Mack’s latest fiasco, JFK: The Ruby Connection. (For that review, see here.) So, by putting together a show that says Oswald killed JFK for the Mafia, and then running a show that says Ruby had absolutely no help in killing Oswald, what is the underlying message? Oswald might have killed JFK for the Mafia, but that is the length and breadth of any possible conspiracy. And since upon inquiry or analysis, this idea falls apart, what is the real aim of the two shows? In my view it is to extend the confusion and cover-up about he true circumstances of President Kennedy’s death.

    Consider this: In the three programs that Discovery Channel has broadcast in the last two years – Inside the Target Car, and these two – what has been the amount of declassified ARRB documents that they have used or shown us? Of about two million pages, we have seen almost none. And the ones Discovery Channel has shown are the misrepresented ones that deal with Waldron’s discredited theory. As Bill Kelly and John Simkin have pointed out, like Gus Russo, Waldron and Hartmann have become the MSM’s new go-to guys for the Kennedy cover-up. A job they seem all too willing to perform. As many have pointed out, including Jim Garrison, the actual perpetrators had given us a series of False Sponsors to cover their tracks. The first was Oswald, the second was Castro, and the third was the Cosa Nostra. Of late, Gus Russo specializes in proffering Castro. Waldron and Hartmann give us the Cosa Nostra, sexed up with a non-existent Coup Plan. A plan in which the coup leader wasn’t even in town to run the coup.

    In combination, it’s evident that these three shows reveal a rather unwelcome truth. That is, today’s cable TV companies are just as psychologically and socially incapable of telling the truth about President Kennedy’s death as the networks were in the sixties and seventies. In fact, what they are doing amounts to a smelly cover-up. In light of that fact, its better that no programs be broadcast on this subject than those as bad as this one.

  • JFK: The Ruby Connection – Gary Mack’s Follies Continued, Part Three


    Part Three, Gary Mack Replies: Doctor Faustus Defends His Deal


    Researcher Pat Speer also wrote a critique of Gary Mack’s latest concoction. His was briefer and it appeared quickly after JFK: The Ruby Connection was broadcast. He posted it at John Simkin’s Spartacus JFK forum on November 24th. Pat posed some valid criticisms of the show: both what was in it and what was left out of it. He made some of the same criticisms that I did, only in more concise form. For instance, he noted the acceptance of the Warren Commission’s version of Jack Ruby entering the police department basement via the Main Street ramp, the testimony of Bill Grammar about the Ruby phone call, and the exclusion of the very suspicious behavior of policeman Patrick Dean, in charge of security on 11/24, a man who even the Commission had doubts about. Speer went on to wonder about Mack’s contractual bona fides on this case today. That is, does his agreement with the Sixth Floor Museum require that he appear in public as the contemporary purveyor and extender of the cover-up about President Kennedy’s murder, i.e. a combination of David Belin/Dan Rather. And he closed with a reminder of how bad Dallas law enforcement is and was by recommending the reader view firsthand the miscarriage of justice in the frame-up of Randall Adams as depicted in the Errol Morris documentary The Thin Blue Line.

    Gary Mack – real name Larry Dunkel – e-mailed a reply to Speer. The reply makes clear why, in some quarters, his new nickname is Larry Fable.

    Mack/Dunkel/Fable characterizes JFK: The Ruby Connection as a “look at some of the details surrounding the shooting” of Oswald. Elsewhere he has said that the show was not a complete look at the case. But there is a problem with saying that. The program does directly comment on all three major events of that traumatic weekend: the killing of President Kennedy, the murder of Officer Tippit, and the shooting of Oswald. And, as I noted in my two-part review, in all three cases Mack/Dunkel stands firmly beside the Warren Commission. There was no conspiracy in the Kennedy murder, Oswald did it alone. Oswald also killed Tippit. And Ruby shot Oswald because he was temporarily deranged by grief over Kennedy’s death. And as I mentioned in Part 2, the show actually went further than that by mimicking the Commission’s cartoon portrait of Oswald as a both a “marksman” and “Russian exile” among other things. So, even though it dealt briefly with the Kennedy and Tippit murders, the show toed the Commission line on both. It also used the Commission’s now obsolete-and actually dishonest – misrepresentation of Oswald as the backdrop. And in its presentation of the murder of Oswald, it was ridiculously one-sided.

    Mack/Dunkel then tries to discredit the testimony of both Seth Kantor and Wilma Tice, who both swore they saw Ruby at Parkland Hospital. He says he made a timeline about Ruby’s activities after Kennedy’s murder. His timeline precludes Ruby meeting up with Kantor. Sorry Gary, but as you can see by my critique, after having experienced your timelines, I have to be a wee bit skeptical. So I will side with Kantor, Tice, and the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA).

    Mack/Dunkel then questions Billy Grammar’s testimony about the call by Ruby to the Dallas Police Department (DPD) trying to talk them out of transferring Oswald. His reason for skepticism is a real doozy. He says that Grammar did not tell anyone about this call until later: Grammar should have told DA Henry Wade about it earlier. I am presuming that Mack/Dunkel kept a straight face while typing this – but I hope not. In my review I discussed the cover-up that went on inside the DPD about the murder of Oswald. One aspect of the DPD cover-up was the concealment of the testimony of Sgt. Don Flusche. This is the man who told Jack Moriarty of the HSCA that he was standing on Main Street, right outside the ramp. Flusche said that Ruby did not come down Main and he did not get anywhere near the ramp. (HSCA Vol. IX, p. 134, Anthony Summers, Conspiracy, p. 462) Flusche did not keep his testimony a secret from his colleagues, yet it was not part of the police investigation and was not mentioned by the Commission. Why? The HSCA sure found out about it. And it was quite significant to them. Furthering this point, when Commission Counsel Burt Griffin wanted to make Patrick Dean a target since he knew he was lying, the Dallas authorities applied the pressure to keep the cover-up about themselves intact. Who personally applied the heat? Mack/Dunkel’s buddy, DA Henry Wade. So the idea that Grammar’s testimony would be welcome and then trumpeted by the DA or the police is just nonsense. Especially since Grammar stated that the caller said that “We are going to kill him”, thereby denoting a conspiracy. With the near-unanimous oath of silence taken by the DPD, I am amazed Grammar’s testimony ever surfaced at all. (See Part 6, of my review of Reclaiming History for the details about Wade and Dean, especially Sections VI and VII.)

    Mack/Dunkel then tried to dispute the fact that there was no discussion on the show about the dispute over whether Ruby came down the ramp or through an alley door to enter the basement and kill Oswald. He actually said that they reconstructed the alternative route and there was very little difference in timing between the two routes Ruby could have taken. Therefore the tests proved nothing one way or the other!

    This is really something – which is why I placed it in italics. First of all, after Inside the Target Car, and The Ruby Connection, how can anyone trust a “reconstruction” by Mack/Dunkel, Discovery Channel, or the production entity Creative Differences? It’s like trusting the Warren Commission’s recreations. But secondly, to say that the timing was roughly the same and that therefore it’s not worth mentioning, that is just off the wall. The main point about Ruby coming in the alley door is this: It would clearly imply that he knew it was accessible at that time. In other words, that Dean and his cohorts on the security detail did not do their job. Or why risk it? And to know that would necessitate having an inside man. Which is why Burt Griffin was so suspicious about Dean. And once that particular line would have been crossed, it would have opened up a whole new inquiry. For example, did Dean signal Ruby from the back door once he knew the side entrance was unlocked and Oswald was coming down? And this appears to be why Wade strongly resisted Griffin’s targeting of Dean. And this is probably why Dean failed his polygraph. And it’s also the likely reason that Dean failed to appear before the HSCA. Because with the testimony of Flusche now clear of the DPD cover-up, they believed that Officer Roy Vaughn did not let Ruby come down the ramp.

    But then Mack/Dunkel makes himself look even worse. He actually says that he personally believes that Ruby did come in through the HSCA’s alley door, not the ramp. Which puts him in a class with the likes of Gus Russo and Dale Myers and their ilk. He knows better but he doesn’t care. (I have it on good sources that he used to communicate with them regularly about keeping up a propaganda barrage.)

    Mack/Dunkel then tries to dismiss Ruby’s suspicious phone calls in the month before the assassination. He uses the stale, tired excuse that it was all about a labor dispute over his employees and the unfair trade practices of his competitors. Really? And he had to call Teamster enforcer Barney Baker and his gambler-idol Lewis McWillie over that? David Scheim thoroughly exposed this union dispute as a cover-up many years ago in his book Contract on America. For Mack/Dunkel to still maintain this smoke screen shows just how compromised and untrustworthy he has become.

    Pat Speer also scored the show on not mentioning the HSCA’s experts who concluded Ruby very likely lied during his polygraph exam. Dunkel’s comments on this issue were rich, even for him. He says that Ruby’s polygraph test was useless based upon standard practices at the time and that the polygraph remains of little value. Again, can this man be that obtuse without being compromised? As I discussed at length at the end of Part 6 of my Reclaiming History review, the HSCA report went way beyond that point. When one reads the report closely they are saying something beyond that: that the many violations of normal procedure, plus the deliberate turning down of the GSR machine (Galvanic Skin Response), suggest that the test was rigged in advance. The combination of the GSR malpractice, plus the ludicrously overlong nature of the questioning, these almost guaranteed that – exaggerating only slightly – that after about 1/5 of the test, Ruby could have been asked if he was the Governor of Texas, said yes, and would have still passed the test. That is the real point of the HSCA report. One that Larry Fable, in his front man pose, cannot admit.

    In an exchange with longtime researcher Ed Tatro, Mack has also tried to dismiss the exquisite timing of the two horns as Oswald is escorted out the door and down the corridor. He first called it a coincidence, then he said it was a signal from the awaiting car. With Tatro, he ignored the fact that Ruby specifically mentioned the “horn-blowing” in correspondence he wrote from jail in 1965. In a letter secured by Bill Diehl of the St. Louis Post Dispatch, Ruby talked about being gravely ill and going to a hospital. He closed with, “If you hear a lot of horn-blowing, it will be for me, they will want my blood.” As I said in Part 6, Section VII of my review of Reclaiming History, one could argue that he was referring to St. Gabriel, but 1.) Ruby did not strike me as being very religious, and 2) He was Jewish. But the fact that Mack was fully aware of the two horns and then both distorted and eliminated them anyway shows the thorough dishonesty of the program.

    How far is Mack/Dunkel willing to go in doing dirty work for the Dallas Police? He even tries to dismiss the numerous reversals of Henry Wade’s convictions. He says that every city has problems like that, and that at least Wade preserved the evidence to mount the reversals upon. Gary or Larry: Each city is supposed to preserve evidence until the defendant’s appeals process has run out. Not destroying evidence is not something to be congratulated upon. Second, yes many cities have problems with a compromised police force but a.) Not to the degree that Wade’s regime maintained, and b.) Only with a police force that bad could the nightmare of November 22-24 have happened. But third is a point that Mack/Dunkel has to ignore. If Craig Watkins had not been elected in 2006, we almost certainly would have never known about Wade’s perfidy. Because the lying, dirty, unethical, Old Boys Network Wade had established would have surely not exposed itself. And Mack and Vince Bugliosi would have been free to expound upon what a wonderful operation Wade and Captain Will Fritz had run.

    Elsewhere, Mack/Dunkel has written that people like Pat Speer and myself have attacked him only because we disagree with him. Not true. The critiques that Milicent Cranor, David Mantik, Speer and myself have made of Mack’s Discovery Channel debacles cannot be reduced to that. They are not really based on a disagreement over conclusions, but with the methods by which the conclusions were reached. When CTKA reviewed last year’s ludicrous Inside the Target Car, the authors indicated numerous points where the show clearly broke from the record to make their simulation work. (See here.) Yet, all those now exposed falsifications did not stop Discovery Channel from repeating that ridiculous show this year. As I pointed out in relation to the more recent show, this same unscholarly and dishonest process was repeated there. It is that kind of performance-the adulteration of the record, with key facts omitted – that drove the reputation of the Warren Commission into the ground.

    But with the present perpetrators, I think it is even worse. Why? Because now, through the releases of the Assassination Records Review Board, there is much startling new evidence that we know the Commission did not have. But yet with Mack/Dunkel, the production entity Creative Differences, and Discovery Channel, that monumental declassification process did not happen. In my 30 minute essay for the DVD version of the film JFK, I used about twenty times as many of these newly declassified documents as are in the combined three hours of The Ruby Connection, Inside the Target Car, and Did the Mob Kill JFK? And the few documents that the last show used, were misrepresented.

    In light of that unsavory fact, Mack/Dunkel, Discovery Channel and Creative Differences deserve everything that has been thrown at them. Because the only thing worse than an uninformed public is a misinformed one. And that is the true sin behind what these shows do: They deliberately mislead the public about an epochal event in twentieth century history. In light of that, the word “sin” is the proper word to use in this regard. As I indicated in my essay on Mack and his guru Dave Perry, Mack/Dunkel, like Doctor Faustus, has sold his soul. In his case, Perry was his Mephistopheles.

  • JFK: The Ruby Connection – Gary Mack’s Follies Continued, Part Two


    As I proved in Part One, the title to this documentary is a misnomer. Since it deliberately shears off all the possible connections Jack Ruby could have to the Kennedy assassination i.e., to the Cosa Nostra, to the CIA, to Oswald, and finally to the Dallas Police. In Part One, I presented only a précis of the multitude of connections Jack Ruby had to those three entities and to Oswald. Other authors, like Jim Marrs and John Armstrong, have done longer and fuller examinations of what those ties were. For instance, Armstrong traces Ruby’s gun-running activities with the CIA back to the late fifties. But how could that be if Castro was not in power at the time? Because, as it often does, the CIA was playing both sides in the Batista/Castro struggle. So they were actually sending some aid to Castro at the time. And Ruby appears to have been part of it. (See John Armstrong, Harvey and Lee, pgs. 177, 586)

    The Warren Commission attempted to conceal almost everything I dealt with in Part One. But since they published 26 volumes of evidence, some of it managed to slip through. In the intervening years, due to declassification, field investigation, and the work of the House Select Committee on Assassinations, the final Commission cover-up about Ruby fell apart. (I say “final” because as we have seen, even the assistant counsel of the Commission understood that, with Ruby, it was just a matter of how hard you wanted to dig.) With his low-level ties to the CIA, and mid-level ties to the Cosa Nostra, plus his ties to the Dallas Police as a source of information about narcotics – and probably as a source of graft in more ways than one – Ruby seems a logical choice to enter the basement of City Hall on 11/24 and polish off Oswald.

    Like the Warren Commission, Gary Mack leaves all this out and reduces Jack Ruby, the man who Henry Hurt called, “A Pimp for All Seasons” , to a cipher. When, in fact, as far back as November of 1973 in Ramparts, Peter Dale Scott described Ruby as being part of the “longest cover-up”, and that Ruby’s sinister connections were even harder to conceal than Oswald’s. Scott wrote about the Ruby cover-up in 1973. This Discovery Channel program is being broadcast in November and December of 2009! Thirty six years later, they are continuing the Ruby cover-up.

    As with Inside the Target Car, once you understand the objective, you can understand why the show does what it does. Like the Warren Commission, if you conceal who Ruby is, then it is much easier to portray what he did as something like a random act of violence. Or as the Commission said, and Oliver Stone parodied so memorably, you can disguise Ruby killing Oswald as the desperate act of a patriotic bartender who wanted to spare Jackie Kennedy the pain of sitting through a trial. But by depriving Oswald of his day in court, what the Commission and Ruby actually accomplished was this: Oswald may very well have been acquitted at trial. Or worse, he may have talked during or before the proceedings. In that sense, Ruby’s silencing of Oswald can be seen as a way of sealing off the best attempt at cracking the conspiracy. If you do what this show does, that is send Ruby through a twenty dollar car wash, dry him off, spray deodorant all over him, and give him a makeover, then you mislead the audience as to any motive Ruby could have besides sparing Jackie Kennedy.

    But that is what this show does. And, as we shall see, Gary Mack knows better.

    I

    One of the more gassy and pretentious devices the show uses is a sub-titled timeline combined with a glass map over which the stage named Gary Mack (real name Larry Dunkel) traces with his finger. In other words, an event will be time stamped on the screen and then Mack/Dunkel will trace and match that with what the other party, say Ruby, was doing at the time. Or else he will trace the path that Ruby traveled from say his apartment to the Western Union station on Sunday morning. I think this was done to give the show a veneer of scientific investigation. In other words, to convince the audience that, as in Dragnet, the show was after “Just the facts, m’am.” The problem is that what matters are which facts you choose to time stamp, and how you figure that particular time. And the problems this show has in that regard are revealed very early.

    For instance, the narrator intones that Oswald took a bus, then a taxi out of Dealey Plaza after the assassination. He then arrived at his rooming house at about 1:00 PM, then Officer J. D. Tippit was shot at 1:15 at 10th and Patton. No surprise, the show agrees with the Warren Commission: Oswald shot him and then fled the scene. I exaggerate very slightly when I say that this is all dealt with in about a minute. In other words it is completely glossed over in order to incriminate Oswald in the Tippit murder. It is never explained that Oswald took a bus headed the wrong way, apparently realized it, and then walked back to the Dealey Plaza area. That he next hailed a taxi, and then offered to give up the taxi to an elderly lady who declined. When she did, he then took the taxi to a point actually past his rooming house. I believe all this is shoved under the rug so the viewer does not ask the logical questions which would follow: 1.) If he shot Kennedy why didn’t Oswald stay on the bus and take it to the outskirts of town? 2.) If he was in a hurry to leave the area, why did he return to it? 3.) If he wanted faster transportation out of town, why did he offer to give up the cab ride? 4.) Did he take his taxi past the rooming house in order to scope out if anyone was there?

    Once Oswald left his rooming house, why was he then last seen waiting for a bus going the wrong way from 10th and Patton, the scene of the Tippit murder? Mack/Dunkel then chose his time of Tippit’s murder to roughly match the Warren Commission’s time for the shooting. His 1:15 time is specious. But since Mack/Dunkel is protecting the official story he has to do it. But the two most reliable times at the scene of the shooting would make it nearly impossible for Oswald to arrive at the scene of the crime in time to kill Tippit then. Those would be T. F. Bowley and Helen Markham. (Markham did not become hysterical and unreliable until after the shooting.) Bowley said he looked at his watch after he stopped his car near the scene of the shooting. It said 1:10. (John Armstrong, Harvey and Lee, p. 848) Markham had a regular routine where she washed her clothes at the washateria on the first floor of her building, then went to work. By this, she placed the time of the shooting at 1:06. (ibid, Armstrong) It would be incredible for Oswald to have traversed nearly a mile in the time period provided by these witnesses. So the Commission did two things. First, it ignored the actual time of its own reconstruction of the walk from the rooming house to 10th and Patton. It cut about five minutes from it. (Harold Weisberg Whitewash II, p. 25) As Weisberg writes, the Commission “staff got Oswald to the scene of the Tippit murder five minutes after the murder was broadcast on the police radio.” (ibid) Second, the Warren Commission requested a verbatim transcript of the police log. They ended up getting three versions of it: one in December, one in April, and one in August. The transcripts did not match each other. For instance, the order for Tippit to move into central Oak Cliff was absent from the first transcript. (See Weisberg, p. 24; Sylvia Meagher, Accessories After the Fact, p. 261) Further, the Secret Service “improvement” of the transcripts began as early as December 6th. (Weisberg, p. 25)

    The ballistics evidence at the scene of the crime exonerates Oswald further. So much so that it clearly suggests a cover up by the Dallas Police. There were two early reports by the police that the man at the scene was carrying an automatic pistol. In fact, Gerald Hill actually reported that the shells at the scene indicated the suspect was armed with an automatic. (Jim Garrison, On the Trail of the Assassins, p. 198) As both Garrison and Robert Groden (in his book The Search for Lee Harvey Oswald) show, it is hard to believe that anyone who could identify an automatic could mistake it for a revolver. And second, could mistake automatic shells for a revolver’s shells.

    The next Tippit anomaly was that the shells did not match the bullets. The police said there were two Winchester/Western shells and two Remington-Peters shells found at the scene. Yet, turned over to the Commission, were three Winchester copper bullets and one Remington lead bullet. (Armstrong, p. 850) As many have commented, since when does Remington put Winchester bullets in their shells?

    I say “turned over to the Commission” because the bullets had a strange chain of custody. Instead of sending all the bullets to the FBI lab, the Dallas Police sent only one. (Garrison, p. 199) Probably because they did not want to advertise the fact that the shells and bullets did not add up. They also held up the release of Tippit’s autopsy report for three weeks. (Weisberg, p. 28) This tardiness caused errors in the first Secret Service report of Tippit’s murder, which said he was shot only twice. When he was actually shot four times. (ibid, p. 26) The absence of an autopsy report also allowed the police to tell the FBI that this was the only bullet found in Tippit’s body. (Garrison, p. 199) Which was false. (Weisberg, p. 29)

    This bullet did not match Oswald’s revolver. The reason given was that the bullet was too mutilated. (Armstrong, p. 850) So now the Commission asked the FBI to find the other bullets. Four months later they were found in the files of the Dallas homicide office, the domain of Capt. Will Fritz – aka Barney Fife. (Garrison, ibid) There has never been any cogent reason proffered as to why they were kept from the Bureau and the Commission for that long.

    But the FBI told the Commission that they still could not find a match. The reason given was that the revolver attributed to Oswald was a .38 Special that had its bullet chambers slightly enlarged so the identification markings were difficult to decipher.(Armstrong, ibid) So now the ballistics evidence relied on the cartridges to link Oswald to the crime. The cartridges, unlike the bullets, were in the province of the police from the time of the murder. At the scene of the crime, the police are supposed to make out a report listing the evidence recovered there. The police did not list any cartridges as first day evidence. (Garrison, p. 200) It was not until six days after the police sent the single bullet to the FBI that the cartridges made it into the evidence summary. Again, why this was so has never been adequately explained. Once they arrived, presto! The FBI said they matched the revolver in evidence.

    Except there was a huge cloud over this alleged match. At the scene of the crime, Gerald Hill told officer J. M. Poe to mark the shells for identification purposes. (Henry Hurt, Reasonable Doubt, p. 153) This was a routine matter for a homicide detective, which Poe was. In 1984 Poe told author Henry Hurt that he was certain he had done this. When Hurt inspected the shells at the National Archives, Poe’s initials were nowhere to be found. (ibid, p. 154) As both Hurt and Garrison write, the ballistics evidence more than suggests that the murderer was not Oswald. That the Dallas Police understood this. That they then fired the revolver in evidence after the fact in order to finally produce shells that matched the revolver.

    I could go into other aspects of the Tippit murder that exculpate Oswald. A witness said that the killer came up to the right side of the car and might have touched it. Fingerprints were later recovered from that part of the cruiser car. They did not match Oswald’s. (Armstrong, p. 861) There was also the allegedly discarded jacket with a laundry tag. The Commission checked 293 laundries in both New Orleans and Dallas but was unable to match the tag or laundry mark on the jacket to any of them. (ibid p. 855) But for me the clincher is the following.

    When FBI agent Bob Barrett arrived at the scene of the murder, Captain Westbrook asked him two odd questions: “Do you know who Lee Harvey Oswald is?” and then, “Do you know who Alek Hidell is?” Barrett said no to both since Oswald has not been charged yet with the Tippit murder. So how could Westbrook know about him at that time? Because Westbrook had a wallet with both of those name identifications inside. (ibid, p. 862) He found it near a puddle of blood where Tippit’s body was. WFAA-TV cameraman Ron Reiland shot film footage of the wallet being passed around to various law enforcement agents at the scene. But the official story has Oswald’s wallet being discovered on his person as he was driven from the Texas Theater, where he was apprehended, to City Hall. It was then turned over to Officer C. T. Walker. (ibid, p. 868) Yet, according to the Warren Report, Oswald allegedly left his wallet in a dresser drawer at the Paine household that morning. (p. 15)

    What kind of a person maintains three wallets? And then carries two wallets to work with him? But worse, if Oswald shot Tippit, why on earth would he leave his wallet at the scene of the crime?

    In the face of the evidentiary mess above, Mack/Dunkel says that the Tippit murder is an open and shut case: Oswald did it. To which I reply: “Are you for real?” Which, as we shall see, this program is not.

    II

    Mack/Dunkel begins the program with the complaint that Jack Ruby cheated history. Which might be a good way to open a show that was open ended in its discussion of the Kennedy case. Maybe we will now see both sides of the argument and be allowed to come to our own conclusions. But Mack/Dunkel quickly reveals this will not be the approach. He quickly adds that Ruby cheated history only insofar as the public will never know what drove Oswald to do what he did that day. You mean like murdering Tippit? Question to Gary/Larry: Would you like to explain to a jury how Oswald had three wallets on the morning of November 22nd? Would you also like to explain to them how Detective Poe’s initials disappeared from the shells? Or how a jacket with a laundry tag never got laundered?

    The show also says that Oswald was 1.) a rabid Marxist, 2.) a Soviet exile and 3.) a Marine marksman. My reply to this is: Three strikes and you’re out. He was none of these. A rabid Marxist who knew no other Marxists, eh? When was Oswald exiled from the Soviet Union? The record says he left on his own with a Russian wife. Finally, he may have technically qualified as a Marine marksman since that was the lowest qualifying category. But everyone, even members of the Commission like Wesley Liebeler, understood he was not a good shot. And no one who saw him fire could believe he pulled off the extraordinary feat of sharpshooting that killed President Kennedy. (Hurt, p. 198)

    Mack/Dunkel keeps up the program’s low level of scholarship by saying that, when Oswald was arrested at the Texas Theater, he drew his handgun and attempted to fire at a cop. Gil Jesus, among others, has shown that this was later exposed as a likely fabrication. Testimony by the FBI said that the firing pin never touched any of the bullets in the chambers. So what did the Dallas Police come up with as a fallback? That Oswald’s skin got caught in the mechanism. Hmm.

    One of the strangest and most shameful episodes in the program is how it deals with Ruby’s presence at the press conference on the evening of November 22nd at Dallas Police HQ. They acknowledge that Ruby was there. They even show two still photographs of him. But Mack/Dunkel can’t bring himself to tell the American public two crucial facts about his presence there. First, that Ruby attempted to disguise himself as a reporter while in the gallery of DA Henry Wade’s press conference. (Hurt, p. 185) By ignoring that, Mack/Dunkel does not have to explain why Ruby would do such a thing.

    But second, and even worse, Mack/Dunkel does not tell the public that Ruby actually said something during this conference. In briefing the press about Oswald, Wade mistakenly said he belonged to the Free Cuba Committee, which was a rightwing, anti-Castro group. Ruby quickly corrected this error and said that Oswald belonged to the Fair Play for Cuba Committee, a leftist pro-Castro group. (Hurt, p. 186) Ruby apparently knew the difference between them. But further, he wanted the record to show that Wade was wrong and there should be no confusion about Oswald. By depriving the public of this crucial information, Mack/Dunkel cuts off any curiosity about how Ruby could know such a thing about Oswald and why he would be determined to correct the record. No one else did.

    Throughout this coverage of Friday, Mack/Dunkel is hard at work on his See No Evil-Hear No Evil-Say No Evil time line showing no relation between Oswald and Ruby’s activities. Let’s make a different time line of Ruby’s Friday activities. One that is not censored by a preconceived agenda. Let’s start with Julia Ann Mercer’s testimony. Remember, the Commission did not call her as a witness and she is not mentioned in the Warren Report. (Hurt, p. 114) So apparently, for this program, she doesn’t exist. Mercer said that a little before 11:00 AM, she was driving west on Elm Street, a little beyond where President Kennedy would be killed. Once she got past the triple underpass, traffic was slowed by a green truck stopped in her lane. As she waited, a young man got out of the passenger’s side and went to the side tool compartment. He then took out a long package and walked up the embankment to the grassy knoll area. As she tried to pass the truck, her eyes locked onto the driver. She got a good look at him. She later identified this man as Ruby. (ibid, pgs. 114-115)

    Ruby was next seen at the offices of the Dallas Morning News. This was right around the time of the assassination. One reporter said that Ruby disappeared for about 20-25 minutes, and then reappeared after the assassination. There is a photo of a man who looks much like Ruby in Dealey Plaza. And the newspaper offices were only four blocks away. If the idea was to give himself a convenient alibi, but to be in relatively close proximity to the crime scene, this fit the bill. (ibid, p. 184)

    After the assassination, at around 1:30 PM, Ruby was seen by two reliable witnesses at Parkland Hospital. One of the witnesses, reporter Seth Kantor, said he actually exchanged words with Ruby. (ibid) The Warren Commission bought Ruby’s denial about this incident. The House Select Committee on Assassinations didn’t buy it. They believed Ruby was there. As some have speculated, it may have been Ruby who planted the Magic Bullet on the wrong stretcher at Parkland Hospital.

    After Oswald was apprehended and paraded out for his first line up, there are reports of Ruby being at the police department. This was about 4:30 and “he spoke and shook hands with people he knew.” (ibid, p.185)

    That evening, Ruby decided to take some sandwiches up to the police department for those cops working over time on the JFK case. He called in advance and was told this was not necessary. But he showed up anyway. (Ibid) He ended up on the third floor, mingling with reporters. He then followed the reporters to the basement and did his reporter impression. Except, at that time, he knew more than either Wade or the reporters did about Oswald.

    Talk about connections. There is a barrel full of them. You have Ruby possibly delivering a weapon to the crime scene, allowing himself an alibi for being near the actual shooting, following Kennedy’s body to Parkland – and perhaps planting a false bullet – monitoring Oswald’s movements at the Dallas Police HQ, and finally sneaking into a press conference and maintaining Oswald as a fake Marxist by correcting an error by the DA. If the program had given us Ruby’s true background, as I did in Part One, and then drew this particular time line, the audience could have come to a more informed opinion about Ruby’s possible connections to the JFK murder. In regards to that, I must quote Mack/Dunkel’s comment: “The problem for those investigating the assassination is whether or not to put Ruby involved in a conspiracy with Oswald: how do they mix the two together in a way that makes sense today?” My reply: Did you ever hear of the CIA/Mafia plots to kill Castro? If so, why did you not mention them?

    In light of what the show actually does, the real title of the program should be: “How to Erase Ruby’s Connections to the JFK case”.

    III

    As with the Tippit killing, the show assumes Oswald killed Kennedy. Mack/Dunkel has former Dallas cop Jim Leavelle say that if Oswald had not been killed, he would have been convicted and may still have been incarcerated and running out his appeals. Mack/Dunkel echoes this by saying that many people wonder what would have happened if Oswald had gone to trial. He then adds that a good lawyer would want to keep Oswald off the stand and that a lot of testimony would have been presented as to what did and did not happen.

    By doing this, the show cuts off any possibility of a conspiracy in the JFK case. Which, of course, makes the whole “patriotic nightclub owner” façade possible. Personally, if I was on the defense team, I would have put Oswald on the stand. One question I would have asked him is this: Did you ever live at 544 Camp street? If not, then why did you stamp that address on the flyers you handed out in New Orleans? This would have shown Oswald for who he really was. I then would have handed him a hunting round, like the one Parkland security officer O. P. Wright found and gave to the Secret Service. I would then have produced the rifle in evidence and asked Oswald if he thought that round would work in that rifle. I would then have asked him if he ever purchased the proper ammunition for that rifle, which an investigation showed he did not. I then would have recalled Wright to the stand and asked him if the FBI ever showed him CE 399-the so-called Magic Bullet that went through President Kennedy and Gov. Connally – and if so, had he identified it as the bullet he turned over to the Secret Service. After he said he did not, I would have exposed the FBI as liars in that regard. (Josiah Thompson, Six Seconds in Dallas, p. 175) Then, to further decimate the ballistics evidence, I would have called FBI agent Elmer Lee Todd to the stand. I would have shown him the FBI document that says he placed his initials on CE 399. I then would have handed him CE 399 and asked him where those initials were. After he failed to locate them, since they are not there, I would have further exposed the FBI frame up of Oswald. I then would have shown Todd the receipt that says he got CE 399 at the White House from the Secret Service at 8:50 the night of the 22nd. I then would have shown him Robert Frazier’s work log which says he received the stretcher bullet at FBI HQ at 7:30, an hour and twenty minutes before Todd gave it to him. (See my Reclaiming History series, Part 7, Section three) I would then have asked Todd how Frazier could have been in receipt of CE 399 before he gave it to him. When Todd got tongue-tied, I would have asked the judge to throw out the prosecution’s case. The prosecution would have probably offered no objection. If the judge was anyone besides Mack/Dunkel, he would have granted the motion.

    So much for the empty, unchallenged claims of Dallas cop Jim Leavelle.

    From here the show moves to Mack/Dunkel’s grand finale. Which he actually called a “recreation” of Ruby’s killing of Oswald. It has about as much credibility as his recreation of Kennedy’s assassination for Inside the Target Car. Which is none.

    Mack begins with the call from Ruby employee Karen Carlin to Ruby’s apartment on the morning of the 24th. This was a request for an advance on her salary. By beginning with this, Mack/Dunkel informs the knowledgeable viewer that he has no intention of telling the whole story. By beginning here, he leaves out the fact that Ruby had arranged a smaller payment to Karen the night before. (Commission Exhibit 2287) So she could have asked him for this further advance on Saturday night. Mack/Dunkel then adds that without this call, Ruby would not have been at City Hall to kill Ruby. What he leaves out is that during Karen’s Warren Commission testimony, it became evident that Ruby himself had arranged the Sunday morning call in advance. (WC Vol. XV, p. 663) Which turns the program’s thesis in this regard on its ear.

    Another thing left out by beginning where he does is the testimony of Bill Grammar. Grammar was a police dispatcher. He was on duty Saturday night. He got a call then concerning Oswald’s Sunday transfer. The message was something like: “You have to change the plan. If not, we are going to kill him.” (italics added) Grammar knew Ruby, and he said the caller called him by name. The next day, when he heard that Ruby had shot Oswald, he retroactively put the voice together with the man who called him. He concluded the murder was planned. (see an interview with Grammar.)

    Another key point left out by beginning here is the fact that there is uncertainty about Ruby’s activities that morning. This is something that even the Warren Report admitted. (WR p. 352) As Anthony Summers wrote, the Carlin call was preceded by a call from Ruby’s cleaning lady. She later said that the voice on the other end sounded terribly strange to her. She wasn’t sure it was Ruby. (Summers, Conspiracy, p. 460) Three television technicians – Warren Richey, Ira Walker, and John Smith – said they saw Ruby that morning before ten o’clock. He asked them, “Has Oswald been brought down yet?” (Jim Marrs, Crossfire, p. 418) At around this same time, a church minister said he was on an elevator with Ruby and his destination was the floor where Oswald was located. (op cit, Summers) Its interesting that Mack/Dunkel places the Carlin call at 9:30. But his Bible, the Warren Report, places the call almost an hour later. (WR p. 353) Mack/Dunkel might have moved up the call in order to clash with the four witnesses who place Ruby at City Hall at the earlier time.

    Let’s stop here and measure the evidence the program has left out before Ruby even left for Western Union.

    1. Bill Grammar says that Ruby called him to stop the transfer to prevent Oswald from being killed.
    2. If that failed, Ruby had arranged for an employee to call him that morning so he would be in close proximity to police HQ.
    3. There is testimony that Ruby was at police HQ before the Carlin call.

    The show then says that the police tried to guard the basement from false entry and believed all the doors were secure. Which, as both Burt Griffin of the Commission and the HSCA discovered, they were not. Griffin told Summers that he thought the police lacked credibility about the security of the basement at the time of the transfer. (p. 463) Griffin’s suspicions centered on officer Patrick Dean. Dean told Griffin that Ruby would have needed a key to enter a certain door in the basement. This was wrong. (HSCA Vol. IX, p. 143) Griffin grew so frustrated at Dean’s answers that he blew up at him and repeatedly called him a liar. (Meagher, pgs. 412-13) He then wrote a memo to Chief Counsel J. Lee Rankin in which he said that Dean had been derelict in securing the basement. That Griffin had reason to believe Ruby did not come down the Main Street ramp. Finally, that he suspected Dean was now part of a cover-up and was advising Ruby to say he did come down the ramp even though he knew he had not. (Seth Kantor, The Ruby Cover-Up, p. 20)

    If you can believe it, the names of Patrick Dean and Burt Griffin are not mentioned in this program. By doing this, Mack/Dunkel eliminates any possibility of Ruby having an inside man at the police station.

    The program then gets worse. As I noted in my Reclaiming History review (Part Six, section 6), once Ruby got to the Western Union station, it was easy for him to be hand signaled from the rear of City Hall and then let inside through an alley door. The program leaves this out and opts for the Warren Commission scenario of Ruby coming straight down the Main Street ramp. But then, in a shocking stroke, they leave out the testimony of Roy Vaughn, Don Flusche, and Rio Pierce. They had to in order to make their “reconstruction” digestible. In the spirit of free speech and honest debate, let us reveal what JFK: The Ruby Connection chooses to conceal from the viewer.

    Vaughn was the officer at the top of the ramp who stopped any unauthorized person from entering the basement. He staunchly denied Ruby came down the ramp and passed a polygraph on the subject. (WR pgs. 221-22, Meagher p. 407))

    Sgt. Don Flusche was an officer stationed outside the ramp and had a clear view of both Main Street and the ramp prior to the shooting. His testimony was kept from the Commission. But he told Jack Moriarty of the HSCA that there was no doubt in his mind that Ruby did not walk down the ramp. Further, he was sure that Ruby did not come down Main Street. (HSCA Vol. IX, pgs 138-39)

    Pierce was the driver of the car that came out the ramp and according to the Commission blocked Vaughn’s view of Ruby coming down the ramp. Nobody in the car said he saw Ruby coming down the ramp. (Meagher, pgs 404-405) How can anyone make a show about Ruby’s shooting of Oswald and leave this testimony out? It was because of the weight of this evidence, plus the fact that Dean refused to appear before them, that the HSCA concluded Ruby did not enter the basement by way of the ramp. (op. cit. HSCA, p. 140)

    The fact that Mack/Dunkel keeps the crucial testimony of these three men from the viewer tells us all we need to know about the honesty of this program.

    IV

    At the end, Mack/Dunkel puts together his “reconstruction” of the murder of Oswald. In defiance of all the above, he has Ruby coming down the Main Street ramp. He then says that instead of having the Carlin money transfer stamped at 11:17 from Western Union, Ruby should have been in the basement of the police station at that time. This ignores two salient facts. First, if Ruby had been hand signaled from the back of the building, that would not have been necessary. Second, the longer Ruby was in the garage, the higher the risk that an honest cop could have spotted him.

    The show then intersperses scenes of the actual shooting with the program’s modern day reenactment. And I must comment on something that seemed odd to me as I watched the intercutting. The two settings did not seem to match. The walls of the corridor did not seem to extend as far outward into the actual parking area as the 1963 films seem to show. It appears that either the area was remodeled or the little playlet was staged in a different place. There was no explanation given for this apparent discrepancy.

    The show tries to place the blame for the shooting of Oswald on the fact that the transfer car was not in its proper place at the time Oswald was escorted down the corridor. Which, as I said, is foreshortened here. This takes away the depth factor that is apparent in the actual films. But if the depth factor was there, this ersatz point about the car would be vitiated. In boxing, there is a term called “shortening the angle”. This refers to a fighter who, instead of throwing a punch from the front, steps to the side of his opponent to shorten the distance to deliver the blow. Well in the actual films, its clear that Ruby could have done this if the car had been in its right spot. That is, instead of looping out from the front, he could have just slid down to his right, stepped into the corridor, and fired. The fault was not in the angle, or the car. The fact that made the shooting possible was something that, unbelievably, Mack/Dunkel never mentions. Even though it is obvious to anyone with eyes and a brain.

    As Australian researcher Greg Parker has noted, the police had planned a four point pocket around Oswald as they escorted him down the corridor. This meant one man behind him , one on each side, and another in front. If this would have been maintained, it would have been difficult for Ruby to kill Oswald no matter where the car was. In all probability, Ruby would have had to delay the attempt until after the transfer, later at the press conference at the county jail. But what made that unnecessary for him was the fact that the man in front broke protection and separated himself from Oswald by several yards. This allowed Ruby enough space to kill Oswald from any angle from the side he was on (which would be Oswald’s left). The man who broke the protection pocket, allowing Oswald to be shot, was Capt. Will Fritz (Barney Fife). It is very hard to believe that Mack/Dunkel never noticed this as he watched this film over and over. In fact, I will say here and now that he did notice it.

    Why am I sure? Because as I watched this scene, I had a similar shock as I did when watching Inside the Target Car. When Mack/Dunkel drew his imaginary line back to the sixth floor window in that show, my eyebrows arched upward. Because I noticed he had moved the exit wound on Kennedy’s skull in order to make that line possible. Well here, I watched the “reconstruction” over and over and I saw that Mack/Dunkel had completely eliminated Fritz from the recreation. Yep. He did. So the viewer has the most crucial flaw – the one that made Ruby’s shooting of Oswald possible – removed from his consciousness. If I say so myself, even for Mack/Dunkel and the Sixth Floor Museum, that was an Orwellian stroke.

    The other thing he does is to rearrange the two horns. As I have written, in the unedited version of the shooting there are two horns that go off. Once you are aware of them, it is almost eerie to watch the shooting. The first goes off at almost the instant Oswald emerges from the office and into the corridor. The second goes off a brief instant before Ruby plunges forward to kill Oswald. It is possible to see the first one as a signal for Ruby to move into position, and the second as the signal to fire. In the first run through, Mack moves the first horn way past the point where Oswald has come into view from the office. In the second run through, the first horn is much closer in accuracy but the second horn, like Fritz, is just eliminated.

    The show also tries to cloud the idea that Oswald recognized Ruby and that is why he turned sideways at the last instant – which made the shot fatal. As Dr. Robert McClelland said at the 2009 JFK Lancer Conference, if the angle of the shot had been straight on, there is a possibility Oswald could have survived. The program tries to say that Oswald could not have seen Ruby because the media lights were too powerful. First, it appears to me that the “recreation” does not position those lights as accurately as possible. It makes it look like someone like say, Oscar winning cinematographer Haskell Wexler, was lighting a movie set. Second, even on the show’s own lighting terms, Oswald would have been able to recognize Ruby as he got in front of him.

    One last point about this issue: Mack/Dunkel tries to seal this point by having the ever cooperative Leavelle say that it was he who turned Oswald sideways when he saw Ruby approach. But its obvious from still photos that when Ruby plunges the gun into Oswald’s stomach, Leavelle is not looking at Ruby, but at the car.

    Mack/Orwell then tries to wrap it all up with two specious closing pronouncements. First, he says that the conspirators could not have known when Oswald was going to talk. He could have talked the first day. Really? Oswald was not charged with the Kennedy murder until late Friday night. In fact, he actually seems to be a bit surprised when a reporter tells him this. Second, Oswald had been paraded around the station, going to line ups and interrogation sessions, throughout Friday and Saturday. And Wade and Fritz were giving impromptu and formal press conferences throughout both days. This provided good monitoring of the situation. But the clincher here is something that, of course, this show eliminates. On Saturday night, Oswald tried to make his call to John Hurt, the former military intelligence officer who was stationed in North Carolina. The man who former CIA officer Victor Marchetti says was likely part of the false defector program at the naval station at Nag’s Head. (James Douglass, JFK and the Unspeakable, p. 366) In other words, it was the first sign that Oswald was trying to contact someone through an intelligence cut-out. That call was aborted by the Secret Service. It was never let through. The next morning Oswald was dead. Gary or Larry, I think that timing is kind of important.

    The last piece of obfuscation the show uses is the old standby: Too many people had to be involved for this to happen. Well let’s see: If there was one man on the police security team who failed to secure the basement, and then this guy signaled Ruby from the back, and then let him in the alley door … well that would be a grand total of two people, if you count Ruby. Way back in 1964, Burt Griffin had a suspect as Ruby’s accomplice. His name was Patrick Dean. Dean reportedly flunked his polygraph. The results of which are nowhere to be found today. (Summers, p. 464, HSCA Vol. IX p. 139) Roy Vaughn, the man who the Commission tried to pin Ruby’s entry into the basement on, passed his test.

    Let me conclude with another key event this show leaves out. It indicates Ruby’s mindset at the time, something the show also tries to confuse. Detective Don Archer was with Ruby after he was in custody after the murder. Ruby was very nervous: “He was sweating profusely. I could hear his heart beating. He asked for one of my cigarettes. I gave him a cigarette. Finally … the head of the Secret Service came up-and he told me that Oswald had died. This should have shocked Ruby because it would mean the death penalty … .Instead of being shocked, he became calm, he quit sweating, his heart slowed down. I asked him if he wanted a cigarette, and he advised me he didn’t smoke. I was just astonished … I would say his life had depended on him getting Oswald.” (Marrs, pgs. 423-424)

    In light of Archer’s assertion, it’s hard to see Ruby’s act as anything but a necessary silencing of Oswald. The viewers of this show are deprived of that knowledge by censorship. They are also deprived of the reasons Ruby would feel that way, which I provided in detail in Part One. But Ruby himself succinctly summarized them when he said: “They’re going to find about Cuba. They’re going to find out about the guns. They’re going to find out about New Orleans, find about everything.” (Armstrong, p. 193) If I was doing a documentary about Ruby, I would place this on screen as a closing quote. Like just about everything else in JFK: The Ruby Connection, it is nowhere to be found.

    Larry Dunkel and the Sixth Floor are involved in serious, no-holds barred psychological warfare against the American public on the Kennedy case. In their brazen disregard of any journalistic integrity, their script and techniques might have been written by the likes of Allen Dulles or James Angleton.

    How the Discovery Channel got involved in this dirty work is a mystery that needs to be addressed.


    Go to Part Three

  • JFK: The Ruby Connection – Gary Mack’s Follies, Part One


    All you need to know about the value of the Discovery Channel program JFK: The Ruby Connection is this: Gary Mack is the main talking head, host, and interviewer. If one recalls last year’s Discovery debacle, Inside the Target Car, Mack used a series of tricks and omissions to achieve a preordained goal. As they say in the computer programming business it was garbage in, garbage out. In that show, Mack bamboozled the uninitiated in the audience by placing Jackie Kennedy in the wrong position in the limousine (even though Robert Groden told him about this error in advance); he put the exit wound in the wrong place on JFK’s head; and he used “replica” skulls that could not have been actual replicas.

    These “errors” were all done with apparent objectives in mind. The first was to make the audience believe that if an assassin fired from a certain position from the right front, he would have hit both President Kennedy and Jackie. The actual frames from the Zapruder film prove this is false, Jackie was out of the line of fire. And Gary Mack has watched that film dozens of times. Further, as I said, , Bob Groden alerted him about this on the set. But the truth didn’t seem to matter. Mack then placed the exit wound in President Kennedy’s skull in a different place than the autopsy report. This second “error” allowed Mack to draw a trajectory line back to the sixth floor. Something he could not have done with the exit location described in the autopsy report, which – on camera – Mack said he had read. Third, he also contracted out with an Australian defense company, to construct “replica” skulls which – as it turned out – were not replicas. As Milicent Cranor pointed out, Mack’s own experiment proved they were not. For the bullets fired through the ersatz “replica” skulls did not break apart. But the Warren Commission said that the bullet that killed Kennedy did. Afterwards, Gary Mack said he couldn’t figure out why they did not. That’s funny. Milicent and I sure could. As I noted, what this experiment actually proved is that: 1.) Either President Kennedy was not hit by Mannlicher Carcano bullets, or 2.) The “replica” skulls were replicas only in the mind of Gary Mack. That is they deliberately did not have anywhere near the density they needed to shatter a bullet. This was obvious in the section of the show where a hunting round was fired at the phony replicas. The ersatz skulls completely shattered like a special effect out of a slasher movie. Not in real life.

    I could go on and on about how bad this show was. But I refer you to our gallery of reviews, which deals with that now notorious program. Evidently, like John Lattimer, Gerald Posner, and Dan Rather before him, Gary Mack is being well paid for his sales services. Since it looks like he didn’t care about being exposed on each and every level and from multiple angles for Inside the Target Car. If you can believe it, he is at it again. This time, instead of the murder of President Kennedy, his subject is the murder of Lee Harvey Oswald. The guy who Mack – in his new incarnation – now says shot Kennedy.

    At this point, it is important to remind the novice reader of an important fact about Gary Mack. Like Gus Russo and Dale Myers before him, Mack used to be a Warren Commission critic. That is, he used to think Oswald did not shoot Kennedy and the Warren Commission was full of bunk. Around the time of Oliver Stone’s JFK, Russo’s lifelong friend Dave Perry became his guru during Mack’s conversion period. And, according to Perry, he himself was instrumental in getting the reincarnated Gary Mack his present position as Curator of The Sixth Floor Museum in Dallas. (After Perry’s confession about this emerged, Mack denied Perry’s self-admitted role in his job hunt. So they probably have their stories straightened out by now.)

    But the important point about Mack’s conversion is this: Like Russo and Myers, Mack knows what the holes in the official story are. He knows how the critics – with very little money or media exposure – have connected with the public on them. Now that he has flipped sides, he uses the finances of the MSM to mend those holes in the official story. But like Lattimer, Posner, and Rather before him – and as profusely demonstrated by Inside the Target Car – the holes are simply too large for any kind of simple stitching. So what Mack creates is a kind of diaphanous crazy quilt that falls apart at the slightest poke.

    I

    “What concerned Moroccan officials … was a letter they discovered on Davis … dealing with “Oswald” and the assassination.”

    —Henry Hurt, describing Ruby’s friend Thomas Davis

    One of the problems with this show is that its very title is deceptive. Because there is simply no exploration of who Jack Ruby was and what his connections to the John F. Kennedy case were or may have been. I say “may have been” because, as with Oswald, the Warren Commission’s exploration of Ruby’s actual background was, to be kind, cursory. To be unkind, today it looks humorous. For instance, the Commission famously wrote that Ruby had no significant link to organized crime. (Jim Marrs, Crossfire, p. 389) Yet the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) listed a series of phone calls made by Ruby in the month leading up to the murder of Kennedy. It clearly exposes that assertion as dubious. In fact, the House Select Committee specifically criticized both the Warren Commission and the FBI for “failing to analyze systematically … the data in those records. ” (Vol. V, p. 188) Ruby’s phone usage went up by a factor of 300% in November of 1963. (ibid p. 190) At this time, Ruby was in phone contact with the likes of Irwin Wiener, Barney Baker, Nofio Pecora, Lewis McWillie, and Dusty Miller, all of who had ties to organized crime. (ibid pgs. 193-195) And as Jim Marrs writes in Crossfire, “the record shows his involvement in a number of criminal activities including gambling, narcotics, prostitution, and gun running.” (Marrs, p. 389) But, as the quote above shows, these activities were not done only with the Mafia.

    Ruby’s gun running was at least partly done with former CIA agent Thomas Eli Davis. (Henry Hurt, Reasonable Doubt, pgs 401-405) And Davis’ connections reportedly went all the way up to the CIA assassin famously code named QJ/WIN. Davis had a slight resemblance to Oswald and he used the name Oswald at times in his work. (ibid, p. 402) In fact, Ruby was so close to Davis that, after he shot Oswald, Ruby actually volunteered Davis’ name to his attorneys. Incredibly, Ruby said that if he beat the Oswald rap he wanted to go back into the gun running business with Davis. (ibid) Both Davis and Ruby had been involved with another gun runner named Robert McKeown. (ibid) McKeown had run guns to Castro and during one of Ruby’s contacts with McKeown, Ruby offered him 25,000 dollars for a letter of introduction to the Cuban dictator. (Hurt p. 177) Where Ruby would get that kind of money and why he himself needed to contact Fidel so badly is something that we will mention later, but which Gary Mack never brings up in this show that supposedly tells the viewer about Ruby’s connections to the JFK case.

    Neither does Mack explain another interesting riddle. Less than three weeks after the assassination, Davis was attempting to sell guns in Morocco. He was arrested. While he was searched, the authorities found a strange handwritten letter on him referring to “Oswald” and the assassination. (ibid p. 403) In fact, there is evidence that on the day of Kennedy’s murder, Davis was in Algiers for gun-running activities, and was released with the help of QJ/WIN himself. (ibid p. 404) Geez, those are interesting Ruby connections to the JFK case: Castro, the Mafia, the CIA, and the usage of Oswald’s name. They aren’t on this program though.

    Ruby also lied about how many times he had been to Cuba. He said he had been there only once, in August of 1959. (ibid, p. 178) Yet there is evidence Ruby was there two times just in that same year. Again, it appears the Commission tried to cover up this fact about Ruby. How? By blending the two trips, which took place in August and September, into one. (Warren Report, p. 370, p. 802, WC Vol. XXII p. 859) Robert Blakey, Chief Counsel of the HSCA, once wrote that it was “…established beyond doubt that Ruby lied repeatedly and willfully to the FBI and the Warren Commission about the number of trips he made to Cuba and their duration … Their purpose, was to courier something, probably money, into or out of Cuba.” (Marrs, p. 394)

    The man who Ruby was closest to in Havana was the mob associated gambler, Lewis McWillie. Elaine Mynier, a girlfriend of McWillie, described the two men. She said McWillie was “…a big time gambler, who has always been in the big money and operated top gambling establishments in the United States and Cuba. He always had a torpedo (a bodyguard) living with him for protection.” She went on to say that Ruby was “a small time character who would do anything for McWillie … (Marrs, p. 393, italics added) The Commission had to have known that McWillie was a gambler and killer who Ruby idolized. (WC Vol. V, p. 201, Vol. XXIII, p. 166) While managing the Tropicana in Havana, McWillie became associated with some of the Mob’s top leaders like Santo Trafficante and Meyer Lansky, who were part owners. (FBI Memo of 3/26/64) It was Trafficante’s association with McWillie that has led some commentators to relate one of Ruby’s visits to McKeown as a favor for McWillie. In early 1959, McWillie’s boss Trafficante was arrested and jailed outside of Havana by Castro. Just a few days later, Ruby got in contact with McKeown. He told McKeown that he represented Las Vegas interests who were seeking the release of three prisoners in Cuba. Ruby told him that he would offer him five thousand dollars per prisoner for his help. McKeown said he wanted to see the money first. (Marrs, p. 396)

    McWillie was also a former employee of a main power inside the Delois Green gang – Benny Binion – who had moved to Las Vegas. Binion also worked at the Tropicana in Havana in 1959. (See CD 1193, WC Vol. XXIII p. 163) Binion probably knew Frank Sturgis since Sturgis was Castro’s supervisor of gambling concessions in 1959. Further, Ruby was reportedly involved in gun running with Miami arms dealer Eddie Browder. Browder was also involved with Sturgis. (Marrs, p. 392) Frank Sturgis, of course, was connected to the CIA, Castro, and the Mafia.

    There was also the testimony of Ruby employee Nancy Perrin Rich to attest to Ruby’s intelligence ties and his gun running activities. She testified that she had moved to Dallas in 1962 to reconcile with her husband Robert. Once they did so, two local detectives who knew Robert had helped her find a job. It was tending bar for Jack Ruby. But she said she didn’t like Ruby because of his overbearing manner and temper. So she quit.

    She said that later her husband Robert had met with a military officer about getting some anti-Castro Cubans out of Cuba and into Miami. This meeting in Dallas was presided over by a U.S. Army colonel. The colonel suggested a cash payment of ten grand. A few nights later, the Perrins met again with the colonel but this time there were a couple of Cubans in attendance. At this second meeting the assignment was more well-defined. They were not just going to get refugees out; they were also running guns into Cuba. When they heard this, the Perrins wanted more money. The implication made by the Cubans and colonel was that the money would be arriving soon via a bagman. Rich then told the Commission: “I had the shock of my life … A knock comes on the door and who walks in but my little friend Jack Ruby … and everybody looks like … here comes the savior.” The Commission did not mention any of Rich’s testimony in their report. Further, in 1966, Nancy Rich told Mark Lane that the Commission had eliminated the telling detail that, outside of the apartment house where the second meeting took place, was a cache of military armaments. (Mark Lane, Rush to Judgment, pgs 287-297, Marrs, p. 397)

    In fact, this aspect of Ruby’s life – his relations to CIA-Mafia activities in Cuba – was obvious to even Commission staffers. Warren Commission attorneys Leon Hubert and Burt Griffin, who ran the Ruby investigation, wrote a memo to Chief Counsel J. Lee Rankin in March of 1964. They wrote that, “The most promising links between Jack Ruby and the assassination of President Kennedy are established through underworld figures and anti-Castro Cubans and extreme right-wing Americans.” (John Armstrong, Harvey and Lee, p. 948) Two months later, they wrote another memo: “We believe that a reasonable possibility exists that Ruby has maintained a close interest in Cuban affairs to the extent necessary to participate in gun sales and smuggling … Neither Oswald’s Cuban interests in Dallas nor Ruby’s Cuban activities have been adequately explored … We believe the possibility exists, based on evidence already available, that Ruby was involved in illegal dealings with Cuban elements who might have had contact with Oswald. The existence of such dealings can only be surmised since the present investigation has not focused on that area.” (WC Memorandum to J. Lee Rankin, 5/14/64) In other words, Griffin and Hubert were saying that the connection between the two men very likely existed in these Cuban matters. But since the FBI was not interested in it, they couldn’t really discover if it was there.

    Like Oswald, Jack Ruby was in the middle of the Cuban conflict as it extended into the United States. And he connected to each of the domestic power centers that interacted with that conflict. The program under review is silent about this.

    II

    “Starting with Sunday afternoon, you could no longer find a policeman in town who said he knew Ruby.”

    —Seth Kantor

    As most everyone knows today, but what this show does not reveal, is that Ruby was also an FBI informant. A fact that J. Edgar Hoover tried to get the Warren Commission to conceal. Which they willingly did for him. (Hurt, p. 177) As one FBI report, partly censored by the Warren Commission revealed, the FBI not only knew about Ruby’s ties to underworld gambling in Dallas and Fort Worth, but their informant said that for Ruby to carry them on as he did, he had to have police connections in both cities. (FBI report of 12/6/63) This informant, a man named William Abadie, had briefly worked for Ruby writing gambling “tickets” as well as serving as a “slot machine and jukebox mechanic.” He went on to say that he had observed policemen coming and going while acting as a bookie in Ruby’s establishment.

    Further in this regard, Jim Marrs writes that another source told the Bureau that when he attempted to set up a lottery game in Dallas in 1962, he “was told it would be necessary to obtain the approval of Jack Ruby, since any “fix” with local authorities had to come through Ruby.” (Marrs, p. 390) Another source echoed this accusation by saying that Ruby was a payoff man for the Dallas Police Department. (CD 4, p. 529) Ruby also allegedly could fix things with the county authorities (WC Vol. XXIII p. 372) This last revelation was from the wife of one James Breen. She said her husband “had made connection with large narcotics set up operating between Mexico, Texas, and the East … In some fashion James got the okay to operate through Jack Ruby of Dallas.” (ibid, p. 369) Reinforcing Ruby’s ties to the drug trade, a veteran of the Special Services Bureau (SSB) of the Dallas Police said that he regarded Ruby as a source of information in connection with his investigatory activities. In other words, Ruby was a police informant on the narcotics beat. (WC Vol. XIII p. 183) The vice-chief of the SSB unit considered himself fairly close to Ruby and allegedly visited his clubs frequently. (WC Vol. XXIII p. 78 and p. 207)

    As Sylvia Meagher pointed out in Accessories After the Fact, one indication of just how close to the police Ruby was is this: He had been arrested several times, yet each time he had gotten off easily. (p. 423) For instance, Ruby had been arrested twice for carrying a concealed weapon. In each case, no charges were filed and he was released the same day. (ibid, p. 422) So its no surprise that, when the police had Oswald incarcerated, Ruby would be roaming the corridors with a weapon in his pocket. Like his ties to mobsters, his vast police contacts were so commonly known that the Warren Commission had to disguise them. One way they did this was to write in the Warren Report that “the evidence indicates that Ruby was keenly interested in policemen and their work.” (WR p. 800) Phrased in that way, we are supposed to believe that Ruby was interested in joining the force.

    Another way that the Warren Commission tried to camouflage Ruby’s multi-tiered connections to the police was by minimizing the number of officers he knew. Quoting Police Chief Jesse Curry, the Commission states that Ruby knew approximately 25-50 of the 1,175 men in the DPD. (WR p. 224) Meagher found this so strained as to be risible. She wrote that of the 75 policemen present when Oswald was shot, Ruby knew at least forty of them. (Meagher, p. 423) She then adds that if this same ratio was consistent for the entire force, Ruby had to have known nearly 600 officers. Several witnesses back this up. Joseph Cavagnaro, manager of the Sheraton Dallas Hotel, told the FBI that Ruby “knew all the policemen in town” and was well-acquainted with a great number of them. (Lane, p. 232) A police lieutenant told the FBI that Ruby was well known among the members of the DPD. (ibid, p. 233) Musician Johnny Cola knew Ruby for years on a personal basis. He said that “Ruby at least had a speaking acquaintance with most of the policemen in the Dallas Police Department.” (ibid) Edward McBee, a Dallas bartender who also knew Ruby well, told the FBI that Ruby “knew many, and probably most, of the officers on the Dallas Police Department.” (ibid) William O’Donnell knew Ruby for 16 years and worked for him at the Carousel Club. He stated that “Ruby is on speaking terms with about 700 out of the 1200 men on the police force” and that he was “not at all surprised to learn of Ruby’s admittance to the basement.” (ibid)

    The Commission also covered up Ruby’s closeness with the police by saying that Ruby served them “free coffee and soft drinks” at his Carousel Club. He actually had his bartenders serve them free alcoholic beverages. O’Donnell said that when police officers dropped in at the Carousel, they were admitted without charge and given a free “round of drinks”. (ibid) A former police officer named Theodore Fleming said that many officers were on a first name basis with Ruby and that 90% of the time, Ruby served them free drinks. (ibid) Another police officer, Hugh Smith, said that, when he joined the force, Ruby’s place was recommended to him by another police officer. Smith then added that a great many officers frequented the club socially and that Ruby actually gave them bottles of liquor. He continued by saying that one officer actually used Ruby’s apartment on several occasions. (ibid p. 234) Smith’s statement about giving away bottles of liquor to the DPD was reinforced at the other end of the transaction. A former waitress at the Carousel, Janice Jones, described the same donation by Ruby. (ibid)

    But a stripper at the Carousel, Shari Angel, said the donations went even further. The officers “all got payola, to look over – a lot of stuff … You could see ’em right up to the office getting their little pay. Patrolmen didn’t usually do it. It was detectives, vice squad, and all that.” (Ian Griggs, No Case to Answer, p. 222) This clearly suggests graft for either narcotics or prostitution, or perhaps both. (And it is an idea we will return to when we discus the Rose Cheramie incident.)

    But it was not with just the DPD that Ruby was friendly. Ruby also knew lawyers in the district attorney’s office. On 11/21/63 he visited and chatted with Assistant DA Bill Alexander, Vincent Bugliosi’s trusted source. Ruby said that he and Alexander were “great friends”. (Lane, p. 261) They were such good friends that Alexander had a permanent pass to the Carousel. (Griggs, p. 222) Ester Ann Mash, a former employee who dated Ruby in early 1963, revealed that he took her to the homes of some famous citizens. At once such gathering, DA Henry Wade was in attendance. (Marrs, p. 390)

    The credibility and quantity of the above evidence is convincing. So much so that it sheds backward light on a curious statement that Nancy Perrin Rich made to Mark Lane. In referring to the famous incident of Ruby disguising himself as a reporter at the Dallas Police Station, she said that “Anyone that made that statement would be either a damn liar or a damn fool.” (Lane, p. 288) Why? Because there was no way Ruby could disguise himself at the station. For the simple reasons that 1.) There was not a cop in Dallas that did not know him, and 2.) Ruby almost lived at the place. (ibid)

    If Rich’s well-informed and fascinating deduction is correct, then Ruby may have disguised himself not to elude the DPD, but to protect his good friends. In other words, he was giving his good friends an out. You can’t get much closer than that. And therefore if Ruby was on a mission for his higher -ups on 11/24, he was the perfect man to choose since by hook or by crook, he could get into the police basement easily.

    III

    Let me dispose of this concept of the “temporarily deranged man.” This is a catchall term employed whenever the real motive of a crime can’t be nailed down.

    —Jim Garrison, describing Ruby’s shooting of Oswald

    Revising Garrison, the term can also be applied when the investigative body doesn’t want to nail a motive down. Or to put it more directly: when a cover-up is enacted afterwards. In this aspect, like nearly every other, JFK: The Ruby Connection sides with the Warren Commission. Recall what they said: “There is no evidence that Oswald and Ruby knew each other or had any relationship through a third party or parties.” (Quoted in Marrs, p. 403) So in addition to leaving out any connection by Ruby to the complex CIA-Mafia Cuban matrix, and his multitude of long-standing, and deep associations with the Dallas Police, JFK: The Ruby Connection clearly implies that there was no previous relationship between Ruby and Oswald.

    Before addressing this important point, let me add a caveat. It is an issue that can never be conclusively answered or spelled out. Simply because, as most serious students of this case understand, J. Edgar Hoover was not interested in investigating any conspiracy in the Kennedy case. But although the FBI and the Warren Commission did all they could to sidestep this point, many clues were left behind that clearly suggest the two knew each other. In fact, the HSCA revised the Commission verdict on this point: “The Committee’s investigation of Oswald and Ruby showed a variety of relationships that may have matured into an assassination conspiracy. Neither Oswald nor Ruby turned out to be “loners” as they had been painted in the 1964 investigation.” (ibid) Since this show does not elucidate why that could be so, let us do that for them.

    Frances Irene Hise was a woman who was applying for a job as a waitress at the Carousel Club. She said that during the interview, she saw a man enter through the rear who Ruby greeted with, “Hi, Ozzie.” Ruby then directed this man to go to the back room. Ruby then finished talking to Hise. At that point, he turned and joined “Ozzie” in the back room. On another occasion, “Ozzie” came into the club and asked her if he could buy her a drink. After the assassination, Hise was sure that “Ozzie” was Oswald. (Probe Vol. 5 No. 1, p. 22)

    In early December of 1963 a man named Howard Peterson of Chicago told the FBI that he had a cousin who lived in the Dallas-Fort Worth area. She had written him and his wife a few days after Kennedy was killed. In her letter she had referred to the murder of Oswald by Ruby. And she added that she had seen Oswald in Ruby’s nightclub. (FBI Report of 12/9/63) Harvey L. Wade also saw Oswald at Ruby’s club. In the latter part of the second week of November he was in Dallas attending a convention of construction builders. While there, he visited Ruby’s Carousel Club. He recalled seeing Oswald at a table with two men. One of the men appeared to be quite dark, perhaps Mexican. Mr. Wade said a picture was flashed of the threesome. But Ruby then came over and yelled that the picture did not come out. Wade said the emcee was a man who did a “memory skit”. (FBI Report of 11/26/63)

    Wade’s quite detailed report jibes with what William D. Crowe told several people after the Kennedy assassination. Crowe’s stage name was Billy DeMar. He told a reporter for the Associated Press that he was sure Oswald had been in Ruby’s club. He went on to say that “I have a memory act in which I have 20 customers call out various objects in rapid order. Then I tell them at random what they called out. I am positive Oswald was one of the men that called out an object about nine days ago.” (AP report of 11/25) Mr. Crowe was visited by the FBI and they discouraged him from repeating his story. The Warren Commission tried to discredit him by writing that he was never really positive about his ID of Oswald. Yet Crowe told the same story to the Dallas Morning News a few days after he talked to the AP. (Marrs, p. 405)

    Then there is the matter of Oswald and Ruby’s automobile. Many people who have read John Armstrong’s Harvey and Lee, or the long excerpts of it in Probe (see Vol. 4 No. 6, and Vol. 5 No. 1), realize that there is a controversy over whether or not Oswald could drive. Some people, like Ruth Paine, say he did not. Many more say he could. Two garage mechanics who worked on Ruby’s car say they saw Oswald drive Ruby’s auto. One was Robert Roy, who said Oswald did this more than once. (Probe, Vol. 5 No. 1 p. 22) The other mechanic was a man named William J. Chesher. The information about Chesher first came to the Dallas Police through an informant friend of the mechanic in December of 1963. (Police report of 12/9/63) Yet the DPD detectives did not actively follow this lead until April. Unfortunately, Chesher had died of a heart attack on March 31, 1964. (Police report of 4/3/64)

    Chuck Boyles ran a late night talk show on KLIF radio in Dallas. During the broadcast, he frequently talked about the Kennedy assassination. One evening an unidentified woman called in and said she knew of several phone calls between Ruby and Oswald. The woman said she knew about this since she worked as a phone operator in the WHitehall exchange area. Not only did she remember the calls, but she said the phone company had records of them. She said she remembered them because Ruby often used the “emergency breakthrough” technique. That is he would interrupt a busy signal to say the call was dire. The operator would then interrupt the call in session, and later make a note of it. The woman said that Ruby used this trick so frequently that she remembered his name and his numerous calls. (Armstrong, p. 768) This story gets partial corroboration through a man named Ray Acker. Acker was an Area Commercial Manager for Southwestern Bell. After the assassination, Acker took phone company records to the DPD.. He told the police they were proof of calls between Ruby and Oswald. Acker said that after he turned the records over he was told to go home and keep his mouth shut. (Garrison Memorandum of 9/16/67)

    On the evening of 11/21/63, when Lee Harvey Oswald was at the Paine household in Irving, a knock came at the door of an apartment in Oak Cliff. The apartment belonged to an SMU professor. His friend Helen McIntosh greeted the unknown young man. The young man asked for Jack Ruby. The professor told Helen to tell him that Ruby lived in the apartment next door. Which he did. The next day, when Oswald’s picture got on television, Helen said that this was the young man who knocked on the apartment door the night before. (Armstrong, p. 789) Obviously, it could not have been the real Oswald. But it could have been the man who resembled Oswald who Roger Craig saw get into a Nash Rambler in Dealey Plaza the next day. If this was so, then Ruby knew a ton more about the assassination than the Warren Commission ever let on.

    Finally, there is the unforgettable story told by Rose Cheramie. She was the drug addict who had worked for Ruby. She was picked up undergoing a drug withdrawal on November 20, 1963. State Trooper Frances Fruge was notified and drove her to Jackson State Hospital. Calmed by a sedative, she told Fruge that she had been abandoned by two men who were on their way to Dallas to kill President Kennedy. They were part of a southeastern drug and prostitution ring. Rose was their courier for a drug transaction, which was to be enacted in Galveston. Fruge dismissed this all as the ranting of a drug user. But after Kennedy was killed, he went to the hospital to question her and also turn her over to the authorities. He later learned that she had also predicted at the hospital that the assassination was going to happen. Rose also told two men at the hospital, Doctors Weiss and Owen, that Ruby was involved in the Kennedy plot. And she told both Weiss and Fruge that she had seen Oswald at Ruby’s club. When Fruge tried to pass Rose on to the DPD, they were not interested. (The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, pgs. 225-228)

    All one needs to know about the latest Gary Mack fiasco is this: Almost none of the above is included in the hour. Nothing about the involvement of Ruby and Oswald in the Cuban conflict through the CIA and the Mafia; virtually none of the plentiful and multi-leveled connections of Ruby to the DPD; and none of the witnesses who indicate Oswald and Ruby knew each other.

    This, of course, is ridiculous. For if a program is trying to explore whether or not Ruby shot Oswald to conceal a plot to kill Kennedy, then it is fundamentally dishonest not to tell the viewer about the above. Because clearly those three areas of evidence would suggest the following:

    1. Ruby and Oswald shared connections to the CIA and the Mafia
    2. Ruby and Oswald knew each other through their experience in the Cuban crisis as extended into the USA
    3. Ruby used his police contacts to enter the basement of City Hall and kill Oswald.

    If this were all made clear to the viewer, one implication would be this. The CIA contacted one of the mobsters that they used in the plots to kill Castro: they needed some help again. From there the word was then sent down through intermediaries to Ruby. Ruby then used his extensive network of police contacts to silence Oswald before he could talk. All one needs to do to make this credible is recall the words of McWillie’s girlfriend Elaine Mynier. She said that Ruby would do anything for McWillie. McWillie knew Trafficante since he had worked for him in Cuba. McWillie was also in contact with Ruby the month before the Kennedy assassination. Finally, Trafficante was one of the two main Cosa Nostra chieftains the CIA used in their (unsuccessful) plots to kill Fidel Castro. This time, it looks like they pulled it off.

    But you would never know any of this from watching JFK: The Ruby Connection. Because according to Gary Mack, there really was no connection. None between Oswald and Ruby, none of note between the Dallas Police and Ruby, and none between the CIA, the Mafia, and Ruby.

    Yep, sure Gary. And George W. Bush was a good president. As in Inside the Target Car, Gary Mack is in his Wizard of Oz mode again – hard at work spinning black propaganda. And, as we shall see, it gets worse.

    Addendum: The reader can see that I used John Armstrong’s excellent Harvey and Lee as a major source for this essay. This book is now available through The Last Hurrah Bookshop.


    Go to Part Two